A. C. Crombie - Medieval and Early Modern Science, Vol. 1 - Science in The Middle Ages, V-XIII Centuries. 1-Doubleday Anchor Books (1959) PDF

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EDIEVAL AND
EARLY MODERN
SCIENCE VOLUME l
Science in the Middle Acres:
V-XI1I Centuries
. C. CROMBIE
REVISED SECOMD EDITION

MEDIEVAL AND EARLY
MODERN SCIENCE
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Alistair Cameron Crombie was bora in Brisbane,
Australia, in 1915 and graduated in natural science
from the Universities of Melbourne and Cambridge.
He taught and carried out research in biology at
Cambridge until 1946, when he went to the Univer-
sity of London to teach the history and philosophy of
science. In 1953 ne was appointed to his present post
as Senior Lecturer in the History of Science in the
University of Oxford. He has also served as Visiting
Professor of Philosophy at the University of Washing-
ton and ha* lectured at a number of other universities
in Europe and America, in addition to broadcasting on
the Third Programme of the BBC. He was the original
editor of The British Journal for the Philosophy of
Science. He is number of scientific and
the author of a
and of two books, Augustine to Gali-
historical papers
leo: the History of Science A.D. 400-1650 (1952,
1954, 1957) and Robert Grosseteste and the Origins

of Experimental Science 1100-1700 (1953).
MEDIEVAL AND
EARLY MODERN
SCIENCE
Volume I
Science in the Middle Ages:
V-XIII Centuries
A. C. CROMBIE
DOUBLED AY ANCHOR BOOKS

DOUBLEDAY & COMPANY, INC.
GARDEN CITY, NEW YORK

1959
The on the cover, showing geese
illustrations
from De Arte Venandi
in flight, are taken
cum Avibus (The Art of Falconry), Emperor
Frederick II, Vatican MS
Palatino Latino 1071
(xiii century). Cover design and typography
by Edward Gorey.
Medieval and Early Modern Science, Vol-

ume Science in the Middle Ages is a revision
I:
of the first four chapters of Augustine to
Galileo: the history of science a.d. 400-

1650 (London, 1952) by A. C. Crombie. Vol-
ume II: Science in the Later Middle Ages and
Early Modern Times, is a revision of Chapters
V and VI.
First published under the title Augustine to
Galileo: the History of Science A.D. 400-1650
by the Falcon Press (London) Limited. Pub-
lished 1953 by Harvard University Press. Re-
vised edition, 1959.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 59-6472

Copyright © 1959 by A. C. Crombie
All Rights Reserved
Printed in the United States of America
TO NANCY
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS (VOL. i)
Acknowledgements are made to the following for supplying

photographs for illustrations: the Chief Librarian of the
Oeffentliche Bibliothek, University of Basel (Plates VII,
VIII, IX); the Librarian of Cambridge University (Figs.
12, 14 and Plates I, III, XXX, XXXI, XXXV, XXXVI);
the Director of the Universitatsbibliothek, Erlangen (Plate
X); the Director of the British Museum, London (Fig. 4
and Plates VI, XII, XIV, XXI, XXII, XXIV, XXVI,
XXVII, XXVIII, XXXIII, XXXVIII, XXXIX); the Direc-
tor of the Science Museum, London (Plate XXXVII:
Crown Copyright); Wellcome Museum
the Director of the
of Medical History, London (Plate XX); Bodley's Librar-
ian, Oxford (Plates II, V, XI, XVI, XXXII, XXXIV); the
Librarian of Christ Church, Oxford (Plate XXIX); the
Curator of the Museum of the History of Science, Oxford
(Plate IV); the Scriptor of the Vatican Library, Rome
(Plate XIII, XVIII, cover design); the Director of the
Biblioteca Nazionale di S. Marco, Venice (Plate XVII);
the Director of the Oesterreichische National Bibliothek,
Vienna (Plate XV). The following lent blocks for illustra-
tions: Messrs. William Heinemann, Ltd. (Fig. 11); Ox-
ford University Press (Fig. 4 and Plates XXIII, XXVI);
Penguin Books Ltd. (Fig. 10).
I should like to thank Mr. Stillman Drake and Dr.
Michael Hoskin for reading the proofs and suggesting a

