Recruitment, Role and Hierarchy of the Khojas-Nadars in the Amber-Jaipur State

Manisha Choudhary
Fellow
Indian Institute of Advanced Study
Rashtrapati Nivas, Shimla
Himanchal Pradesh
171005
Abstract: The communities who form miniscule demographic number are often neglected in
History writings. Similarly, dark clouds loom over the narrative of eunuchs and their
contribution to the medieval states. This work aims to understand contribution of the eunuchs in
kingdom of Jaipur. Eunuch is a social construct made through surgical operation and later their
role gets defined. The earliest introduction of castration was as a penal code to punish rapists,
political crimes, war losers and to treat certain medical conditions. During medieval times it was
a means for securing ideal servants and for eunuchs, a condition to get in imperial jobs.
Isolation, mockery and alienation were obvious parts of employment package. But they also
defined the ideas of beauty, loyalty, trust, public welfare, conduct and cruelty. Eunuchs always
lived around the king carrying out his orders in upmost binding loyalty, were ensuring conduct
in palace and court along with other confidential functions of the state such as postal and
intelligence services. Besides, the civil responsibilities (allies, mediator, and envoy, they also
acted as military commanders and educator in the Jaipur state. The castration deprived eunuchs
of full masculine status without making them feminine. The eligibility attained through castration
was that of unchecked entry into women living areas and superintendent-ship of the Zenani-
Deodhi (female apartments). The efficiency, fascination and desirability made the Amber-Jaipur
kings to take up eunuchs in state service. At times, these perfectly made servants deviated from
the defined roles and created problems which invited the correcting measures, punishments and
eliminations. In this research an effort is made to analyze and understand the process of
recruitment, role and hierarchy of Khojas/Nadar(eunuch) in the Kachhwaha kingdon.
Key-words: Khoja-Nadar, Castration, loyalty, Jaipur.
For understanding the dynamics of human society anyone requires a basic understanding of
history, which helps in creating a positive helpful alternative and creative ways to explore human
pasts. The unilateral approach in writings has chained the hope of alternate histories. The
expansion to subject came with the contributions of the Annals and became a way forward. But
still, sad situation prevails as certain groups and communities have been willing ignored, because
of paltry number and absence of voice. Similar is the case with the history of eunuchs. So far
their contribution in making of societies and more essentially the vast empires and kingdoms has
not been explored. Socially, a eunuch and a hijra are understood as one and the same construct.
But originally they are not. How can the difference be drawn? Deference lies in the fact that the
former is made through castration and the later is a biological category (a deformity as science
defines, because it is a shift from the perfect bodies of either male or female). The later cannot be
helped as it’s a natural creation but what about the former!
Apparently so far the history of eunuchs’ and their contribution has not seen the light of dawn.
Scholz, has provided an insight in the historical dimensions of the third sex through analysis of
the castration and religious ascetism in Christianity, eunuchism in Imperial China and Muslim
world and emasculation in Western Europe.1 His categorization of Hijras, Heaven’s gate
religious sect and transgender under single group, as several forms of eunuchism around the
world dilutes the subject completely. Seminal works have been done on the role of eunuchs in
the Byzantine Empire2, Ottamon Empire3, Greco-Roman state4, Chinese dynasties5, Mamluk
Sultanates6 and Mughal Empire7. An insight in aforesaid dynasties helps to understand that
imitation of this tradition (employing eunuchs), was a regular feature. The notable presence of
eunuchs in the empires, important official assignments and designations continued to exist. This
was due to the social surroundings that were created around eunuchs, which made them socially
dead, unacceptable and at times nataly alienated. The influence of eunuch in the imperial setup
can be analyzed through the ninth century invention of eunuch Euphrates, who primarily
persuaded emperor Constantine I (r.306-37) to become a Christian and later to found the famous
Constantinople.8 The survival of any eunuch based on assurance of his loyalty and honesty
towards the sultan or king, who reciprocated by granting money, power, status and most
significantly recognition. Generally recruitments and appointments of the eunuchs were mainly
to perform service of ‘the loyal guard’ who will not be given to any affection towards the other
normal humans. As the castration has made them undesirable for both biological creation
(man/women) and subsequently, fixed them as a ‘Perfect Servant’ with manly capacities.
Historically, the eunuchs were employed and over the centuries were preferably appointed to
guard the women palaces and to carry out the special assignments of the king/emperor. The
eunuchs exclusively preserved and ensured their loyalties only towards the king. Due to
unaltered honesty and loyalty the eunuchs acquired and enjoyed all the favors of the king and
even climbed to the highest offices, followed by the prestige, status and wealth. For eunuchs,
leaving or acting against the king was to enter a society that is hostile to their sex and ethnicity
or, barging into humiliation and self-immolation. Unless an assurance of value and pride is
approaching because they had no natural allies in society. Hopkins puts forward that the eunuchs
were also serving as a buffer for any kind of criticism that emerged from below.9 The king
depended and needed them as they were the most loyal cluster in the kingdom who were

1
Scholz, Piotr O., Eunuchs and Castrati: A Cultural History, (trans.) John A. Broadwin and Shelley L. Frisch,
(Princeton: Marcus Weiner Publisher, 2001).
2
Ringrose, Katherine M., The Perfect Servant: Eunuchs and the Social Construction of Gender in Byzantine,
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003); Brown, Amelia R., “Painting the Bodiless: Angels and Eunuchs in
Byzantine Art and Culture”,
https://www.academia.edu/506467/Painting_the_Bodiless_Angels_and_Eunuchs_in_Byzantine_Art_and_Culture?;
Tougher, Shaun, The Eunuch in Byzantine History and Society, (Abingdon-New York: Routledge, 2008).
3
Dikici, A.Ezgi., “The Making of Ottoman Court Eunuchs: Origin, Recruitment Paths, family Ties, and ‘Domestic
Production’”, in Archivum Ottomanicum, ed. Gyorgy Hazai, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, vol.30,(2013): 105-
136.
4
Stevenson, Walter, ‘The Rise of Eunuchs in Greco-Roman Antiquity’, Journal of the History of Sexuality, Vol.5,
No.4 (1995): 495-511; Kuefler, Mathew, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity, and Christain
Ideology in Late Antiquity,(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001).
5
Dhwty, ‘The Fascinating life of a Chinese Eunuch in the Forbidden City of China’, 3 January 2015
(http://www.ancient-origins.net/history/fascinating-life-chinese-eunuch-forbidden-city-china-
002524?page=0%2C1).
6
Ayalon, David, Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans: A Study in Power Relationships, (Jerusalem: The Magnes Press,
The Hebrew University, 1999).
7
Lal, K.S, The Mughal Harem, (New Delhi: Aditya Parkashan, 1988), 56-60; Mishra, Rekha, Women in Mughal
India 1526-1748 A.D., (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Oriental Publishers and Booksellers, 1967), 78-80.
8
Ringrose, The Perfect Servant, 2003.
9
Hopkins, Keith, Conquerors and Slaves, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 173-174.
performing the services of news collector, and will convey the message without any alteration
alike angels. Another expression says, ‘At first glance, no characters in the early Byzantine
empire were as dissimilar as angles and court eunuchs…first were heavenly creatures,…“good
tidings, of great joy”…the second were in popular opinion…“monsters” and were depicted in art
as demons; however iconography of angels and eunuchs became inextricably linked, as a result
of their similar occupation’.10 The eunuchs who were subjected to isolation, mockery and
alienation have helped in defining the Hellenistic idea of beauty. Traditionally, in Christian art
angles were depicted bodiless, who will take up a body (neither male nor female); only when
required for transmitting messages. Depiction of body and similar nature of profession
(messenger) in church and society have closely linked the iconography of angles and eunuchs
respectively, in the early Byzantine Empire. The iconography used by artists to paint ‘angle
draws’ was inspired and very close to the physical appearance, role, dresses, robes and
ceremonial functions of the eunuch in Byzantine society. 11 It must have been due to the idea that
‘the artist perceived that their image were only one possible means of depicting the imageless’. 12
Elias’s work narrates a detailed understanding of the King, court, its members, structures,
physical arenas and most significantly the etiquette and ceremonies. 13 It notes that ‘the office of
grand chambellan or lord chamberlain is one of the great court offices. Its occupant has
supervision over all officers of the king’s chamber’.14 The term literally means ‘the one who lies
beside’ or ‘keep watch beside’.15 This clearly places the eunuch in top trusted office and in most
close and loyal association with the king.
Renner draws the similarities between French court in 17th century and the Roman court of 4th-6th
centuries.16 But the idea of a ‘Roman eunuch’ was so hated by Domitian, that he outlawed
castration of Romans.17 The cupbearer of Domitian was a eunuch but the presence of eunuchs in
the court and political offices was not so visible. The number of eunuchs grew up with the
Dicoletian reforms and their presence with great influence at the Roman court became extremely
common.18 Later, under Dominate it became normal to employ emasculated men against position
of chamberlain.19 So, castration became a visible and significant expression of human
transcendence.
The Egyptians, Greeks, Romans20 and Chinese societies have permitted the self-inflicted
castration as a devotional and sacrificial rite for underpinning the eroticism and to promote the
connection between divine and human.21 Besides facilitating religious and penal elements,
castration also became a means to secure job in imperial services.22 A close study of eunuchs in

