Mearsheimer Vs Waltz

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The passage discusses the differing views of offensive realism by Mearsheimer and defensive realism by Waltz on international order and state behavior.

Mearsheimer assumes that the international system is anarchic, great powers will have offensive military capacities, states can never be completely confident of other states' intentions, survival is the principal goal of great powers, and great powers are rational actors.

Mearsheimer views states as always pursuing hegemony, while Waltz argues states have a range of aspirations from self-preservation to domination. Mearsheimer sees little room for cooperation, while Waltz believes in the possibility of power balances.

Kelsie Ehalt

Professor Farrell / Vanes Ibric

PSC 1003

October 3, 2015

Mearsheimer vs. Waltz

Mearsheimer and Waltz are the main voices of the Offensive and Defensive Realism

debate. Each argues for a particular international order; Mearsheimer sees one of marked by

power hunger, while Waltz sees one of potential balance.

Mearsheimer begins by making five assumptions: the international system is anarchic,

great powers will have offensive military capacities, states can never be completely confident

that they know other states’ intentions, survival is the principal goal of great powers, and great

powers are rational actors (Mearsheimer 30-31). He then postulates that great powers, in the end,

want hegemony. In addition, since there is no world police, states have to defend themselves,

without the expectation of help from others, from potential threats. Alliances he says are, “only

temporary marriages of convenience” (Mearsheimer 33). He further explains that since great

powers fear each other, and have the military strength, and maybe the motive, to attack, they will

continually build up arms until one state has the most power and most security, a la the security

dilemma. This is why, he says, that hegemony is the ultimate goal; it provides the closest thing to

a guarantee of safety. Smaller states, of course, could try to challenge the hegemon, but will

inevitably lose because of the super state’s more powerful military. In short, Mearsheimer would

say they too much power is not enough.

Waltz agrees with Mearsheimer’s assumptions for the most part. He also emphasizes the

anarchy of the international system and the want for survival, but adds that states are, “unitary

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actors who, at a minimum, seek their own preservation, and at a maximum, drive for universal

domination” (Waltz 118). Here is where he diverges sharply from Mearsheimer; Waltz argues

that there is a sliding scale of state aspiration with hegemony only at one extreme end.

Mearsheimer, in contrast, contends that all states (at least big ones) desire nothing short of global

supremacy. Waltz instead proposes an international arrangement where groups of states try to

balance each other’s power. If one state starts to accumulate too much power, smaller states can

join together to challenge them. But, these smaller states have a choice; either join the side of the

larger state that is threatening them to try and become more secure defensively, or the opposing

coalition to attempt to prevent the aggressor from attacking. This choice is where the

complexities of international relations are best seen. Waltz asserts that balance is unavoidable,

writing, “we find states forming balances of power whether or not they wish to” (Waltz 125).

Mearsheimer, overall, provides a significantly more pessimistic view of the world. It is

characterized by inexorable, power-hungry, mega-states who aim for world domination. Stability

is only a far-off dream. There is little to no room for cooperation between states, only tension

from the pursuit of each’s best interest and survival. Mearsheimer’s world is practically an

apocalyptic one for small states - they are subject to the domination of the great powers with

little hope of getting any power for themselves. Waltz is immensely more hopeful through his

discussion of power balances; one state can stockpile a lot of power, but other states will always

be there to take their ambition down a few ticks, so there is no fear of absolute dominance by one

state.

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Works Cited

Mearsheimer, John J. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York, New York: W. W.

Norton & Company, 2001.

Waltz, Kenneth N. Theory of International Politics. New York, New York: McGraw Hill, 1979.

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