number of valuable improvements.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
One most remarkable developments in the world of

of the
and especially since
scholarly letteTs in the last generation,
the end of the Second World War, has been the growth
of the study of the history of science both as a professional
historical discipline and among the interests of the general
reader. Considering how science has quietly come to take
a central position in our culture this is perhaps not sur-
some knowledge
prising; of the history of science has be-
come unavoidably part of the acquisition of historical
awareness. Certainly the considerable interest shown in the
period covered by this book is not difficult to explain. It
has long been a matter of curiosity to know something of

the scientific thought of those medieval centuries in which
so many other essential aspects of our civilisation, ranging
from the theory and practice of law and government to
the character of feeling and execution in poetry and the
plastic arts, had their genesis and formation. I hope that
in these pages the reader curious to know something of the
history of medieval science, not simply as the background
to modern science but as interesting in itself, may find at
least a general guide to his inquiries. The stories of science
in antiquity and in modern times have been told more

than once in recent works, both separately and as part of
general histories of science, but there exists no adequate
short history of science in this formative period that lies
between. My purpose in writing this book has been to fill
this gap.
The scholarship of the last half-century has long since
banished the time when the rumours about medieval
Xll PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
science, put about after the revival of interest in classical
literature in the 15th century, could be regarded as an
adequate substitute for the study of contemporary sources.
In the pages that follow I have tried to use the results of
recent research to tell, within the covers of a single gen-
eral history, the story of Western science from its decay
after the collapse of the Roman Empire in the West to
its full reflowering in the 17th century. Especially I have
tried to bring out, what I believe to be the most striking
result of recent scholarship, the essential continuity of the
Western scientific tradition from Greek times to the 17th
century and, therefore, to our own day. Certainly the scien-
tificthought of the period from Augustine to Galileo can
often be deceptive both in its similarities to, and in its
differences from modern science, but this is the inevitable
result of its position as part of the great adventure of
philosophical reformation undertaken by the barbarian in-
vaders as they painfully educated themselves from the clas-
sical sources. If I have seemed to give too little attention
to the originality of Arabic science in this period, that is not
because I underrate the indispensable contribution made
by medieval Arabic civilisation in developing ancient
science as well as in transmitting it to the West, but be-
cause it is specifically the history of science in the Latin
civilisation of the West that is the subject of this study.
A broader treatment, perhaps too broad for a short work,
would also include a full account of the history of science
in both Islam and Byzantium.
My debt to those great pioneers whose documentary
researchesfirst let the light into medieval science in this
century, Paul Tannery, Pierre Duhem, Charles Homer

Haskins, Karl Sudhoff, to the bibliographical industry of
George Sarton, and to the critical work of more recent
scholars, especially of Lynn Thorndike, Alexandre Koyr6

and Anneliese Maier, will be obvious to anyone who turns
these pages and indeed must be incurred by any student
who enters this field. Since the war many specialised studies
over the whole field have appeared and continue to do so
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION Xlll
in ever increasing numbers. I have tried to incorporate into

this revision the relevant substance of those published since
the first edition was completed, together with various
changes in my own point of view.
A.C.C.
Oxford, 6 January 1958

CONTENTS
LIST OF PLATES xix
INTRODUCTION 1
I SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM

UNTIL THE TWELFTH-CENTURY REN-
AISSANCE 9
Adelard of Bath (9-10). The Latin encyclopae-
dists: Pliny, Boethius, Cassiodorus, Isidore of Se-
ville(11-13). Early Christian philosophy of na-
ture: Neoplatonism, symbolism, astrology; Au-
gustine of Hippo (13-18). Practical empiricism:
Cassiodorus; Bede's cosmology, calendar; Anglo-
Saxon medicine, computus (18-25). Nominal-
ism; Abelard (25). Adelard of Bath; physics at
Chartres; the Tinueus (25-32).
II THE RECEPTION OF GRECO-ARABIC

SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM 33
The transmission of science from the Greeks

to the Arabsand to the Latin West (33-49);
Hindu mathematics (49-52). Power over na-
ture through magic and science; Roger Bacon
(52-56). Greek natural philosophy and Chris-
tianity: Aristotelianism, Averroes, Augustine,
13th-century schools (56-64).
HI THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT

IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 65
(l) EXPLANATION OF CHANGE AND CONCEPTION

OF SUBSTANCE 65
XVI CONTENTS
Summary of treatment (65-66). Conception of
substance; Plato and Aristotle; physics, mathe-
matics, metaphysics (66-69). Aristotle's expla-
nation of change, 'nature/ four causes (69-72).
Four kinds of change; neoplatonic conceptions
of 'first matter'; classifications of science, mathe-
matics and physics (72-75).
(2) COSMOLOGY AND ASTRONOMY 75

Aristotle's cosmology; natural place and natural
motion (75-78). Aristotelian and Ptolemaic
astronomy (78-86). Latin astronomical theory
(86-89). Practical astronomy, instruments, trig-
onometry (89-98).
(3) METEOROLOGY AND OPTICS 98

Aristotle's sublunary William Merlee
region;
(98-99). Greek and Arabic optics, Alhazen (99-
102). Grosseteste (99-100, 102-4). Roger Ba-
con (104-6). Witelo, Summa Philosophise,
Pecham (106-10). Theodoric of Freiberg, expla-
nation of the rainbow (110-13). Arabic optical
writers, camera obscura, painting (113).
(4) MECHANICS AND MAGNETISM 114

Aristotelian mechanics; Jordanus ( 1 14-20 )
Magnetism: Petrus Peregrinus, John of St.
Amand (120-22).
(5) GEOLOGY 123

Greek geology (123-24). Avicenna, Albertus
Magnus (124-26). Other Latin geology, tides;
Ristoro d'Arezzo, Albert of Saxony (127-29).
(6) CHEMISTRY 129

Practical Greek alchemy, Aristote-
chemistry,
lian theory (129-32). Arabic alchemy and chem-
istry; Jabir, Avicenna, Rhazes (132-34). Latin
alchemy and chemistry; the Geber tradition

(134-39).
CONTENTS XVJi
(7) BIOLOGY 139

Aristotle's biology
(139-40). Latin didactic and
practical biology; Frederick II (140-43). Nat-
uralisticcarvings and illustrations (143-45).
Herbals (144-47). Albertus Magnus: botany,
new species (147-51); zoology (151-61). Four-
teenth-century biology (157-62). Physiology and
anatomy: Galen (162-69); Latin surgeons, Mon-
dino, 15th century (169-72). Man's place in na-
ture (172-74).
IV TECHNICS AND SCIENCE IN THE MID-

DLE AGES 175
(1) TECHNICS AND EDUCATION 175

Latin writers on technology (175-78). Classifica-
tions of science: Hugh of St. Victor, Dominicus
Gundissalinus, Michael Scot, Robert Kilwardby
(178-80). Practical science in universities: medi-
cine, anatomy, mathematics (180-83). Music
(183-86). Greco-Roman technology (186-89).
(2) AGRICULTURE 189

Roman and medieval agriculture; plough; agri-
cultural writers; crops; animals (189-96).
(3) THE MECHANISATION OF INDUSTRY 196

Early machinery; watermills; windmills (196-
99). Textiles (199-201). Paper and printing
(202-3). Building (203-6). Shipbuilding, trans-
port (206-7). Cartography (207-9). Mechanical
clocks (210-13).
(4) INDUSTRIAL CHEMISTRY 213

Iron, coal, furnaces (213-15). Metallurgy, bells,
cannons, gunpowder (215-19). Mining (219-

20). Glass (220-21). Dyes and paints (221-22).
(5) medicine 222

Early medieval medicine; treatment and drugs
XV111 CONTENTS
(222-25). Theories of disease; Black Death;
quarantine (225-30). Ophthalmology, specta-
cles (230-32). Surgery, dentistry, anatomy (232-
35). Hospitals, mental disorders (235-38).
NOTES TO ILLUSTRATIONS 239

BIBLIOGRAPHY 243
INDEX 275
Volume II, Science in the Later Middle Ages and

Early Modern Times: XIII-XVII Centuries, consists
of the following chapters:
I SCIENTIFIC METHOD AND DEVELOPMENTS IN