10
Brown, “Painting the bodiless”, 1.
11
Ibid., 4.
12
Ibid., 5.
13
Elias, Norbert, The Court Society, (trans.) Edmund Jephcott, (England: Basil Blackwell Publisher Limited, 1983).
14
Ibid., footnote 15, 83.
15
Tougher, Shaun, ‘Byzantine Empire: An Overview’, in Women, Men and Eunuch, ed. Liz James, (New York:
Routledge, 1997), 171.
16
Renner, Adam, ‘The functional role of eunuch in Late Imperial Roman Court: with reference to Norbert Elias’,
Approaches to Ancient History Research II, A9921699.
17
Ibid., 1.
18
Ibid., 1-2.
19
Miller, Fergus, The Emperor in Roman World, (London: Duckworth, 1977), 74-79.
20
Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch.
21
Scholz, Eunuchs and Castrati.
22
Dhwty, http://www.ancient-origins.net/history/fascinating-life-chinese-eunuch-forbidden-city-china-
002524?page=0%2C1
the Mamluk sultanates of Egypt and Syria helps to distinguish between the Byzantine eunuchs
and their counters in Islamic harem. The former had partial castration whereas the later was
totally mutilated, “leveled flat” (majbub or mamsuh) to avoid any possibility of sexual congress
between eunuch and women folk.23 Noteworthy is the antiquity of use of eunuch in Islam since
Umayyad times. Large scale systematic recruitment began with Abbasid Caliph al-Mu‘tasim (r.
833-42 AD).
Ringrose concludes, the castration has deprived eunuchs of full masculine status without making
them feminine. It also freed them from reproduction, family obligations. Their distinct
physiology and appearance shaped in the distinct specialized environment made them “Perfect
servants” who became altruistic aids, counselors and mediators.24 The special gender status made
eunuchs fascinating, dangerous and desirable in many ways. The efficiency, fascination and
desirability of eunuch made the sultans/kings to employ them in their respective empires. The
Sultans and Mughals of India were no exception in imitating the cultures that was present across
the boundaries. On similar pattern initially, the eunuchs were taken up to guard the women
palaces. As major dynasties always served bench marks for the peripheral kingdoms to look
upon and adopt practices. The Ottoman empire served as a model for the Mughals, so the
employment of eunuchs in imperial harem became inevitable.
Similarly in the eighteenth century the Jaipur state adopted this tradition as they were close ally
of the erstwhile Mughal Empire. Contemporary medieval states such as Jodhpur, Jaisalmer and
Bharatpur did not entertain any exception to this imitation and employed eunuchs
indiscriminately. This tradition did not impress Udaipur and Bundi State and the recruitment of
eunuchs as guards of Zenani-Deodhi was denied by both the states on pretext of the male face.25
The eligibility to move freely between human (women) and divine spheres (King), and ability to
perform their jobs with upmost efficiency made eunuchs a desirable commodity. In context of
Mughal Empire, Bernier notes that a eunuch was privileged to enter anywhere. 26 David Aylon
suggests enthusiastically about the “great triangle” formed between the Mamluks, women folk
and eunuchs. The confidential functions of the state postal and intelligence services) were also
executed by eunuchs. The Mamluk eunuch military commanders’ (whether Black or White) had
an important and direct role to play as military educator in the sultanate.
This study is an effort to understand the methods and mechanisms of recruitment, role and
hierarchy of the eunuchs in the Jaipur court. Khojas filled valuable and influential positions at
the Jaipur court. They were appointed by the king in the same manner as per the nobles, the
absorptions in the state service served as sign of prestige. They mediated between the palace,
court, barracks and women apartments to carry out orders of the king. In the archival documents
of Jaipur state, namely Dastur Komwar (rules applicable caste-wise), the eunuchs are referred as
Khoja and when they were promoted to guard-ship of the women palaces (rawlas) their prefix
was changed to Nadar.27 So, on appointment the title was Khoja and on promotion

23
Ayalon, Eunuch, Caliphs and Sultans.
24
Ringrose, Perfect Servant, 5-7.
25
Hardayal Singh, Report Mardumshumari Raj Marwar 1891 AD (Jodhpur: Maharaja Man Singh Pustak Prakash
Sodh Kendra, 2010), 386.
26
Bernier, Francois, Travels in the Mogul Empire A.D.1656-1668, revised by Vincent A.Smith, (Delhi: Low Price
Publication, reprint 2005), 131.
27
Dastur Komwar-Khoja, hereafter DK-K.
Nadari/Nazari is attained. According to K.S.Lal, in the Mughal empire, senior eunuch assigned
to guard the women’s palace was called Nazir and had number of eunuchs working under him.28
Contrary to it Manucci gives a list of 38 eunuchs and all of them were adorned with title of
Nazir.29 So, it is evident that the title of Nazir was bestowed upon senior eunuchs who have
served up to the satisfaction of emperor and was a synonym of superintendent-ship. The similar
type of hierarchy prevailed in the recruitment and promotion of eunuchs at the Jaipur court as it
depicts through the usage of the title ‘Khoja’ on appointment, which later gets promoted to the
‘Nadar’ on fulfilling the desired code of conduct along with the responsibilities.30 Only a Nadar
was entitled for position of Nazri-Zenani-Deodhi. Besides these two (Khoja/Nadar-Nazari) there
was no other classification of eunuchs at work in Jaipur court.
The association with the king and kingdom facilitated Khojas to make fortunes and accumulate
wealth, exercise power and enjoy prestige. Some took up eunuchism for making fortunes31 while
for some it was a curse out of poverty and, a way to waive off the imperial wrath about to inflict
upon them due to non-payment of the taxes.32 Interestingly, in epic literature eunuchism was a
method to punish unmanly conduct. ‘Urvashi approached Arjun, offering him all the pleasure
that apsara (women angle with upmost beauty) are known for, including and especially her
body. But Arjun rejects her, claiming that he is descended from Pururavas and as such he thinks
of her as a mother in much the way he thinks of Kunti. Urvashi was outraged-she was never been
rejected before. For his unmanly conduct, Urvashi curses Arjuna to become a eunuch’.33 Luckily,
our source doesn’t indicate to eunuchisms as an infliction of punishment. The court records
indicate that it was always voluntary. Though, the parents were parting away from their male
children to pay the revenues. The practice of converting men in eunuch by emasculation was
very common in Bengal.34 In Sylhet, it became a common practice for the people to castrate a
few of their sons and pay the mal-wajib.35 Similar suit was adopted by many other states ‘and
every year some children…ruined and cut-off from procreation’.36 Manucci notes ‘the poor and
miserable progenitors…out of absolute hunger have sold their sons’.37 The need for money
forced many people to give away their children to Khwajasaras to make them eunuch and enroll
them as chela.38 In return, the Khwajasaras paid hefty amounts to the parents.
The wide employability of eunuchs made them expensive and serving status symbols. The
effective utilization of ‘made eligibility’ (castration), service necessity and high cost made the

