Ocampo v. Enriquez PDF
Ocampo v. Enriquez PDF
Ocampo v. Enriquez PDF
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* EN BANC.
** Rene A.V. Saguisag, et al. filed a petition for certiorari-
in-intervention.
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MARCOS, respondents.
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SERENO, CJ., Dissenting Opinion:
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CARPIO, J., Dissenting Opinion:
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BRION, J., Separate Concurring Opinion:
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PEREZ, J., Separate Opinion:
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MENDOZA, J., Separate Opinion:
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LEONEN, J., Dissenting Opinion:
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CAGUIOA, J., Dissenting Opinion:
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PERALTA, J.:
In law, as much as in life, there is need
to find closure. Issues that have lingered
and festered for so long and which
unnecessarily divide the people and slow
the path to the future have to be interred.
To move on is not to forget the past. It is to
focus on the present and the future,
leaving behind what is better left for
history to ultimately decide. The Court
finds guidance from the Constitution and
the applicable laws, and in the absence of
clear prohibition against the exercise of
discretion entrusted to the political
branches of the Government, the Court
must not overextend its readings of what
may only be seen as providing tenuous
connection to the issue before it.
Facts
During the campaign period for the 2016
Presidential Election, then candidate Rodrigo R.
Duterte (Duterte) publicly announced that he
would allow the burial of former President
Ferdinand E. Marcos (Marcos) at the Libingan
ng mga Bayani (LNMB). He won the May 9,
2016 election, garnering 16,601,997 votes. At
noon of June 30, 2016, he formally assumed his
office at the Rizal Hall in the Malacañan Palace.
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On August 9, 2016, respondent AFP Rear
Admiral Ernesto C. Enriquez issued the
following directives to the Philippine Army (PA)
Commanding General:
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255
Dissatisfied with the foregoing issuance, the
following were filed by petitioners:
1. Petition for Certiorari and Prohibition3 filed
by Saturnino Ocampo and several others,4 in
their capacities as human rights advocates or
human rights violations victims as defined
under Section 3(c) of Republic Act (R.A.) No.
10368 (Human Rights Victims Reparation and
Recognition Act of 2013).
2. Petition for Certiorari-in-Intervention5 filed
by Rene A.V. Saguisag, Sr. and his son,6 as
members of the Bar and human rights lawyers,
and his grandchild.7
3. Petition for Prohibition8 filed by
Representative Edcel C. Lagman, in his personal
capacity, as member of the House of
Representatives and as Honorary Chairperson of
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ANNOTATED
Ocampo vs. Enriquez
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x x x
The reasons for denying a cause of action to an
alleged infringement of broad constitutional principles
are sourced from basic considerations of due process
and the lack of judicial authority to wade “into the
uncharted ocean of social and economic policy
making.”59
In the same vein, Sec. 1 of Art. XI of the
Constitution is not a self-executing provision
considering that a law should be passed by the
Congress to clearly define and effectuate the
principle embodied therein. As a matter of fact,
pursuant thereto, Congress enacted R.A. No.
6713 (“Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards
for Public Officials and Employees”), R.A. No.
6770 (“The Ombudsman Act of 1989”), R.A. No.
7080 (An Act Defining and Penalizing the Crime
of Plunder), and Republic Act No. 9485 (“Anti--
Red Tape Act of 2007”). To complement these
statutes, the Executive Branch has issued
various orders, memoranda, and instructions
relative to the norms of behavior/code of
conduct/ethical standards of officials and
employees; workflow charts/public transactions;
rules and policies on gifts and benefits; whistle
blowing and reporting; and client feedback
program.
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67 Section 1.
68 Sec. 2. There is hereby created a Board on National
Pantheon composed of the Secretary of the Interior, the
Secretary of Public Works and Communications and the
Secretary of Education and two private citizens to be
appointed by the President of the Philippines with the
consent of the Commission on Appointments which shall
have the following duties and functions:
(a) To determine the location of a suitable site for the
construction of the said National Pantheon, and to have such
site acquired, surveyed and fenced for this purpose and to
delimit and set aside a portion thereof wherein shall be
interred the remains of all Presidents of the Philippines and
another portion wherein the remains of heroes, patriots and
other great men of the country shall likewise be interred;
(b) To order and supervise the construction thereon of
uniform monuments, mausoleums, or tombs as the Board
may deem appropriate;
(c) To cause to be interred therein the mortal remains of
all Presidents of the Philippines, the national heroes and
patriots;
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77 Id.
78 Id.
79 Id., Sec. 27.
80 “Memorialization” refers to the preservation of the
memory of the human rights violations victims, objects,
events and lessons learned during the Marcos regime. This is
part of the inherent obligation of the State to acknowledge
the wrongs committed in the past, to recognize the heroism
and sacrifices of all Filipinos who were victims of gross
human rights violations during Martial Law, and to prevent
the recurrence of similar abuses (Sec. 1[j], Rule II, IRR of
R.A. No. 10368).
81 Sec. 1, Rule VII, IRR of R.A. No. 10368.
82 Id., Sec. 2.
83 Id., Sec. 3.
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C. On International Human Rights
Laws
Petitioners argue that the burial of Marcos at
the LNMB will violate the rights of the HRVVs
to “full” and “effective” reparation, which is
provided under the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights
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85 Article 2
1. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes
to respect and to ensure to all individuals within its territory
and subject to its jurisdiction the rights recognized in the
present Covenant, without distinction of any kind, such as
race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other
opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other
status.
2. Where not already provided for by existing legislative
or other measures, each State Party to the present Covenant
undertakes to take the necessary steps, in accordance with
its constitutional processes and with the provisions of the
present Covenant, to adopt such laws or other measures as
may be necessary to give effect to the rights recognized in
the present Covenant.
3. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes:
(a) To ensure that any person whose rights or freedoms
as herein recognized are violated shall have an effective
remedy, notwithstanding that the violation has been
committed by persons acting in an official capacity;
(b) To ensure that any person claiming such a remedy
shall have his right thereto determined by competent
judicial, administrative or legislative authorities, or by any
other competent authority provided for by the legal system of
the State, and to develop the possibilities of judicial remedy;
(c) To ensure that the competent authorities shall
enforce such remedies when granted.
86 IX. Reparation for harm suffered
15. Adequate, effective and prompt reparation is
intended to promote justice by redressing gross violations of
international human rights law or serious violations of
international humanitarian law. Reparation should be
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ANNOTATED
Ocampo vs. Enriquez
The Philippines is more than compliant with
its international obligations. When the Filipinos
regained their democratic institutions after
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A. National Shrines
As one of the cultural properties of the
Philippines, national historical shrines (or
historical shrines) refer to sites or structures
hallowed and
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96 Id.
97 Approved on March 26, 2010.
98 Approved on May 12, 2010 and took effect on June 13,
2010.
99 Sec. 2 of R.A. 10066 and Sec. 2 of R.A. 10086.
100 Id.
101 Id.
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132 Book IV, Title VIII, Subtitle II, Chapter 1, Sec. 18.
133 Id., Chapter 5, Sec. 32(4).
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follows:
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I
It is hereby agreed that the remains of former President
Ferdinand E. Marcos shall be allowed to be brought back to the
Philippines from Hawaii, USA on 1 September 1992.
II
That the remains shall be brought directly from Hawaii, USA to
Laoag, Ilocos Norte by means of an aircraft which shall fly directly
to its port of destination at Laoag International Airport, Laoag,
Ilocos Norte. It shall be understood that once the aircraft enters the
Philippine area of responsibility, stopover for whatever reason in
any airport other than the airport of destination shall be allowed
only upon prior clearance from the Philippine Government.
III
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brought to the Capitol for public viewing; (3) on the next day,
the remains would be brought to Batac where it should be
placed side by side with the late Doña Josefa Edralin
Marcos; (4) that on September 9, Doña Josefa Marcos would
be buried in the cemetery besides Governor Elizabeth
Marcos Roca; and (5) on September 10, the late President
Marcos would be buried in the mausoleum.
On September 10, 1993, the coffin of former President
Marcos was opened inside the mausoleum and was
subsequently placed inside a transparent glass for viewing.
298
Commander-in-Chief,150 a legislator,151 a
152
Secretary of National Defense, a military
153 154
personnel, a veteran, and a Medal of Valor
awardee,155
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It has been held that an administrative
regulation adopted pursuant to law has the force
and effect of law and, until set aside, is binding
upon executive and administrative agencies,
including the President as the chief executor of
laws.158
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ANNOTATED
Ocampo vs. Enriquez
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There is a separate list of eligible with respect
to the inurnment of cremated remains in the
Columbarium,166 interment of cremated re-
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occurs while:
(i) Attending an authorized training camp or cruise;
(ii) Performing authorized travel to or from that camp or
cruise; or
(iii) Hospitalized or receiving treatment at the expense of
the Government for injury or disease incurred or contracted
while attending such camp or cruise or while traveling to or
from such camp or cruise.
(5) Any citizen of the United States who, during any war
in which the United States has been or may hereafter be
engaged, served in the armed forces of any government allied
with the United States during that war, whose last service
ended honorably by death or otherwise, and who was a
citizen of the United States at the time of entry into that
service and at the time of death.
(6) Commissioned officers, United States Coast and
Geodetic Survey (now National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration) who die during or subsequent to the service
specified in the following categories and whose last service
terminated honorably:
(i) Assignment to areas of immediate military hazard.
(ii) Served in the Philippine Islands on December 7, 1941.
(iii) Transferred to the Department of the Army or the
Department of the Navy under certain statutes.
311
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ANNOTATED
Ocampo vs. Enriquez
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To note, in the U.S., a person found to have
committed a Federal or State capital crime (i.e.,
a crime which a sentence of imprisonment for
life or death penalty may be imposed) but who
has not been convicted by reason of not being
available for trial due to death or flight to avoid
prosecution, may be ineligible for interment,
inurnment, or memorialization in an Army
national military cemetery. Nevertheless, such
ineligibility must still observe the procedures
specified in § 553.21.180
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324
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WHEREFORE, PREMISES
CONSIDERED, the petitions are DISMISSED.
Necessarily, the Status Quo Ante Order is
hereby LIFTED.
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325
DISSENTING OPINION
SERENO, CJ.:
The whole thesis of respondents on the
substantive issues lies in the absence of an
express prohibition against the burial of former
President Marcos; hence, they argue that this
Court cannot characterize the current
President’s decision to have him buried at the
Libingan ng mga Bayani (LNMB) as one made
in grave abuse of discretion.
Nothing can be more wrong, and no view
more diminishing of the Judiciary’s mandated
role under the 1987 Constitution.
If the absence of an express prohibition were
to be the primary or sole determinant of the
merits of this case, then even the processing
clerk of the administrative office supervising the
LNMB could decide this matter by simply
ticking off the appropriate box in a Yes or No
question that asks: “Is there an express statute
that prohibits a President from burying a former
bemedalled soldier or president in the Libingan
ng mga Bayani? If yes, bury. If no, do not bury.”
To the contrary, the case can only be decided
by deeply and holistically analyzing the extent
and implications of the legal phenomenon called
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The 1987 Constitution is the embodiment
of the Filipino nations’ enduring values,
which this Court must zealously protect.
Countless times, this Court has said in so
many words that the 1987 Constitution
embodies the Filipinos’ enduring values.4 The
protection of those values has consequently
become the duty of the Court. That this is the
legal standard by which to measure whether it
has properly comported itself in its
constitutional role has been declared in various
fashions by the Court itself.
See, for example, how this Court articulated
its duty to protect the environment,5 women,6
children,7 labor,8 the indigenous people,9 and
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I do not believe that this Court is bereft of
sufficient guides that can aid in the exercise of
its role of protecting and advancing
constitutional rights. It must with a magnifying
lens examine whether clear intent, historical
references, and express mandates can be found
in the 1987 Constitution and whether these are
relevant to this case. We must pick them out and
examine them. The ill-gotten wealth statutes,
the remedial human rights legislation — all
describe the burden of a nation that must
recover from the financial and moral plunder
inflicted upon this nation by Marcos, his family
and his cronies. We must get our bearings from
these guideposts and find out if they instruct us
on what must be done with respect to his
proposed burial beyond the express and implied
condemnation of the wrongs he has committed
against the country. The pronouncements of this
Court and those of the Sandiganbayan, the legal
pleadings and administrative propositions
submitted by the Philippine government to
international and local tribunals from 1987 to
the present — a full 29 years — from these we
must infer an indication of the treatment that
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Chief Justice Puno unequivocably repudiated
the “ends-justifies-means” mantra of Martial
Law when he catapulted the rights that Marcos
trampled upon to the highest pinnacle of
government priorities, and when as Chief
Justice he made as his tenure’s flagship the
promulgation of the extraordinary and novel
human rights writs of amparo and habeas data.
