Henrichs - Mani and The Babylonian Baptists A Historical Confrontation

Department of the Classics, Harvard University
Mani and the Babylonian Baptists: A Historical Confrontation

Author(s): Albert Henrichs
Source: Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Vol. 77 (1973), pp. 23-59
Published by: Department of the Classics, Harvard University
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MANI AND THE BABYLONIAN BAPTISTS:
A HISTORICAL CONFRONTATION
ALBERT HENRICHS
ONCE upon a time, when Mani visited Ctesiphon, the Sassanian

capital, during one of his missionary journeys, he had to leave the
congregation of his faithful because the King of Kings, Shapur I,
had sent for him. He was called before the king two more times within
short intervals. When Mani returned to his flock after the third audi-
ence, one of his disciples approached him with the following request:
This paper was delivered as a James C. Loeb Classical Lecture at Harvard

University on December 2, 1971.
The following abbreviations have been used throughout:
CMC The Cologne Mani Codex, a miniature parchment codex of

the 5th century A.D. which provides new information on
Mani's life in a baptist sect in southern Babylonia. Major
portions of the Greek text are accessible in "Mani-Codex"
(see below); the rest is unpublished. The references
following CMC are to the pages and lines of the codex.
Hom. Manichiiische Homilien, herausgegeben von H. J. Polotsky.
Manichiische Handschriften der Sammlung A. Chester
Beatty, Band I (Stuttgart I934).
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature.
Keph. Kephalaia. Manichiische Handschriften der Staatlichen
Museen Berlin, Band I i. Hilfte, ed. H. J. Polotsky und
A. B6hlig (Stuttgart 1940); 2. Hilfte, ed. A. B6hlig
(Stuttgart 1966).
"Mani-Codex" A. Henrichs and L. Koenen, "Ein griechischer Mani-Codex
(P. Colon. inv. nr. 4780)," ZPE 5 (1970) 97-216.
Psalm-Book A Manichaean Psalm-Book (Part II), edited by C. R. C.
Allberry. Manichaean Manuscripts in the Chester Beatty
Collection, vol. II (Stuttgart I938).
SPA W Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philologisch-historische Klasse, Berlin.
ZNW Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft.
ZPE Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik.
24 Albert Henrichs
"Pray, Lord Mani, let us have two Manis after your likeness who
come down as you did, one Mani to stay with us and another to go to
Shapur."1
The passage is taken from the Kephalaia, a semicanonical collection
of didactic sermons which as a genre has its immediate though less
complex predecessors in Jewish, Gnostic, and Hermetic examples of
wisdom literature.2 Mani is portrayed as the wise religious teacher,
always ready to give illuminating answers to the unpretentious questions
of his disciples. No doubt the request for two Manis was put forward
in all innocence and was prompted by the disciple's love for his spiritual
father. But the very nature of this request marks the disciple as a green
novice who had no clear understanding of the subtle theological issues
that surrounded the mystery of Mani's incarnation. In terms of
Manichaean soteriology, the notion of a duplicate Mani was, in fact,
not at all unheard of, but was a well-established doctrine, propagated
time and again by Mani himself.3 Mani's double, though his steady
companion on earth, his counselor and helper in times of hardship, and
his consoler in moments of despair, was not a creature of flesh and
blood, but an incorporeal and celestial being, not subject to the terrestrial
limitations of time and space. As the pre-existent and eternal Twin of
Light, he is the mirror-like reflection of Mani's inner self, the heavenly
embodiment of his spiritual essence, his true identity, from whom he
was separated when his soul put on the garment of a mortal body and
with whom he was reunited at his death.4 Up to this point, the underly-
ing concept, far from being original, is well known as the classical
Gnostic expression of Selbstfindung, which is the dominant theme in
the Hymn of the Pearl, a composition of the early third century that
'Keph. 183,13-188,29. Cf. O. Klima, Manis Zeit und Leben. Monographien

des Orientinstituts der Tschechoslowakischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
18 (Prag 1962) 335f; L. J. R. Ort, Mani. A religio-historical description of his
personality. Supplementa ad Numen, Altera Series, I (Leiden 1967) 165-168
(Prospective readers of Ort's book should consult M. Boyce, Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society 1968, 82-84).
2 We lack a comprehensive study of the literary form of the Kephalaia. A
valuable beginning has been made in several contributions by A. B6hlig, now
conveniently assembled in Mysterion und Wahrheit. Arbeiten zur Geschichte d.
spditeren Judentums u. d. Urchristentums, 6 (Leiden 1968) 228-266; cf. K.
Rudolph, "Der gnostische 'Dialog' als literarisches Genus," Probleme der
koptischen Literatur. Wissenschaftliche Beitrige d. Martin-Luther-Universitit
Halle-Wittenberg 1968, 85ff, esp. 92, 94, lo2.
3 The evidence is collected and discussed in "Mani-Codex" 161-189.
4 Cf. "Mani-Codex" 162 n. 164, 164, I68f, 185; for 4vG8vtz, see below nn.
121, 128, 133.
Mani and the Babylonian Baptists 25
was exploited by Mani .5 What is genuinely Manichaean is the way in

which the concept of the Twin-Companion who brings persona
salvation is, in the hierarchy of divine emanations, closely associated
with the Apostle of Light. The latter is the god-sent messenger to the
world and the herald of the redemption of mankind, who made his
appearance in the Patriarchs of the Old Testament, in the religiou
leaders of the East, in Jesus and Paul, in Marcion and Bardaisan, and
finally in Mani.6 But Mani is unique in that he was sent to the la
generation in the consummation of time, thereby concluding th
successive incarnations of the Apostle of Light.
In the eyes of the initiate, therefore, the mere suggestion of having
two Manis descend from heaven and live in coexistence on earth, thu
duplicating what was in reality an irreproducible compound in th
divine plan of salvation,7 must have been sheer heresy. For a complete
outsider, on the other hand, the idea of two Manis would have inevitabl
focused attention on Mani the human individual and would have
implicitly questioned his claim to be a prophet by vocation.8 On both
6 H. Jones, The Gnostic Religion (2nd ed., Boston 1963) 112ff; "Mani-Codex"
171ff.
6 The key passages are Keph. I2,9ff and Hornm. 68,I5ff; M 299 a in W. B.
Henning, "Ein manichiisches Henochbuch," SPA W 1934, V, 27f. See below,
nn. 29, III, II8.
7 In Manichaean theology, salvation, both individual and universal, follows
the mythical pattern of the salvation of the First Man; cf. H.-Ch. Puech, "Der
Begriff der Erl6sung im Manichdiismus," Eranos-Jahrbuch 4 (1936) 183-286
(= J. Campbell [ed.], The Mystic Vision, Bollingen Series 30.6 [Princeton,
N.J., 1968] 247-314).
8 That Mani's revelations (see below, nn. 34-35) were a major stumbling-
block for the opponents of his religion is shown by a long apologetic digression
in homiletic form, probably by the hand of Baraies (on the latter see "Mani-
Codex" i1o), which covers some thirty pages of the CMC (pp. 45-72; cf.
"Mani-Codex" io6ff). In the course of this digression, "historical" evidence
from apocalyptic literature of heterodox Judaism (below, n. 29) and from St.
Paul is produced in support of Mani's own visionary experiences. The author
of this section is particularly concerned to find in his apocalyptic sources a
pattern of dissemination which is identical with the transmission of Mani's
revelations: The "forefathers" (CMC 47,4f of 7Tpoy0,vorEPOL VTra1PES. Cf. Keph.
7,6f; M 7 in F. C. Andreas and W. B. Henning, SPA W 1934, XXVII, 872) who
received such revelations communicated them to their disciples, who, in turn,
handed them down to posterity. The importance which is thus attached to the
mediation of the disciples is confirmed in Keph. 6,i6ff and 8,28ff. (W. B.
Henning's rather negative conclusions regarding the value of the Manichaean
"Tradition," in Asia Major 3 [1953] 211, will have to be revised.) Here again, the
parallelism between Mani and St. Paul is noteworthy (below, nn. 36-37): Paul's
visions were derided by his Jewish-Christian detractors (below, nn. o15 and
Io9; cf. H. J. Schoeps, Urgemeinde, Judenchristentum, Gnosis [Ttibingen 1956]
26 Albert Henrichs
accounts, esoteric and profane, the re

touchy subject, because it struck at th
either as the Apostle of God who had
transferable, or as a figure with a de
duplicate the one or the other would
For all its simple-mindedness, the
though not quite in the manner in
expected. Mani realized the implicat
head in dissent, a rare reaction and
he said, "I am the only Mani and c
preach the word of God and to carry
trusted to me." 10 The remainder of M
impassioned enumeration of the tr
missionary life, much in the spirit o
less stylized and with less regard f
emphasizes the large geographical a
journeys; he mentions India, Persia, a
and the country of the Medes and
familiar to us from his other writing
and the hostility he encountered from
the many dynasts and the many reli
tolerate him, the only Mani. Both Ma
as opposed to the plurality of the wo
Coptic text by the emphatic use o
NIXAlOC NioyCWT "I am the on
the Darkness and hates the Light, Ma
evil. This is the reason why there w
over the one Mani. "What then," Man
14ff on Hom. Clem. 17.14-19), but wer

(Marcion ap. Iren. Haer.3.I3.I solum Pau
revelationem manifestatum est mysteriu
Hiiretiker," in W. Eltester (ed.), Christen
[Berlin 1969] 116-128).
9 According to an Arabic source, Mani h
seal of the prophets" ("Mani-Codex" 0o9 n. 25). Hence in Mani's own con-
ception his uniqueness was that he had put the final stamp on all previous
revelation. The cyclic incarnations of god-sent messengers (below, nn. 29 and
I118) had come to a definite end in Mani.
10o Keph. 184,2-5.
112 Cor. 11.16-33.
12 Keph. 185,4-187,25; cf. ibid. 15,29-16,2; Hom. 44,Ioff and 76,27ff.
1 Keph. 184,3, 6, 17; 187,27; 188,2, 6, 13; cf. ibid. 255,22-257,7 (see A.
Bohlig [above, n. 2] 262).
come into this world? Which place could bear them and which country
would admit them ?"14
Mani's answer is more sympathetic than doctrinal. Theology is
touched upon only at the very beginning, where he defines and justifies
his existence on earth in terms of his apostleship. Apparently, he did
not want to encumber the simple mind of the disciple with the weighty
metaphysics of his vocation. As elsewhere in the Kephalaia, Mani's
deep knowledge of the human soul enabled him to adapt himself to the
psychic pattern and the intellectual level of his interlocutor.15 We can
assume, therefore, that Mani purposefully designed his answer to be
as plain and unpretentious as his disciple's request. Its simplicity is
transparent and can best be described as combining Johannine sym-
bolism with the Gnostic and Neoplatonic concept of the One versus
the Many. This contrast between the single Mani and the plurality of
the world must have been more to Mani than merely numerical and
quantitative. Otherwise, his answer to the disciple would have been
something like this: "Yes, my son, you are perfectly right: Two Manis
would be much more able to cope with the boundless unbelief of the
world and of its numerous dynasts." Mani, however, did not say
that the world was too much for him to cope with, but that he was too
much for the world to bear, a world not prepared to listen to his gospel.
The antithesis is one of quality, therefore, reducing the world and
everything in it to the basic dualistic structure which underlies all
Gnostic systems: The One versus the Many, Light versus Darkness,
Gnosis versus Ignorance.6 This kind of language was easy to understand
for any religious person in the third century A.D., even for the poor in
spirit, because it was current coinage and almost self-explanatory. The
Prologue of the Gospel of John provides early and significant illustra-
tion: "The Light shines in the Darkness and the Darkness compre-
hended it not," or: "He came into His own, and His own received
Him not." It should here be recalled that Mani had identified himself
with the Paraclete of the Fourth Gospel.17 For the antithesis of the
One versus the Many, on the other hand, we may turn to the Gospel
of Thomas, which refers in unambiguous terms to the primitive oneness
of the noetic realm and to the subsequent separation which resulted
in the multiplicity that characterizes the universe and this world: "On
14 Keph. 188,4-6; cf. ibid. Ioo,23-101,8.