PHYSICS IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES
IITHE REVOLUTION IN SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT IN
THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES
PLATES
Following page 136
1 Aristotle's Cosmology. From Petrus Apianus, Cos-

mographia, per Gemma Phrysius restituta, Ant-
werp, 1539.
11 The medieval mechanical model of solid spheres
for the planet Saturn, from G. Reisch, Margarita
Philosophica, Freiberg, 1503.
in Drawing of an astrolabe. From Chaucer, Treatise
on the Astrolabe, Cambridge University Library
MSDd. 3-53 (XIV cent).
rv A late Gothic astrolabe, c. 1430. In the Museum
of the History of Science, Oxford.
v An astrolabe in use. From an English MS, Bodley
614 (XII cent.) at Oxford.
vi Roger Bacon's geometrical diagrams showing the

curvatures of the refracting media in the eye. From
Opus Majus, British Museum MS Royal 7.F.viii
(XIII cent.)
vii Drawing from Theodoric of Freiberg, De hide,
Basel University Library MS F.iv.30 (XIV cent.),
showing an experiment with the refraction of light.
viii Drawing from Theodoric of Freiberg, De hide,

showing the paths of the rays inside a transparent
sphere, to illustrate his explanation of the forma-
tion of the primary rainbow.
ix Drawing from Theodoric of Freiberg, De hide,
showing his explanation of the primary rainbow
XX PLATES
by double refraction and reflection within the
spherical drops.
x Diagram published in Jodocus Trutfetter, Totius

Philosophic Naturdis Summa (Erfurt, 1514), to
illustrate Theodoric of Freiberg's explanation of
the rainbow,
xi Diagram from Petrus Peregrinus, De Magnete,
Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Ashmole 1522
(XIV cent.), illustrating a chapter which contains
the first known description of a pivoted magnet.
xii Drawing of an ant's nest among wheat. From

British Museum MS Royal i2.C.xix (late XII
cent.).
xiii A page from the Emperor Frederick II, De Arte

Venandi cum Avibus, showing how various spe-
young. From MS Vati-
cies of birds protect their
cano Palatino Latino 1071 (XIII cent).
xiv Drawings of spiders and insects. Formerly at-
tributed to Cybo of Hyeres. From British Mu-
seum MS Additional 28841 (XIV cent.).
xv Water-colour painting (Rubus fructi-
of bramble
cosus), from the Julian Anicia Codex of Dioscori-
des, Codex Vindobonensis (a.d. 512), in the Na-
tional Bibliothek, Vienna.
xvi Painting of bramble (Rubus fructicosus) , from
the Herbal of Apuleius Barbarus, Oxford MS
Bodley 130 (XII cent.), perhaps executed at Bury
St. Edmunds, Suffolk.
xvii Painting of an iris, probably I. chamcziriSy from
Benedetto Rinio, Liber de Simplicibus, MS Mar-

ciano Latino vi.59 (a.d. 1410), in the Biblioteca
Nazionale di S. Marco, Venice,
xviii Zoological Paintings from Petrus Candidus, De
Omnium Animantium Naturis, MS Vaticano Ur-
binato Latino 276 (a.d. 1460).
xix Galen's system of physiology.
xx Two illustrations from Guido da Vigevano, Ana-
PLATES Xxi
tomia, showing, respectively, a surgeon beginning

a dissection,and the thoracic and abdominal vis-
cera. From MS Chantilly 569 (XIV cent.).
xxi Richard of Wallingford measuring a circular in-
strument with a pair of compasses. From British
Museum MS Cotton Claudius E.iv (XIV cent.).
xxii Playing a stringed instrument with a bow.
From British Museum MS Additional 11695
(XII cent.).
xxiii Saxon ox-plough. From British Museum MS Jul-
ius A.vi (VIII cent).
xxiv Harnessing with collar and lateral traces, and shoe-

ing with nailed shoes. From the Luttrell Psalter,
British Museum MS Additional 42130 (XIV
cent).
xxv Watermill. From the Luttrell Psalter.
xxvi Windmill. From Oxford MS Bodley 264 (XIV
cent).
xxvii Spinning wheel. From British Museum MS Royal
io.E.iv (XIV cent).
xxviii Ships showing construction, rig and rudder. From
the Luttrell Psalter.
xxix Knight firing a cannon against a castle. From Wal-
ter de Milemete, De Nobilitatibus Sapientiis et
Prudentiis Regum, Christ Church, Oxford, MS 92.
xxx Water-driven silk mill. From V. Zonca, Novo
Teatro di Machine et Edificii, Padua, 1607.
xxxi Water-driven silk mill. From V. Zonca, Novo