If it is true that when the Government itself
violates the very rights it was established to
protect, that violation forfeits its right to govern,
then it becomes necessary for this Court to reject
any governmental attempt that encourages the
degradation of those rights. For this Court
guards not only against clear and direct
violations of the Constitution, but also against
actions that lead this country and its rulers to a
slippery slope that threatens to hurl its people to
the abyss of helpless unprotectedness.
Contrary to the thesis of my esteemed
colleague Justice Diosdado Peralta, the
constitutional provisions guaranteeing the
protection of human rights are not inert, coming
to life only when there is a specific law that
would make these rights accessible in specific
cases. Each right
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I.
The Court has the Authority to Resolve this
Controversy Under the Expanded Concept of
Judicial Review in the 1987 Constitution.
Respondents contend that the issue in this
case is a matter within the discretion of the
Executive and must consequently be considered
beyond our power of judicial review.
335
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The above provision delineates judicial power
and engraves, for the first time, the so-called
expanded certiorari jurisdiction of the Supreme
Court.16
The first part of the provision represents the
traditional concept of judicial power involving
the settlement of conflicting rights as conferred
by law. The second part represents the
expansion of judicial power to enable the courts
of justice to review what was before forbidden
territory; that is, the discretion of the political
departments of the government.17
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18 Id.
337
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The expansion of judicial power resulted in
constricting the reach of the political question
doctrine.20 Marcos v. Manglapus21 was the first
case that squarely dealt with the issue of the
scope of judicial power vis-à-vis the political
question doctrine under the 1987 Constitution.
In that case, the Court explained:
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338
The prerogative of the Court to review cases
in order to determine the existence of grave
abuse of discretion was further clarified in
Estrada v. Desierto:23
Notably, the present Constitution has not
only vested the judiciary with the right to
exercise judicial power, but made it a duty to
proceed therewith — a duty that cannot be
abandoned “by the mere specter of this creature
called the political question doctrine.”25 This
duty must be exercised “to correct errors of
jurisdiction committed not only by a tribunal,
corporation, board or officer exercising judicial,
quasi-judicial or
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The question I now pose to my colleagues in
the Majority: “Are we not, by refusing to pass
upon the question of the effects of the Marcos
burial at the LNMB, encouraging
authoritarianism, plunder, and the violation of
human rights, by signaling that what Marcos
and his Martial Rule represents is not
anathema?”
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ploration, 311 Phil. 795; 241 SCRA 681 (1995); The Holy See
v. Rosario, Jr., G.R. No. 101949, 1 December 1994, 238
SCRA 524; International Catholic Migration Commission v.
Calleja, 268 Phil. 134; 190 SCRA 130 (1990).
29 Vinuya v. Romulo, 633 Phil. 538; 619 SCRA 533
(2010).
30 Evardone v. Commission on Elections, G.R. Nos.
94010, 95063, 2 December 1991, 204 SCRA 464.
31 Marcos v. Manglapus, supra note 1.
32 Gonzales v. Macaraig, Jr., 269 Phil. 472; 191 SCRA
452 (1990).
33 Llamas v. Orbos, 279 Phil. 920; 202 SCRA 844 (1991).
341
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In Biraogo v. Philippine Truth Commission of
2010,38 even the President’s creation of a Truth
Commission was reviewed by the Court. As will
be further explained, the fact that the
commission was created to implement a
campaign promise did not prevent the
Court from examining the issue.
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39 Daza v. Singson, 259 Phil. 980; 180 SCRA 496 (1989).
40 Bondoc v. Pineda, supra note 1.
41 Bengzon, Jr. v. Senate Blue Ribbon Committee, G.R.
No. 89914, 20 November 1991, 203 SCRA 767, 769.
42 In Oposa v. Factoran, Jr., supra note 1, the Court
declared that “the political question doctrine is no longer the
insurmountable obstacle to the exercise of judicial power or
the impenetrable shield that protects executive and
legislative actions from judicial inquiry or review.”
43 Francisco, Jr. v. Nagmamalasakit na mga
Manananggol ng mga Manggagawang Pilipino, Inc., supra
note 1.
44 Neri v. Senate Committee on Accountability of Public
Officers and Investigations, 573 Phil. 554; 564 SCRA 152
(2008).
45 Gutierrez v. House of Representatives Committee on
Justice, 658 Phil. 322; 643 SCRA 198 (2011). We explained
therein that “the Court is not asserting
343
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344
Notably, while there were instances when the
Court deferred from interfering with an issue
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Even under those circumstances, however,
the Court still decided the controversy and
ultimately declared the creation of the Truth
Commission unconstitutional. While I maintain
my dissenting view because unknowable
standards were imposed in that case, I believe
that the Court correctly took cognizance of the
dispute, notwithstanding the fact that a
campaign promise was involved. There is no
reason for the Court to deviate from that course
in the present case.
Having established the duty of the Court to
review the assailed acts, it is now necessary to
examine whether the decision of the President to
allow the burial of former President Marcos at
the LNMB is consistent with the Constitution
and the laws.
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II.
The President Acted with Grave Abuse of
Discretion and in Violation of his Duty to
Faithfully Execute the Laws when he
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348
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To carry out this duty, the Court must
examine not only the subject law itself, but the
entire body of related laws including the
Constitution,
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In this case, we are being asked to decide
whether the President may validly order the
burial of Former President Marcos in the LNMB.
The resolution of this question requires more
than an examination of the text of AFP
Regulations 161-375. More than finding a
textual anchor, we are compelled by this issue to
scrutinize the implications of the President’s
order and determine if it conflicts with the text,
the policy, and the spirit of the law.
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1. Marcos is perpetuated
as a plunderer and a
perpetrator of human
rights violations in our
organic and statutory
laws.
As soon as the EDSA Revolution succeeded in
1986, the revolutionary government — installed
by the direct exercise of the power of the Filipino
people72 — declared its objective to immediately
recover the ill-gotten wealth amassed by Marcos,
his family, and his cronies. The importance of
this endeavor is evident in the fact that it was
specifically identified in the 1986 Provisional
Constitution as part of the mandate of the
people. Article II, Section 1 of that Constitution
states:
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Pursuant to this mandate, then President
Corazon Aquino issued three executive orders
focused entirely on the recovery of the ill-gotten
wealth taken by Marcos and his supporters:
a) Executive Order No. 173 created the
Presidential Commission on Good
Government (PCGG) tasked to, among
others, assist the President in the “recovery
of all ill-gotten wealth accumulated by
former President Marcos, his immediate
family, relatives, subordinates and close
associates x x x by taking undue advantage
of their public office and/or using their
powers, authority, influence, connections or
relationship.”74
b) Executive Order No. 275 authorized the
freezing and sequestration of assets
pertaining to Marcos, his relatives,
associates, dummies, agents or nominees,
which had been “acquired by them directly
or indirectly, through or as a result of the
improper or illegal use of funds or
properties owned by the Government of the
Philippines”;76 or “by taking undue
advantage of their office, authority,
influence, connections or relationship.”77
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353
ARTICLE XVIII
Transitory Provisions
SECTION 26. The authority to issue
sequestration or freeze orders under Proclamation No.
3 dated March 25, 1986 in relation to the recovery of
ill-gotten wealth shall remain operative for not more
than eighteen months after the ratification of this
Constitution. However, in the national interest, as
certified by the President, the Congress may extend
said period.
Apart from being declared a plunderer,
Marcos has likewise been pronounced by the
legislature as a perpetrator of human rights
violations. In Republic Act No. (R.A.) 10368, the
state recognized the following facts:
a) Human rights violations were committed
during the Martial Law period “from
September 21, 1972 to February 25, 1986
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354
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355
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357
In addition to the plunder of the public
coffers, Marcos was harshly condemned by this
Court for the human rights abuses committed
during the Martial Law period.93 In Mijares v.
Ranada, et al.,94 it stated:
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Marcos himself was severely criticized for
abuses he had personally committed while in
power. For instance, he was found to have
unlawfully exercised his authority for personal
gain in the following cases: (a) Tabuena v.
Sandiganbayan,96 in which he ordered the
general manager of the Manila International
Airport Authority to directly remit to the
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Because of the abuses committed, the Court
condemned the Marcos years as a “dark chapter
in our history,”101 a period of “national
trauma”102 dominated by a “well-entrenched
plundering regime,”103 which brought about
“colossal damage wrought under the oppressive
conditions of the Martial Law period.”104 The
attempt by the dictator to return to the country
after the EDSA Revolution was even described
by the Court as “the case of a dictator forced out
of office and into exile after causing twenty years
of political, economic and social havoc in the
country.”105
The foregoing pronouncements are considered
part of the legal system of the Philippines106 and
must be considered binding, since they are
integral parts of final and immutable judgments.
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3. The President may not contra-
dict or render ineffective the de-
nunciations, or the policies and
principles enunciated in the
foregoing statutes and jurispru-
dence.
It is the obligation of the President to give
effect to the pronouncements of the Legislature
and the Judiciary as part of his duty to faithfully
execute the laws. At the very least, the President
cannot authorize an act that runs counter to the
letter and the spirit of the law.
In this case, the foregoing statutes and
jurisprudence condemning Marcos and his
regime effectively prohibit the incumbent
President from granting him any form of tribute
or honor. The President’s discretion in this
matter is not unfettered. Contrary to the
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The Court in that case also reiterated the
underlying principles that must guide the
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Clearly, the residual power of the President
cannot be used to justify acts that are contrary
to the Constitution and the laws. To allow him to
exercise his powers in disregard of the law would
be to grant him unbridled authority in the guise
of inherent power. Clearly, that could not have
been the extent of the residual powers
contemplated by the Court in Marcos v.
Manglapus.
To reiterate, the President is not above the
laws but is, in fact, obliged to obey and execute
them.123 This obligation is even more para-
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129 Id.
130 Id., Art. 56.
131 Pursuant to Article 40 of the ICCPR, the UNHRC is
described as the official body that monitors compliance with
the ICCPR.
132 UN Human Rights Committee (HRC), General
Comment No. 31 [80], The nature of the general legal
obligation imposed on States Parties to the Covenant, 26 May
2004, CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.13 [hereinafter UNHRC
General Comment No. 31].
133 Id., par. 2.
134 Case concerning the Barcelona Traction Light and
Power Company, Ltd. (Second Phase, Belgium v. Spain),
I.C.J. Reports 1970, p. 32 [hereinafter Barcelona Traction
Case].
135 Id.
371
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Under Treaties
International human rights law instruments,
both global and regional, impose upon states the
duty not merely to offer a remedy, but also to
ensure that the remedy provided is “effective.”
This rule is clearly demonstrated in the
provisions discussed below.
It is an accepted principle that “[e]veryone
has the right to an effective remedy by the
competent national tribunals for acts violating
the fundamental rights granted him by the
constitution or by law.”146 This rule is further
developed in Article 2 of the ICCPR, which
provides:
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149 UN General Assembly, International Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 21
December 1965, United Nations, Treaty Series, Vol. 660, p.
195 [hereinafter CERD]. Article 6 of this treaty provides:
150 UN General Assembly, Convention Against Torture
and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment, 10 December 1984, United Nations, Treaty
Series, Vol. 1465, p. 85 [hereinafter CAT].
151 Article 14 of the CAT states:
1. Each State Party shall ensure in its legal system that the
victim of an act of torture obtains redress and has an
enforceable right to fair and adequate compensation, including
the means for as full rehabilitation as possible. In the event of
the death of the victim as a result of an act of torture, his
dependants shall be entitled to compensation.
2. Nothing in this article shall affect any right of the victim or
other persons to compensation which may exist under national
law.