15 Cf. Keph. ch. LVII (esp. 146,26f), LXXXIII, LXXXVIII, LXXXIX.
16 Cf. CMC 84,I2ff ("Mani-Codex" 137 n. 103).
17 (( "Mani-Codex" Io8 n. 22, 163 n. 165. For Mani's adaptation of John I.11
at Keph. 259,13-15 see A. B6hlig (above, n. 2) 265. Cf. below, n. 57.
28 Albert Henrichs
the day when you were one, you becam

two, what will you do ? "18
II
There remains the important question of authenticity. To what

extent do the Kephalaia in general and the passage under discussion
in particular reproduce the true doctrine and perhaps the ipsissima
verba of Mani? Most of Mani's theological lectures collected in the
Kephalaia are introduced by phrases such as: "Again Mani said to his
disciples."19 No one would attach much credit to such a formula as
being a mark of authenticity in the gospel tradition, especially in its
Gnostic ramifications like the Gospel of Thomas, where this label,
with minor variations, is used as a conventional incipit for the Sayings
of Jesus.20 It would be uncritical, however, to apply to the early
Manichaean literature the same analytic criteria which are used when
dealing with the scanty remains of the Christian pre-literature of the
apostolic period to be traced in the Gospels.21 The two centuries that
had intervened had brought about a tremendous change in historical
perspective. True, Mani had a large Christian literature at his disposal,
including Tatian's Diatessaron, St. Paul's Epistles, and some of the
apocryphal Acts, and he and his followers availed themselves freely of
these writings and of the literary forms which they represent.22 But
Mani as a man of letters and a man of books had a keen sense of authen-
ticity with regard to his own person and his own preaching. Thus, he
found fault with Jesus and with earlier religious teachers of mankind,
who in his eyes had failed to commit their message to writing and had
left it to their disciples to be transmitted to posterity, thus exposing it to
1s The Gospel According to Thomas, ed. A. Guillaumont, H.-Ch. Puech, et alii
(Leiden and New York I959) Logion ii (II, 34,22-25). Cf. H. Jonas (above,
n. 5) 59ff.
19 Cf. the list of introductory formulae in A. Bbhlig (above, n. 2) 234.
20 Cf. H.-Ch. Puech in Annuaire du College de France 57 (1957) 233-237, ibid.
58 (1958) 235; J. M. Robinson, "Logoi Sophon," in J. M. Robinson and H.
Koester, Trajectories through Early Christianity (Philadelphia 1971) 71-113,
esp. 91.
21 Cf. H. Koester, "One Jesus and four primitive gospels," HThR 61 (19
203-247 (= Robinson-Koester [preceding note] 158-204).
22 P. Alfaric, Les Ecritures manichdennes II (Paris 1919) 169ff; F. W. K
MiUller, "Eine Hermas-Stelle in manichiischer Version," SPAW 1905,
o077-1o83 (cf. F. C. Burkitt, Rel. Man. [below, n. 33] 96); A. B6hlig (abov
n. 2) 202ff, esp. 212ff; H.-Ch. Puech in E. Hennecke und W. Schneemelch
Neutestamentliche Apokryphen I (3rd ed., Tiibingen 1959) 261-265; F. Dec
Aspects du manichdisme dans l'Afrique romaine (Paris 1970) 151-182. See bel
nn. 29, 37, oz2.
the hazards of an indirect tradition that lacked the control provided
by authentic texts.23 Mani was not willing to allow himself or his
disciples to make the same mistake. Instead, he created his own canon
of sacred books, all of which were written during his lifetime and,
what is more, by himself. In addition, he encouraged his disciples to
write down and collect his speeches and sermons and his occasional
words of wisdom. This was not extraordinary in a time when shorthand
was easily available and when Manichaean scribes were the constant
companions of the Manichaean missionaries.24 The tradition that
resulted from the literary activity of Mani's most intimate disciples
is neither oral nor apocryphal, but essentially authentic, and it forms
the nucleus of later works on Mani's life and the early history of the
Manichaean church.
The Cologne Mani-Codex, a new and precious Greek biographical
source, consists of I-narratives of Mani, prefaced by formulae like
"Furthermore he said" (TrdAw AAEyEV) or " My Lord said" (9i'r7 d KVplds
jwov), which are more or less identical with the introductory phrases
used in the Coptic Kephalaia.25 But - and this is the extraordinary
feature - the name of a Manichaean authority is attached to each of
the groups of quotations to indicate the high degree of authenticity in
the reports that follow. These names are by no means mere shadows;
with one exception, all of the authorities that are named were already
known to us either from other Manichaean sources or from later
Christian abjurations, where they are mentioned as close associates of
Mani and as leading figures in the Manichaean church of the generation
after Mani's death.26 Therefore, the new material of the Cologne codex
23 Keph. 7,6ff (see above, n. 8); cf. M 5794 I RV in Andreas-Henning,

"Mitteliranische Manichaica II," SPAW 1933, VII, 295f (repr. in A. Adam,
Texte zum Manichdismus. Kleine Texte for Vorlesungen u. lbungen, 175
[2nd ed., Berlin 1969] 6f).
24 On the general availability of Greek shorthand in Egypt, Bostra, and Syrian
Antioch during the 3rd century A.D. and its use in the recording of theological
disputations, see C. Andresen, Die Kirchen der alten Christenheit. Die Religionen
der Menschheit, 29 (Stuttgart 1971) I77f. (Later practice is vividly illustrated
in Marc. Diac. V. Porph. 88.) Nothing seems to be known about Syriac short-
hand in the same century. But the theological and literary activities in Syriac-
speaking centers of learning during this period can hardly be accounted for
without the existence and extensive use of shorthand systems. On the Mani-
chaean scribes see M 2 and M 216 in Andreas-Henning (preceding note) 3oIff.
25 CMC 69,9 (rrdAAv AEyEv), 79,14 (0-9 d Kfvptdss Pov), 74,9 (9 0- d Kt-ptos), 14,4
(iAEyEv d KIptd~' 9Ov), 19,7f(Kat irrdLV EETbEV oTrcTs), 68,5f (,41r 8' ait rrdAv); see above,
n. 19.
26 Cf. "Mani-Codex" Iloff.
30 Albert Henrichs
is not derived from anonymous oral traditio
literary sources.27 These sources were written
names appear as titles in the codex. They cons
either as recorded by these authorities or as
Mani's canonical works --for instance, fr
Letter to Edessa.28 In one case, quotations
Gnostic revelations were added for the apolog
parallels for the similar visions experienced
27 A detailed study of the formal structure of

provides additional evidence for the authenticity
published elsewhere by L. Koenen.
28 CMC
p/aaw 64,3-7 KaO&O9
o I7TE'arEEAEv KA a i)7
elS "E8E(<)a>av 7T (aT)7p
(quotations 7'ipJV
from (i.e. follow).
the letter Mani) -qatv EV r. o~ aypdp-
Ibid. 65,23-
66,3 'ypa#i[v. [~Veritatis

Evangelium rr)Av KCCL] Et7TEV
17,2f: Ev rname
"This t E&yyAEa WLGospel
of the ry clyur&rd
is theai7roi3 Ai&oV (cf.
revelation of
Hope," on which see H. Jonas, Gnomon 32 [1960] 328f). Quotations follow, in
which Mani refers to his Gospel as rSE r &Odvaerov E3ayyALov (CMC 67,I3f), thus
confirming the traditional title "Living Gospel" (cf. "Mani-Codex" io8f and
19off). It should be noted that in the various titles which refer to Mani's Gospel,
the term eVayyeALov must be taken in the literal sense of Frohbotschaft (as in the
Gnostic tradition) and not form-critically as denoting an established literary
genre (cf. J. M. Robinson in Robinson-Koester [above, n. 2o] 74ff; A. B6hlig in
Christentum u. Gnosis [above, n. 8] 5f, E: Haenchen, "Neutestamentliche und
gnostische Evangelien," ibid. 19-45). In terms of form, however, Mani's Gospel
begins with the Pauline formula used elsewhere by Mani to introduce his letters.
(In his Gospel, this formula probably serves as a mark of authenticity.) The
Gospel continues first with a doxology (CMC 66,7-23) immediately followed by
a protreptic summary of Mani's spiritual res gestae (ibid. 66,23-68,5), and later
with a homily (ibid. 68,6-69,8). The new fragments from Mani's Gospel confirm
Puech's tentative conclusion that we are dealing with " einem Werk lehrhaften
und dogmatischen Charakters" (in Hennecke-Schneemelcher I [above, n. 22]
267).
29 CMC 48,I6-6o,I2 quotes extensively from five Revelations (&7roKaAv'bES, a
term apparently used as a book-title, cf. A. D. Nock, HThR 57 [1964] 26o n. ii1;
H.-Ch. Puech in Entretiens sur l'Antiquitd Classique 5 [1957, publ. 196o] 161-
190), no doubt borrowed or adapted from semi-gnostic Judaism, which are
ascribed to Adam (cf. K. Rudolph, "Gnosis und Manichdiismus nach d.
koptischen Quellen," Koptologische Studien in der DDR. Wissenschaftliche
Zeitschr. d. Martin-Luther-Universitait Halle-Wittenberg, Sonderheft 1965,
I69f), Sethel (e.g. Keph. I2,10, 42,26, 145,27; M 22 R in W. B. Henning,
"Henochbuch" [above, n. 6] 28; cf. G. Flijgel, Mani. Seine Lehre u. seine
Schriften [Leipzig 1862] 269, K. Rudolph, Die Mandder I [G6ttingen I960] 184),
Enos, Shem, and Enoch respectively and which are not identical with extant
apocalyptic literature ("Mani-Codex" 107). Similar series of names occur
elsewhere in Manichaean literature in enumerations of Mani's predecessors
(above, n. 6; for the doctrine of the cyclic incarnation of the True Prophet see
below, nn. 118-12o). The new material in the Cologne Codex provides a fresh
Mani and the Babylonian Baptists 3'
Justin's definition, perhaps influenced by Papias, of the synop

tradition as "apostolic memoirs" (o&rrotv?7jtovEvlra-a),30 though har
adequate to the Gospels, would well describe the character of part o
the material on which the biographic coverage of Mani's life is base
Certain Greek-speaking Manichees must have felt the same way; fo
a Manichaean work with the title A4Trovm7LtzovevELa'rwv IcolfAos is attes
This is obviously an unofficial name given to a Life of Mani similar
to that of the Cologne Codex, i.e., based on autobiographical data in
Mani's own writings and on recollections of his disciples.31 This ne
insight into the Manichaean practice of authentication gives us mor
confidence than we used to have in the literary form and the cont
of the Kephalaia.
III
There are, of course, other and more direct ways of vindicatin

general truth of the traditions about Mani that are collected in
Kephalaia. Attention has been drawn to the peculiar setting of
chapters, which sketch situations and locations far too unusual
mere inventions.32 In our case, for example, the triple sequ
audiences with Shapur I is more than plausible, for there is conv
evidence of a casual contact between Mani and the monarch, alt
the Cologne Codex has discredited as a late fabrication the story
synchronized Mani's first public appearance, Shapur's coronation
Mani's first meeting with the king.33
The authenticity of the Kephalaia is particularly in evidence w
the doctrinal substance of individual chapters and the religious te
basis for the study of the interrelation of apocalyptic and Gnostic rev
cf. H. Koester in Robinson-Koester (above, n. 20) 193ff. For the refer
Paul in CMC see "Mani-Codex" II4f, and below, n. 36.
30 Papias ap. Eus. H.E. 3.39.15; Just. I Apol. 66.3 (cf. 33.5), Dial. I03ff. p
Cf. R. M. Grant, The Earliest Lives of Jesus (New York I96I) 15-20o,
W. G. Kiimmel, Introduction to the New Testament (English trans.,
1966) 32, 341.
31 PG I, 1468 A. Cf. "Mani-Codex" i 13 n. 36; H.-Ch. Puech, Le Manich
Son fondateur, sa doctrine (Paris 1949) I z2f n. 97.
32 A. B6hlig (above, n. 2) 234f.
33 Much has been made of this synchronism in modern scholarshi
supposed event was ceremoniously labeled "Pentecost of the Manichaean
Religion " (F. C. Burkitt, The Religion of the Manichees [Cambridge 1925] 3). Cf.
"Mani-Codex" I26ff, and, for a timely word of caution, P. Brown, "The
diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire," JRS 59 (1969) 92ff (reprinted,
with expanded footnotes, in Religion and Society in the Age of Saint Augustin
[London 1972] 94ff).
32 Albert Henrichs
ogy in which it is phrased can be paralleled fr
chaean sources. Such parallels are frequent,
and Mani's language follow a consistent pa
documents. According to Mani's own statement
in all its essential parts took shape, with divin
at work, during the twelve years that preceded h
as preacher of the new gospel of hope in 240 A
four years old at that time, and it was at the age
to have experienced his first major revelation
Light was instrumental.35 Although the examp
Jesus displaying his prodigious wisdom in
influenced Mani's choice of that particular age,
to doubt such an early development. Whate
revelations and the part they play in the shapi
have to admit that prophetic gifts and religio
themselves at an early age, and that this visio
have been as real and overwhelming for the yo
for St. Paul, whom Tertullian called "Apostle o
admiration for, and imitation of, St. Paul as t
of the itinerant missionary is well documented
development of as powerful a personality as th
34 The capital texts for Mani's two major revelatio