28
Lal, The Mughal Harem, 56.
29
Manucci, Niccolao, Mogul India, William Irvine (trans.), 4vols. (Delhi: Low Price Publication, reprint 2005),
2:327.
30
DK-K, Raghuram was given Nazari of Zenani-Deodhi. Event dated Miti Fagun Sudi 7, VS 1874/1817 AD.
31
DK-K, Mohan-ram Tiwari voluntarily became Nadar for securing imperial service. Miti Sawan Sudi 7, 1876/1819.
32
DK-K, Miti Jaith Budi 3, 1889/1832. A child was presented to the king by parents for admission as eunuch in the
court. Custodianship of child was given to a senior Khoja.
33
Sattar, Arshia, “Of Sexual desires and women Scorned: Multiple liaisons reach past the human world to that of the
gods”, The Hindu-Friday Review, 26 May 2017
34
Abul Fazal, Ain-i-Akbari, Henery Beveridge (trans.), 3vols. (New Delhi: Low Price Publication, reprint 2011)
2:136; Manucci, Mogul India, 2:79.
35
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Alexander Rogers (trans.) and Henry Beveridge (ed.), 2vols. (Delhi: Low Price Publication,
reprint 2006), 1:150.
36
Ibid., 1:150-151; Singh, Mardumshumari, 387.
37
Manucci, Mogul India, 2: 73.
38
Singh, Mardumshumari, 387.
eunuch ‘alive’ gift of utility.39 Many times the visitors at court gifted eunuch to the king which
was happily accepted and appreciated with reciprocation. Gulab Khoja was brought to Jaipur
court by Manji Dhabai from Udaipur and presented to Jai Singh.40 The political significance of
Thikanedars helped them to acquire these ‘alive’ gifts. In c.1719, Jai Singh gifted Moti-ram
Khoja to Kawarpal Jadam (Karauli) and a siropav was bestowed upon Khoja. While seeing-off
him a pair of pearl earring was gifted.41 On another event in 1763 AD, as per the custom Himat-
ram Nadar (Deodhi-ka-Daroga) was presented to Khushpal Bohra.42 He served in court for eight
years. The employment in imperial services allowed them to acquire some social status and
recognition. Further, it permitted some real connect with regular society. From Bharatpur
Kingdom, Gumani Khan Khoja came to Jaipur as an envoy, who was popular for his dance. A lot
of praise was heard about his credentials so he was called in court to perform. Shreeji (King) and
Maji-Sahib (Mother Queen) were present at the performance along with Sanghi Hukum Chand
and Sanghi Jhutha-ram. Throughout night he danced on sword, with kalash (pot) on head and
thaali (plate) in hand.43 The popularity of his dance allowed him to secure an invite for wedding
at a nobles’ palace and was asked to perform.44 The King was present at the wedding and
presented Rs.100 as Inam (reward) and 2-thaans (bundle) of thurma-pasmi-butadaar (a woolen
floral print cloth) to eunuch.45 The value of eunuch was appropriated on basis of his
qualification. Their qualifications and skills allowed them to be in royal arenas while securing
titles and gifts.
A close perusal of the archival documents helps to bring forth that the recruitment of the eunuchs
at Jaipur was not unilateral. Three types of recruitments processes were followed; to procure,
admit and enroll. Firstly, the eunuchs who were already in service of court recruited their sons
for making a close-cohesive team of their own. It was mainly for executing the tasks given to a
respective Khoja, to be executed in upmost secrecy and with efficiency. Some Khojas, who
worked in higher capacities, were always in need of a closely associated team to carry out the
state orders effectively. For constituting a cohesive, desirable, abiding and harmonious team,
Khojas recruited their own sons under their leadership post-castration. Those recruited sons were
referred as bachkan (child of), that particular Khoja. Mohan-ram Nadar Tiwari and his two sons
namely Lal Sukh46 and Shankarlal47 were in service. In 1819 AD, Mohan Nadar died so his
bachkana Lal Sukh was called in Zenani-Deodhi for instructions and a Matmi-paag (condolence
head gear) was given.48 In another event Kisan Das Nadar died. So, for Sog-bandhai (registering
grief) Shankarlal bachkana of Mohan-ram Nadar was called and a paag-rangeen (colored head-
gear) was presented to him49 and three sons of Kisan Das namely Baldev50, Govind Ram and

39
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, 1: 247. 50 eunuchs were sent by Islam Khan to Jahangir as offering; DK-K, Miti Jaith Budi 3
1889/1832, 196-7. Here a Jat gave his son against non-payment of revenue to be included in service of state as a
eunuch because of the high value ascribed to them. The task of castration was left with the state.
40
DK-K, Miti Sawan Sudi 3, 1774/1717, 189.
41
DK-K, Miti Asoj Sudi 8, 1776/1719, 259-60.
42
DK-K, Miti Mah Sudi 4, 1820/1763, 292.
43
DK-K, Miti Fagun Sudi 2, 1885/1828, 193-4.
44
DK-K, Miti Fagun Sudi 5, 1889/1833, 194.
45
Ibid.
46
DK-K, Miti Sawan Sudi 7, 1876/1819, 252-3; Miti Sawan Sudi 7, 1876/1819, 271.
47
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 11, 1896/1839, 277.
48
DK-K, Miti Sawan Sudi 7, 1876/1819, 252- 253.
49
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 11, 1896/1839, 277.
50
Ibid., 243.
Ganga Baksh were also presented paag-rangeen for closing condolence.51 The difference
between both the events is twenty one years. The reason for shifting from one team to the other
was either due to the change of chief leader, the erupting differences amongst the equals or might
be a canvassing for better fortunes under guidance and in some other team. Many instances of
training and enrollment of males of a particular family; as a team, appear in our documents.
Baldev was made Darogah of Khwaas Chelaki on request of Rai Hari Singh Paliwal. Baldev was
bachkano of Nand-ram Nadar52 and grandson of Kisan-ram Nadar.53 Consecutively three
generations have been serving. Similarly, in c.1758, Khushpal Khoja was recruited being
bachkana of Daulat-ram.54 Rup-ram was bachkano of Khushpal and he was appointed as Nazir.55
Further, Gopal56 and Hiralal57 were taken in service and were sons of Khushpal Nadar. Hence,
father and three sons were acting in different offices of the state. Later, Salegram S/o Gopal was
taken up in state service. Here a consistent engagement of four generations (males) hailing from
same family is visible. On similar lines, Sehaj-ram bachkana of Himat-ram was also appointed
and Rs.100 was allotted to him for pearls.58 Later, Kisan-ram, bachkano of Jai-ram Das was
appointed to Nazari of Zenani-Deodhi.59 The above evidences clearly indicate that the family
associations were very much at work for recruitments in Khojahood (eunuch-hood), because it
was a respectable and lucrative carrier. Secondly, the admission in the eunuchism to the general
citizens was provided by the Khwajaswars as discussed above. The Khwajaswars gave away the
castrated males of mandali to the senior Khojas/Nadars on demand by the later. The castrated
male who came in the service got enrolled under the Khoja/Nadar who bought him. The only
condition while acquiring a eunuch for a particular team was that he should not have any
previous alliances with any of the in-service Khojas/Nadars and shall solely work in solidarity
with the Khoja who has acquired him by paying a price. The buyer will secure enrollment for the
newly purchased eunuch in the state service under his own existing unit, subsequently the title;
Khoja will be fixed. The eunuchs who were purchased and recruited by a senior Khoja/Nadar
were referred as ka-nazar (of purchaser) and beta (son of). The relationship between the recruiter
and recruited was that of father and son. The team was always called after the name of chief. A
team of Nadar Fitur was in service at Sawai Jai-garh (Jaigarh Fort) under leadership of Khoja
Raghunath Singh. The items for the entire unit were sent to fort as per custom on request of Pem
Singh with Likhma Meena.60 Another team of Nadar Fitur was working in palace under
leadership of Jagat Singh Khoja. To collect the allotted items, his team came thrice, spreading
from year 1755 AD to 1764. Each year lot of items along with clothes were given.61
Lastly, a small number was taken in service as fresh appointments who were not connect to
anyone in the kingdom. They were independent appointments free from both empathy and