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155 Council of Europe, European Convention for the
Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, as
amended by Protocols Nos. 11 and 14, 4 November 1950, ETS
5 [hereinafter ECPHR]. Article 13 of the Convention
provides:
375
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157 African Union, Protocol to the African Charter on
Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in
Africa, 11 July 2003. Article 27 of the Protocol states:
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158 Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights, supra note 144 at pp. 5-6.
159 International Law Commission, Draft Articles on
Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts,
November 2001, Supplement No. 10 (A/56/10), Chp. IV.E.1,
Art. 1 [hereinafter ILC Articles].
376
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169 UN General Assembly, Declaration of Basic
Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of
Power: resolution/adopted by the General Assembly, 29
November 1985, A/RES/40/34.
170 The Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for
Victims of Crime (par. 4) states:
378
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379
In other words, the procedural dimension
refers to the legal means by which alleged
human rights violations are addressed by an
impartial authority; the substantive dimension
involves prompt and effective reparation for the
harm suffered.175
The right to reparations is therefore but one
side of an effective remedy, and is a crucial
element in delivering justice to victims.176 As
such, the duty to provide reparations is as
binding as the duty to provide effective
remedies. This principle is clearly enunciated in
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380
Understanding Reparations
The term reparation is derived from the word
repair. Thus, it is often perceived as making of
amends by providing recompense to persons who
suffered loss or harm due to gross human rights
violations.180 Within the context of State
responsibility, it pertains to a series of actions
expressing the State’s acknowledgment and
acceptance of its responsibility in consequence of
the gross violations. Reparation therefore
denotes all types of redress for victims of human
rights violations,181 all seeking to make them
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Reparation, as a means to provide redress for
past violations, goes to the very heart of human
protection. It has been recognized as a “vital
process in the acknowledgment of the wrong
done to the victim, and a
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UN Reparations Principles
The most important text dealing with the
concept of reparations is the Basic Principles
and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and
Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of
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383
Therefore, the state obligation to provide
reparations to victims of human right violations
— as established in this text — takes its
normative character from existing legal
obligations under international human rights
law. As declared in the Preamble197 and Parts
I198 and II199 of the
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384
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Holistic Approach to Reparations
Although the PCIJ in the Chorzów Factory
case201 declared that the ultimate goal of
reparation is restitutio in integrum,202 or the
return of the victims to a situation prior to the
unlawful conduct, it is acknowledged that
human rights violations are impossible to
rectify. As aptly stated by Special Rapporteur
Van Boven in his final report:
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386
This view was seconded by Judge A.A.
Cancado Trindade of the IACtHR in his
Separate Opinion in Bulacio v. Argentina.204 He
opined “the harm cannot be erased. Instead,
reparations for human rights violations only
provide the victims the means to attenuate their
suffering, making it less unbearable, perhaps
bearable.”205
These statements reflect the underlying idea
that the reparations in the UN Reparations
Principles are envisioned to extend beyond the
pecuniary or material dimension. Rather,
holistic reparation is the key. This conclusion is
supported by Principles 19 to 23 of the UN
Reparations Principles pertaining to the five
forms of full and effective reparation:
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22. Satisfaction should include, where applicable,
any or all of the following:
388
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Clearly, aside from addressing the injuries
suffered by victims through financial
compensation, reparation also addresses a
broader set of issues, through the prevention of
future human rights violations. It addresses
“democracy, good governance, and building an
inclusive po-
389
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390
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391
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B. The burial would contravene
the duty of the Philippines to
provide reparations to victims
of human rights violations
during the Marcos regime.
It is evident from the foregoing discussion
that the Philippines is obligated to provide
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392
The law also recognized the binding nature of
the Decision of the US Federal District Court of
Honolulu, Hawaii,221 by creating a conclusive
presumption that the claimants in the case
against the Estate of Ferdinand Marcos were
human rights violations victims.222 In that case,
compensatory and exemplary damages were
awarded to (a) the class plaintiffs who were
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393
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Torture Subclass
Summary Execution Subclass
Disappearance Subclass
394
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395
Considering the foregoing, the intent is that
not only must material reparation be provided
by the state to human rights victims, the
prohibition against public acts and symbolisms
that degrade the recognition of the injury
inflicted — although not expressly mentioned in
the statute — are likewise included in the
obligation of the state. Therefore, while the
passage of legislative measures and the
provision of government mechanisms in an effort
to comply with this obligation are lauded, the
State’s duty does not end there.
Contrary to the implications of the ponencia,
the statutes, issuances, and rules enacted by the
different branches of government to promote
human rights cannot suffice for the purpose of
fulfilling the state’s obligation to the human
rights victims of former President Marcos. These
enactments cannot erase the violations
committed against these victims, or the failure
of the state to give them justice; more important,
these enactments cannot negate the further
violation of their rights through the proposed
burial.
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396
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397
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398
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Restitution, compensation, and rehabilitation
under the UN Reparations Principles, while
necessary, are lacking in this symbolic
dimension. Monetary forms of reparation can
indeed provide funds for certain necessities and
improve the future of victims, but without more,
it is unlikely that they would lead to the justice
sought.
Moreover, it has been observed that human
rights victims want an apology, above all else.237
They also place a premium on obtaining
recognition of the harm done to them.238 In
contrast, financial reparations or damages are
considered less important than emotional or
symbolic reparations, because the former fail to
squarely address a person’s need for “dignity,
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399
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240 Id.
241 UN Reparations Principles, supra note 188, Principle
22(b).
242 Id., Principle 22(d).
243 Id., Principle 22(e).
244 Id., par. 22(g).
245 Megret, supra note 229 at p. 26.
246 Megret II, supra note 229 at p. 5.
247 UN Reparations Principles, supra note 188, Principle
23(g).
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400
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401
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402
2. The proposed burial would
be the antithesis of an act
of symbolic reparation.
In the present case, the dispute also involves
the creation of a memorial in the form of a burial
plot located at the LNMB. Instead of
commemorating victims, however, the memorial
proposes to honor Marcos, the recognized
perpetrator of countless human rights violations
during the Martial Law regime. The
establishment of this memorial would
accomplish the exact opposite of what is
intended by symbolic reparation, and would
consequently violate the obligations of the
Philippines under international human rights
law.
For reasons previously discussed, the burial
of Marcos would be more than a simple matter of
the interment of his remains, because it would
involve his victims’ right to symbolic
reparations. Undoubtedly, to honor the very
perpetrator of human rights atrocities would be
the direct opposite of the duty of the state to
respect, promote, and fulfil human rights.
These conclusions are supported by the
opinion of UN Special Rapporteur Pablo De
Greiff in the analogous case of another dictator,
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403
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404
The necessity for the reinterpretation and
“recontextualization” of the Valle de los Caídos
highlights the fact that far from being an
ordinary burial plot, the final resting place of a
dictator and perpetrator of human rights
violations is a symbol and a source of meaning.
The meaning it conveys, particularly to the
victims of atrocities, cannot be underestimated.
Special Rapporteur Shaheed, in her report on
memorialization processes, also expressed
concerns about the monuments and sites
intended to honor past oppressive regimes:
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Shaheed therefore concludes “the choice to
conserve, transform or destroy always
carries meaning and so needs to be
discussed,
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406
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407
A reading of the UN Principles on Impunity
reveals the close relationship between impunity
and the concepts of reparations and the
preservation of memory.
Impunity and the Right to Reparation
The provision of effective remedies and
reparations for victims has been recognized as
one of the means to combat impunity. Principles
31 and 34 provide:
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408
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The Duty to Preserve Memory
Another facet of the fight against impunity
involves the duty of a state to preserve the
memory of its people. In this regard, the UN
Impunity Principles requires states to combat
any measure that tends to encourage people to
forget or downplay past human rights violations.
Principle 3 provides:
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409
While the UN Impunity Principles sees
reconciliation and justice as the primary goals, it
is firm in asserting that these goals may not be
achieved by disregarding human rights
atrocities that occurred in the past. In fact, the
principles emphasize that before true
reconciliation can be achieved, the human rights
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Consistent with the foregoing, the UN
Impunity Principles imposes restrictions on
certain rules of law like limiting the entitlement
of perpetrators to amnesties and other measures
of clemency. In Principle 24, the restrictions are
imposed even when clemency measures are “in-
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410
In this case, the burial of Marcos in the
LNMB would be tantamount to a disregard
of the human rights violations perpetrated
by his regime. To allow it to proceed would
sanction an egregious act of impunity and
allow the government to bestow an honor
that is clearly not due upon a perpetrator
of human rights violations. To allow it
would be a rampant violation of the rights
of victims under international law.
In the process of mapping through the vast
body of international human rights law, each
turn leads to the conclusion that the burial of
Marcos in the LNMB would be incompatible
with the international obligations of the
Philippines. For the Court to permit the burial
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411
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412
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288 Id.
289 PHILIPPINE ACT ON CRIMES AGAINST INTERNATIONAL
HUMANITARIAN LAW, GENOCIDE, AND OTHER CRIMES AGAINST
HUMANITY, Republic Act No. 9851, 11 December 2009.
290 Sections 14 and 15 of RA No. 9851 state:
413
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(d) The 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child and its
2000 Optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in
Armed Conflict;
(e) The rules and principles of customary international law;
(f) The judicial decisions of international courts and
tribunals;
(g) Relevant and applicable international human rights
instruments;
(h) Other relevant international treaties and conventions
ratified or acceded to by the Republic of the Philippines;
and
(i) Teachings of the most highly qualified publicists and
authoritative commentaries on the foregoing sources as
subsidiary means for the determination of rules of
international law.
414
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415
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416
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417
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418
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306 Id., at p. 5.
307 Id., at p. 26.
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420
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420
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421
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saddled and laid prostrate with a huge $27 billion foreign debt that
has since ballooned to $28.5 billion.
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422
To forget that Marcos took this right away
from the citizens of the Philippines would be the
peak of intellectual and moral complacency. As a
nation of laws, we cannot tolerate anything less
than the full remembrance of a dark past from
which we derive lessons that we imbue into the
legal firmament. We cannot tolerate another
instance in which our rights would be run to the
ground, in which we would lose sight of the
values held in our own Constitution, the symbols
we hold dear, the aspirations we cherish. The
LNMB is revered because of the symbolism it
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A grave in the LNMB is a testament to the
honor and valor of the person buried therein.
The Marcos family has long sought a burial for
the dictator at this site for this exact reason.
The Court cannot order that a particular
event be remembered in a particular way, but it
can negate an act that whimsically ignores legal
_______________
317 Id.
318 Foote, Kenneth E. and Maoz Azaryahu, Toward a
Geography of Memory: Geographical Dimensions of Public
Memory, Journal of Political and Military Sociology, Vol. 35,
No. 1 (Summer), pp. 125-144 (2007).
423
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424
The petitions seek to prevent the interment of
the remains of the late President Ferdinand E.
Marcos (Marcos) at the Libingan ng mga Bayani
(LNMB).
The LNMB was formerly known as the
Republic Memorial Cemetery. On 27 October
1954, then President Ramon Magsaysay issued
Proclamation No. 86, “changing the Republic
Memorial Cemetery at Fort WM McKinley, Rizal
Province, to Libingan ng mga Bayani.” More
than a decade later, then President Marcos
issued Proclamation No. 208 on 28 May 1967,
excluding approximately 1,428,800 square
meters from the Fort Bonifacio Military
Reservation for the site of the LNMB, and
reserving the same for national shrine purposes
under the administration of the National
Shrines Commission. The National Shrines
Commission was subsequently abolished and its
functions transferred to the Military Shrines
Service of the Philippine Veterans Affairs Office
of the Department of National Defense under
Presidential Decree No. 1076, issued by then
President Marcos on 26 January 1977.
On 11 September 2000, Acting Armed Forces
of the Philippines (AFP) Chief of Staff Jose M.
Calimlim, by order of the Secretary of National
Defense, issued AFP Regulation 161-375 (AFPR
G 161-375),1 on the allocation of cemetery plots
at the LNMB.