for the first revelation, Keph. 14,31-15,24 and CMC 19,8-24,16 (cf. "Mani-
Codex" nn. 171, 176, 207), for the second revelation CMC 104,12-105,8 (ibid.
n. 175), and for both revelations Fihrist I p. 328 ed. Fltigel (cf. K. Kessler, Mani.
Forschungen iiber die manich. Religion [Berlin 18891 384f; A. Adam [above, n. 231
25 and 118). According to Mani's own testimony in both Keph. and CMC the
content of his first revelation was theological in that it provided Mani with the
basis for his doctrine; his second revelation was ecclesiastical in that Mani was
directed to begin his missionary work. Mani's extant accounts of his two major
revelations, though divergent in detail, are identical in substance. The reference
in the Fihrist to Mani's first revelation, which has no parallel in either CMC or
Keph., seems to be a paraphrase by an-Nadim rather than a verbatim quotation
from Mani's own works.
35 "Mani-Codex" 119ff (to be modified in the light of R. K6bert, "Orien-
talistische Bemerkungen zum Kilner Mani-Codex," ZPE 8 [1971] 243-247, and
L. Koenen, "Das Datum der Offenbarung und Geburt Manis," ibid. 247ff).
36 Adv. Marc. 3.5 (CSEL 47 p. 382,26f). The Manichees were well aware of
the affinity between Mani's revelations (above, nn. 34-35) and those of Paul;
see CMC 60,13-62,9 (above, n. 29) and Keph. 19,11.
37 H.-Ch. Puech, "Saint Paul chez les manicheens d'Asie Centrale," Proceed-
ings of the IXth International Congress for the History of Religions (Tokyo 1960)
176-187; P. Brown, "The diffusion of Manichaeism" (above, n. 33) 94
(= Religion and Society [ibid.] 98f). Cf. "Mani-Codex" 114f, 138f, 198f.
deliberately cultivated imitatio Pauli would be to see in Mani nothing
but an impostor and to misunderstand the very nature of religious
prophecy as practiced in Jewish and Christian apocalyptic circles,
which regarded the experience of revelation as a discipline that could
be handed down from teacher to disciple through the grace of God. It
was in this spirit that Mani was brought up.38 We may conclude, then,
that Mani's theology, once conceived, admitted of little, if any, sub-
stantial change, and that the several books he produced are a monument
of systematization rather than landmarks of a continuous intellectual
evolution. Mani's theological vocabulary, originally Syriac, was equally
uniform and survived translation into several languages. It is this
consistency in diction and subject matter that makes source analysis
on a comparative basis such a useful tool in Manichaean studies.
With this in mind, let us return for a moment to the chapter of the
Kephalaia in which Mani points out the impossibility of having two
Manis. It is hardly surprising to find in the Cologne Codex several
passages in which similar emphasis is placed on the confrontation
between the single Mani and the many powers of this world. These
parallels will add a new dimension to our previous interpretation. In a
sudden fit of despair and discouragement, apparently not long after
his first revelation, Mani seeks comfort in a soliloquy in which he
pictures his hopeless position in the hostile environment of the baptist
sect from which he had alienated himself: "They are many," he
complains, "but I am alone; they are rich, but I am poor. How shall I
be able, therefore, the one against all of them, to reveal this mystery
amidst the crowd that is entangled in error ? 39 Immediately, the
celestial Twin appeared and dispelled Mani's doubts. At a later instance,
Mani compares himself to a stranger and a solitary (dOvEZOs KaCL
tiov4pr7) in the midst of these baptists.40 In both cases the clash was
not yet between the world of the Sassanian Empire on the one side and
the fervent warrior for a new creed on the other, who would fight his
way from the Persian Gulf in the south to the Caspian Sea in the north
38 The baptist community, in which Mani spent twenty years early in his
life, believed in divine revelation and inspiration as proofs of prophetic
vocation; see "Mani-Codex" 139, and below, n. 119.
39 CMC 31,1-9 ("Mani-Codex" 178 n. zo2).
40 CMC 44,2-I2 7rdE 7praPaXP'IqIa 8EZAov E/avrov aro "cUv cardcEwov EKdEVOvU toO 8dYlaTOrS
(the more common term in CMC is vdo'io, see below, n. 89) Ka0' 8 &AverpdYqV' Kt
y~YOva wapa7TA77atLOSg OveLCOL Kal /LOV77pEL EV /ev 4c aIJTco jV /iexpL a00ciat TOY KaLLEoV 700
pal tE &[rr' EKElVOtv 7]o 6dy'Ya[ro70 KaO' 8 &vpE7PT qv. Cf. CMC 10o2,9-I (" Mani-
Codex" 177 n. 2oi). On the spiritual and monastic connotations of the Syriac
term nfkrdyi (dOerot) see A. Adam, Sprache u. Dogma (below, n. 49) 87.
34 Albert Henrichs
and the Indus valley in the east. Mani's dimen
and his activities confined to some scattered
marshes of the Sassanid province of Mesen
one of defiance and superiority, but of angu
all, he was a youth in his teens, already aware
his singularity, but still lacking the kind of s
hallmark of his future success. Some twelve
twenty-four, after the final and painful conf
tion from, the baptists with whom he had l
was even more depressed than before. He t
and encouragement came in the form of the
transmitted by the Twin of Light, whom M
"I was reared and brought up in this sect of

leaders and presbyters I was related through t
If they, then, did not give me room for the acc
will the world or its mighty or its doctrines ac
to these secrets and to accept these command
How shall I perform in front of the kings and
the founders of the sects? For behold, they ar
their wealth and their licence and their rich
[tzovoyEv4s] and poor in these things ? "41
Mani's language indicates a growing horiz

advancement from local heretic, of whom the
little notice, to a religious leader who left hi
are thus prepared for the reply of the Twin
missions Mani to go out into the world.42
There is no way of deciding whether the n
and divine succor that pervades Mani's early
so reminiscent of St. Paul's self-denial in s
was a genuine attribute of the young Mani,
41 CMC 103,I-104,IO (cf. "Mani-Codex" 177 n.
doubt that Mani's dy 84 Lovoyev(JO TE KTat 7TV7T)S TO
from Ps. 24.16 (trans. LXX) Lt t ovoyEV'79 Ka'l 7r'rowXd (cf. Ps. 34. Io '7xr'oXv Ka rTv-'rTa)
AEtLL e'y (trans. Aquila: Lovaxml [see below, n. 52] Kal 7rTrTXdos); on the Manichees'
indebtedness to the Old Testament Psalter see A. B6hlig (above, n. 2) 215
(pace F. Decret [above, n. 22] 145 n. i). Cf. the allegorical interpretation of
Ps. 24.16 by Didymus of Alexandria, CPss. 87,7f ed. M. Gronewald (Didymus
der Blinde. Psalmenkommentar (Tura-Papyrus), Teil II. Papyrologische Texte
u. Abhandlungen 4 [Bonn 1968]): "I ovoyEv'js" oi0v "E"lU Kat T7rrWXdS," KalTOL '
OVT0~ ovoyEv47) (7Twr'X( coniec. Gronewald) 7rAoV'uLds' EUTrLYv "7rAov'rEL" y&p "-arrvcr
AdyCw Ka rdT'& yVaCUEL" (cf. I Cor. I.5).
42 CMC 104,12-105,8 (cf. "Mani-Codex" 167 n. 175).
faon de parler of the mature man who in retrospect envisaged his early
life in seclusion and inactivity as a period of pusillanimity and weakness
Be that as it may, Mani's self-confidence was fully developed by the
time he wrote his Gospel, which is most probably his first book and
may well antedate his first missionary journey.43 Among the several
quotations from Mani's Gospel which are preserved in the Cologn
Codex is the following passage: "The gift that was given to me by my
[heavenly] father is very great and very rich. If the world and all of
mankind were to listen to me, I would be able to make them rich by
virtue of this very possession and gain which my father has given me,
and to let wisdom suffice for all the world."44 Within a very short
period of time, the previous confession of poverty had turned into a
promise of wealth to the whole world, an unmistakable allusion to th
parable of the imperishable and spiritual treasures on which Man
elaborates elsewhere.45
IV
It might seem that the downward road which leads from the theo-
logical and psychological aspects of Mani's self-conception to their
philological root is neither short nor worth pursuing. And yet in this
case it is both. We have seen how Mani emphasizes that he is "the
only Mani," an expression which is capable of conveying the notions
of aloneness and uniqueness. This ambiguity was meaningful to Mani,
because it reflects the essential polarity which characterizes the Gnostic's
existence in the world of matter: Mani is forlorn and menaced in that
he dwells temporarily in the midst of a multitude given to ignorance;
he is delivered and superior in that he, the elect, transcends the world.
The invariable Coptic term to denote this "oneness" is oyTr,
whereas the three Greek synonyms that are interchangeably used are
ptdvoS, tkov4plt, and tLovoyEv4g. The Cologne Codex was translated
from a Syriac original. This is an inference which rests on several
linguistic observations. One of them, for instance, is the use of at 7rdAELS,
43 The only attempt to establish a relative chronology of Mani's writings

was made by W. B. Henning in Asia Minor 3 (1953) 2o8f.
44 CMC 68,17-69,8 (cf. "Mani-Codex" 98 n. 2); see above, n. 28.
45 CMC 74,21-76,9 ("Mani-Codex" I55 n. 147). For the notion that the
possession of Gnosis is spiritual wealth and that its absence is poverty, see
Gospel according to Thomas (above, n. i8) Logion 3 (II, 33,2-5); cf. H.-Ch.
Puech in Annuaire du Collhge de France 59 (I959) 258f, 62 (1962) 201, 64 (1964/
65) 214ff, 65 (1965/66) 250.
36 Albert Henrichs
"the Cities," for the twin cities of Sele

literal rendering of the corresponding Syr
the misleading phrase "It'pa r- a'cEvYrs

moon," in the only exact date which th
this, in turn, is an awkward translation of
badesahrd, which specifies a date base
calendar.47 The Coptic Manichaica, on the
from the lost Syriac originals by the inter
from the Syriac, equally lost, with the
Codex, which is the first witness for the e
Greek stage of Manichaean literature in
scholarly theory has thus become an es
working with translation literature, any
terminology that starts from Greek or
underlying Syriac terms runs a certain
reduced by the fact that the Manichaea
imbued with the modes of expression pec
but must also have been familiar with
see, Neoplatonic language and literature.48
tors had a large technical vocabulary at th
they may occasionally struggle with the s
which they translate, especially if it is fr
translations usually do full justice to the v
in Mani's language.
Even so, it is imperative to ask oursel
ambiguity which is inherent in the Greek
,LOVOYEv0-g, applies equally to the under
provided the latter can be ascertained. If
46 "Mani-Codex" 105; cf. A. Christensen, L'Ir

Copenhagen 1944) 383f.
47 R. K6bert (above, n. 35) 244ff.
48 Below, n. 134. An interesting example of
given a new Manichaean connotation is the
translation of the Syriac zedqeta (seddqd in M
zidqd in Mandaic; see K. Rudolph, Die Mand
E. M. Yamauchi [below, n. 8o] 56, who did not
philological evidence), which is attested in He
Beeson) and in CMC 9,8f, 9,12 and 35,8 ("M
The Manichaean translators into Coptic, how
equivalent, had to use M N T N AT which corr
term EAE?7jiooav';
-roZr vrnv in Actacf.Thomae
A. B6hlig
19 [above,
p. 128,6n.(cf.
2] 258). The ed.
I28,14f) phrase Kat EvaeeagS
Bonnet rapIXowv
could well go
back to a Manichaean translator.
been aware of this ambiguity, and we would then be forced to give up
an interpretation which is otherwise in perfect keeping with Mani's
thinking. How, then, did Mani, in his native Syriac tongue, express
the two aspects of his povdr7s? The Greek povoyEv'g, a term of grea
significance in Christian literature, and a passage in the Syriac text of
the Hymn of the Pearl provide the clues to the answer.
The Johannine LovoyEv'j in the sense of "only-begotten" i
consistently rendered into Syriac as ihizddyd or izhidd;a9 both formations
are ultimately derived from had "one." Outside a specifically Johannin
or christological context, however, hiiZddyd was as ambiguous as the
Greek tpdvos and ptov-jprl. In addition, it was used as a key-word in
its own right in the terminology of Syrian asceticism to denote the
encratitic "solitaries," originally not in the sense of hermits but of
celibates who led a single life by renouncing marriage and by severing
all ties that connected them with the world.50 This conception of
ibiddyj was free of any Johannine connotations at the time it originate
in the encratitic movements of eastern Syria, which --under the
influence of Palestinian asceticism, Marcionism, and, later, Manichaeism
- determined the course of Syrian Christianity in the late second and
third centuries and left a lasting impress on the Syrian Church. The
following passage from a Syriac baptismal liturgy which was quoted
by Aphrahat in 337, but has been shown to reflect the spirit of the
previous century is vivid proof of how the concept of renunciation of
the world and of selection influenced even the dispensation of th
Christian sacraments, much as in Manichaeism: "The struggle is
suitable for solitaries (ibiddyi), because their faces are set for tha
which is before them, and they do not remember something that lie
behind them, for their treasures are before them."51 The allusions to
Gnostic imagery need no comment. Stripped of most of its Christian
disguise, the same Gnostic concept of the elect, who is a stranger in
this world, was given a purer expression in the Gospel of Thomas
"Jesus said: Blessed are the solitary (itovaxods) and elect, for you shal
find the Kingdom; because you come from it, you shall go there
4 A. V66bus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient: I, The Origin of
Asceticism; Early Monasticism in Persia. CSCO, vol. 184, Subsidia 14 (Louvain
1958) io6ff; A. Adam, "Grundbegriffe des M6nchtums in sprachlicher Sicht,
Zeitschr. f. Kirchengesch. 65 (1953/54) 2zo9ff = Sprache und Dogma (Giltersloh
1969) 71ff, esp. 79ff.
60 A. V65bus (preceding note) io8.
5x Trans. V66bus (above, n. 49) 93f. Cf. F. C. Burkitt, Early Eastern Chris-
tianity (London 1904) 126ff; A. Guillaumont, "Monachisme et 6thique judeo
chretienne," RechScRel 6o (1972) 199-218, esp. 204.
38 Albert Henrichs
again." 52 Mani could well have used both th
without changing a word. But it would be
Gospel of Thomas was known to Mani, let alo
or to agree with those scholars who believ
specifically, a Syriac original of the Gospel of
tions, though attractive, take too much for gr
There is a shortcut, however, which leads f
Pearl directly to Mani. It is generally agreed
with the original Syriac version of the Hymn
passage in the Cologne Codex which is full
composition corroborates such a conclusion.5
centers around the Prince who, in the Manic
the counterpart of Mani, and, like Mani, is d
stranger in a couplet which reads: "Since
was a stranger to my fellow-dwellers in the
Mani's OOvEios Ka L toviprl7s as it can be, an
world as a travelers' inn recalls the follow
Gospel: "The truth I have shown to my fello
vvqrropoLs)."56
The two Syriac The remaining
words linguistic
which are used indat
t
52 Gospel according to Thomas (above, n. 18) L