51
Ibid., 185.
52
DK-K, Miti Posh Budi 13, 1896/1839, 233.
53
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 3, 1804/1747, 243.
54
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 12 & 13, 1815/1758, 181.
55
DK-K, Miti Fgaun Sudi 7, 1875/1818, 266.
56
DK-K, Miti Bhadwa Sudi 6, 1882/1825, 193.
57
Ibid., 287.
58
DK-K, Miti Kati Budi 7, 1824/1767, 281.
59
DK-K, Miti Baisakh Sudi 12, 1879/1822, 273.
60
DK-K, Miti Chait Sudi 4, 1807/1750 & Miti Kati Budi 9, Miti Mah Sudi 9, Miti Chait Budi 11, 1808/1751, 267-
270.
61
DK-K, Miti Fagun Budi 10, Miti Sawan Budi 1, Miti Bhadwa Budi 7 & Miti Bhadwa Sudi 1, Miti Posh Sudi 11,
1812/1755, 1819/1762 and 1821/1764, 206- 217.
sympathy. They were supposed to build up an independent identity and were expected to prove a
firm loyalty towards the king. Fresh enrollments were accommodated by allotting necessary
items of the household and day to day utility. On these allotments the Khoja was expected to run
an independent establishment and maintain self as per the standards of court fraternity. In c.1717,
Manula Khoja was taken in sarkar (state) and throughout the month of appointment different
items were bestowed upon him.62 Next year utensils (2-daikcha; cooking pot made of copper and
rakabi-tamba-ki; spatula of copper) were given.63 Later in the year 1717, Aitbar Khoja was
recruited and in total 8-thaans were presented to him. The details are 2-chira-chikan-dozi, 2-
faita-chikan-dozi, 2-jama-bafta and 2-ijaar-narma.64 Similarly, in year 1718, Johar Khan Khoja
was appointed and large numbers of items were given to him throughout the year.65 In another
instance of c.1718, Aitbar Khoja was taken in service he came along with Inayat Khoja. A sum
of Rs.7.3anna.2paisa was allotted to him for making clothes and 2-sod (bed linen), 3-jamma-chit-
ka, 1-kalash-pital (brass pot) and 1-katori-pital (brass bowl) were issued from Kirkira-Khana
(utensil store).66 Khushpal Khoja joined service in year 1758, and the items allotted to him were
1-thaali-pital-ki (a brass plate), 1-kalai (a spatula for fire-oven), 1-lauta-pital-ka (water-keeper
of brass), 1-chari-pital-ki (brass water container in shape of pot), 1-tavo (cast iron griddle), 1-
kacholo-pital-ko (a small plate made of brass with raised edges).67 Later, only regular items were
given such as clothes.68 Some men joined the fraternity of Khojas voluntarily while their fathers
were serving in different offices of state but were not in the direct association with the court. The
aspiration for employment in court made them to attain eunchism. In c.1755, Shri-ram Khoja
was given pashmi-butadaar costing Rs.15. He was bachkana of Taaliq Chokh Chand.69 All the
above evidences indicate to the different modes of intake which were employed for hiring,
recruiting and enrolling eunuchs in service of the state.
All the eunuchs who were employed were expected to fulfill certain duties. The duties were
allotted as per serving trust, affiliations and bonds. Bakhtawar Khan, a eunuch superintendent
held rank of 1000 and turned out to be a historian and wrote Mirat-ul-Alam and Mirat-ul-Jahan
Numa.70 He also prepared an abridgment of Tarikh-i-Alfi and Akhbar-ul-Akhiyar.71 The above
instances do clearly establish the importance and the social acceptability of the eunuchs in
different capacities under Mughals. According to Manucci, ‘the principal (Nazir) is highly
esteemed by king. He had large allowances…charge of treasury, is master of wardrobe, decides
on the details and the patterns of the saropas (robes) to be prepared; in short it is he who has
charge of all the Mahal expenditures of the clothes, the linen, and the precious stones, of the
jewellery, of everything that goes into or comes out of palace’.72 The exercise of power and
prestige enjoyed by Niyamt Khan, Hoshiyar Khan, I’tbar Khan and Daulat during the reign of

62
DK-K, Miti Sawan Sudi 13, Miti Sawan Budi 3, Miti Sawan Sudi 7 & 8, 1774/1717, 255-6. A pair of pearl
earrings was also given.
63
DK-K, Miti Kati Sudi 15, 1775/1718, 257.
64
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 14, 1774/1717, 165.
65
DK-K, Miti Mah Budi 1, Miti Mah Sudi 1, Miti Fagu Budi 1 & 8, 1775/1718, 204-6.
66
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 8, 1775/1718, 171-2.
67
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 12 & 13, 1815/1758, 181-183.
68
DK-K, Miti Mah Budi 3, 1815/1758; Miti Posh Budi 3, 1823/1766; Miti Pratham Chait Sudi 2 & 14, 1841/1784,
182-3.
69
DK-K, Miti Mah Budi 1, 1812/1755, 279.
70
Lal, The Mughal Harem, 58.
71
Ibid.
72
Manucci, Mogul India, 326-328.
emperor Akbar, Jahangir and Shahjahan respectively was significantly loud. Eunuchs surrounded
the entire world of king while serving as governors, messengers, reporters, spies etc. At Jaipur
state, the official designations for Khojas/Nadars were mainly Darogai, Nazari and at times
envoy-hood. Khojas were entrusted with the duty to keep Zenani-Deodhi under strict
surveillance. The Darogah of Zenani-Deodhi was necessarily a Khoja. They were serving as
superintendents of the women palace. The Zenani-Deodhi accommodated mother queen, chief
queen, princes, princesses, ancillary aunts, other royal ladies, cousins, concubines, ladies-in-
waiting along with pattars (dancers), dawaris, daughters, maids, slave girls and women guards.
Nazari was an exclusive duty at the women apartments for which a Nazar was whole-sole in-
charge. In c.1822, Kisan-ram Khoja was appointed to Nazari-Zenani-Deodhi.73 Nand-ram Nadar
died while he was serving as Nazir. On his death his son Khoja Baldev was promoted to Nazari
who contemporarily was serving as Daroga.74 On assignment of Nazari-Zenani-Deodhi, Khoja
Roop-am was given 1-pair of pearl earrings, 1-pair of bangles, 2-thaans of thurma-pashmi-
butadaar and 1-jarib (chain).75 In c.1819, Brij Bhan Nadar was in-charge of Bada-Rawala
(women apartments) of Jagat Singh.76 In another instance Hirlal Khoja was appointed Nazir in
place of Nand-ram Nadar.77 A few Khojas rose up to Nazari due to their conduct, loyalty and
administrative efficiency. All the movements in and around the Zenani-Deodhi were strictly
guided by instructions from in-charge. The Nazir had full charge over the Zenana. Even a single
deviation from his instructions could lead to bizarre. This office entrusted the Nadar/Nazar in
direct contact with the King, queen and the court members. In 1772 AD, Daulat-ram Nadar was
appointed in-charge of the King’s treasury after signing a promissory note and an Inam
amounting of Rs.500/- was presented to him.78 The ability of the Khoja and official succession
were recognized by the inam.
Next to Nazari in hierarchy was Darogai (in-chargeship). Darogai was in-chargeship of a
particular office and area. At times it was a temporary duty such as Drogai for movement of
queen. Darogai assigned to the Khojas were mainly limited to treasury, Khwaas chela
(apartments of servants) and Khabri (news collectors). In c.1847, Khwaas-Chela-ki-Darogai
was assigned to Baldev instead of Hari Sing Paliwal.79 After six days Khabari-ki-Darogai was
also assigned to him and was instructed to move immediately for Khabari-ki-chowki and collect
news being there.80 Later, due to suggestion of Sarup Narayan the duty to deliver news for king
was also clubbed as his responsibility in the same office.81 Nearly after a month to celebrate the
rise in office and responsibilities, he distributed sweets at chowki.82 After transfer of Khoja
Baldev, Darogai-Khabari (office of new collection) was assigned to Khoja Manalal.83 After a
year, the Khoja ki Khabari ki darogai (in-chargeship for news collection of eunuchs) was also
assigned to him.84 Approximately, after two months the Chela Khwaas ki Darogai was also