Under AFPR G 161-375, the deceased persons
who are qualified to be interred at the LNMB
are:
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425
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AFPR G 161-375 also enumerates those not
qualified to be interred at the LNMB,
namely:
In a Memorandum dated 7 August 2016, the
Department of National Defense (DND)
Secretary Delfin Lorenzana ordered the AFP
Chief of Staff Ricardo Visaya to undertake the
necessary preparations to facilitate the
interment of Marcos at the LNMB, in
compliance with the verbal order of President
Rodrigo Duterte on 11 July 2016.
The DND Memorandum resulted in the filing
of these petitions, which oppose the
implementation of the DND Memorandum for
the interment of Marcos at the LNMB.
426
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427
The removal of Marcos from the Presidency,
therefore, was a direct exercise of the sovereign
act of the Filipino people that is “beyond
judicial scrutiny.” It cannot be said that this
removal was an “honorable” one. Truly, there is
nothing more dishonorable for a President than
being forcibly removed from office by the direct
sovereign act of the people.
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428
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429
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430
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11 <http://www.merriam-
webster.com/dictionary/personnel?
utm_campaign=sd&utm_medium=serp&utm_source=jsonld>
(last accessed 14 September 2016).
431
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To be valid, a classification must be
reasonable and based on real and substantial
distinctions. The Court, in the landmark case of
Victoriano v. Elizalde Rope Workers’ Union,15
held:
Thus, for a classification to be valid and
compliant with the Equal Protection Clause, it
must (1) be based on substantial distinctions, (2)
be
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432
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17 Tiu v. Court of Appeals, 361 Phil. 229; 301 SCRA 278
(1999).
18 487 Phil. 531; 446 SCRA 299 (2004).
433
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Therefore, under the Equal Protection Clause,
persons who are in like circumstances and
conditions must be treated alike both as to the
privileges conferred and liabilities imposed. In
this case, as those enumerated in the AFPR G
161-375 are all granted the privilege of being
interred at the LNMB, consequently, the
disqualifications must also be made applicable to
all of them. There is no substantial or reasonable
basis for the disqualifications to be made
applicable to military personnel only when
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434
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20 Gonzalo v. Tarnate, Jr., 724 Phil. 198, 207; 713 SCRA
224, 233 (2014), citing Avon Cosmetics, Incorporated v. Luna,
540 Phil. 389, 404; 511 SCRA 376, 393-394 (2006).
21 Article II, Section 2 states: “The Philippines x x x
adopts the generally accepted principles of international law
as part of the law of the land x x x.”
435
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436
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437
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440
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441
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442
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443
The Constitution has apparently left out from
this provision a definition of what “executive
power” exactly is, in order to give the President
sufficient flexibility and leeway in the
implementation of laws. We thus have
jurisprudence recognizing the vast and plenary
nature of executive power,8 and the President’s
vast discretion in implementing laws.
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444
Through jurisprudence, we have recognized that
this provision vests in the President the power of
control and supervision over all the executive
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445
How laws are to be “faithfully executed”
provides a broad standard generally describing
the expectations on how the President is to
execute the law. The nature and extent of the
constitutionally-granted presidential powers,
however, negate the concept that this standard
can be used as basis to constitutionally question
the manner by which the President exercises
executive power.
To hold otherwise is inconsistent with the
plenary nature of executive power that the
Constitution envisions. The Constitution intends
as well a tripartite system of government where
each branch is coequal and supreme in its own
sphere.
These intents could be defeated if the
standard of “faithfulness” in executing our laws
would be a constitutional standard measuring
the manner of the President’s implementation of
the laws. In the first place, it places the Court in
the position to pass upon the scope and
parameters of the vague and not-easily
determinable “faithfulness” standard. Putting
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446
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In the United States, the take care clause has
generally been accepted as imposing a
constitutional duty on the President not to
suspend or refuse the enforcement of laws,
particularly of statutes.11
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447
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448
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449
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450
That these principles do not create obligation
legally binding on the State means that they
cannot be interpreted as constraints on the
discretion of the President who acts, not only as
the government’s chief executive, but as its chief
architect in foreign affairs.
Without any specific and legally binding
prohibition limiting the President’s actions, no
basis exists to nullify his order and to disregard
the presumption of regularity that exists in the
performance of his duties.
Lastly, it must be considered that the burial
order does not have the effect of rewriting
jurisprudence and excusing the ills of the Marcos
administration; neither does it amend Republic
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451
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452
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454
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455
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457
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1 G.R. No. 225973, G.R. No. 226117, and G.R. No. 226120
are petitions for certiorari and prohibition; G.R. No. 225984
and G.R. No. 226097 are petitions for prohibition; and G.R.
No. 226116 prays for the issuance of the writs of mandamus
and prohibition.
458
459
Based on the foregoing, the exercise by
President Duterte of his discretion upon a
matter under his control like the interment of
the remains of President Marcos in the LNMB is
beyond review by the Court. He has not thereby
transgressed any legal boundaries. President
Marcos — being a former President of the
Philippines, a Medal of Valor awardee, a veteran
of World War II, a former Senator and Senate
President, and a former Congressman — is one
of those whose remains are entitled to be
interred in the LNMB under the terms of AFP
Regulations G 161-375. President Duterte was
far from whimsical or arbitrary in his exercise of
discretion. I believe that interment of any
remains in the LNMB is a political question
within the exclusive domain of the Chief
Executive. The Court must defer to his wisdom
and must respect his exercise of discretion. In
other words, his directive to Secretary
Lorenzana is unassailable.
I must observe that the factual milieu in
these cases is different from that in the case in
which the Court addressed and decided the
question of whether or not the President of the
Philippines had validly acted in
460
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461
None of the disqualifications can apply to the
late President Marcos. He had not been
dishonorably separated or discharged from
military service, or convicted by final judgment
of any offense involving moral turpitude. The
contention that he had been ousted from the
Presidency by the 1986 People Power revolution
was not the same as being dishonorably
discharged because the discharge must be from
the military service. In contrast, and at the risk
of being redundant, I remind that he had been a
two-term President of the Philippines, a Medal
of Valor awardee, a veteran of World War II, a
former Senator and Senate President, and a
former Congressman, by any of which he was
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SEPARATE OPINION
PEREZ, J.:
The factual and procedural antecedents are
not in dispute.
On 25 February 1986, during the snap
election term of Ferdinand Marcos, Sr., the
EDSA People Power Revolution transpired. With
US aid, the Former President, together with his
family, was forced into exile. On 28 September
1989, he died in Honolulu, Hawaii. Two weeks
before his death, the Supreme Court upheld then
sitting President Corazon Aquino’s firm decision
to bar the return of the Marcos family.1 In a
statement, President Aquino said:
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Pursuant to a written agreement executed
between the Philippine Government, then
represented by Former President Fidel V.
Ramos, and the Marcos family, the remains of
the late strongman was returned to the
Philippines on 5 September 1993. The mortal
remains of Former President Marcos was
allowed to be returned to the Philippines, under
the following conditions:
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463
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5 Ocampo Petition, p. 6.
6 Memorandum issued by Secretary of National Defense
Delfin N. Lorenzana dated 7 August 2016.
7 Id.
8 Ocampo Petition, p. 8.
9 Id.
464
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10 Section 1 of R.A. No. 289 (AN ACT PROVIDING FOR THE
466
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Thus, for petitioners, allowing the burial is
inconsistent with the declared policy of the
State. The Lagman Petition in particular,
espouses the view that R.A. No. 10368 amended
the burial requirements and entitlements issued
by the Armed Forces of the Philippines
respecting the Libingan ng mga Bayani by
excluding the Former President from being
interred therein.16 Similarly, those who took
part in the Ocampo and the Lagman petitions
assert that a hero’s burial at the Libingan ng
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467
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468
At the core of all the controversy is AFP
Regulation G 161-373: Allocation of Cemetery
Plots at the LNMB, as amended by AFP
Regulation G 161-375. The regulation was
issued on 9 April 1986 by then AFP Chief of
Staff Fidel V. Ramos and then President
Corazon Aquino. The said Regulation provides
that the following deceased persons are qualified
to be interred in the Libingan ng mga Bayani:
_______________
469
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In the same vein, the regulation disallows the
interment in the Libingan ng mga Bayani of the
following:
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_______________
470
_______________
471
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As judicial admissions,31 petitioners state as
fact that the burial of former President Marcos
as the Libingan ng mga Bayani is a matter
about which the Filipino public was consulted as
a campaign promise of candidate Duterte who,
when he became president redeemed the pledge.
Significantly, petitioners further admitted
that they, as “the various sectors” participated in
the election of options and met with opposition
the pronouncements favoring the Libingan as
burial of Marcos’ remains and protested the
public pronouncements of the promisor.
Thus did the petitioners admit that the
determination of the issue can be, if not ought to
be, left to the will of the people. True to the ad-
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472
_______________
473
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The people or the qualified voters elected as
president of the Philippines the candidate who
made the election pronouncement, objected to by
the persons who are now the petitioners, that he
will allow the burial of former President
Ferdinand Marcos at the Libingan ng mga
Bayani.
As things are, it is hardly debatable that, by
word and deed, petitioners have accepted that
the issue they now, after losing the vote, present
before the Court is a political issue, defined over
and over again, by variations of phrases that
have one meaning:
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474
There were ripostes. They were feeble though;
and notably they concern not the political nature
of the issue but rather the indications of the
electoral response.
There was reference to the nitpicked
significance of “majority” in the definition of
“people” the argument being that the 16,601,997
votes in favor of the promising candidate is not
the majority of the total number of those who
voted for the position. What makes the
observation specious is the fact that it was only
candidate Duterte who made the serious and
specific promise of a Libingan burial for Marcos.
The other four candidates for president were
unclear about their preference. The votes for the
four cannot be definitely counted as against the
burial.
Referring to the variety of the electoral
issues, there were those who submit that not all
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475
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The Marcos internment at Libingan,
borrowing the petitioners’ words, was a
principled commitment which President Duterte
firmly believed was so when he offered it to the
Filipino voters whom he considered capable of
intelligent choice such that upon election he had
to “implement his election promise.” That,
precisely, resulted in the filing of the
consolidated petitions before the Court.
Quite obviously, the petitions were submitted
because the petitioners did not prevail in the
political exercise that was the National Elections
of 2016. Right away, we have the reason why the
petitions should be dismissed. The petitions with
premises and prayer no different from
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476
477
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478
Justice Caguioa:
Justice Caguioa:
Justice Caguioa:
x x x x
Solicitor General Calida:
479
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Justice Caguioa:
Justice Caguioa:
Whether the policy of healing and
reconciliation “over and above the pain and
suffering of the human rights victims” is in
grave abuse of executive discretion or not is
answered by the evidently substantial Marcos
vote during the fresh and immediately preceding
national elections of 2016. The election result is
a showing that, while there may have once been,
there is no longer a national damnation of
President Ferdinand E. Marcos; that the
“constitutionalization” of the sin and its
personification is no longer of national
acceptance. A Marcos vote came out of the
elections, substantial enough to be a legitimate
consideration in the executive policy
formulation. To go back, a Libingan Burial for
Marcos was a promise made by President
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480
SEPARATE OPINION
MENDOZA, J.:
The Court should not take sides in this
political controversy.
The questions being truly political, there is
simply no justiciable controversy. Hence, the
petitions should be dismissed.
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The Court has refused to take cognizance of
cases which do not present any justiciable
controversy, such as when the issue presented is
a
481
It is true that under the present
constitutional milieu, the scope of judicial power
has been expanded. Under Section 1, Article VIII
of the Constitution, “[j]udicial power includes
the duty of the courts of justice to settle actual
controversies involving rights which are legally
demandable and enforceable, and to determine
whether or not there has been a grave abuse of
discretion amounting to lack or excess of
jurisdiction on the part of any branch or
instrumentality of government.”
_______________
482
_______________
483
Thus, a political question will not be
considered justiciable if there are no
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484
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485
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486
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To reiterate, President Duterte’s rationale in
allowing the interment of President Marcos in
the LNMB was for national healing,
reconciliation and forgiveness amidst our
fragmented society, so that the country could
move forward in unity far from the spectre of the
martial law regime.
487
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488
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In the absence of any law to the contrary,
AFP Regulation G 161-375 remains to be the
sole legal basis in determining who are qualified
to be buried in the LNMB.