Logion 75 (II, 46,11-13). On the Gnostic use of p
Gr. 73 (1960) 464-474; H.-Ch. Puech in Annuair
(1961/62) 179f, 62 (1962) 202; A. F. J. Klijn, J
Quispel, Vigiliae Christianae I8 (1964) 233 and 23
53 On the controversy surrounding the Gospel o
Robinson-Koester (above, n. 2o) 128ff; B. Ehler
gelium aus Edessa stammen?," Novum Testam
H.-Ch. Puech has shown that four of the Logia i
which should be added August. C. ep. fund. ii
Fel. I [ibid. p. 8o1,17-24]) are also quoted in th
Hennecke-Schneemelcher I [above, n. 22] 216f an
de France 58 [1958] 234f, 59 [I959] 263). It is obvi
one possible explanation for this coincidence.
"" Cf. Hymn of the Pearl 76-78 in Acta Thomae
(for a recent translation of the Syriac version,
[I969] 447-456, esp. 454); CMC I7,I1-15 an
i68ff and 174f).
"5 Hymn of the Pearl 23 in Acta Thomae 109 p. 2
translation, however, is based on the Syriac text
et Sanctorum Syriace 3 [Paris-Leipzig 1892] p. i
note] 450).
56 CMC 66,23-67,2 ("Mani-Codex" 200); for JOOVE
n. 40.
express the idea of the Prince's oneness and aloneness are the adjectiv
had and, from the same root, the participle meawh ad, both of which ar
closely related to ihidlyd which we have recognized as the Syriac
equivalent underlying the Greek uovoyEv's. Let us summarize: the
triple series podvos, Pov7P779, and pLovoyEvI quite possibly corresponds
to the similar Syriac formations had, meldwh.ad, and ihbiddyd, and bot
sets of terms could be used to emphasize the singularity of the one
Mani in all its aspects.
It remains to ask whether Mani added another dimension to his
singularity by claiming to be the "only-begotten" of the Father of
Greatness, who occupies the very apex of the Manichaean hierarchy
of emanations, or, in other words, whether Mani understood the
term iizdadyd, in addition to its usual connotations, in the Johannine
sense of pLovoyEv-4. I think a strong case can be made for such an
interpretation. Mani's Gospel begins with a doxology which is extant
in the Cologne Codex. It is sufficient to quote the first sentence, the
substance of which is repeated later: "I Mani, the apostle of Jesus
Christ by the will of God, the father of truth, from whom I originate
( 1 o5 Ka yE'yova)."57 Mani does not say expressly that he is the
only-begotten but in stressing the notion of his divine sonship, he must
mean precisely this, because in his own system he had no rival.
Mani's awareness of, and insistence on, his own singularity is the
basis of his self-conception, and any attempt to penetrate into Mani's
complex personality has to start from that point.58 But, as we have seen,
Mani's self-understanding has little to do with the awareness of one's
own individuality or terrestrial historicity, notions which would have
been much less meaningful and important to Mani than they are to
5 CMC 66,7; cf. ibid. 66,15-18 e aVc-o yVp Trot0rov ) EVKa, dEL I Kca EK 703o
OeA7Lapros ai'roz (Mani's language is inspired by John 1.13); see "Mani-Codex"
198ff. MovoyEvjs is applied to the Father of Greatness at Keph. 34,23, to Jesus
throughout the Psalm-Book (59,2, 6o,8, 91,24; cf. J. Ries, "Jesus-Christ dans
la religion de Mani," Augustiniana 14 [1964] 437ff esp. 451f), and to Mani in
a Middle-Persian invocation (M 83 V 6-8) which reads: "Amen, to thee,
first-born
MiUller, (nz.hzdd)
Abh. Apostle,
Preuss. Akad. Divine
Wiss., 1904Lord, Mani,
[Anhang] ourtrans.
7on.; Saviour"
F. C. (F. W. K.
Burkitt
[above, n. 33] 92). The Middle-Persian nf.zzdd corresponds to the Greek

7TpwordroKOS; on the juxtaposition of povoyev'is and 7TPWTdTOKoq in Acta
Thomae 48 and 60 see H.-Ch. Puech in Annuaire du Collage de France 71 (1971)
267f.
58 Cf. L. J. R. Ort (above, n. I) I27ff.
40 Albert Henrichs
us. The fact that Mani possessed an alter-e

of Light makes him a split personality59
term rather than an individual: his human
a briefly reflected image of its true and e
manner, Mani's conception of history was
ancient theory of, or approach to, history as
because he envisaged the history of mankin
political powers nor as an interplay of hum
and separation of two opposed principles in
function only.61 This is the reason why t
in Mani's own writings and the biograp
composed are not always what a historian
like them to be, namely, an uninterrupte
vital facts and dates concerning Mani's
Mani's biography is a history of salvati
written sub specie ecclesiae et aeternitatis, in
of a more comprehensive history of the M
turn was interpreted as the final act in the
and Darkness.62 Theological considerations
title of Mani's biography as it is attested
title is "On the genesis of his body," wher
hended in the ecclesiological sense of St. P
Mani's Church.63 One of several reasons ag
of HEpl ? yvY 7 0v^! to0 ouXgos airoio is t
physical reproduction was totally nega
59 G. Haloun and W. B. Henning, Asia Major

60 CMC 17,11-15 ("Mani-Codex" 169); Hym
Codex" 174f).
61 The dualistic doctrine of the Two Princip
Mani's soteriological interpretation of Time a
Cf. e.g. P. Alfaric, Efcrit. manich. II (above, n
spdtantiker Geist I (3rd ed., G6ttingen 1964)
Gnose et le temps," Eranos-Jahrbuch 20 (195
(repr. in J. Campbell [ed.], Man and Time. Bo
1957] 38-84); L. J. R. Ort (above, n. i) 133.
61 Cf. " Mani-Codex" I I3f on the lost Coptic
Life of Mani. The aim of the redactor of Mani's
to the intentions of the author of Luke-Acts.
63 L. Koenen, ZPE 8 (1971) 250o. See Keph.
Io,8-II,16 and 156,11; for the Elect as Mani's "
usage] see ibid. 34,6f and 41,26); C. Colpe, "
im Epheserbrief," Festschrift J. Jeremias. Be
172-187; C. Andresen (above, n. 24) 31.
would hardly have dared to refer to it openly in the title of his

biography.64
It follows from Mani's metaphysical concept of history and from the
soteriological interpretation he gave to his own life that the scope and
content of Mani's biography are governed by selective principles which
are neither genuinely biographical nor always historical, but theological
and, more specifically, ecclesiastical. In order to qualify for inclusion
in this biographical tradition, an event in Mani's life had to be essential
for the origin or the expansion of the Manichaean Church. Consequently,
instances of divine intervention such as visions, revelations, and miracles
were regarded as essential and treated like historical facts, in some
exceptional cases with good reason. Mani's two major revelations, for
instance, whatever their factual background, are of prime importance
historically, because they determined the future course of Mani's life.
This explains why they are, apart from Mani's birth, the only events
in his life which Mani thought it necessary to date accurately within
the framework of contemporary Sassanian history.65 The accounts of
Mani's first missionary journeys as extant in the Cologne Codex, on
the other hand, bear little resemblance to a travel journal.66 In their
64 The title JJEp't 7, yE'vvs ov oyTr Xaroso av7ov seems to be borrowed from CMC
46,8f (in a passage on Mani's visions which can be attributed to Baraies; see
above, n. 8), where it occurs in a fragmentary context, but apparently without
reference to Mani's physical birth. The metaphor of a mother rejoicing instantly
after childbirth (Keph. 2o5,26ff) is a rare exception in Manichaean texts and
should be contrasted with "the demon who delivers the stink of birth" in
Keph. 0o8,6.
5 (" Mani-Codex" I Yx9ff.
6" CMC pp. I16-192. (The last extant quire [pp. 169-192] is too fragmentary
to allow identification of its content.) Even if this part of the Cologne Codex
were more complete, the epitome-like arrangement of the material and the
resulting discontinuity would make it difficult to reconstruct an itinerary which
is chronologically and topographically coherent. Some of the peoples, places,
and provinces which Mani visited are mentioned by name. On p. 121 we find
the Medes (M?o0L) and the city of Ganzak (spelled both lovWuvaK and lavaoaK;
contrast ravbaKa in Procop. Bell. Pers. 2.24), i.e. Shiz in Media Athropatene
[Azerbaijan] (cf. G. Hoffman, "Ausziige aus syrischen Akten persischer
M~rtyrer," Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes 7,3 [Leipzig I88o]
250-253); both references show that Mani's first missionary journey was not
to India (W. Sundermann, "Zur friihen missionarischen Wirksamkeit Manis,"
Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 24 [1971] 79-125, 371-379)
but in a northeastern direction to one of the major Iranian sanctuaries which was
the religious and ideological center of the Sassanian monarchy (A. Christensen
[above, n. 46] I66f). Forat (BaSra) is mentioned next (CMC 140,3-6 fs 'Papar
r77v [iro]A.t Irqa'lov rTj7- [v4a]ov rcZv M1aataa[vv]. Cf. Dio Cass. 68.28.4; PW I15. s.v.
42 Albert Henrichs
neglect of geographical and chronological d
exclusive concentration on the miraculous e
to contain even less useful evidence for a com
Mani's actual routes than the Pauline Epistl
St. Paul's. But it would be pretentious to lo
only as a historical source. To put it bluntly,
hagiography is not historiography. Judged by it
the material contained in the new codex must
There are two or three stories of doubtful histor
different from all the rest and which must have
sole purpose of pious edification and religious
they are so powerful in their imagery and so
illustration of Manichaean doctrine that one would not hesitate to
credit Mani with them.
The extant accounts of the twenty years of Mani's life that were spent
in the community of the baptists are characterized by a marked emphasis
on divine revelation; likewise, in the accounts of his subsequent
missionary activities the miraculous element prevails. Both sets of
excerpts, therefore, suffer from a considerable amount of repetition,
because each revelation and each miracle follows a common narrative
pattern, although the content varies.68 This repetition is particularly
striking in the early sections of the Cologne Codex, where independent
accounts of Mani's first revelation have been collected and purposefully
conflated with different accounts referring to his second revelation.69
In both cases, revelations and miracles, it is left to the modern critic
to remove the aretalogical varnish from the underlying factual back-
ground.
Mesene io82ff). Another mention of Forat follows on p. 144, in connection

with merchants and ships which travel [? The verb is lost] to the Persians
and Indians ('Ivol'). Finally, Armenia and Persia (Hepal() occur on p. 146.
67 CMC 10,4-15 ("Mani-Codex" 147 n. 130); CMC 74,21-76,9 (ibid. 155
n. 147); CMC 77,14-79,8 (cf. ibid. 156 n. 149).
s8 Part of this pattern consists of the stereotyped formulae which introduce
Mani's accounts of his revelations in CMC I8,Ioff ("Mani-Codex" 12o n. 52),
64,I5ff (ibid. 113 n. 35), 69,9ff (ibid. 165 n. 169).
69 CMC 18,1-19,7 ("Mani-Codex" 12o n. 52, 165 n. 170o, 167 n. 177)
introduces a revelation which is dated to Mani's EtKOaTOV Kat 7rELTTOV ETOSr (CMC
73,5-6) and which is therefore his second major revelation (above, nn. 34-35).
The immediately following quotation (CMC 19,7-24,16; "Mani-Codex" 166
and 168) is so similar to Mani's account of his first revelation in Keph. 14,3Iff
(above, n. 34; "Mani-Codex" 163) that both passages must refer to the same
event.
VI
But sandwiched between the stereotyped accounts of Mani's quiet

life in the baptist sect and those of his first contact with the world is
an intermediate group of continuous texts which cover more than
twenty pages of the Cologne Codex and are derived from two Mani-
chaean authorities, Baraies and Timotheos.0o These two narratives
provide us with detailed documentation on the period of transition,
presumably of very short duration, in which the latent differences
between Mani and the baptists erupted in a series of heated theological
disputations. This confrontation signals the open breach between
Mani and the religious environment in which he had been raised. The
actual birth hour of Manichaeism arrived when, after the futile exchange
of many arguments, Mani's physical existence was threatened by the
hostility of the baptists, who launched an assault against him which
turned out to be the very cutting of the umbilical cord. The Cologne
Codex describes vividly Mani's violent expulsion from the baptist
community, thus confirming a brief reference to the same effect in
Theodore bar K6nai.71 Mani survived this ordeal as an independent
personality, ready to lead his own life; the baptists survived it too,
but at the price of a schism that must have disrupted their ranks more
seriously than the passing allusions in the Cologne Codex suggest.'
The defection of three baptists to Manichaeism, including Mani's
father Pattikios, who was highly regarded in the baptist sect, was
presumably the beginning of a continuing process.73 Two passages in
the Kephalaia suggest that the open conflict between the baptists and
Mani continued to be an obstacle for both parties.74
70 CMC 79,13-99,9 (Baraies), 99,11-114,5 (Timotheos); cf. "Mani-Codex"