Teatro di Machine et Edificii, Padua, 1607.
xxxii Part of the so-called 'Gough Map' (1325-30).
In the Bodleian Library, Oxford; showing S.E.
England.
xxxiii Part of a Portolan Chart. Showing Italy, Sicily and
N. Africa. From British Museum MS Additional
25691 (c. 1327-30.).
xxxiv Ptolemy's map of the world, redrawn by Italian
Xxii PLATES
cartographers. From the second edition of his
Geographia (Rome, 1478) to contain maps.
xxxv Screw-cutting lathe. From Jacques Besson, The-
atrum Instrumentorum et Machinarum, Lyons,
1569 (1st ed. 1568).
xxxvi Page from the Album of Villard de Honnecourt,

showing the escapement mechanism in centre
left. Above is a water-driven saw. From the Bib-
lioth£que Nationale, Paris, MS frangais 19093
(XIII cent).
xxxvii The Dover Castle clock, formerly dated XIV cent,
but now believed to be later. Crown Copyright.
Science Museum, London.
xxxviii Glass Making. From British Museum MS Addi-
tional 24189 (XV cent.).
xxxix Surgery. Sponging a patient, probably a leper,
trephining, operating for hernia and treating frac-
tures, from Roland of Parma, Livre de Chirurgie.
From British Museum MS Sloane 1977 (XIII
cent. )
MEDIEVAL AND EARLY
MODERN SCIENCE
INTRODUCTION
The history of science is the history of systems of thought

about the natural world. Though the most obvious char-
acteristic of science in modern civilisation is the control
it has given over the physical world, even while such prac-
tical control was being acquired, and certainly for long
periods before it became possible, men were trying to bring
nature within the grasp of their understanding. The inven-
tions and practical achievements of applied science are of
great interest to the historian and so are the effects of
natural science on the layman's view of the world as seen
in literature, art, philosophy and theology; of even greater
interest is the internal development of scientific thought
itself. The chief problems before the historian of science
are, therefore: What questions about the natural world
were men asking at any particular time? What answers were
they able to give? And why did these answers cease to sat-
isfy human curiosity? What were the problems seen by the
scientists of the period, and what were the problems they
did not see? What were the limiting features, in philosophy
of nature, in scientific method, in observational, experi-
mental and mathematical technique, that characterised
science in one period, and what changes shifted the point
of view in another? An obsolete system of scientific
thought, which may appear very strange to us looking back
from the 20th century, becomes intelligible when we un-
derstand the questions it was designed to answer. The
questions make sense of the answers, and one system has
given place to another not simply because new facts made
it obsolete, but more significantly because for some reason,
2 INTRODUCTION
sometimes the result of fresh observations, sometimes be-
cause of new theoretical conceptions, scientists began to
rethink their whole position, to ask new questions, to make
different assumptions, to look at long familiar evidence in
a new way.
The presentation of the thought of an age whose presup-
positions and problems were not identical with our own
must always involve delicate questions of both interpreta-
tion and evaluation. Many aspects of philosophy and sci-
ence, especially in the period covered by this book, are
fully understandable only within the whole context of
thought and opportunity, metaphysical and theological as
well as scientific and technical, and social and economic
as well as intellectual, of which they formed part. An easy
supposition that philosophies of different periods that look
similar are in fact identical, and especially that a past
philosophical opinion or method is identical with one cur-
rent at the present time, is bound to be misleading. This
is not to deny that it is legitimate to evaluate the con-
tributions of past philosophers to present problems; but
that not the same as attempting to understand them in
is
theircontemporary setting. The dark metaphysical drama

of the 17th-century enlightenment is here especially re-
vealing.
The art of understanding the scientific thought of the
past is same reason no less
for the delicate, but its terms
of reference are made somewhat different from those
of philosophy because of a characteristic possessed pre-
eminently by science, though also to some extent shared
by history. Unlike other disciplines dealing with the world,
the solutions to problems in science, past and present, can
be judged by criteria that are in most cases objective, uni-
versally accepted, and stable from one period to the next.
The historian of science would lose immensely if he failed
to make use of superior modern knowledge to evaluate the
discoveries theories of the past. But it is just in doing
and
so that exposed to the greatest danger. Because sci-
he is
ence does genuinely progress by making discoveries and