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490
DISSENTING OPINION
“. . . They tore my dress and then even-
tually they let me lay down to sleep but
then early in the morning the two soldiers
who stayed near me started torturing me
again and by today’s definition, it is rape
because they fondled my breast and they
inserted a long object into my vagina and
although I screamed and screamed with
all my might, no one seemed to hear ex-
cept that I heard the train pass by . . .”
– Ma. Cristina Pargas Bawagan,
Petitioner and Human Rights
Victim of the Marcos Regime
“My mother is still alive but she was
also . . . she also undergone . . . she
underwent torture and sexual abuse and
I hope my sister is not listening right
now because she does not know this.”
– Liwayway Arce,
Petitioner and Human Rights
Victim of the Marcos Regime
LEONEN, J.:
I dissent.
Under our constitutional order, Presidents,
unlike kings, earn their honors. As Presidents
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492
_______________
493
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494
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495
_______________
496
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SECRETARY ALUNAN:
The official agreement is what I personally, I officially
submitted to the President of the Philippines on
August 19 which was altered by Imelda Marcos. The
following day, she sent her version of the
Memorandum of Agreement that she signed without
my signature but which was disregarded by the
President. In fact, if I may share, the comment of the
President when he saw the words temporarily
interred was that, this was a sign of bad faith.25
During a press conference in May 2016, then
President-elect Duterte stated he would allow
the burial of Marcos at the Libingan ng mga
Bayani:
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22 Id.
23 Id., at pp. 11-12.
24 Id., at p. 12.
25 Id., at p. 13.
497
President Duterte reiterated his position on
Ferdinand E. Marcos’ burial sometime in August
2016, stating that “[a]s a former soldier and
former [P]resident of the Philippines, [he] [saw]
nothing wrong in having Marcos buried at the
Libingan ng mga Bayani.”27
On July 11, 2016, President Duterte gave
verbal orders to respondent Secretary Lorenzana
to carry out the interment of Ferdinand E.
Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani.28
In response to President Duterte’s
pronouncements, the National Historical
Commission published a study entitled “Why
Ferdinand Marcos Should Not Be Buried at the
Libingan ng mga Bayani”29 on July 12,
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498
Despite the National Historical Commission’s
report, on August 7, 2016, Secretary Lorenzana
issued the Lorenzana Memorandum directing
respondent Armed Forces of the Philippines
Chief of Staff General Ricardo R. Visaya
(General Visaya) “to undertake the necessary
planning and preparations to facilitate the
coordination of all agencies concerned” and to
“coordinate closely with the Marcos family” as to
the transfer of Marcos’ remains to the Libingan
ng mga Bayani.32 Secretary Lorenzana
designated the Philippine Veterans Affairs
Office as the office of primary responsibility for
the Marcos burial.33 Reportedly, under this
directive, General Visaya gave instructions to
Rear Admiral
_______________
499
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500
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The clear intention of the legislature in
enacting Republic Act No. 289 was to create a
burial place to perpetuate the memory of the
Presidents of the Philippines, national heroes,
and patriots, for the inspiration and emulation
of generations of the Filipino People.43 An
examination of the evolution of what is now
known as the Libingan ng mga Bayani shows
that it is precisely the burial ground covered by
Republic Act No. 289.
The Libingan ng mga Bayani, similar to the
National Pantheon, is there to hold the remains
and “perpetuate the memory of all the
Presidents of the Philippines, national heroes
and patriots for the inspiration and emulation of
this generation and generations still unborn.”
Republic Act No. 289 does not specify what
the name of the National Pantheon shall be. The
Libingan ng mga Bayani may not be called the
“National Pantheon,” but nothing in Republic
Act No. 289 prohibits naming the National
Pantheon as the Libingan ng mga Bayani.
Republic Act No. 289 does not specify where
the National Pantheon is to be located. Under
Republic Act No. 289, the suitable site is yet to
be determined by a Board, who has the duty:
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501
Wherever the mortal remains of Presidents of
the Philippines, national heroes, and patriots
are buried is, thus, the burial place envisioned
by the legislature, subject to the provisions of
Republic Act No. 289.
The space where the Libingan ng mga Bayani
is now located was once the Republic Memorial
Cemetery, which initially served as burial
grounds for the war dead.45
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502
This change — relocating the nation’s war
dead to one national cemetery — created a
burial ground that, by its express purpose,
necessarily glorifies and honors those buried as
war heroes. This reinterment of all of the dead
war heroes to the Republic Memorial Cemetery
transformed it the National Pantheon, covered
by Republic Act No. 289.
On October 27, 1954, Former President
Magsaysay issued Proclamation No. 86,
changing the name of the Republic Memorial
Cemetery to express the nation’s esteem and
reverence for those buried in the cemetery, the
war dead:
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of the cause for which our soldiers have died, and does
not truly express the nation’s esteem and reverence
for her war dead;
NOW, THEREFORE, I, Ramon Magsaysay, President
of the Philippines, by virtue of the powers vested in
me by law, do hereby declare that the “Republic
Memorial Cemetery” shall henceforth be called
“LIBINGAN NG MGA BAYANI.”
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my
hand and caused the seal of the Republic of the
Philippines to be affixed.
Proclamation No. 86 purposefully and
expressly altered the nature of the Republic
Memorial Cemetery. The name was changed
specifically to honor those who died in the war,
as “bayani,” the heroes of war.
503
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504
Again, the Republic Memorial Cemetery was
created specifically as a burial place for the war
dead,48 and then renamed to Libingan ng mga
Bayani with the express purpose of revering the
nation’s war dead.49 Now, progressing from the
renaming, and under AFP Regulations, the
cemetery is no longer primarily a cemetery for
the nation’s war dead. Remains of individuals
who have nothing to do with the military —
much less any war — have been interred there.
This includes, among others, three (3) former
Chief Justices of this Court,50 as well as Former
Presidents Elpidio R. Quirino and Diosdado P.
Macapagal.51
As admitted by the Solicitor General, the
Armed Forces of the Philippines has determined
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505
JUSTICE LEONEN:
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JUSTICE LEONEN:
Unlike for national artists, the expansion of
the coverage of the Libingan ng mga Bayani is
without cover of law and, in some cases, contrary
to Republic Act No. 289. For instance, the
inclusion of widows of Former Presidents or
widows of Former Secretaries of National
Defense at the Libingan ng mga Bayani has no
purpose and is contrary to the nature of the
Libingan.
The change of its name from Republic
Memorial Cemetery to Libingan ng mga Bayani
and the scope of individuals that could be buried
through subsequent AFP Regulations are
operative facts that put the cemetery under the
coverage of Republic Act No. 289. What once
may have been a military cemetery has been
converted, over time, into what is the National
Pantheon envisioned by the legislature when it
passed Republic Act No. 289.
It is true that in 1953, Proclamation No. 431,
entitled Reserving as Site for the National
Pantheon a Certain Parcel of Land Situated in
Quezon City, reserved a parcel of land in Quezon
City for the construction of the National
Pantheon. However, this was subsequently
revoked by Proclamation No. 42, entitled
Revoking Proclamation Nos. 422 and 431, both
Series of 1953, and Reserving the Parcels of
Land Embraced Therein Situated in Quezon
City for National Park Purposes to be Known as
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_______________
506
_______________
507
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508
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_______________
60 588 Phil. 651; 567 SCRA 354 (2008) [Per J. Chico-
Nazario, En Banc].
509
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The effectivity of Republic Act No. 289 does
not depend on a Board being constituted or on
the naming of a plot of land as the ‘‘National
Pantheon.” If a government agency creates a
burial place that clearly and factually comprises
the burial place contemplated in Republic Act
No. 289, the legislative policy must still govern.
_______________
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510
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511
_______________
70 Id.
71 Rep. Act No. 289, Sec. 1.
72 OSG Comment, Annex 7.
512
_______________
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513
_______________
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514
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515
_______________
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516
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517
In Mijares v. Ranada,85 despite the passing of
years, this Court acknowledged the continuing
difficulties caused by the dark years of the
Marcos regime:
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518
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The many martyrs produced by Martial Law
were recognized in Bisig ng Manggagawa sa
Concrete Aggregates, Inc. v. National Labor
Relations Commission:89
_______________
519
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Widespread “acts of torture, summary
execution, disappearance, arbitrary detention,
and numerous other atrocities” were also
recognized in other jurisdictions. In a class
action suit that served as a serious precedent for
other jurisdictions, the United States District
Court of Hawaii in In Re Estate of Marcos
Human Rights Litigation91 pronounced:
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520
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521
US$1.2 billion in exemplary damages, as well
as US$770 million in compensatory damages,
was awarded to the victims of the Marcos
regime.93 The federal appeals court upheld the
Decision of the Honolulu court and held the
estate of Marcos liable for the gross and massie
human rights abuses committed. In Hilao v.
Marcos,94 the United States 9th Circuit Court of
Appeals used the principle of “command
responsibility” for the violations committed by
the agents of a political leader, thus:
_______________
522
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The Federal Supreme Court of Switzerland,
through the Decision dated December 10, 1997,96
affirmed the ruling of the District Attorney of
Zurich granting the Philippine government’s
request for transfer of funds held in multiple
accounts by various foreign foundations in Swiss
banks. This was transferred to an escrow
account.
Then, in Republic v. Sandiganbayan,97 this
Court declared that the funds were proven to
belong to the Marcos Family and were
consequently ill-gotten wealth:
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523
This cursory review of our jurisprudence
relating to the consequences of the Marcos
regime establishes a climate of gross human
rights violations and unabated pillage of the
public coffers. It also reveals his direct
participation, leadership, and complicity.
IV
In Republic Act No. 10368, a legislative
determination was made regarding the gross
human rights violations committed during the
Marcos regime:
_______________
524
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Conclusive presumptions are “inferences
which the law makes so peremptory that it will
not allow them to be overturned by any contrary
proof however strong.”99 Thus, the existence of
human rights violations committed during the
Marcos regime and the recognition of victims
explicitly stated in the provision cannot be
denied.
_______________
525
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526
As regards the atrocities committed by groups
that maintained ties with the government under
Marcos, the Transitional Justice and
Reconciliation Commission reports:
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527
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Petitioners also gave this Court their
firsthand accounts of the human rights
violations they suffered under the Marcos
regime. Petitioner Loretta Ann P. Rosales
recounted that she was raped and tortured with
the Russian roulette and a modified water cure,
among others:
_______________
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528
MRS. ROSALES:
MRS. ROSALES:
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MRS. ROSALES:
Her sister, petitioner Ma. Cristina Pargas
Bawagan, testified that she was beaten, raped,
and sexually abused:
_______________
529
MS. BAWAGAN:
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Petitioner Hilda Narciso testified that she
was raped and sexually abused:
MS. NARCISO:
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Petitioner Liwayway Arce testified that
during the Marcos regime, her father was killed,
and her mother was tortured and sexually
abused:
_______________
530
MS. ARCE:
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Petitioner Atty. Neri Colmenares recounted
having lost four (4) years of his life as a young
student leader to imprisonment, during which
various forms of torture were used on him:
ATTY. COLMENARES:
ATTY. COLMENARES:
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_______________
110 Id.
531
Petitioner Trinidad Herrera Repuno testified
that she was a member of the informal settlers’
sector and was also a victim of torture:
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532
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Petitioner Carmencita Florentino, also from
the informal settlers’ sector, testified as to her
forcible abduction, torture, and detention:
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533
Petitioner Felix Dalisay testified as to the
lifelong trauma of the Martial Law years:
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534
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535
All these accounts occurred during the
Marcos regime. By no stretch of the imagination,
then, can Ferdinand E. Marcos’ memory serve as
an inspiration, to be emulated by generations of
Filipinos.
VI
Contemporarily, even the National Historical
Commission took a clear position against the
interment of Ferdinand E. Marcos at the
Libingan ng mga Bayani.