133-160.
71 Theodore bar K6nai, Liber Scholiorum XI p. 31I,I6ff (CSCO 66; trans.
A. Adam [above, n. 231 75f): "Und weil ihn die Reinigungsanhiinger nicht
ertragen konnten, schlossen sie ihn aus ihrer Gemeinschaft aus" (italics mine).
CMC oo100,1-101,3 narrates how Mani's recalcitrant opposition infuriated the
baptists so that they beat and maltreated him, seized him by his hair, shouted
at him as if he were possessed by a demon, and would even have strangled
him (CMC IOO,I17-20 Kal flOUvAd'[]VO& t S 1'-O poav[Co7S a] 7 oZS QOOLvov Tc[dy aT ]
,le), if Mani's father Pattikios had not intervened and saved his life.
72 CMC 87,6-12 (" Mani-Codex" 157 n. 152) &AAot 8E 'AEyov" V )' 'pa H1Advq
(on the personification of Error, see A. D. Nock, HThR 57 [i964] 275) 'Er'v 5 Ev
a(rTWL ~OEYYOoEV77 Kt %VA1ETaL TO EOVOSFoLw v &a7ro7Tar-oaa Kat KOxoSo cra& r6 &,l'ylw (Matth.
10.35 ~AOov yp SP Xaaa avOvpwirov KTA. Cf. J. Jeremias in Hennecke-Schneemelcher
I [above, n. 22] 54; C. Andresen [above, n. 24] 255ff).
1 CMC io6,5-22 (cf. "Mani-Codex" I3of).
74 Keph. 33,29-32 and 44,24ff. In the former passage, the undefined adherents
44 Albert Henrichs
The new and unparalleled information on the o
practices, and, in a few instances, the theology
perhaps the most substantial contribution to the
the new codex. It is here, and only here, that t
the situation and the excitement of Mani's tw
connecting narrative are breathtaking even for
is here, more than in any other section of the cod
that he is witnessing the shaping of history. H
have to be on our guard. Speeches are known
instrument used by ancient writers of history
secular, in presenting their own evaluations of
important events. This is why speeches are a
source of information. In our case, the circums
survival, or revival, of what was actually said in
are less complex than usual, because Mani is bot
the final authority who must have remembered
throughout his life. It is understandable that M
to the exposition of his own arguments than to
who are allowed brief exclamations and interjec
opinions are usually summarized in narrative pa
For the modern critic, this technique has a ne
that it produces the tendency of seeing the inst
through Manichaean spectacles instead of describ
sake. It is especially the doctrines put into the
are thoroughly Manichaean. Elchasai, who liv
century A.D., presumably in northern Mesopot
of a baptist sect with predominantly Jewish-Ch
Gnostic, basis.75 A reliable Arabic source me
founder of the Babylonian baptists, whom Man
of the
tion (cf."baptism by
A. V56bus water"
[above, n.(TTIBXTTCHMX NMMO
49] 122 n. 61). The phr
of CMC 82,23-83,3 Kal TOTO S0 0 KaD 0 KaO' ar77V 7LpV
trVyXaveL ("Mani-Codex" 141 n. 116), is more likely to
of the Babylonian baptists than at orthodox Christ
"sects of error" (N.LOfrM a T6 TTiTA N H, cf. abov
literally, would indicate that Mani had several such
only the baptist sect in which he was brought up.
reference to the 80'ypa (below, n. 89) rcWv a7rtar-oaWv,
the so-called KaOcdpot (cf. K. Rudolph, Die Mandder
"5 On Elchasai, see e.g. W. Brandt, Elchasai. Ein Re
Werk (Leipzig 1912); G. Strecker, RAC 4 (1959) II
16 (1969) 147ff.
when Mani was four years old, and among whom Mani grew up.7
Their connection with Elchasai, though disregarded or distrusted by
almost all scholars, is now confirmed by the Cologne Codex.17 Th
confirmation means that the various attempts to identify Mani
baptists with the anti-Jewish and anti-Christian Mandaeans who mak
their first recorded appearance some two centuries later can no longer
stand;8" for the Elchasaites of the Cologne Codex were not only rooted
in traditions of definite Jewish origin, including the Sabbath, but als
recognized as binding for their communal life the message of Jesus an
an unknown version of the Christian Gospels. The Christian element
is consistently referred to as at 'vroAal -roi aowrqpog.79 We come to
realize that the relation of Manichaeism and Mandaeism was less
direct and more complicated than is generally believed. There rema
the remote possibility that Mani himself, or parts of the Manichae
literature such as the Psalms of Thomas, came under the influence
still another baptist sect, to be located somewhere in Babylonia
Mesopotamia and related to, or identical with, the later Mandaeans.8
76 The source is an-Nadim's Fihrist (p. 340 ed. Fliigel); cf. G. Fliigel (abo
n. 29) 133f, W. Brandt [preceding note] 134f.
7 CMC 94,9-1I (Mani is addressing the baptists) EliKvvoG ya p AXaoa~~O
&pXr7lys oo v dVov Viv (" Mani-Codex" 135 n. 97). The Greek form of the nam
in CMC is consistently spelled AAXaGaolS, a spelling which contributes substa
tially to the clarification of the etymology of the name. The absence of an ini
spirant in combination with the specific vocalization of the first syllable (AA
which was hitherto unattested in this form, support the derivation from Syr
Daldhd kasyd (" Hidden God") rather than from hzayld kasyd (" Hidden Powe
8Vvat(LS KEKaAvj1,1EV'Ir in Epiph. Haer. 19.2.2); cf. W. Brandt, Die jiidischen Bapt
men. Beihefte zur Zeitschr. fiUr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 18 (Gies
19Io) 0o9, W. Brandt, Elchasai (above, n. 75) 8, K. Rudolph, Die Mandder
233 n. 4, G. Strecker (above, n. 75) 17If.
78 Cf. "Mani-Codex" I33ff.
79 CMC 79,2of, 8o,IIf, 84,8f, 84,2of, 9I,Iof, and 91,2of ("Mani-Codex
136). Cf. the similar clash between rrapcdoaoc i iv rrpEaflv7Tpwv and dvroA7)
Oeovo in Matth. 15.iff and Mark 7.Iff.
80 For a recent and largely novel reassessment of the Mandderfrage see E.
Yamauchi, Gnostic Ethics and Mandaean Origins. Harvard Theological Studi
24 (Cambridge 1970). Certain aspects of Yamauchi's approach, though stimula
ing, provoke disagreement, especially when he attempts to minimize dire
Jewish or Jewish-Christian influence on primitive Mandaeism. The Colog
Codex seems to provide some of the very links which Yamauchi complain
were missing, for instance with regard to almsgiving (above, n. 48) and t
Mandaean Sunday (below, n. 97). Mani grew up in a Jewish-Christian bapti
community which observed the Sabbath (below, p. 48), but he adopted
Christian Sunday and an anti-Jewish attitude. Is it so unlikely, then, to fi
in Mandaeism, which after all has an even more complex genealogy th
46 Albert Henrichs
It is much easier, however, to regard the an
chaean and Mandaean religions, which consist
literatures rather than similarities in cult pra
heritage from common ancestors, namely, t
lonian baptist movements which influence
to produce the Mandaeans (or proto-Mandaea
The problem presented by the fact that Man
only parallel for two of the ritual practices
are credited by Mani finds its easiest solution
lines.81 The two rites which Mani's baptists
of the extant Mandaic documents are the pur
ablutions with water and the ritual preparat
bread, most likely unleavened bread. In t
bread is distinguished from the wheat bread
we shall discuss later.82 The first practice is
cleaning of the Mandaean Tbfitd, the second
Pihta and Fatir6, two different kinds of unl
for sacramental use.83
It is regrettable, though characteristic, that the few pages in the
Cologne Codex which are devoted to the doctrines of Elchasai himself
are nothing but a collection of legendary stories which add nothing
substantial to the reports of the Christian heresiologists. These stories
relate how water, earth, and bread address themselves to Elchasai,
the righteous one (8&KaLos), and implore him not to do what his
Babylonian followers were precisely doing when they used the water
for baptism, tilled the soil and baked the bread.84 What Mani does here
is to conjure up the ghost of Elchasai and have him confute the ritual
Manichaeism, "such a devolution of this Jewish characteristic [i.e. the Sabbath]

into anti-Jewish polemic" (Yamauchi, 64)?
1 Those scholars who did not plead for a direct identification of Mani's
baptists with the Mandaeans but regarded both as descending, qua baptists,
from common ancestors, must be very close to the truth (e.g. O. G. von Wesen-
donk, Die Lehre des Mani [Leipzig 1922] I6f n. 3).
82 "Mani-Codex" 139 n. io8 and 145 n. I26; see below, nn. 107-109.
83 K. Rudolph, Die Mandder II, I24, 132, 133.
84 CMC 94,9-97,17 (cf. "Mani-Codex" 135, 143, I46f) esp. 95.8ff ao d
&aaKCWV AX&7p Etvat Kal 81KaLO3. "Righteous" (8lKalosc), the name of honor given
to James, "the Lord's brother" (Hegesippus ap. Eus. H.E. 2.23.4ff; Clement
of Alexandria ap. Eus. H.E. 2.1.4), was a genuinely Jewish-Christian term
which was adopted by Mani and reserved for the Manichaean Elect (e.g.
Keph. 36,25, 93,7, I66,3, 189,30, I92,25, 209,13; cf. A. V68bus [above, n. 491
112, F. C. Burkitt [above, n. 33] 46, Io0f); for its Jewish background see
R. Mach, Der Zaddik in Talmud und Midrasch (Leiden 1957).
practices of the Babylonian Elchasaites on the basis of Manichaea
pan-psychism, a clever trick which infuriated the baptists. As one wou
expect, the factual background of these stories is almost nil. The fac
are that Elchasai was indeed called &v-p &G'KaLo and that he h
mentioned the "voice of the water" (owv- roio ~s8aroS) in his sacred
book.85 The rest is Mani's invention.
The new data on the customs of the southern Babylonian baptists,
on the other hand, never openly contradict and often confirm the
ancient reports on the Elchasaites and on related baptist sects of
Jewish-Christian origin.86 There are eight points of agreement which
can be summarized as follows:
(i) The ritualistic conception of piety. All baptist sects which descended
from heretic Judaism adhered to ritual practices consisting of repeated
acts of external purification as the only means to attain remission of
sins and as the main road to justification and salvation. Observance of
the ritual laws was mandatory. These ritual laws, though different from
the Mosaic law, renewed its spirit. Therefore, the baptist sects could
claim to "live according to the Law" (Kal-& vdOLov i v).87 This explains
why the baptists of the Cologne Codex refer to their religion as "our
law and that of the fathers in which we have been living since olden
times" (d v4dLos EL. V Kat 7i6 rrapjEpwv EV Wt avaT7pEdLPEOa EK rrTdAa).88
To emphasize the traditions of the "fathers," here certainly to be
taken in the sense of forefathers and religious teachers rather than Old
Testament Patriarchs, is as Jewish a heritage as the insistence on the
law. The Syriac term underlying vod4os in the Cologne Codex is most
85 Hipp. Haer. 9. 13.1--2 7- Ta rv (sc. 7rv PiPov) 7r' Zq-pcv 7r HapOIoS q7rapEL)r-vOr L
rva& v8pa 81KaLOV 'HAaaalt. Epiph. Haer. 19-3.7 (in a quotation from Elchasai's
book of revelation) t rropE6vCOE rrpws r ETSo0 a?Troi (sc. 70ro WvpS'), rropEv'EaOE 8S
!LaAiOV v W Tr-V OOWVqV TODi SaToS.
86 The classical treatment is J. Thomas, Le Mouvement baptiste en Palestine
et Syrie (50o av. J. C.-3oo ap. J. C.). Diss. Univ. Cath. Lovan., Series II,
Tom. 28 (Gembloux 1935). Several of Thomas's arguments in support of an
unconditional identification of Mugtasila (i.e. the Babylonian baptists as
described in an-Nadim's Fihrist) and Mandaeans (zo5ff, 244) and, secondly,
of a derivation of the Mandaeans from "une communaute baptiste elchasaisee"
(252, cf. 245ff) have to undergo substantial revision in the light of the Cologne
Codex.
87 Hipp. Haer. 9.14.1 ovo70 (sc. Alcibiades who disseminated Elchasai's
doctrines in Rome) vdELov ,roAt-rElav rpofldAA-lra 84EAEadoCaTO S 81KrV, daOKWv 8EVV 7rEpEP
Te-wEEOat KaL KaTa VOdlOV )V TOV7 rerELUTeVKdTa9. Ibid. 7.34 'E~Lwrvao& ... KaTra VodOV
daaKOVr7E &KaLOV-OaL. Cf. below, n. 105.
8s CMC 91,6-9 7r &7TTLrtpLa o70 vdOIov lpI3v KTA. ("Mani-Codex" 136 n. 99).
48 Albert Henrichs
probably ndm6sd, a Greek loan-word. Mani ad

baptists and applied it throughout his writing
Christian baptist sect in which he was brough
(2) The keeping of the Sabbath. The foll