73
DK-K, Miti Baishak Sudi 12, 1812/1755, 173.
74
DK-K, Miti Baishakh Budi 2, 1924/1867, 243-45.
75
DK-K, Miti Fagun Sudi 7, 1875/1818, 266.
76
DK-K, Miti Jaith Sudi 3, 1876/1819, 247.
77
DK-K, Miti Asadh Budi 8, 1905/1848, 287-88.
78
DK-K, Miti Kati Budi 11, 1829/1772, 228-9.
79
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 3, 1904/1847, 243.
80
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 9, 1904/1847, 243.
81
Ibid., 244.
82
DK-K, Miti Mah Budi 8, 1904/1847, 244.
83
DK-K, Miti Bhadwa Budi, 1904/1847, 249.
84
DK-K, Miti Asoj Sudi 10 1905/1848, 249.
entrusted upon him.85 Bakhat-ram Khoja was given inam for depositing the amount of Nazar in
Royal treasury. Due to his loyalty in matters of finance he became an eligible candidate for
holding post in the royal treasury.86 In 1848 AD, Khoja Hiralal was appointed Daroga at Jantar
(Jantar-Mantar) instead of Bhopal Singh Rajawat of Jhilai. It was due to the fact that Khoja
Hiralal was already serving in the community of panch-musahibas. Sweets were distributed to
celebrate the entry in aforesaid office.87 Similarly, Khoja Sehaj-ram joined the state service in
year 1767 and in c.1794 he celebrated the third anniversary of Darogai-Deodhi.88 This indicates
that after a constant service of 24 years he was able to secure the office of Drogai-Deodhi. The
duties of a Daroga were limited to the office in which he is appointed. Besides it certain
temporary duties were also assigned to them. The arrangements and protocol around the
movement of the queen were responsibility of Khojas. Certain amount of money was allotted for
setting the protocol in order. In year 1717, the procession of queen was supposed to reach dera
(halting station) after going around the city. For making arrangements of the procession, money
was allotted to Lachi-ram Khoja89, Lal (?) Khoja90, Himat-ram Khoja91 and Daulat-ram Khoja92
amounting to Rs.104/-, Rs.101/-, Rs.70/- and Rs.65/- respectively.
A few Khojas were educated, clever, well-versed in the art of speech and polity. These
qualifications made them to qualify as ambassadors, to represent the state. The representatives
from Jaipur state were sent to Mughal court and Deccan. Kisan-ram was a popular Khoja, who
was promoted to Nazari and later he was appointed as representative of Jaipur state at Delhi93
and Agra.94 In c.1746, a Khoja of Raja Ayamal95, Gulab Chand Khoja96 and Baisem Jai Kisan
Khoja97 were sent to court of Raja Sahuji in Deccan. Many gifts were bestowed upon them such
as pearl earrings and gold bangles. The amount and quantum of gifts allotted to the Khojas
indicates to their respective political significance. Similarly, the Jaipur state also received envoys
from the contemporary kingdoms. In c.1750, Khoja Deva came from Rampura, he was presented
11-thaans.98 Gumani Khan Khoja arrived twice at Jaipur court.99 Till the beginning of nineteenth
century the recruitment of eunuchs was a regular practice at the Rajput states.
The influence of a few Khojas do reflects from the titles allotted to them. The soubriquet
‘Baisem’ was bestowed upon the members of court. It stands as a synonym of honorable and
respectable. Some Khojas were decorated by this scarlet. Khoja of Aiyamalji was nominated for
court of Raja Sahuji. Due to his expertise on the political matters he was honored with cognomen
Baisem.100 Jai Kisan Khoja101 and Mano Khoja102 were also honoured as Baisem. Khoja Panna

85
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 3, 1905/1848, 250.
86
DK-K, Miti Asoj Budi 3, 1819/1762, 246.
87
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 3, 1905/1848, 287.
88
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 10, 1851/1794, 281-282.
89
DK-K, Miti Asadh Sudi 10, 1774/1717, 273.
90
Ibid., 274.
91
Ibid., 295.
92
Ibid., 223.
93
DK-K, Miti Asadh Sudi 6, 1884/1827, 174.
94
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 2, 1889/1832, 176-77.
95
DK-K, Miti Posh Budi 5, 1803/1746, 179.
96
Ibid., 190.
97
Ibid., 203.
98
DK-K, Miti Jaith Budi 9, 1807/1750, 227.
99
DK-K, Miti Fagun Sudi 2, 1885/1828 & Miti Fagun Sudi 5, 1889/1833, 193-4.
100
DK-K, Miti Posh Budi 5, 1803/1746, 179.
was attained title of Baisem being an able administrator of village Dodh Hadi in tappa Ramgarh
in pargana Amber.103 These titles were means for the state to create a class amongst the court
society and were serving icons of prestige for the recipient. For state the bestowal of titles was a
way to acknowledge qualifications and abilities.
The Khojas-Nadars who were performing well in the assigned office and regular duties were
rewarded by the state. The rewards for services rendered and to acknowledge the special act were
a custom to keep the loyalty in place, to make the alienated feel bound and very much inducted
in the king’s world. The balance at work needed participation from both the parties. It can’t be
one-way traffic. The eunuchs performed the duties and subsequently, the king reciprocated with
affection and care for the loyal retinue of perfect servants by bestowing inams. The Jaipur kings
granted inams to Khojas as special rewards. Inayat Khoja was presented Rs.200/- as dolthai-
inam in c.1717 and 1718 consecutively.104 Once Lachi-ram Khoja also received Rs.200/- as inam
for dol-thaipawa.105 In c.1754, Khoja Jai Kisan was presented Rs.150/- as inam for making pakki
jawga (garden of temple).106 Next year again Rs.300/- of inam was given to him as per promise
for making saakli-sona (gold chain).107 In year c.1755 and 1756, Himat-ram Nadar received
inams, both amounting Rs.200/-. First inam consisted of motiyo-ko-chokadao (a square pendent
of pearls) and mailalwa-kada-sona (a pair of gold bangles)108 and later was combination of
motiya-ka-chokada and mailal-kana-ka (a pair of earrings).109 Sanib-ram Khoja was given
Rs.100/- as inam, collected through contributions made by the members of court.110 Inam of
Rs.500/- was granted to Daulat-ram Nadar while he was taking-over the charge of king’s
treasury.111 A haveli (palace style house) was presented to Bakhat-ram Khoja in inam.112 Such
instances are rare but these rare evidences speak aloud about the importance of recipient.
Bakhtawar Nadar was given 2-thirma-pashmi-butadaar in inam.113 Four times in year 1827,
Kisan-ram Khoja was given Rs. 70.2anna.1paisa,114 2-paags (costing Rs.28.2anna),115 Rs.10
cash116 and rumaal-haso amounting Rs.28.3anna respectively as inam.117 These inams allowed
the eunuch to associate with the king and members of court. The amount of inam and items
varied as per the degree of expression. For the recipient an inam was a means to feel
accommodated and at par in the court society.
The special inams were rare which meant for accomplishing the twin tasks of acknowledging and
rewarding. This rarity was created to distinguish the special efforts and regular activities. At