The National Historical Commission was
established by law as “the primary government
agency responsible for history”115 given the
mandate “to determine all factual matters
relating to official Philippine history.”116
Among others, it is given the task to:
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536
The National Historical Commission’s Board
is given the power to “discuss and resolve, with
finality, issues or conflicts on Philippine
History.”118 The Chair of the National Historical
Commission is mandated to “advise the
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_______________
117 Id.
118 Id., Sec. 7(h).
119 Id., Sec. 13.
120 Supra note 29.
537
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The Court’s findings in a catena of cases in its
jurisprudence, a legislative determination in
Republic Act No. 10368, the findings of the
National Historical Commission, and the actual
testimony of petitioners during the Oral
Arguments clearly show that the life of
Ferdinand E. Marcos either as President or as a
soldier is bereft of inspiration. Ferdinand E.
Marcos should not be the subject of emulation of
this generation, or of generations yet to come.
VII
Assuming without accepting that Republic
Act No. 289 authorized public respondents to
determine who has led a life worthy of
“inspiration and emulation,” and assuming
further that it was under this authority that
they directed Ferdinand E. Marcos’ interment,
the President’s verbal orders, the Lorenzana
Memorandum, and the Enriquez Orders were
still issued with grave abuse of discretion
because they were whimsical and capricious.
Considering the state of existing law and
jurisprudence as well as the findings of the
National Historical Commission, there was no
showing
_______________
538
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539
President Duterte himself publicly admitted
that Ferdinand E. Marcos was no hero.123 This
much was also admitted by the Solicitor
General:124
SOLICITOR GENERAL CALIDA:
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The capriciousness of the decision to have him
buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani is
obvious, considering how abhorrent the
atrocities during Martial Law had been.
Likewise, the effects of the Marcos regime on
modern Philippine history are likewise too
pervasive to be overlooked.
The Filipino People themselves deemed
Marcos an unfit President and discharged him
from office through a direct exercise of their
sovereign power. This has been repeatedly
recognized by this Court.
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540
Moreover, the sentiment of the sovereign
People, reacting to the blight that was the
Marcos dictatorship, was enunciated in
Proclamation No. 3:
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Further, in articulating the mandate of the
People, Article 2, Section 1 of Proclamation No. 3
enumerated the many evils perpetuated during
_______________
541
Article II
The President, the Vice President, and the Cabinet
SECTION 1. Until a legislature is elected and
convened under a new Constitution, the President
shall continue to exercise legislative power.
The President shall give priority to measures to
achieve the mandate of the people to:
a) Completely reorganize the government and
eradicate unjust and oppressive structures, and
all iniquitous vestiges of the previous regime;
b) Make effective the guarantees of civil, political,
human, social, economic and cultural rights and
freedoms of the Filipino people, and provide
remedies against violations thereof;
c) Rehabilitate the economy and promote the
nationalist aspirations of the people;
d) Recover ill-gotten properties amassed by the
leaders and supporters of the previous regime
and protect the interest of the people through
orders of sequestration or freezing of assets of
accounts;
e) Eradicate graft and corruption in government
and punish those guilty thereof; and
f) Restore peace and order, settle the problem of
insurgency, and pursue national reconciliation
based on justice.
Public respondents neglect to examine the
entirety of Ferdinand E. Marcos’ life, despite the
notoriety of his latter years. The willful
ignorance of the pronouncements from all three
branches of government and of the judgment of
the People themselves can only be characterized
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Commissioner Jose Nolledo, sponsoring the
provision that declares an independent foreign
policy for the Philippines, also stated:
_______________
543
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544
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545
_______________
546
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IX
In part, to implement these safeguards for
human rights, Republic Act No. 10368 was
passed. Its statement of policy is found in
Section 2:
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547
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548
ARTICLE II
. . . .
State Policies
....
SECTION 11. The State values the dignity of every
human person and guarantees full respect for human
rights.
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Related to Article II, Section 11 is Section 9,
which provides:
Article II, Section 10 goes further:
_______________
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549
ARTICLE III
Bill of Rights
....
SECTION 12. . . .
(2) No torture, force, violence, threat, intimidation,
or any other means which vitiate the free will shall be
used against him. Secret detention places, solitary,
incommunicado, or other similar forms of detention
are prohibited.
....
(4) The law shall provide for penal and civil
sanctions for violations of this section as well as
compensation to and rehabilitation of victims of
torture or similar practices, and their families.
Republic Act No. 10368 provides for both
government policy in relation to the treatment of
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550
_______________
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551
_______________
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552
_______________
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....
553
_______________
554
_______________
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555
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556
557
Human rights violations during Martial Law
were state-sponsored. Thus, Republic Act No.
10368, Section 3(c) defines Human Rights
Victims as:
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Section 3(d) of this law defines the violators to
include persons acting in an official capacity
and/or agents of the State:
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_______________
558
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In clear and unmistakable terms, the law
recognizes the culpability of Ferdinand E.
Marcos for acts of summary execution, torture,
enforced or involuntary disappearances, and
other gross violations of human rights. The law
likewise implies that not only was he the
President that presided over those violations,
but that he and his spouse, relatives, associates,
cronies, and subordinates were active
participants.
Burying the remains of Ferdinand E. Marcos
at the Libingan ng mga Bayani violates Republic
Act No. 10368 as the act may be considered as
an effort “to conceal abuses during the Marcos
regime” or to “conceal . . .
_______________
559
Thus, Proclamation No. 86 is a recognition of
the nation’s intent to honor, esteem, and revere
its war dead. To further this intention, it
changed the name of the cemetery to the
Libingan ng mga Bayani. From this act alone, it
is clear that the name of the cemetery conveys
meaning. The Libingan ng mga Bayani was
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560
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561
The interment of the remains of Ferdinand E.
Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani
necessarily implies two (2) things: the honoring
of Ferdinand E. Marcos; and the allotting of a
portion of public property for this act.
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562
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147 540 Phil. 389; 511 SCRA 376 (2006) [Per J. Chico-
Nazario, First Division].
563
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The State’s fundamental policies are laid out
in the Constitution. The rest are embodied in
statutes enacted by the legislature. The
determination of policies is a legislative function,
consistent with the Congress’ power to make,
alter, and repeal laws.149
It is not the President alone who determines
the State’s policies. The President is always
bound by the Constitution and the State’s
statutes and is constitutionally mandated to
“ensure that the laws be faithfully executed.”150
To execute laws, the President must faithfully
comply with all of them. He cannot ignore the
laws for a particular group of people or for
private interests. The President cannot ignore
the laws to execute a policy that he determined
on his own. He cannot ignore the laws to fulfill a
campaign promise that may or may not have
been the reason why he won the People’s votes.
Thus, the President is bound to comply with and
execute Republic Act No. 10368.
Republic Act No. 10368’s state policies are
again as follows:
First, to recognize the heroism and sacrifices
of all Filipinos who had been victims of summary
execution, torture, enforced or involuntary
disappearance, and other gross human rights
violations committed dur-
_______________
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564
565
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JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
Okay.
JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
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Yes.
JUSTICE LEONEN:
566
JUSTICE LEONEN:
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JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
. . . .
SOLICITOR GENERAL CALIDA:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
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JUSTICE LEONEN:
567
JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
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The claim that he is being buried only as a
President, soldier, and Medal of Valor awardee
is a fallacy. When a person is buried, the whole
person is buried, not just parts of him or her.
Thus, if government buries and honors
Ferdinand E. Marcos’ body as the body of a
former soldier, it will, at the same time, be
burying and honoring the body of a human
rights violator, dictator, and plunderer. It is
impossible to isolate the President, soldier, and
Medal of Valor awardee from the human rights
violator, dictator, and plunderer.
XII
Apart from recognizing the normative
framework and the acknowledgment of human
rights violations during the Marcos regime, the
law likewise acknowledges the State’s obligation
that “any person whose rights or freedoms have
been violated shall have an effective remedy.”162
This right to an “effective remedy” is available
even if “the violation is committed by persons
acting in an official capacity.”163
With the recognition of human rights victims
of Martial Law, the Board created by Republic
Act No. 10368 may provide “awards.”164
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163 Id.
164 Id., Sec. 19.
568
The phrase “other government agencies”
includes public respondents in these
consolidated cases.
The law also requires the documentation of
the human rights violations committed during
the Marcos regime:
Further, memorialization is required under
the law:
_______________
569
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The Human Rights Violations Victims’
Memorial Commission is given the task of
making such memory permanent. It is tasked to
ensure that the atrocities that happened during
the Marcos regime are included in the
educational curricula of schools:
The concept of an effective remedy can be
read from the law.
570
Persuasive, as it dovetails with the
requirements of our Constitution and our
statutes, are international laws and treaties
providing for the right to a remedy for victims of
international human rights law. This has been
recognized in Article 8160 of the Universal
Declaration of Hu-
_______________
158 G.R. No. 212081, February 23, 2015, 751 SCRA 389
[Per J. Perlas-Bernabe, First Division].
159 Id., at pp. 404-405, citing Atienza v. Villarosa, 497
Phil. 689; 458 SCRA 385 (2005) [Per J. Callejo, Sr., En
Banc].
160 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Art. 8
provides:
571
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572
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573
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575
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A State Party shall give effect to a decision under this
article as if the provisions of Article 109 were applicable to
this article.
169 Id.
170 The Philippines signed and approved the Universal
Declaration on Human Rights on December 10, 1948 as part
of the United Nations General Assembly that adopted it;
ratified the International Convention on Civil and Political
Rights on October 23, 1986; the International Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination on
September 15, 1967; the Convention against Torture and
Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment on June 26, 1987; Convention on the Rights of
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575
PART II
Article 2
....
3. Each State Party to the present Covenant
undertakes:
(a) To ensure that any person whose rights or
freedoms as herein recognized are violated shall have
an effective remedy, notwithstanding that the violation
has been committed by persons acting in an official
capacity;
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(b) To ensure that any person claiming such a
remedy shall have his right thereto determined by
competent judicial, administrative or legislative
authorities, or by any other competent authority
provided for by the legal system of the State, and to
develop the possibilities of judicial remedy;
(c) To ensure that the competent authorities shall
enforce such remedies when granted. (Emphasis
supplied)
The United Nations General Assembly later
adopted Resolution No. 60/147, which embodied
the Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right
to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross
Violations of International Human Rights Law
and Serious Violations of International
Humanitarian Law (Basic Principles).171 The
Basic Principles was adopted to affirm and
expound on the right of victims to a remedy as
provided for in the ICCPR and other
international laws and treaties. It is persuasive
in the ICCPR’s interpretation and contributes to
achieving
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576
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The victims’ right to a remedy under the
Basic Principles includes adequate, effective, and
prompt reparation for harm suffered:
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577
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The Basic Principles further elucidates the
reparation to which the victims are entitled. It
provides that the reparation must be
proportional to the harm suffered. The general
concept of reparation and effective remedies is
found in Principles 15 and 18 of the Basic
Principles:
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578
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579
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581
The Basic Principles requires separate
obligations that are complete in themselves, and
all these components are necessary for achieving
an “effective remedy”173 against human rights
violations.
Thus, Compensation for violations committed
is not enough without the victim’s satisfaction.
Satisfying and compensating the victim is not
enough unless there is a guarantee against non-
repetition. This requires a legal order that can
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581
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582
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583
This is especially true when the regulation
does not stem from any enabling statute.
Administrative regulations stem from the
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584
Because regulations are issued under the
administrative powers of the President, its
function is mostly to properly apply policies and
enforce orders. Thus, regulations must be in
harmony with the law. The AFP Regulations
cannot be given priority by the President over
Republic Act No. 10368.
Nonetheless, assuming the AFP Regulations
are valid, Republic Act No. 10368 has amended
them such that they disallow any governmental
act that conflicts with the victims’ right to
recognition and reparation. Section 31 of
Republic Act No. 10368 provides:
Since Republic Act No. 10368 should be read
into or deemed to have amended the AFP
Regulations, the transfer of the remains of
Ferdinand E. Marcos is illegal.
XIV
Assuming the AFP Regulations remain the
governing regulation over the Libingan ng mga
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ARTICLE XI
Accountability of Public Officers
SECTION 1. Public office is a public trust. Public
officers and employees must, at all times, be
accountable to the people, serve them with utmost
responsibility, integrity, loyalty, and efficiency; act
with patriotism and justice, and lead modest lives.
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586
ANNOTATED
Ocampo vs. Enriquez
This provision requires two (2) substantive
requirements. First, the segregation of land is
“for public use and a specific public purpose.”