required to observe the Jewish Sabbath.90
Mani's baptists did the same. The evidence
interpretation one gives to a passage in the C
describes the religion of the baptists as "the
used to reading about purity, castigation of th
the resting of the hands" (ro 8dyl'ya r-cwv aVE
Kal aaOpcKO[E[al]as Ka l KaTOXn.s &va[Ia]lu
reference to the reading habits of the Elchasa
probably had in mind the reading of Holy Sc
sanctification through acts of purification an
the "resting of the hands." This latter ter
Kephalaia to describe the elect's abstention f
labor which was supposed to damage the "
"Living Soul" or light particles which were d
imprisoned in each organic substance.92 This
doctrine was, of course, unknown to the bapt
hands" must have been something quite diffe
rest to which both the Greek &vdTravats and th
89 CMC, passim; cf. Keph. 44,23ff esp. 45,5, a
Coptic passages vo'pos occurs with reference to Man
tary context). Likewise, the Mosaic Law could be
II,Io; Psalm-Book 57,II, I92,20). The Manichaea
perhaps influenced by Mani's own practice (abov
the much broader sense of 80'dyp to denote a no
21,21; 29,35f; Hom. 2,27, 36,27), or sensu eminen
religion itself (cf. the testimonia in F. C. Burkitt [a
90 Hipp. Haer. 9.16.3 (cf. Eus. H.E. 3.27 on the E
whether the baptists of the Cologne Codex sha
with astrology, which influenced several of his doc
Sabbath.
91 CMC I02,I2-16. ?apKo8E[OUt]as as restored by Henrichs-Koenen seems to
be a hapax legomenon; but there is no reasonable alternative, and the word
makes perfect sense as it stands (cf. Keph. 212,28). For KaT70X? "observance,
keeping" see G. W. H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford I96I) 731
s.v. Ka7eXW A I, and CMC 5,6f Kai KaTd'Xov r-v dvdawavatv (said of the young
Mani who claims to have observed the Manichaean "resting of the hands"
while still living with the baptists).
92 Keph. 192,9f. TT MTT AN N N 6 I. is a literal translation of q "vdcrauvstg 7rv
XQ1pD3v.
or neydbhtd could occasionally refer.93 Such an interpretation is confirme

by Mandaic texts and throws fresh light on the origin of the Mandae
Sunday at the same time. In one passage94 the "resting of the hands" o
Sundays is criticized, clearly in an anti-Christian context, whereas els
where,95 precisely in a polemic against the Jewish Sabbath, the "restin
of the hands" occurs with reference to the Mandaean holiday period
of Saturday night and Sunday, during which the doing of work was
discouraged.96 This inconsistency reflects the unharmonious evolution
of the Mandaean religion which, though opposed to Judaism and
Christianity, borrowed from both. It has long been recognized
that the Mandaean Sunday combined elements of the Jewish Sabbath
and the Christian Sunday in such a way that at an earlier, perha
pre-Mandaean, stage of this evolution, the keeping of the Sabbat
will have preceded the Sunday celebration, probably under the
influence of a Jewish-Christian baptist sect.97 The "keeping of the
93 Cf. Lampe (above, n. 91) 115 s.v. B 4; R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus
II (Oxford 1901) 23i5ff s.vv. The universal observance of the Sabbath in
Jewish-Christian circles and the relatively late (post-Constantinian) recognition
of the Christian Sunday as a day of rest (W. Rordorf, Sunday. The history of
the day of rest and worship in the earliest centuries of the Christian Church [English
trans., London 1968] 68, I28, 136, 154ff) rule out any connection of &vcrwavaol
7rV X~Pcov in CMC (above, n. 91) with the Christian Sunday. See Rordorf,
Sunday I6I: "The Syriac Didascalia [written about 250 for Gentile Christians]
did not require any rest from work on Sunday." The proposed interpretation
of &Vdwravats 7-v XLtp"v in CMC as distinct from the use of the same phrase in
Keph. (see preceding note) finds support in Aug. C. Faust. 6.4 (CSEL 25
p. 288,22-290,24), a passage on the Manichaean rejection of the Jewish cessatio
[= &vcTravcnts]
abstention from Sabbatorum in which
physical activities the Sabbath
as practised rest
by the is compared
Manichaean to the daily
Elect.
94 Ginza R. 56,Izf (p. 50,25 ed. M. Lidzbarski): "On Sunday they keep their
hands still."
95 Mand. Lit. (Oxford Collection) p. 21I,5 ed. Lidzbarski: "On the Sabbath
she [i.e. Mirjai, a symbolic personification of the Mandaean religion] undertakes
work, on Sunday she keeps her hands still." Ntr "guard, watch, keep" corre-
sponds to KaT70X1 in CMC 102,15 (above, n. 91) rather than to &vc7ravoas in CMC
102,I5f. The Coptic parallel (above, n. 92) forbids employing one of the
panaceas of textual criticism by interpreting KaTOX73 &va[ra]v6oEwso -Tiv XELPv as a
conflation of the original
96 K. Rudolph, text (KaTo70Xl
Die Mandder II 326ff. c v XEpw&v) with a gloss (&vcv7ra6'aws).
97 K. Rudolph, Die Mandder II 327 and 330f; cf. W. Rordorf (above, n. 93)
19off. The objection raised by Yamauchi (above, n. 80o) 64, lacks a supporting
argument. [After the above was written, Professor Rudolph kindly informed me
that his theory of a Mandaean observance of the Sabbath-eve was in part based
on the philologically untenable interpretation of the Mandaean anpia juma as
"Vorabend des Tages" instead of the correct "Anbruch des (Sonn-)Tages"
(cf. R. Macuch, Theol. Literaturzeitung 87 [1962] 744f; K. Rudolph in H. Gese,
50 Albert Henrichs
resting of the hands " by the southern Babylon
a hypothesis.
(3) The baptisms or repeated ritual ablutions of t

water. Their frequency and significance varie
chasai distinguished between an initiatory sacr
remission of sins on the one hand, and repeate
and remedial purposes on the other.98 The El
Codex are attacked by Mani because of thei
which they shared with the Ebionites and He
Mani's arguments seems to credit the Babylon
the institution of sacramental baptism for in
Elchasai and the Ebionites.100
(4) Celebration of the Eucharist with unleavened bread and mere

water. This practice, though not expressly attested for Elchasai, was
adopted by the Ebionites and almost certainly also by Mani's baptists.101
Otherwise, their regulations regarding the preparation of bread would
make no sense. Mani himself interpreted the ritual use of this bread
clearly as sacramental and eucharistic. In refuting the bread-baking
practices of his baptists, he quotes from the New Testament. Charac-
teristically enough, he starts with the institution of the Lord's supper,
which he quotes in a peculiar mixture of Matthew and Mark or Luke,
another proof of Mani's use of Tatian's Diatessaron.102 After further
quotations, Mani ends with the observation that when Jesus commis-
M. H6fner, K. Rudolph, Die Religionen Altsyriens, Altarabiens und der Mandder.

Die Religionen der Menschheit 10,2 [Stuttgart 1970] 444 n. i86). Nevertheless
the whole issue of Mandaean adaptation of, and reaction to, Jewish customs
remains as open as ever; see E. Segelberg, "The Mandaean Week," RechScRel
60 (1972) 273-286, esp. 274, 282, and 286.]
98 G. Strecker (above, n. 75) I18of; K. Rudolph, Die Mandder I 234f.
99 CMC 82,23-83,13 ("Mani-Codex" 141 n. 116). Cf. Epiph. Haer. 30.2.4,
30.15.3, 30.21.1 (Ebionites), I7.I.2f (Hemerobaptists).
100 CMC 83,3-7 ra~ yp L 7rT LUOEvTE KL (X [T] KeCLpOcVTES ELVEKE[V] T71vo 7rTALV
KaO' EKcaUT'7[v] 1 ip~t'v flvr01lEaOE; ("Mani-Codex" 141 n. 116).
101 Epiph. Haer. 30.16; cf. J. Daniblou, Thdologie du Judeo-Christianisme
(Paris 1958) 69.
102 CMC 92,3-9 ("Mani-Codex" 136 n. ioo). New evidence on Mani's use
of the Diatessaron is forthcoming in contributions by G. Quispel (in a paper
entitled "Mani et la tradition 6vang61ique des Jud6o-Chretiens," which through
the kindness of the author I was able to read in typescript) and by L. Koenen.
[Professor Quispel's paper is now available in print: RechScRel 6o (1972)
143-I50.]
sioned the Twelve, he did not order them to carry baking equipment
with them, neither millstone nor oven.103 This is an elaboration of th
IrVTE rr'pav itLE aprov in Luke and Mark.104 The baptists must have
been hard put to challenge this argument, unless they had followed th
Jewish-Christian habit of deleting scriptural passages which run con
trary to their own beliefs.
(5) The rejection of certain parts of the Old and New Testaments, in
cluding all of St. Paul.105 The baptists of the Cologne Codex argue wit
Mani on the basis of the New Testament. This is the only explic
reference to their use of the Scriptures. Speculation as to which of th
gospels they had adopted would, therefore, be in vain. It might have
been anything from Tatian's Harmony to one of the several specificall
Jewish-Christian gospels.106 In this connection, we have to consider
briefly the fact that in the Cologne Codex, the baptists suspect Mani o
"going to the Greeks" (Els -rov "EAAqvar- 7opE'EuOaa) or "to the
Gentiles" ('Ovy7).107 One is reminded of the same words in John 7.3
103 CMC 93,14-23 (cf. "Mani-Codex" 138 n. 104) d 5olwsk o8r7 dzvlca &[7TE']aLAE
ao.[ov 9 T ,U[a]o " ,l] 0 aw(ij)()p KclO' FK[cTOV]] TOa 7TOV K-KpUe, [o51E] 1Liov oiYTE KA[lgaVOV
(cf. Matth.
UKEVV O8E]tCV6.30; Luke
t K TO[V 12.28)
OLOKO qvwerE7T
7TpOa]A~c8 po[vo
V[OVTE,]. v IEOl' ]avr-ov .a[A]A' [rMEI]yovTo 7Wa[pa-
104 Luke 9.3; Mark 6.8. These scriptural passages must have inspired Mani
when he specified which personal belongings his monks (i.e. the Elect) were
allowed to possess (see A. V66bus [above, n. 49] II6ff).
105 Eus. H.E. 3.27.4 0' oL (sc. o" 'EfltwvatioL) 8' 70To- tv i7Toord'Aov 7rapwav r&T
drnaoroA&S &pvrE'a9 yoqvro EtVca 81Zv, &proacdri-qv &7TOKOZaAOV7ES aT7OV 70-o v6doov (simi-
larly Iren. Haer. 1.26.2 Paulum recusant apostatam eum legis dicentes) ; cf. "Mani-
Codex" 139 n. 107. One is reminded of CMC 89,11-14, where the baptists
complain to Mani's father Pattikios: 0 vld aov EeETrp(r'7T 0to vd oov d aV KCt El 7TV
KdOU/oV OUA7ETat 7TOpEG7V0Va[L].
106 P. Vielhauer, "Judenchristliche Evangelien," in Hennecke-Schneemelcher
I (above, n. 22) 75-I08. A new fragment of the Gospel according to the Hebrews
is found in Didymus of Alexandria, CPss. 184,9f ed. A. Gesch6 and M. Grone-
wald (Didymos der Blinde. Psalmenkommentar (Tura Papyrus), Teil III. Papyro-
logische Texte u. Abhandlungen 8 [Bonn 1969] 198). This attestation adds
credibility to the opinion of W. Bauer and others (e.g. H. Koester in Robinson-
Koester [above, n. 20] 130) that the Gospel according to the Hebrews originated
in Egypt and was written in Greek (for a different view, see G. Quispel, Vigiliae
Christianae ii [1957] 189-207, New Testament Studies 12 [1965/66] 371-382),
because Didymus did not know Aramaic. (If he had used a translation into
Greek, he would very likely have said so.) If so, this gospel cannot have been
the one used by Mani's Syriac-speaking baptists.
107 CMC 8o,I6-i8 and 87,19-21 (texts quoted in "Mani-Codex" 139). It is
obvious that r& aOv-q as used by the baptists "has the connotation of religious
and moral inferiority which was taken for granted by the Jews" (W. Bauer,
52 Albert Henrichs
where the Jews suspect that Jesus might in

of the Greeks and teach the Greeks."10s Th
did when he brought the Gospel to the Gen
Christian term of abuse for St. Paul was "Greek." 109 This coincidence
is hardly accidental. It is more than likely that Mani had come into
contact, personal and literal, with the Marcionite and Bardesanite types
of Christianity when he was still living with the baptists.110 Both Marcion
and Bardaisan, for all their differences, represented a Pauline or Greek
Christianity and had nothing in common with Judaism or Jewish Chris-
W. F. Arndt, and F. W. Gingrich, A Greek English Lexicon of the New Testament