detecting mistakes, the temptation is almost irresistible to
INTRODUCTION 3
regard the discoveries of the past as simply anticipating

and contributing to the science of the present and to write
off the mistakes as leading nowhere. It is precisely this
temptation, belonging as it does to the essence of science,
that can sometimes make it most difficult for us to under-
stand how discoveries and theories were in fact made and

were seen by their authors in their own day. It can lead to
the most insidious form of the falsification of history.
The aim of the historian of science in investigating the
new theory must in the first place
origins of a discovery or a
be to find outwhat problems were puzzling scientists be-
fore the solution was reached, what questions they were
asking, what were their assumptions and expectations, and
what they regarded as an answer and an explanation. In
pursuing his inquiries he must take account not only of
the successful work, acclaimed in its own age and in our
own, but also of unsuccessful theories and experiments,
explanations that died stillborn or were killed in infancy
or at least that have not survived, experiments that were,
to our minds or even to contemporary minds, inept and
misconceived. These may be even more revealing, because
we are likely to prejudge them differently, than the great
discoveries we have learned all too easily to accept. It is an
interpretation of the aims, conceptions and solutions of the

past, as they occurred in the past, thatis the primary quarry
of the historian of science. Of

man's activities thinking
all
is the most human, and the famous phrase in Marc Bloch's
Metier d'historien applies as forcefully to the historian of

scientific thinking as to any other: 'L'historien ressemble &
Vogre de la fable. IA oil il fUtire la chair humaine, tl sait
1
que Id est son gibier.
The period under review in this book is especially ex-
posed to an unconscious temptation to falsification. Not
only was it concluded by a genuine shift in the intellectual
organisation of science and by the beginnings of a massive
increase in scientific knowledge; its history was first written
by authors who used this scientific revolution to support
other reforms in their own day. Led by Voltaire, the ra-
tionalist historians of the 18th century discounted any pos-
4 INTRODUCTION
of a connection between medieval philosophy and
sibility
the triumph of scientific reason which they located in the
period of Galileo, Harvey, Descartes and Newton. Taking
up the theme, Comte proposed the dangerous formula for
his 19th-century followers of claiming precedent for the
positivistenlightenment not in what Galileo or Newton
may have stated their aims and methods to be, but in what
these must really have been (although perhaps unknown
to them) in order to have been as successful as they were.
Certainly contemporary issues can be both a stimulus and
a valuable guide to the study of the past. Certainly also
Comte's distinction may be valid in a philosophical evalua-
tion. It may even be true that in some cases a scientist
thinks he is doing one thing when he is demonstrably doing
another, as in Galileo's first formulation of the law of
acceleration of falling bodies. It is certainly true that the
relevant intentions and preconceptions of a scientist can
rarely all be read directly in his writings; that he may in-
deed not be immediately aware of many of them; that what
he says about them may be palpably influenced by an in-
complete understanding of some contemporary philosophy
or may be a crude rationalisation of how he used them;
that his use of his methods and conceptions may be even
more revealing of his actual thought than what he says
about them; that interpretation is an essential part of the
historical analysis by which we reconstruct the past. But
interpretation that eliminates as illusory all those elements
of thought and usage that are unacceptable to a particular
philosophy, or discounts those elements shown to be mis-
taken in the light of later scientific knowledge, can only
succeed in hiding from us the indispensable evidence for
the actual organisation and development of scientific
thought and the actual processes of invention and dis-
covery. And not only will this falsify history; with the same
stroke the philosopher of science will be given so false an
account of that 'natural history' of scientific thought which
is his essential data, that he will be even more misled than
by not studying the history of science at all.