Second, the use of public land “is not otherwise
directed by law.”
The Solicitor General cites Manosca v. Court
of Appeals184 and City of Manila v. Chinese
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184 G.R. No. 106440, January 29, 1996, 252 SCRA 412
[Per J. Vitug, First Division].
185 40 Phil. 349 (1919) [Per J. Johnson, En Banc].
186 Solicitor General Consolidated Comment, p. 43.
587
Ferdinand E. Marcos was ousted from the
highest office by the direct sovereign act of the
People. His regime was marked by brutality and
by the “organized pillaging” that came to pass.
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In 2006, in Yuchengco v. Sandiganbayan:192
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588
In the 2001 case of Estrada v. Desierto,194 this
Court characterized once again the 1986 EDSA
Revolution and, in so doing, described the
rejection of the Marcos regime:
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The other possible purpose stated by the
Solicitor General is to achieve the ambiguous
goal of “national healing.”196 During the Oral
Arguments, the Solicitor General argues that
the aim of the burial is to achieve “changing the
national psyche and beginning the painful
healing of this country.” In doing so, however,
respondents rewrite our history to erase the
remembrance of Ferdinand E. Marcos as a
symbol of the atrocities committed to many of
our People. It is an attempt to forget that he was
a human rights violator, a dictator, and a
plunderer, in the name of “national healing” and
at the cost of repetition of the same acts in this
or future generations.
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589
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590
In Marcos v. Manglapus,199 the government
was unstable and was threatened by various
forces, such as elements within the military, who
were among the rabid followers of Ferdinand E.
Marcos. Thus, the residual power of the
President to bar the return of Ferdinand E.
Marcos’ body was recognized by this Court as
borne by the duty to preserve and defend the
Constitution and ensure the faithful execution of
laws:
not only the power of the President but also his duty
to do anything not forbidden by the Constitution or
the laws that the needs of the nation demand. It is a
power borne by the President’s duty to preserve and
defend the Constitution. It also may be viewed as a
_______________
591
Further, this Court recognized the President’s
residual powers for the purpose of, and
necessary for, maintaining peace:
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In Sanlakas v. Reyes202 where several
hundred members of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines stormed the Oakwood Premiere
apartments in Makati City and demanded
Former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s
resignation, the use of the President’s residual
power to declare a state of rebellion was allowed.
This Court held that although the declaration is
a superfluity, her power to declare a state of
rebellion arises from her pow-
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592
In these cases, the residual powers recognized
by this Court were directly related to the
President’s duty to attend to a present
contingency or an urgent need to act in order to
preserve domestic tranquility. In all cases of the
exercise of residual power, there must be a clear
lack of legislative policy to guide executive
power.
This is not the situation in these consolidated
cases. As discussed, there are laws violated. At
the very least, there was no urgency. There was
no disturbance to the public peace.
XVII
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593
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208 Id.
209 Id.
594
ARTICLE VIII
Judicial Department
SECTION 1. The judicial power shall be vested in
one Supreme Court and in such lower courts as may
be established by law.
Judicial power includes the duty of the courts of
justice to settle actual controversies involving rights
which are legally demandable and enforceable, and to
determine whether or not there has been a grave
abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess
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This provision defines this Court’s duty to
ensure that all branches or instrumentalities of
Government act only within the scope of their
powers as defined by the Constitution and by
law. Nothing in the provision allows campaign
promises to trump the rule of law.
Associate Justice Perez’s Concurring Opinion
is founded upon the premise that the transfer of
the remains of Ferdinand E. Marcos is a
question of policy to be determined by the
People, outside the scope of this Court’s power of
judicial review. He claims that the matter is a
political question. Unfortunately, the allegations
of an infringement upon a fundamental
individual or collective right and grave abuse of
discretion on the part of another branch of
government, which were properly pleaded by
petitioners, were not addressed.
Recently, in Diocese of Bacolod v. Commission
on Elections:210
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210 G.R. No. 205728, January 21, 2015, 747 SCRA 1 [Per
J. Leonen, En Banc].
595
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596
XVIII
Similarly, I cannot agree with the conclusions
of Associate Justice Arturo D. Brion with respect
to the interpretation of Article VIII, Section 1 of
the Constitution.
Associate Justice Brion opines that this
Court’s expanded jurisdiction under the
Constitution does not empower this Court to
review allegations involving violations and
misapplication of statutes.212 He claims that the
remedies available to petitioners are those found
in the Rules of Court, which address errors of
law.213 He claims that this Court can only check
whether there is grave abuse of discretion on the
part of another branch or instrumentality of
government when there is a violation of the
Constitution.214 Necessarily, petitioners must
have shown that there is prima facie evidence
that the President violated the Constitution in
allowing the Marcos burial.215 He insists that
the Court’s authority, under its expanded
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597
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598
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599
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600
It is not about violations that may or may not
be constitutional or statutory in character. It is
about discretion gravely abused.
Regretfully, Associate Justice Brion’s position
ignores the legal issues presented by petitioners,
which involve a question of the proper exercise
of constitutional powers: whether the President
may use his executive power to order the
transfer of the remains of Ferdinand E. Marcos’
to the Libingan ng mga Bayani burial despite
the rights invoked by petitioners and other
particular provisions in the Constitution,
statutes, and public policy.
Definitely, there is an actual case or
controversy ripe for judicial review. Recalling a
position in Spouses Imbong v. Ochoa, Jr.:218
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601
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There is an actual case or controversy in this
case as it involves a conflict of legal rights
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602
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603
Several petitioners allege that they are
human rights victims during the Marcos regime
who had filed claims under Republic Act No.
10368. In their Petitions, they claim that
respondents’ questioned acts affect their right to
reparation and recognition under Republic Act
No. 10368 and international laws. As petitioners
have an interest against Ferdinand E. Marcos
and have claims against the State in connection
with the violation of their human rights,
petitioners are vested with material interest in
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604
ANNOTATED
Ocampo vs. Enriquez
Given that public property and funds are
involved and there are allegations of disregard of
constitutional and statutory limitations by the
executive department, this Court may properly
act on the Petitions.
The ponencia states that petitioners violated
the doctrines of exhaustion of administrative
remedies and hierarchy of courts,227 which
essentially espouse the principle that no direct
resort to this Court is allowed when there are
other plain, speedy, and adequate remedies.
However, there are exceptions to this rule, as
restated in Diocese of Bacolod:
(a) When there are genuine issues of
constitutionality that must be addressed at
the most immediate time;
(b) When the issues involved are of
transcendental importance. In these cases,
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605
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ARTICLE VII
Executive Department
....
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606
SECTION 5. . . .
“I, do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully
and conscientiously fulfill my duties as President . . .
of the Philippines, preserve and defend its
Constitution, execute its laws, do justice to every man,
and consecrate myself to the service of the nation. So
help me God.”
The President’s duty to faithfully execute the
laws of the land is enshrined in the Constitution.
Thus, in Article VII, Section 17:
In Almario v. Executive Secretary,229 we have
clarified that the faithful execution clause is not
a separate grant of power but an obligation
imposed on the President. The President is,
therefore, not above the law or above judicial
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607
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XXI
The ponencia’s characterization of Ferdinand
E. Marcos as “just a human who erred like us”232
trivializes the magnitude of the suffering that he
inflicted on scores of Filipinos.
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608
_______________
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609
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611
DISSENTING OPINION
CAGUIOA, J.:
I vehemently dissent.
Ultimately, the ponencia’s reason to dismiss
the petitions is that there is “no clear
constitutional or legal basis” to hold that there
was a grave abuse of discretion attending
President Rodrigo R. Duterte’s order to inter
former President Marcos’s remains in the
Libingan ng mga Bayani (“LNMB”). And the
premise of the statement is that the sole
authority in determining who are entitled and
disqualified to be interred at the LNMB is the
AFP Regulations.
I cannot, as a magistrate and a citizen, in
good conscience, agree. My reasons are set forth
below.
The burial of former President Mar-
cos does not raise a political question
beyond the ambit of judicial review.
The ponencia holds that President Duterte’s
decision to have the remains interred at the
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613
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established by law.
2 Lagman Petition, p. 3, par. 5.
3 G.R. No. 205728, January 21, 2015, 747 SCRA 1.
4 258 Phil. 479; 177 SCRA 668 (1989).
5 392 Phil. 618; 338 SCRA 81 (2000).
6 406 Phil. 1; 353 SCRA 452 (2001).
7 460 Phil. 830; 415 SCRA 44 (2003).
8 OSG Consolidated Comment, I.A., p. 24.
9 Id., par. 55, p. 24.
10 Id., par. 51, p. 24; Public Respondent’s Memorandum,
par. 55, p. 27.
613
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614
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As early as the landmark case of Tañada v.
Cuenco,18 the Court has already recognized that,
while the action of the executive or legislative
department may be dictated by public or
political policy, or may involve a question of
policy or its wisdom, the judiciary is nonetheless
charged with the special duty of determining the
limitations which the law places on all official
action, viz.:
_______________
17 Id.
18 Tañada v. Cuenco, supra note 13.
615
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x
xxxx
“x x x What is generally meant, when it is said that
a question is political, and not judicial, is that it is a
matter which is to be exercised by the people in their
primary political capacity, or that it has been
specifically delegated to some other department or
particular officer of the government, with
discretionary power to act. x x x Thus the Legislature
may in its discretion determine whether it will pass a
law or submit a proposed constitutional amendment
to the people. The courts have no judicial control over
such matters, not merely because they involve [a]
political question, but because they are matters which
the people have by the Constitution delegated to the
Legislature. The Governor may exercise the
powers delegated to him, free from judicial
control, so long as he observes the laws and acts
within the limits of the power conferred. His
discretionary acts cannot be controllable, not
primarily because they are of a political nature, but
because the Constitution and laws have placed the
particular matter under his control. But every
officer under a constitutional government must
act according to law and subject him to the
restraining and controlling power of the people,
acting through the courts, as well as through
the executive or the Legislature. One department
is just as representative as the other, and the
judiciary is the department which is charged with the
special duty of determining the limitations which the
law places upon all official action. The recognition of
this principle, unknown except in Great Britain and
America, is necessary, ‘to the end that the
government may be one of laws and not [of]
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The Solicitor General argues that the wisdom
of the President cannot be questioned when, in
the exercise of his powers under the Constitution
and the Administrative Code, he deemed it
appropriate to inter the remains of former
President Marcos in a parcel of land of the public
domain devoted for the purpose of being a
military shrine, and recognize
_______________
616
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_______________
617
_______________
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618
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619
_______________
29 Araullo v. Aquino III, 737 Phil. 457, 535; 728 SCRA 1,
79 (2014), citing Black’s Law Dictionary, p. 941 (6th ed.,
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1991).
30 Imbong v. Ochoa, Jr., G.R. No. 204819, April 8, 2014,
721 SCRA 146, 283, citing Anak Mindanao Party-list Group
v. The Executive Secretary, 558 Phil. 338, 350; 531 SCRA
583, 591 (2007).
31 Galicto v. Aquino III, 683 Phil. 141, 170; 667 SCRA
150, 170 (2012).
32 450 Phil. 744, 803; 402 SCRA 612, 645-646 (2003).
33 Francisco, Jr. v. Nagmamalasakit na mga
Manananggol ng mga Manggagawang Pilipino, Inc., supra
note 7 at p. 895; p. 136.
620
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621
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622
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623
Therefore, that the assailed act and/or
issuances do not involve the exercise of judicial,
quasi-judicial or ministerial functions is of no
moment. Under the Court’s expanded
jurisdiction, the validity of the President’s
directive to have the remains of former
President Marcos interred and buried at the
LNMB and the legality of the assailed
Memorandum and Directive issued by public
respondents, are proper subjects of a petition for
certiorari and prohibition.
Petitioners did not violate the rule
on hierarchy of courts.
The ponencia holds that petitioners failed to
observe the rule on hierarchy of courts as they
should have filed with the Regional Trial Court
exercising jurisdiction over public respondents,
and that there exist no special, compelling and
important reasons to justify direct resort to this
Court.
I disagree.