[Chicago 1957] 217 s.v. 9voV 2).
108 E trOov ov OL 'lovSao 7rpO g evHo"o oio5O AEE 7TOpEV0EUaL TtL 7fElE o0X
EVPor7OEV ccvr1ov; p7) E'S tamm v & palnrop&v -iv 'EAk7vcov I/EAAEL 7ropEvEaOOcL KcXL &6LaKELV rOOsO
'EAA-qvag; (The relevance of this New Testament passage was first pointed out
to us by E. de Strycker). In contrast to 'EAAqvLrTa`l (on which see H. J. Schoeps
[above, n. 8] 5), 'EAAhrvE as used in the terminology of the LXX and the New
Testament (and, by implication, in CMC) does not classify people according
to their language, but denotes ethnic (i.e. non-Jewish) origin. Slightly different
is Socrates' definition of Manichaeism as M7AA-qvwv XpLaTavt3a7'dS (H.E. 1.22),
which he goes on to explain as at T(-v flipAwov rolvvv rToO&e~s XP't 7aavtIovaZ pv 7.
(awvz, o k8 a bd'yuaaLv JAArliovatv (Socrates refers explicitly to Pythagoras and
Empedocles as sources for the Manichaean doctrine of peTay7yta/YtL'); for Socrates
MAA-VlELv doubtlessly meant the study of pagan authors who wrote in Greek.
109 Epiph. Haer. 30.I6.8f (cf. 30.25.Iff).
110 On the details of Marcion's and Bardaisan's influence on Mani see F. C.
Burkitt in C. W. Mitchell, S. Ephraim's Prose Refutations of Mani, Marcion
and Bardaisan II (London and Oxford 1921) cxliif, and Burkitt (above, n. 33)
14, 74-85 (esp. 74: "Greek influence.., .will have come to Mani through a
Syriac channel" [italics mine]); H. H. Schaeder, "Urform und Fortbildungen
des manichdiischen Systems," Vortrdige der Bibliothek Warburg 1924-25 (Leipzig-
Berlin 1927) 73ff (= Studien zur orientalischen Religionsgeschichte [Darmstadt
1968] 23ff); O. G. von Wesendonk, "Bardesanes und Mani," Acta Orientalia
io (1932) 336-363; H.-Ch. Puech in Annuaire du Colldge de France 56 (1956)
204ff; A. B6hlig (above, n. 2) 20o8ff and 243; 0. Klima (above, n. i) I27ff;
H. J. W. Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa (Assen 1966) 225ff; P. Brown, "The
diffusion of Manichaeism" (above, n. 33) 93 (= Religion and Society [ibid.]
97). The intriguing question whether or not Bardaisan was a "Gnostic" who
turned " Christian," which is answered in the affirmative by Christian heresiolo-
gists, need not concern us here. Attention should be drawn, however, to a note
in a recent text of Didymus the Blind (CPss. I81,8ff [above, n. io6]), where
Bardaisan is said to have converted from Valentinianism to orthodox Christianity
(cf. Eus. H.E. 4.30.3) and to have become a presbyter later. (This latter detail
anticipates a remark to the same effect in Theodore bar K6nai; cf. S. P. Brock,
JEgArch 57 [1971] 241, and JTheolStud N.S. 22 [1971] 530f.) The attempt by
J. Pedersen, rightly rejected by H. J. W. Drijvers (Bardaisan 42), to establish
artificial links between the Bardesanites and an-Nadim's Mugtasila is implicitly
proved wrong by the evidence of the Cologne Codex.
tianity. Marcion was emphatically anti-Jewish in his rejection of the O

Testament and its god; Bardaisan was passionately pro-Greek in h
successful attempt to imbue Christian theology with Greek philosophy
Mani was indebted to both of them,111 and it is hardly wrong to imagine
a Mani who, when still with the baptists, tried hard to get hold of the
forbidden books. If the baptists had an index of prohibited book
Marcion and Bardaisan must have been given pride of place. It is under
standable, therefore, that the Jewish-Christian Elchasaites of southern
Babylonia associated Mani's more spiritual religiosity with the Greek
whom they hated.
(6) Encratism. Abstention from meat is attested for the Ebionites but
not for the Elchasaites.112 The baptists of the Cologne Codex were con
firmed vegetarians.113 The asceticism which they profess was apparentl
far more rigid than that of any known Jewish-Christian sect. This bring
us to the question of continence. The Cologne Codex does not speak o
women in connection with these baptists. Shortly before he joined them
Mani's father was admonished by a mysterious voice to eat no meat,
drink no wine, and abstain from women.114 It is likely, therefore, tha
111 The conclusion is inescapable that the fragmentary passage Keph. 13,30f
("At this particular time, in the last Church [sc. before the coming of Mani
a righteous [&KaLos] and honest [pM M M H H = &AowOvds] man who belonged
to the Kingdom made his appearance. He met with .. ." [or " agreed with .. ."]),
which is part of a chronological catalogue of Mani's predecessors (above, n. 6
is an anonymous reference to both Marcion and Bardaisan, as was first suggeste
by H. J. Polotsky; cf. H.-Ch. Puech in Eranos-Jahrbuch 4 (1936) 271 (= The
Mystic Vision [above, n. 7] 304). It is attested in the Fihrist (cf. Kessler [above
n. 34] 192; Adam [above, n. 23] 8f) that three chapters in Mani's Book of th
Mysteries dealt with Bardesanite theology. For a conjectural instance of Mani's
dependence on Bardaisan see below, n. 135.
112 W. Brandt, Elchasai (above, n. 75) I11-115; G. Strecker, RAC 4 (1959
1182 (cf. "Mani-Codex" 149 n. 137). Add the vegetarian tendencies found in
the Gospel of the Ebionites (P. Vielhauer in Hennecke-Schneemelcher I [abov
n. 22] 102, 104).
113 Cf. "Mani-Codex" I45ff.
114 Fihrist p. 328 ed. Flilgel (cf. Kessler [above, n. 341 384; Adam [above,
n. 23] 24). The close Manichaean parallel in M 2 V I 8-io (in Andreas-
Henning [above, n. 23] 304, with Henning's n. 5) does not permit us to dismiss
this admonition as a later Manichaean fabrication; rather it confirms Mani's
indebtedness to the encratitic ethical code of the Mugtasila (rightly emphasized
by G. Flilgel [above, n. 29] 136, 140, 142; 0. Klima [above, n. i] 218f; J.
Thomas [above, n. 86] 207 " Les Moughtasilas d'An-Nadim sont des continents
parfaits."). G. Widengren, who tried to identify Mani's baptists with the
Mandaeans (above, p. 45), found it difficult to reconcile this command to lead
54 Albert Henrichs
Mani grew up in an exclusively male communit
would account for his total opposition toward
continuous continence was an ideal which was a
baptist sects as it was to Judaism or, for that
chasai even encouraged marriage.115 But if we
Essenes lived without women and adopted litt
in their religion, a fate similar to that of Ma
marriage in the Qumran texts, however, are co
(7) The doctrine of the "True Prophet." The

Elchasai coincide in that they propagate the c
True Prophet.8s For Elchasai, however, the se
not culminate in Christ, but included Elcha
beyond him. The Cologne Codex has a clear re
Some of the baptists were so impressed by
an ascetic life with the nonascetic habits of the M
chaeism [English trans., New York 1965] 25).
115 Epiph. Haer. 19.1.7 aEXOveraL 8h7T- a7TapOCevi, f
cS ydpov. Cf. H. Lietzmann, Geschichte der alten Ki
195.
116 Joseph. BJ 2.8.2 [120] (cf. ibid. 2.8.13 [I6of], and AJ 18.21) KalycqpouV IV
7Tap aVv70rtg wEpobla, T0TVS dcxAAorptovsg lTa!Sas C EKAqpfaVovTESr aITaAOvS &t iip% r&% PaO?-
p-ar a vyyEVEis 1jyoV7VTa KaL TOLS fLOELaV vrtov ev7T7VOac7 (cf. CMC 9o, I 1-18, where the
synod of the baptists reminds Mani of what they believe was his former obser-
vance of the baptist faith: EK VEdOT7TOS 7p P0iS l9 oIPXWCV KaA<WoS a7yeg~e V TE r a~S
Ta7E[a]W Kcd &vaa-rpoCa^&q [-r]oD^ vorov -qLj. CbS( I0V (0[VV' K1KaTaraAiE'[LM v7T7PXES t jLeawot
[-tp]^3v). H. R. Moehring, "Josephus on the marriage customs of the Essenes,"
in A. Wikgren (ed.), Early Christian Origins (Chicago I96I) 120-127 is a poor
example of applied form-criticism.
117 F. M. Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran and Modern Biblical Studies
(Garden City N.Y., 1958) 7Iff; J. Maier, Die Texte vom TotenMeer II (Miinchen-
Basel I960) xof; E. M. Yamauchi (above, no. 8o) 59; A. Guillaumont, "A
propos du c'libat des Esseniens," in Hommages a' Andre Dupont-Sommer (Paris
I971) 395-404.
118 "Mani-Codex" 139 and I59. Cf. W. Brandt, Jiid. Baptismen (above,
n. 77) 92; W. Brandt, Elchasai (above, n. 75) 79-85; H. J. Schoeps, Theologie
u. Geschichte des Judenchristentums (Tiibingen 1949) 327f, 335ff; H.-Ch. Puech
(above, n. 31) 144f n. 241; H. J. Schoeps (above, n. 8) 25f; K. Rudolph, Die
Mandder I 158 n. i, and in Koptologische Studien (above, n. 29) 175; W.
Schmithals, Die Gnosis in Korinth (G6ttingen 1956) 13of. G. Widengren, The
Great Vohu Manah and the Apostle of God. Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift,
1945: 5, 64ff esp. 66 prefers to interpret the Manichaean "doctrine of cyclic
revelation as an Iranian theologoumenon," and postulates "an ancient Indo-
Iranian dogma of revelation as the real background of the doctrine of Mani
in this case" (cf. W. Brandt [above, n. 75] 85).
theologian that they regarded him as the True Prophet and the incarna
tion of the Living Logos.119 This doctrine, which lies at the root of
Mani's own conception of his apostleship as the concluding stage in a
series of incarnations, forms, in combination with the docetism o
Marcion and Bardaisan, the basis of Mani's christology.l20
(8) The baptists of the Cologne Codex believed in the resurrection

of the body, which they conceived of as a "resting of the garment"
(&vT~navoL toVo , 8Vp'/41-roS).121 They shared this belief with orthodox

Judaism and Jewish-Christianity.l22
These parallels are overwhelming. Henceforth, the fact that Mani
grew up in, and was influenced by, Jewish-Christian baptists must be
reckoned with. This new insight into the religious environment in
which Mani had lived for twenty years is quite a revelation in its own
right and will provide fertile soil for future studies.
And yet the early history of Mani's baptists is totally in the dark.
The moment we consider their origin, we indulge in speculation, a
tendency which has proved particularly dangerous in these studies.
Nevertheless, it should be pointed out that the Elchasaite connections
of the Babylonian baptists may be secondary and superimposed, perhaps
through the adoption of Elchasai's book of revelation, on an original
Palestinian substratum. Two factors support such a hypothesis. In the
119 CMC 86,1-9 rlV E a U r&v Erxdv E iLE OcEL t7Tpo+7-V K) o Ka~L&SOCKaAOV. Kav TVESg pv
V avrWoYv EAEyov" (- v Aodyog (i Petr. 1.23, Hebr. 4.12; G. W. H. Lampe [above,
n. 91] s.v. Aoyos II.B.6; but o'ytady ?&vr7a Acts 7.38) dh&E7ea (cf. Philo, Sacr. Abel.
13 1 rce Ut 8E TL ' KtL rotoro a EV &7TOpp'orLS Adyos) Ev aVT'L' 7TOLr o/oV e; ~a v o d&&KCAoV
t70 -dyLaros (t v." Cf. CMC 86,17-87,6 (quoted in "Mani-Codex" 142 n. 118).
o20 Keph. 12,9-27; PG I, 1461 C, 1464 D, 1465 A (see A. Adam [above,
n. 23] 97ff). Cf. F. C. Burkitt (above, n. 33) 38ff; E. Waldschmidt und W. Lentz,
"Die Stellung Jesu im Manichdiismus," Abh. Preuss. Akad. Wiss. 1926, IV;
H.-Ch. Puech, "La Gnose et le temps" (above, n. 61) Io7f. The study of
J. Ries (above, n. 57) is confined to some titles of Christ as used in Manichaean
texts. Cf. E. Rose, Die Christologie des Manichdismus. Theol. Diss. Marburg
1941 (non vidi).
121 CMC 87,5f. ("Mani-Codex" 142). Avdraveatos is opposed to Kd0'AaXL CMC
43,2f; cf. P. Vielhauer, "ANAHAY2IZ.. Zum gnostischen Hintergrund des
Thomasevangeliums," Festschrift E. Haenchen. Beiheft z. ZNW, 30 (Berlin
1964) 281-299. On v8viLa see below, nn. 128 and 133.
122 Pertinent references are scattered throughout Jewish and Jewish-Christian
apocalyptic texts, in which eschatology and apocalyptic are closely interwoven;
cf. J. Danielou (above, n. io0) 342ff, J. Kroll, Gott und Hdlle. Studien d. Biblio-
thek Warburg, zo (Leipzig-Berlin 1932) 35 ff. Characteristically, we find the
same combination of eschatology and apocalyptic in CMC 86,17-87,6 (" Mani-
Codex" 142 n. 118).
56 Albert Henrichs
first place, there is strong evidence for missiona
groups, in the late second and early third centur
as Coele Syria (Apameia), Rome, and Palesti
therefore, that another wave of this missionar
Babylonia and mingled with existing curre
special blend of Mani's baptists. In the seco
led a communal life in isolated villages and em
especially agriculture.124 There is no recorded
form of organization in Jewish-Christian
Essenes and the Qumran sect of Palestine whi
VII
Mani's opening speech in the theological disputation which preceded