101
Ibid., 203.
102
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 10, 1799/1742, 255.
103
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Budi 9, 1784/1727, 237-38.
104
DK-K, Miti Sawan Sudi 3, 1774/1717, 172 and Miti Jaith Budi 12 v.s 1771/1718 A.D.
105
DK-K, Miti Sawan Sudi 3, 1774/1717, 273.
106
DK-K, Miti Mah Sudi 14, 1811/1754, 218.
107
DK-K, Miti Chait Budi 11, 1812/1755, 218.
108
DK-K, Miti Baisakh Sudi 12, 1812/1755, 288.
109
DK-K, Miti Baisakh Sudi 4, 1814/1757, 288-289.
110
DK-K, Miti Bhadwa Sudi 2, 1828/1771, 279.
111
DK-K, Miti Kati Budi 11, 1829/1772, 228.
112
DK-K, Miti Asoj Budi 3, 1819/1762, 246.
113
DK-K, ??, 1875/1818, 245.
114
DK-K, Miti Jaith Sudi 1, 1884/1827, 173.
115
DK-K, Miti Asadh Sudi 6, 1884/1827, 174.
116
DK-K, Miti Bhadwa Budi 3, 1884/1827, 174.
117
DK-K, Miti Maha Budi 1, 1884/1827, 175.
times regular activities performed by the Khojas were also acknowledged, only if; it has been
carried out in a distinct style or art. The regular acknowledgements for in service Khojas were
done by bestowing gift items, cloth, and money. Under special circumstances a siropavs (robes
of honour) was bestowed. The various kinds of siropav were given off from the Jaipur court.118
The occasions for acknowledging Khojas/Nadars were birth, marriage, death, festivals and at
times rituals associated with birth and death. The minor festivals and certain days of hindu
calendar on which clothes, gifts and money were presented to Khojas were aakha-teej119 and
bakka-posh.120 The paah-posh was a slipper without heel. Some Khojas received gifts and some
money for offering paah-posh121, to the king. Interestingly, gifts granted against the offering of
paah-posh were presented only in year 1717 and 1718, which were beginning years of the newly
found Jaipur city. Might be it was part of the efforts and innovations made by Jai Singh to instill
loyalty amongst the court members as well as populace towards the newly found Jaipur state
which recently distanced from the Mughals. The celebrations at palace were occasions for
recognizing the special ones and were means to make Khoja feel very much part of the king’s
world. The festivities and rituals for adorning and gifting clothes to Khojas were janaiu122(sacred
thread ceremony) jadawal123 (Shaving-off head), unhala124 (the celebrations after child-birth)
and awal. At times the king also extended favors to Khojas in form of cash. The money was
given for making arrangements of marriage to be held in the family of Khoja/Nadar. This
amount was called segai-puniya (religious charity). In year 1744, Rs.50/- was given to Khoja
Chokh Chand as segai-puniya on marriage of his niece.125 An amount of Rs.200/- was granted
as segai-puniya to Khoja Rukonhi for marriage of his sister.126 These gestures were extended by
the king towards the Khojas for keeping them loyal, alert and vigilant.
The moments of grief were also occasions to register mutual care and concerns. The analysis of
archival documents helps to classify the measures of grief expression in three broad categories.
Primary, whenever the father of a Khoja died the state gave maatmi-paag (registering grief). In
c.1825, Khushpal Nadar expired, so maatmi-paag was given to his sons, Gopal127 and Hiralal.128
In 1819 AD, on death of Mohan-ram Nadar at Mathura, maatmi-paag was given to Khoja Lal
Sukh.129 A paag was also given from Zenani-Deodhi.130 It was for expressing grief only, beyond
it the state did not entertain. Secondly, if the deceased was in service of state, maatmi-paag was
followed by paag-rangeen (colored head-gear) for marking the soog-bandhai (end of

118
Choudhary, Manisha, “The Court Protocol and Social Ordering in Jaipur State”, International Journal of History
and Cultural Studies, vol.1.1, (2014):4-26; “The Royal Household (Rajlok)”Journal of Humanities and Social
sciences, vol.6.3, (2013):17-24.
119
DK-K, Miti Baisakh Sudi 3, 1855/1758, 175.
120
DK-K, Miti Fagun Budi 10, 1812/1755, 207.
121
DK-K, Miti Asoj Sudi 14 & Miti Asadh Sudi 6, 1774/1717, 186 & 188 (Ganga-ram Khoja); Miti Fagun Budi 8,
1775/1718, 204-205 (Johar Khoja); Miti Asoj Sudi 14, 1775/1718, 224 (Daulat-ram Khoja); Miti Chait Sudi 7, Miti
Baisakh Sudi 8 & Miti Asadh Sudi 12, 1775/1718, 258-259 (Moti-ram Khoja); Miti Chait Sudi 8, 1775/1718, 261
(Ratan Chand Khoja); Miti Asoj Sudi 14, 1775/1718, 296 (Himat-ram Khoja).
122
DK-K, Miti Chait Sudi 15, 1783/1726, 188; Miti Fagun Budi 9 & Miti Baisakh Sudi 10, 1815/1758, 279 & 283.
123
DK-K, Miti Kati Sudi 1, 1774/1717, 186 & 296-7 & Miti Fagun Sudi 7, 1874/1817, 250.
124
DK-K, Miti Asadh Budi 10, 1774/1717, 295 & Miti Chait Sudi 15, 1841/1784, 284.
125
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Budi 13, 1811/1754, 199.
126
DK-K, Miti Posh Budi 8, 1836/1779, 284.
127
DK-K, Miti Bhadwa Sudi 6, 1882/1825, 193.
128
Ibid., 287.
129
DK-K, Miti Sawan Sudi 7, 1876/1819, 253.
130
Ibid., 271.
condolence). Paag-rangeen was presented to Khoja Nand-ram, Khoja Baldev, Khoja Manalal
and Khoja Shankarlal to end condolence. 131 The former was called to take-up Nazari falling
vacant on death of his father. Kisan Das Nadar died so; paag-rangeen was presented to
Khushpal Khoja (s/o Kisan Das).132 At times tokenism was practiced. In 1755 AD, father of
Khoja Jai Kisan died, Rs.100/- was given.133 Lastly, very few siropav-maatmi (robe of honor for
registering grief) were given depending upon the influence and importance of the deceased and
successor. In 1839 AD, Kisan Das Nadar died so; Siropav-maatmi was bestowed upon his son
Khoja Nand-ram.134 When Nand-ram Nadar expired a siropav-maatami was presented to Baldev
(s/o Nand Ram).135 Thus, it can be said that very few Khojas were able to maintain an unaltered
and constantly smooth coordination with the state and in return the state rewarded and honoured
their services by bestowing the siropav.
Acknowledging a person on festivals was a way to recognize their importance. Money, gifts and
clothes were regularly given under category of maharbangi (kindness). Under maharbangi the
highest adoration was siropav-maharbangi followed by maharbangi-thirma-butadaar-pashmina,
maharbangi-thirma-butadaar, maharbangi-thirma. The siropav was most respectable,
expressive and effective device to mark the ascending order amongst the honorable and
desirables in the court. The Thikanedars and the other members of court were adorned with
siropavs’ on festivals such as Diwali, Holi, Dusharrra and various other occasions and to signify
an important political event.136 The Khojas were not presented siropavs’ on festivals. The
siropav-maharbangi stands for the robes given out of kindness. In an instance of c.1718, Aamut
Khoja received a Siropav-maharbangi costing Rs.48.2anna in total.137 In year 1719, a siropav-
maharbangi was bestowed upon Chokh Chand Khoja for conveying the message that ‘Solanki
Khawaas has given birth to a boy child’.138 Khoja Mubarak Khan was presented a maharbangi-
siropav costing Rs.27/-.139 After few days Khoja Ram Kisan, Khoja Tara Chand and Daulat-ram
Khoja received siropav-maharbangi of the equal cost on same day.140 A maharbangi-siropav
amounting Rs.323.3anna was bestowed upon Sewa-ram Khoja.141 Bakhat-ram Khoja was
adorned with a siropav-maharbangi costing Rs.27.2anna.142 All these six Siropav-maharbangi
were given in the last reign year of Jai Singh.
On regular basis the affection and kindness was expressed through the items of lower value
specially cloths like chadar, chira, aalam-jari, chit143, faito-gujrati144, kudti-chit145, jaama-bafta
and neema-momani146, dupatta-kor-palla-jari147, dhoti and angocha.148 Sri-ram Khoja was