_______________
624
ANNOTATED
Ocampo vs. Enriquez
In the same case, however, the Court
recognized that hierarchy of courts is not an
iron-clad rule. Direct invocation of this Court’s
jurisdiction may be allowed for special,
important and compelling reasons clearly spelled
out in the petition, such as: (a) when there are
genuine
_______________
625
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_______________
626
_______________
627
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Third, it was upon the verbal order of the
President that the assailed Memorandum and
Directive were issued by public respondents.
This, in fact, is extant in the very language of
the Memorandum itself. Moreover, the
President, on numerous occasions, had insisted
that, notwithstand-
_______________
628
_______________
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629
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_______________
630
This power is, in turn, traced by the Solicitor
General to the President’s power to reserve
lands under Commonwealth Act No. 141, or the
Public Land Act.58 The provision that empowers
the President to reserve tracts of land of the
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CHAPTER XI
Reservations for Public and Semi-Public Purposes
SECTION 83. Upon the recommendation of the
Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce, the President
may designate by proclamation any tract or tracts
of land of the public domain as reservations for the
use of the Commonwealth of the Philippines or of any
of its branches, or of the inhabitants thereof, in
accordance with regulations prescribed for this
purpose, or for quasi-public uses or purposes when the
public interest requires it, including reservations for
highways, rights-of-way for railroads, hydraulic power
sites, irrigation systems, communal pastures or leguas
comunales, public parks, public quarries, public
fishponds, workingmen’s village and other
improvements for the public benefit.
First of all, it bears noting that under the
provisions of both the RAC and the Public Land
Act, this power to reserve government lands of
the public and private domain is exercised
through a Presidential Proclamation59 or, under
the Revised Administrative Code of 1917, by
executive
_______________
58 Id.
59 Under Section 4, Chapter II of Book III, Title I of the
REVISED ADMINISTRATIVE CODE, a proclamation is an act of the
President fixing a date or declar-
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631
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In this case, however, there is no dispute that
this power, argued by the Solicitor General as
belonging exclusively to the President, was
exercised through a verbal order. Based on the
foregoing, this falls short of the manner
prescribed by law for its exercise. Accordingly,
absent a Presidential Proclamation, I fail to
fathom how these laws (the RAC and the Public
Land Act) can be used to justify the decision to
inter former President Marcos in the LNMB.
Moreover, without any showing that the
interment is consistent with LNMB’s purpose as
a national shrine, it cannot be undertaken as no
change in the said specific purpose has been
validly made.
_______________
632
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ATTY. COLMENARES:
_______________
633
JUSTICE CARPIO:
ATTY. COLMENARES:
JUSTICE CARPIO:
ATTY. COLMENARES:
JUSTICE CARPIO:
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ATTY. COLMENARES:
JUSTICE CARPIO:
ATTY. COLMENARES:
JUSTICE CARPIO:
ATTY. COLMENARES:
JUSTICE CARPIO:
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ATTY. COLMENARES:
JUSTICE CARPIO:
634
ATTY. COLMENARES:
JUSTICE CARPIO:
ATTY. COLMENARES:
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JUSTICE CARPIO:
For his part, the Solicitor General stood firm
and insisted that the subject interment serves a
public purpose, when interpellated by Justice
Leonen:
SOLICITOR GENERAL CALIDA:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
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_______________
635
JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
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JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
JUSTICE LEONEN:
_______________
636
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_______________
637
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While the Solicitor General argues that
expenditures for the interment are supported by
AFP appropriations, the President’s discretion in
_______________
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638
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JUSTICE CAGUIOA:
This admission by the Solicitor General
indicates to me that the interment is primarily
to favor the Marcos family, and serves no
legitimate public purpose. Therefore, the first
requirement for the legitimate exercise of the
President’s power to reserve has not been met.
Moreover, any disbursement of public funds in
connection with the interment will
639
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_______________
640
_______________
641
642
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In Book IV, Chapter 7, Section 38(a) of the
RAC, control is defined to include “authority to
act directly whenever a specific function is
entrusted by law or regulation to a subordinate;
direct the performance of duty; restrain the
commission of acts; review, approve, reverse or
modify acts and decisions of subordinate officials
or units; determine priorities in the execution of
plans and programs; and prescribe standards,
guidelines, plans and programs.” It has also
been jurisprudentially defined as the “power of
an officer to alter or modify or nullify or set aside
what a subordinate officer had done in the
performance of his duties and to substitute the
judgment of the former for that of the latter.”73
In Phillips Seafood (Philippines) Corp. v. The
Board of Investments,74 the Court held that the
power of control is not absolute, and may be
effectively limited:
Therefore, while the order to inter former
President Marcos in the LNMB may be
considered an exercise of the President’s power
of control, this is necessarily subject to the
limitations similarly applicable to his
subordinate, the Philippine Veterans Affairs
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_______________
73 Ham v. Bachrach Motor Co., Inc., 109 Phil. 949, 957
(1960).
74 597 Phil. 649, 661; 578 SCRA 69, 81-82 (2009).
643
Verily, the claim that the President is merely
faithfully executing law (i.e., the AFP
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644
In Larin v. Executive Secretary,77 the claim of
exercise of residual power to validate the
streamlining of the Bureau of Internal Revenue
was examined in light of whether or not a law
exists that gives the President the power to
reorganize.
On the other hand, in Sanlakas v. Reyes,79
this Court made the following observation on
“residual powers”:
_______________
645
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Inasmuch as the Solicitor General has failed
to provide the persuasive constitutional or
statutory basis for the exercise of residual
power, or even the exigencies which “undermine
the very existence of the government or the
integrity of the State” that the order to inter
former President Marcos in the LNMB seeks to
address, the Court should have been left with no
recourse except to examine the factual bases, if
any, of the invocation of the residual powers of
the President, as this is the duty given to the
Court pursuant to its power of judicial review.
Jurisprudence mandates that there is no grave
abuse of discretion provided there is sufficient
factual basis for the exercise of residual
powers.81 Conversely, when there is absence of
factual basis for the exercise of residual power,
this will result in a finding of arbitrariness,
whimsicality and capriciousness that is the
essence of grave abuse of discretion.
As early as Marcos v. Manglapus,82 the Court,
after conceding to then President Corazon
Aquino the discretion to prohibit the Marcoses83
from returning to the Philippines under the
“residual unstated powers of the President x x x
to safeguard and protect general welfare,”
proceeded to still ascertain if her decision had
factual basis, viz.:
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646
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647
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In Integrated Bar of the Philippines v.
Zamora,85 the Court, while conceding that the
President has the power to call out the armed
forces to prevent or suppress lawless violence,
invasion or rebellion, again inquired into the
factual determination by then President Joseph
Ejercito Estrada as to the necessity to call out
the armed forces, particularly the Marines, to
aid the PNP in visibility patrols around the
metropolis before it ruled that he did not gravely
abuse his discretion. The Court observed:
_______________
648
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649
In both Marcos v. Manglapus and Integrated
Bar of the Philippines v. Zamora, the Court,
pursuant to the expanded concept of judicial
power under the 1987 Constitution, took the
“pragmatist” approach that a political question87
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650
ATTY. RAFAEL-ANTONIO:
Your Honor, with all due respect the issue here is
the propriety of the decision of President Duterte to
inter him. The injury which the Marcos family may
be suffering would be, to discuss this, would be
amounting to an academic discussion, Your Honor.
JUSTICE CAGUIOA:
ATTY. RAFAEL-ANTONIO:
JUSTICE CAGUIOA:
ATTY. RAFAEL-ANTONIO:
JUSTICE CAGUIOA:
ATTY. RAFAEL-ANTONIO:
_______________
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651
_______________
652
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_______________
95 Id.
96 Id.
97 Public Respondents’ Memorandum, p. 4.
98 Id.
99 Id.
100 Marcos v. Manglapus, supra note 4 at pp. 507-508;
pp. 682, 697.
653
_______________
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654
_______________
655
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_______________
656
_______________
657
_______________
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658
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_______________
110
<http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/579292/news/nation/duterte-
leads-national-heroes-day-rites>; <http://news.abs-
cbn.com/news/08/29/16/look-duterte-leads-national-heroes-
day-rites>, last accessed on October 17, 2016.
659
_______________
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660
_______________
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661
_______________
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662
_______________
663
_______________
664
_______________
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665
In Marcos, Jr. v. Republic,147 this Court ruled
that all the assets, properties and funds of
Arelma, S.A., an entity created by former
President Marcos, with an estimated aggregate
amount of US$3,369,975.00 as of 1983, which
the Marcos claimed as theirs, were declared ill-
gotten wealth and forfeited in favor of the
Republic.
This Court, in Republic v. Sandiganbayan
and Marcos, Jr. v. Republic, noted with approval
the Solicitor General’s evidence, culled from the
_______________
666
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667
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In PCCG v. Peña,151 this Court recalled the
economic havoc engendered by the Marcos
regime through the plunder of the country’s
wealth, viz.:
Indeed, as correctly pointed out by petitioner
Latiph, this Court has referred to former
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668
_______________
669
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This Court’s and the United States courts’
pronouncements, the provisions of RA 10368,
coupled with the observations of the NHCP, on
the perniciousness, gravity and depravity of the
acts (e.g., plunder, falsification, human rights
abuse, dictatorship, authoritarianism) that
former President Marcos perpetrated and
allowed to be perpetrated are sufficient to
qualify them as acts involving moral turpitude,
justifying the application of the provision on
disqualification in the AFP Regulations. The
overwhelming import of all these simply cannot
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670
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2012.”
671
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672
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160 Id.
161 Adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on
December 10, 1948; see Poe-Llamanzares v. Commission on
Elections, G.R. Nos. 221697 & 221698-700, March 8, 2016,
786 SCRA 1. (Dissenting Opinion)
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162 999 UNTS 171 and 1057 UNTS 407 / (1980) ATS 23 /
6 ILM 368 (1967); the Philippines signed the ICCPR on
December 19, 1966 and ratified the same on October 23,
1986.
163 A/CONF.183/9 of 17 July 1998.
164 The Philippines ratified the CAT on June 26, 1987.
165 The Philippines signed the ICESCR on December 19,
1966 and ratified the same on June 7, 1974; see: J. von
Bernstorff, “The Changing Fortunes of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights: Genesis and Symbolic
Dimensions of the Turn to Rights in International Law” 19
(5) European Journal of International Law 903, 913-914
(2008), cited in Poe-Llamanzares v. Commission on Elections,
supra.
166 See: Secretary of National Defense v. Manalo, 589
Phil. 1, 50-51; 568 SCRA 1, 54 (2008) and Separate Opinion
of CJ. Puno in Republic v. Sandiganbayan, in Poe-
Llamanzares v. Commission on Elections, id.
673
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674
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675
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676
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677
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678
In these petitions, responsibility for the
human rights violations committed during the
martial law regime is anchored not on the
attribution to the State through state agents, but
on attribution to former President Marcos, as an
individual and Commander-in-Chief.
It is also incorrect to argue that the
application of “command responsibility” to
former President Marcos would violate the
constitutional prohibition on bills of attainder
and ex post facto laws.184
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679
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680
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681
In turn, General Comment No. 31 to the
ICCPR states that the purpose of Article 2 will
be defeated if there is no concurrent obligation
on the part of the State-party to take measures
to prevent a recurrence of a violation of the
ICCPR.195 In other words, when RA 10368
recognized the obligation of the Philippines to
provide an effective remedy to HRVVs, this can
only be understood as the Philippines also
having the concurrent obligation to prevent a
recurrence of the violation of the ICCPR.
This is not the first time this Court has been
asked to recognize the obligatory nature of the
ICCPR and the General Comments interpreting
their provisions. In Echegaray v. Secretary of
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195 General Comment No. 31, par. 17, The Nature of the
General Legal Obligation Imposed on States Parties to the
Covenant, CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add. 1326 May 2004. See par.
17, which states:
17. In general, the purposes of the Covenant would be
defeated without an obligation integral to Article 2 to take
measures to prevent a recurrence of a violation of the
Covenant.
196 358 Phil. 410; 297 SCRA 754 (1998).
197 621 Phil. 536; 606 SCRA 598 (2009).
198 Id., at pp. 603-604; p. 676.
682
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683
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684
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685
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686
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687
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For these reasons, I vote to grant the
petitions.
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