the violent breach with the Babylonian baptists is a brief but brilliant
exposition of the fundamental difference between the two.126 The body,
Mani argues, is as defiled as the matter of which it is created. Whether
the food is baptized or not, its effect on the body is the same in that
it produces blood, gall, evil spirits, dregs (Trpvt),127 excrements of
shame (aKtP'aa T71 9 ataXz'xv),128 and all the defilement of the body.
123 Cf. G. Strecker (above, n. 12) I 173f.
124 Cf. "Mani-Codex" 146ff. Most revealing is CMC 106,15-19 (" Mani-
Codex" 131 n. 84), where two baptists who converted and followed Mani are
called by Mani frA-[aLo'Xw]pol tLov. Taken at face value, the term means that the
two occupied the piece of land next to Mani's.
125 Philo, Quod omnis probus 76; Philo ap. Eus. P.E. 8.11.8. Philo points out
that some of the Essenes attended to occupations other than agriculture which
were of a more workmanlike character. This was natural for such communities,
which kept aloof from their heathen neighbors as much as possible and tended
to be self-supporting. However, commerce with nonbelievers was permitted
on a small scale; cf. e.g. Dam. XII 7-1I, XIII 14f for the Qumran sect, CMC
97,18ff (quoted at "Mani-Codex" 148 n. 132) for the baptists.
126 CMC 80,22-85,12 (cf. "Mani-Codex" nn. 16, 103, 105, 116, 124, 204).
127 CMC 8 1 ,8-i 3 Oa'ET a pi'v 7"L K ca E' a rfsj (SC. rT'E,9?S 7 78 r,)9q flEfla7TLaall'VqS)
ywVErat a t/L Ka a XooA-q Kat m'(Ev(E')a-ra Kal aKvflaAa r- cd av'aXv'rs, Ka9 -roD aa'4t01_aro /tapoT771S.
CMC 82,13-18 CJ/olws~ Kcr ?- flSAvprqd7,9 Koa - 7p-q ' rV 6 &Io[7 ]-pmW v (sc. baptized
and unbaptized food) OEwpEiTrat t 7[8&]v 7rapaAAo-r-rova E Ka[-C7E]paX. On Trpv (ca p M 6
in the Manichaean Coptica) see Keph. 15,10, 121,6, 121,25-32, 133,2, 215,14ff,
223,29.
128 See preceding note. Cf. CMC 81,i8ff 7r&v-ra -r &7rEKKS['l/a]-ra (vox nova
alaoXV'9 K[al fl&S]Avp'd-70os for the refuse of the body (for the reverse proc
"putting on" the garment of the body, see CMC 22,9-13 ["Mani-Codex"
179 n. 207] 7rplv vsLaLt id- o pyavov [cf. G. W. H. Lampe (above, n. 91) 969
s.v. 5; and Syriac mdnd which means both opyavov and Ev8vta] 608E Ka lrpLV
7rAavq06) Jv r' cjL apK 7traV'7L 7rL flSUAvp08EL). A likely model for the phrase &7rrEKh8vsaTa
The activity of this disgusting garbage producer can be reduced only
through abstention from food in fasting. The daily baptisms are equally
useless. In fact, they attest to a daily defilement of the body. Otherwise
one baptism would do once and for all. Purification of the body i
impossible because of the secretion of the faeces (&8t 7d EKKpWLELS T-rjS
7rroaOrdsr),l29 which keeps the body in constant motion. The only
true purity is that through Gnosis: Separation of Light from Darkness
and salvation of the soul from death according to the precepts of the
Lord.130 The baptists, however, departed from this conception o
purity when they adopted the purification of the body which wa
originally created in loathesomeness and is procreated in a proces
comparable to cheese-making (E'vpclO0q).131
This is Mani's answer, full of borrowings from the Greek spiritualists
The comparison of impregnation by the semen to the curdling of milk
is part of the terminology of Aristotelian embryology and was used
by the Alexandrian school of biblical exegesis to interpret a passage i
Job.132 Closely associated with this passage is the interpretation of th
Trg aLaXdcVr is the encratitic Gospel of the Egyptians as quoted by Julius Cassianus
ap. Clem. Str. 3.13.92 (= Apocrypha II, ed. E. Klostermann [3rd ed., Berli
1929] fr. 2; Hennecke-Schneemelcher I [above, n. 2zz] II I, 115, 215): OTv rTd
V7M aloXvTvrS f Sva 7raT17qr1aE KTA. The underlying concept is the Alexandrian ex
egesis of Gen. 3.21 XLT(Va9 8EPtarTLvovUS (cf. Gen. 2.25) as the material body (Juliu
Cassianus ap. Clem. Str. 3.95.2); see below, n. 133, and G. Quispel in Le
Origini dello Gnosticismo. Supplements to Numen, Iz (Leiden 1970) 633ff. Th
positive correlation to T7S arlaavrs vSvLua is "garment of glory (or light)" as a
designation for Adam's state before the fall; e.g. A. F. J. Klijn, JBL 81 (1962
273f, J. Z. Smith, History of Religions 5 (1966) 23 f.
129 CMC 84,5f ("Mani-Codex" 1o4 n. I6).
I0 CMC 84,9-17 ("Mani-Codex" 137 n. 103). Cf. Evangelium Veritatis p.
25,12-19, one of the key passages in this Valentinian text (see H. Jonas, Gnomon
32 [1960] 335, and above, n. 28).
131 CMC 85,6-I2 Kc1 KaTEUXaTE 727V TOo) aO/1aT[OS9] KaOoapltV TOO LLapC&TOV Kali 8
ATvaapOTdrroS~
Ea7r) (cf. Keph. rE7TAaU
95,11-15;EtOv. Kai The
130,26). St" aT7 7U, rVpdOq
abominable (see of
nature following note) creation
both man's Katl OKO8OVqOE'V
and procreation was a heretical commonplace according to Tert. De resurr. 4
(CCL 2 p. 925,3-7) an aliud prius vel magis audias ab haeretico quam ab ethnico
et non protinus et non ubique convicium carnis, in originem, in materiam, in casum,
in omnem exitum eius, inmundae a primordio ex faecibus (below, n. 134) terrae,
inmundioris deinceps ex seminis sui limo.
132 Job IO.io. Cf. Didymus of Alexandria's Cfob 276,29ff ed. U. Hagedorn,
D. Hagedorn, and L. Koenen (Didymos der Blinde. Kommentar zu Hiob (Tura
Papyrus), Teil III. Papyrologische Texte u. Abhandlungen 3 [Bonn 1968],
with the editors' notes). Three centuries after Mani, Burz6e, the private physician
of Chosroes I, was still familiar with Aristotelian embryology; cf. the passage
quoted in G. Widengren, Iranische Geisteswelt (Baden-Baden 196I) 10o3.
58 Albert Henrichs
"garments of skin" in Genesis as the mortal b
with which Mani was fully familiar.133 The ter
7Troard'i6Lc were favorites with the Neoplaton
part of matter.134 Mani must have found thi
Bardaisan. Bardaisan used the term "dregs" fr
primordial matter, although he valued matter
than Mani that he "regarded conception and bi
cation." 135
The Elchasaites, it has been remarked,
Manichees.136 The Cologne Codex shows what
ment is. Much in Manichaeism can now be exp
tion or adaptation of Elchasaite ritual or th
time, the Cologne Codex makes us aware of th
in their respective conceptions of purity.
external ablutions and vegetarian diet as mean
tion; their final aim was the purification and s
Mani, purification was a cosmic process, the s
matter in which man as a microcosmos partic
light and could be purified until it reached salvat
was part of the residue that remained after the
xas See above, nn. I2I and I28. Cf. e.g. E. R. Dodd
of Theology (2nd ed., Oxford 1963) 3o6ff; R. McL. W
(London 1962) Index s.v. "Clothing."
134 E.g. Plato Phaed. lo9 C (V7rTooar&O1ti); Julian. Or
Kdat n oJv TYV... &.rOKaOap rpa Kal 7pya Kl roa-r
158 Des Places) ap. Synes. Insomn. 140 C (-rd rij7 ' tA
Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy. Recherches d'Arc
d'Histoire I3 (Le Caire I956) 213, 276f, 383-385, 39
lehre der chalddischen Orakel. Beitriige zur Klassisch
1971) 15 and 22.
135 H. J. W. Drijvers (above, n. iio) Iio, 152, 221,
dregs, sediment, and refuse is tetrd; see e.g. Bard
against Bardaisan, II p. 143,6-9, ed. C. W. Mitchell,
tions (above, n. IIo): "that the dregs run downwar
upward" (trans. A. A. Bevan and F. C. Burkitt in
cf. Mitchell's Index verborum ibid. II p. clxxxii s.v
136 Kessler, Mani (above, n. 34) 8 n. 3. Kessler's str
ably occasioned by the ascetic tendencies (abov
"botanical" dualism (Fltigel [above, n. 29] 133f)
Elchasaite Mugtasila (i.e. Mani's baptists) in an-Nad
137 On man as microcosm see Keph. 9o,2Iff and 16
Wesendonk [above, n. 81] 32 n. i). In a Manichae
body is said to be created "from the dirt of the ma
the female demons" (W. B. Henning, NGWG 1932,
n. 49] Iiof).
was thus doomed to damnation. The clash between these diametri

opposed conceptions was unavoidable, and the extant report o
final confrontration is a truly historical document.
Let me conclude on a somber note which reflects my personal

perience with these texts. Written records are the raw material of
history, especially for the modern historian who would be at a l
without them. But in the field of ancient religious beliefs and m
ments, perhaps more than anywhere else, the very lack of suffi
documentation tends to call forth a rather disproportionate amoun
scholarly activity, doubtless nourished by the tacit conviction
when we deal with Geistesgeschichte, certain invariable features o
human condition entitle us to substitute assumptions for reco
facts. What usually comes up in the rear of such forced advances
unknown territory is a large array of conflicting theories, from
scholars choose or to which they add, according to their like
dislikes. Unmapped areas in the history of the human mind
become the training ground for our imagination, and rightly so,
long as there are neither reliable roads nor signs to follow. With e
piece of new evidence, however, an increasing sense of direc
develops. Thus many a long vagary has come to an unexpected
after the discovery of major documents which opened new v
But it would be impossible to think of any written text which has
down to us, however well preserved and rich in information, th
solved all our problems. The triumphant feeling which great
inspire, more often than not, gives way to a more disenchanted att
when we come to realize that ignorance is the toll of historical t
and that behind each foothold in newly gained terrain, looms an a
of nowhere. After we have pitched our camp in the new location
are once more left with conjecture and imagination as our only guide
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY
138 I should like to thank my Berkeley colleagues, Fr. Michael Gu

Professors P. J. Alexander, J. M. Dillon, Martin Schwartz, and Wilhelm
Wuellner, for valuable suggestions; my Cologne "Twin" Professor L. Koenen
for constant consultation; M. L. Weber for editorial assistance; and Professors
G. M. Browne of Harvard University and K. Rudolph of Karl-Marx-Universitdit
at Leipzig for reading and improving the final typescript of this paper.

Henrichs - Mani and The Babylonian Baptists A Historical Confrontation

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Department of the Classics, Harvard University

Mani and the Babylonian Baptists: A Historical Confrontation

Department of the Classics, Harvard University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,

ONCE upon a time, when Mani visited Ctesiphon, the Sassanian

This paper was delivered as a James C. Loeb Classical Lecture at Harvard

CMC The Cologne Mani Codex, a miniature parchment codex of

'Keph. 183,13-188,29. Cf. O. Klima, Manis Zeit und Leben. Monographien

was exploited by Mani .5 What is genuinely Manichaean is the way in

accounts, esoteric and profane, the re

14ff on Hom. Clem. 17.14-19), but wer

14 Keph. 188,4-6; cf. ibid. Ioo,23-101,8.

the day when you were one, you becam

There remains the important question of authenticity. To what

23 Keph. 7,6ff (see above, n. 8); cf. M 5794 I RV in Andreas-Henning,

26 Cf. "Mani-Codex" Iloff.

27 A detailed study of the formal structure of

66,3 'ypa#i[v. [~Veritatis

Justin's definition, perhaps influenced by Papias, of the synop

There are, of course, other and more direct ways of vindicatin

34 The capital texts for Mani's two major revelatio

"I was reared and brought up in this sect of

Mani's language indicates a growing horiz

43 The only attempt to establish a relative chronology of Mani's writings

"the Cities," for the twin cities of Sele

the misleading phrase "It'pa r- a'cEvYrs

46 "Mani-Codex" 105; cf. A. Christensen, L'Ir

52 Gospel according to Thomas (above, n. 18) L

[above, n. 33] 92). The Middle-Persian nf.zzdd corresponds to the Greek

us. The fact that Mani possessed an alter-e

59 G. Haloun and W. B. Henning, Asia Major

would hardly have dared to refer to it openly in the title of his

Mesene io82ff). Another mention of Forat follows on p. 144, in connection

But sandwiched between the stereotyped accounts of Mani's quiet

70 CMC 79,13-99,9 (Baraies), 99,11-114,5 (Timotheos); cf. "Mani-Codex"

Manichaeism, "such a devolution of this Jewish characteristic [i.e. the Sabbath]

probably ndm6sd, a Greek loan-word. Mani ad

(2) The keeping of the Sabbath. The foll

or neydbhtd could occasionally refer.93 Such an interpretation is confirme

(3) The baptisms or repeated ritual ablutions of t

(4) Celebration of the Eucharist with unleavened bread and mere

M. H6fner, K. Rudolph, Die Religionen Altsyriens, Altarabiens und der Mandder.

where the Jews suspect that Jesus might in

W. F. Arndt, and F. W. Gingrich, A Greek English Lexicon of the New Testament

tianity. Marcion was emphatically anti-Jewish in his rejection of the O

(7) The doctrine of the "True Prophet." The

(8) The baptists of the Cologne Codex believed in the resurrection

(&vT~navoL toVo , 8Vp'/41-roS).121 They shared this belief with orthodox

Mani's opening speech in the theological disputation which preceded

was thus doomed to damnation. The clash between these diametri

Let me conclude on a somber note which reflects my personal

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY

138 I should like to thank my Berkeley colleagues, Fr. Michael Gu

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