131
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 11, 1896/1839, 233-34, 243, 249 & 277.
132
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 11, 1815/1758, 184.
133
DK-K, Miti Chait Sudi 4, 1812/1755, 218-219.
134
DK-K, Miti Posh Budi 13, 1896/1839, 233.
135
DK-K, Miti Dutik (2nd) Baisakh Budi 2, 1924/1867, 244.
136
Choudhary, “The Court Protocol and Social Ordering”.
137
DK-K, Miti Chait Sudi 3, 1775/1718, 168.
138
DK-K, Miti Sawan Budi 2, 1776/1719, 201.
139
DK-K, Miti Baisakh Sudi 14, 1799/1742, 255.
140
DK-K, Miti Baisakh Sudi 4, 1799/1742, 263, 221 & 225.
141
DK-K, Miti Baisakh Sudi 11, 1799/1742, 275.
142
Ibid., 241.
143
DK-K, Miti Baisakh Budi 11, 1774/1717, 261-62.
144
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 2, 1816/1759, 280.
145
DK-K, Miti Chait Sudi 2, 1818/1761, 290.
146
DK-K, Miti Katik Budi 6, 1774/1717, 296.
adorned with thirma-pashmi-butaadar amounting to Rs.15.149 At times costly items of gift were
also presented to mark the events. In c.1717, Ganga-ram Khoja received 40 pearls, 3-precious
stones and 2-tola gold.150 Next year, he was given gold bangles.151 Bakhat-ram Khoja was
presented gold bangles studded with precious stones.152 On same day along with Bakhat-ram
Khoja, Sewa-ram Khoja was adorned with Sarpaich-jadau (a jewel piece to decorate head-gear)
and gold bangles from Rattan-Grah (gems store).153 Khoja Sehaj-ram was given Rs.100/- for
pearls and cash of 4-mohars.154 On different occasions Akhai-ram Nadar was presented with
alam-rangeen and turo-badilatilai.155 A rare Siropav titled musav-khi-mukhatwari Siropav was
bestowed on Mohan-ram Nadar Tiwari rewarding his spy services.156 In true sense all the
rewarding efforts were means of the state, to keep the loyalty and affiliations in place and to
eliminate the diversions encountered by the Khojas. Indirectly, these exchanges made eunuchs
closely connected loyal units of the king. In long run it allowed the Khojas to secure social space
for themselves in the kingdom, which further facilitated accumulation of wealth, enhanced
prestige and allowed uninterrupted exercise of power.
In medieval India many eunuchs became popular because of their binding loyalty to the emperor
who subsequently enjoyed many favor. The most popular amongst them was Khwaja Niamat
who saved Emperor Akbar from an attempted assassination.157 Similar was loyalty of Khwaja
Basant towards Prince Dara at fortress of Bhakkar. He was made eunuch by Shahjahan, because
he was son of a rebelling Mewati chief.158 In Jaipur court during the reign of Jai Singh and Jagat
Singh, Panna Miyan and Mohan Nazir did enjoyed immense power and influence respectively.
The efficiency and control of Panna Miyan on the matters of state and court influenced Sawai Jai
Singh to the extent, that he ordered for designing a Mohar (the royal seal) on which name of
Panna Miyan was to be inscribed on the top and the king’s name at the bottom. After much
thought; an inscribe on the royal seal was made, saying “Gulamast Panna Basid kosafai,
Maharajadhiraj Jai Singh Sawai”.159 At times affection between king and the Khoja reached to
great levels of intimacy, which serves’ much humor. Once such instance was of Brij Bhan Nadar
Brahman who lost consciousness on death of Jagat Singh, and regained his senses only after one
year 5 months and 9 days. On same day Rs.100/- was allotted to him for making puniya-dan
(charitable donations).160 As discussed above, it was a mutual arrangement, where the king
extended the favors and in return the eunuchs remained exclusively loyal in state service
especially towards the king. The dependence and close affiliation amongst both souls helped
them to work together in binding association.

147
DK-K, Miti Pratham Chait Sudi 2, Miti Pratham Chait Sudi 14 & Miti Pratham Chait Sudi 2, Miti Pratham Chait
Sudi 14, 1841/1784, 182, 265 & 280-281 respectively.
148
DK-K, Miti Asadh Budi 5, 1774/1717, 296.
149
DK-K, Miti Mah Budi 1 & Bakai Mangsir Budi 10, 1812/1755, 258.
150
DK-K, Miti Bhadwa Budi 1, 1774/1717, 185.
151
DK-K, Miti Katik Sudi 5, 1775/1718, 186-7.
152
DK-K, Miti Baisakh Budi 11, 1799/1742, 241.
153
Ibid., 275.
154
DK-K, Miti Kati Budi 7, 1824/1767, 281; Miti Bhadwa Sudi 2, 1825/1768, 282.
155
DK-K, Miti Jaith Sudi 1 & 10, 1827/1770, 169.
156
DK-K, Miti Bhadwa Budi 5 & 6, 1874/1817, 250-251.
157
Ain-i-Akbari, 2: 270.
158
Manucci, Mogul India, 2: 430.
159
Singh, Mardumshumari, 386.
160
DK-K, Miti Jaith Sudi 3, 1876/1819, 247.
Due to the unalterable loyalty Khojas of Jaipur court were able to secure influential political
positions like envoy-hood, court functionary etc. The state allowed Khojas to celebrate their
appointments and promotions. These celebrations were for recognizing them as part and parcel
of the court. Silently, these events motivated Khojas for positive and constructive actions. In
c.1839, Khoja Nand-ram was appointed as Nazari. He was carried to Zenani-Deodhi in
palanquin, followed by a few nobles.161 Khoja Baldev distributed shirni (sweets) on his
appointment as a direct reporter to the king.162 Khoja Hiralal was appointed Daroga of Jantar so
he distributed sweets.163 In year 1794, Khoja Sehaj-ram completed three years of his service as
Daroga-Deodhi. On celebrations of third anniversary salaam and nazar were given from court.
Two Darogas of his team who were posted in women apartments came from Deodhi along with
him to the court for distributing sweets.164
The state not only accommodated, appreciated and rewarded the Khojas. At times the state
performed certain gestures as reactions to punish and mark unacceptable acts and behaviors.
Aurangzeb removed the head eunuch from Zenana-Mahal because the later killed a man by
throwing him from garden wall to vengeance his conviction of carelessness.165 Mohan-ram
Nadar was an appointee (Nazir) at Sawai-Jaigarh, independent charge. Under punishment (dand)
his appointment at Sawai-Jaigarh Qila was cancelled and was brought in the palace. The
independent charge was also taken away.166 After some time he was ordered to write name of
lord Ram on a piece of paper repeatedly.167 Generally, this is an exercise to make a person feel
guilty, repent and to give a binding assurance that in future the mistake will not be repeated.
Later, in c.1818, Mohan-ram Nadar along with Misr Ganesh Narayan left service of Jaipur state
(Darbar bisar kar gava) and accompanied General Luni Akhtar Firangi for joining service at
Delhi.168 Later, he went to Mathuraji (pilgrimage visit) and fell ill. He was unable to recover so
the poison was administered and he died. To shun down unacceptable behavior of Mohan-ram
Nadar (leaving state service), the state denied expanse of khurch (miscellaneous expenses for
cremation) and kanu (post death feasts).169 Whereas allocation of kanu grant was a well-
established norm at Jaipur.
The religion affiliation and practices of eunuchs has never been highlighted. The religious
association of eunuch community needs to be explored to understand the cosmopolitan nature of
this community. The community of Khojas serving at Jaipur state was heterogeneous in its
composition. Both Hindus and Muslims were members of it irrespective of their caste
hierarchies.170 The names and surnames are of help to get an insight into the religious
affiliations. For example Ajab-ram, Akhai-ram, Kisan-ram, Ganga-ram, Gobind-ram, Jai Kisan,
Daulat-ram, Bakhat-ram, Brij Bhan, Manalal, Mohan-ram Tiwari, Mani-ram, Moti-ram, Ram
Kisan, Ramanand, Ram Chand, Roop-ram, Lachi-ram, Sewa-ram, Salegram, Sanib-ram, Sri-ram,
Sehaij-ram, Himat-ram, Shree Kisan were hindus and Khuda Baksh, Inayat Khoja, Panna Miya,

161
DK-K, Miti Mah Sudi 5, 1896/1839, 234.
162
DK-K, Miti Mah Budi 8, 1904/1847, 244.
163
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 3, 1905/1848, 287.
164
DK-K, Miti Mangsir Sudi 10, 1851/1794, 282.
165
Manucci, Mogul India, 2: 31; Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire A.D. 1656-1668, 132-133.
166
DK-K, Miti Asoj Budi 13, 1874/1817, 250.
167
DK-K, Miti Jaith Sudi 7, 1874/1817, 251.
168
DK-K, Miti Asadh Budi 8, 1875/1818, 252.
169
DK-K, Miti Sawan Sudi 7, 1876/1819, 253.
170
Singh, Mardumshumari, 387.
Bhaktawar Nadar, Khoja Mubar Khan were professing Islam. The suffix of Ram to names
appears as a regular feature throughout the document. The Jaipur state was follower of Rama-
nandi sect before shifting to the blessings of Govinddevji. It could be a hangover of the same or
a popular method for making the religious association explicit.
Many high caste individuals enrolled in this community. The celebrations around the event of
enrollment during and after castration were never in public view. The primary purpose that
oriented the high caste to admit in the Khojahood was the aim of accumulating wealth. Contrary
to it, for poor populace, it was an effective mechanism for settling the tax accounts in single
stroke. Usually, high caste people voluntarily enrolled in the community to make fortunes after
fulfilling the social obligations like marriage, child-birth etc. The voluntariness of poor to give
away a male child is doubtful! The famous Nazir Harkarn was a Shrimali Brahman, a highly
placed group amongst the hierarchy of Brahmin community.171 The religion and caste was no bar
for accepting any male in this heterogeneous community. After enrollment, the conversion to
Islam was at work during the reign of Mughals. It was mainly due to influence of polity. The
practice of conversion was not appreciated in the Jaipur court and the eunuchs continued to
practice and profess their natal religions. In c.1832, Khoja Kisan-ram went for Ganga-sanaan so
gifts were presented to him.172 Daulat-ram Nadar and Sanib-ram Khoja went to Jagannath-raiji
(Jagannath Puri) after visiting Gayaji (Gaya) for snan (a ritualistic bath) and returned to court, so
siropav was bestowed upon them.173 Both the cities (Jagannath Puri in Orissa and Gaya at Bihar)
are famous pilgrim sites for hindus. Gaya is also popularly associated with Buddhism because
Buddha attained enlightenment in this holy city. Mohan-ram Nadar visited Mathuraji and
Vrindavanji for pilgrimage.174 Both the towns are pilgrimage centers for Vishnava sect followers.
When Mohan-ram Nadar died at Mathura his son was called in Zenani-Deodhi and was told to
go for snan (ritual bath for purification after death of a family member).175 Along with religion,
the caste ties also continued and were used by eunuchs to display their affiliations. The famous
eunuch of Jaipur court was Mohan-ram Nadar Tiwari who came in Khojaship from a reputed
Brahmin family and made immense wealth.176 Similar was the case of Brij Bhan Brahman
Nadar, who was a Brahman and he continued to use ‘Brahman’ in his name.177 The Khojas from
high castes didn’t shun off their family names and native community associations. This
continuance depicts the acceptability of caste and community ties amongst eunuchs.
Along with all the state functions and responsibilities a few courteous eunuchs were also
engaged for education of the prince’s in liberal and military arts along with the other learned
tutors and matrons.178 The eunuchs were portrayed as strict, clever, manipulative and effeminate.
The credential of eunuchs and the training imparted by them were much doubted by Bernier.179

171
Ibid.
172
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi 2, 1889/1832, 177.
173
DK-K, Miti Jaith Sudi 3, 1828/1771, 228 & 277-279.
174
DK-K, Miti Sawan Sudi 7, 1876/1819, 252-253.
175
Ibid.
176
DK-K, Miti Fagun Sudi 7, 1874/1817, 250-252.
177
DK-K, Miti Jaith Sudi 3, 1876/1819, 247.
178
Manucci, Mogul India, 2: 323-324.
179
Bernier, Travels, 144-6. He also notes “eunuch, persons who posses no enlarged and liberal views of policy, and
who employed their time in barbarous intrigues, banishing, imprisoning and strangling each other.”
Manucci also concluded the same.180 The Jaipur state looked forward for educated and militarily
efficient eunuchs and never let go any chance to procure a qualified Khoja. In year 1837, Khuda
Baksh who was Nazar of Kisan Das was kept at court as Chakar, due to his eloquence and he
was allotted Rs.20/- for making new clothes.181 Another Nadar of Kisan Das named Baldev was
also at court and was given a paag-rangeen as per promise for sog-bandhai on his father’s
death.182 The eunuchs who attained fame being in the service of Jaipur state were Panna183,
Bhaktawar184, Mohan-ram Nadar185, Brij Bhan Brahman186, Anopa Banduk Sajusta (a rifle
expert)187 and Kisan-ram.188 Anopa Banduk Sajusta gave rifle as Nazar, after 2 months shoot a
round as Nazar. In first episode the king reciprocated with a Siropav and at later gave Rs.25/-.189
Grand chamberlain became the sole intermediary between the two sides, those who want to meet
and the emperor.190 Similar was the duty entrusted upon a Nazir. They knew no exception to
bribes for securing audience before the king. However, these instances don’t appear in the state
documents. This absence is might be due to the nature of records, which are very much state
centric.
To conclude, in Greek ‘eune’ means ‘bed’ and ‘ekhein’ stands for ‘to hold’. The word eunuch is
derived from the Greek word ‘eunoukhos’ which literally means a ‘bed chamber attendant/bed-
room guard’. The employment of eunuchs in medieval kingdoms doesn’t seem to be limited to
the bed chambers due to their loyalty, affinity and clever moves. They did their jobs efficiently
and filled valuable and influential positions acquired through display of faithfulness, generosity
and bravery. Many eunuchs rose to powerful positions and exerted immense influence in the
state. These incentives made the affinity for eunuchism very strong. Often Nazir Harkaran use to
bless others by uttering “ki parmeshwar apko bhav-bhav Najar kare (may god make you Nazir
again and again)”.191 Truly, Khoja-Nadars had voice to reckon on and reckon with.

180
Manucci, Mogul India, 2: 74-75. “this sort of animal….afraid to spend…fond of receiving….tounge and hand of
these baboons act together….foul in speech…found of wine…aware of character of these monsters, did not allowed
such to be employed in his house. Thus suffices for a brief notice of what eunuchs are.”
181
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi, 1894/1837, 183.
182
DK-K, Miti Posh Sudi, 1896/1839, 243.
183
DK-K, 237-9.
184
DK-K, 245.
185
DK-K, 250-254.
186
DK-K, 247.
187
DK-K, 299.
188
DK-K, 173-177.
189
DK-K, Miti Chait Sudi 13 & Miti Jaith Sudi 13, 1808/1751, 299.
190
Renner, “The functional role of eunuch”, 2.
191
Singh, Mardumshumari, 387.