It was the Greeks who invented science as we now know
INTRODUCTION 5
it.In ancient Babylonia, Assyria and Egypt, and in ancient

India and China, technology had developed on a scale of
sometimes astonishing effectiveness, but so far as we know
it was unaccompanied by any conception of scientific ex-
planation. Perhaps the most remarkable example of this

ancient technology can be seen in the cuneiform texts of
the Babylonians and Assyrians, setting out methods of pre-
dicting astronomical motions, which by the 3rd century
B.C. were as accurate as the methods that had by then
been develorlfed in the Greece of Aristarchus of Samos. But
the Babylonians and Assyrians offered no natural explana-
tions of the phenomena they could predict with such skill.
The texts in which they set out to 'explain' the world,
as distinct from predicting its happenings, contain myths
in which the visible order of things is attributed to a legal
system obeyed by arbitrary choice by a society of gods per-
sonifying natural forces.
The Greeks invented natural science by searching for
the intelligible impersonal permanence underlying the
world of change and by hitting upon the brilliant idea of a
generalised use of scientific theory; they proposed the idea
of assuming a permanent, uniform, abstract order from
which the changing world of observation could be deduced.
The myths themselves were reduced to the status of
theories, their entities tailored to the requirements of
quantitative prediction. With which their de-
this idea, of
velopment of geometry became the paradigm, giving it its
most precise expression, Greek science must be seen as the
origin of all that has followed. It was the triumph of order
brought by abstract thought into the chaos of immediate
experience, and it remained characteristic of Greek scien-
tific thought to be interested primarily in knowledge and
understanding and only very secondarily in practical use-

fulness.
With the rise of Christianity, to this Greek rationalism
was added the idea of nature as sacramental, symbolic of
spiritual truths, and both attitudes are found in St. Augus-
tine. In Western Christendom during the early Middle
Ages men were concerned more to preserve the facts which
6 INTRODUCTION
had been collected in classical times than to attempt
original interpretations themselves. Yet, during this pe-
riod, a new element was added fromthe social situation, an
which initiated a period of technical inven-
activist attitude
tion and was to have an important effect on the develop-
ment of scientific apparatus. Early in the 12th century men
asked how the facts recorded in the book of Genesis could
best be explained in terms of rational causes. It was a 12th-
century Byzantine writer, John Tzetzes, who in his versified
Book of Histories 973) was responsible for the phrase
(viii,
said to have been written by Plato over the door of the

Academy: 'Let no one untrained in geometry enter my
house/ (See PI. IV, Vol. II.) With the recovery of the full
tradition of Greek and Arabic science in the 12th and early
13 th centuries, and particularly of the works of Aristotle
and Euclid, there was born, from the marriage of the em-
piricism of technics with the rationalism of philosophy and
mathematics, a new conscious empirical science seeking to
discover the rational structure of nature. At the same time
a more or less complete system of scientific thought was
provided by Aristotle's works. The rest of the history of
medieval science consists of the working out of the conse-
quences of this new approach to nature.
Gradually it was realised that the new science did not
conflict with the idea of Divine Providence, though it led
to a variety of attitudes towards the relation between reason
and faith. Internal contradictions, contradictions with
other authorities, and contradictions with observed facts
eventually led to radical criticisms of the Aristotelian sys-
tem. At the same time, extension of the use of experiment
and mathematics produced an increase in positive knowl-
edge. By the beginning of the 17th century the systematic
use of the new methodsof experiment and mathematical
abstraction had produced results so striking that this move-
ment has been given the name 'Scientific Revolution/
These new methods were expounded in the 13th cen-
tury, but were first used with complete maturity and ef-
fectiveness by Galileo.
The origins of modern science are to be found at least as
INTRODUCTION 7
far back 13th century, but from the end of the 16th
as the
century the Scientific Revolution began to gather a breath-
taking speed. The changes in scientific thought occurring
then so altered the type of question asked by scientists that
Kant said of them: 'a new light flashed on all students of
nature/ The new science also profoundly affected man's
idea of the world and of himself, and it was to have a
position in relation to society unknown in earlier times.
The the new science on thought and life have, in
effects of
fact, been scTgreat and special that the Scientific Revolu-
tion has been compared in the history of civilisation to the
rise of ancient Greek philosophy in the 6th and 5th cen-
turies b.c. and to the spread of Christianity throughout the
Roman Empire in the 3rd and 4th centuries a.d. For this
reason the study of the changes leading up to that revolu-
tion, the study of the history of science from the early Mid-
dle Ages to the 17th century, is of unique interest for the
historian of science. The position of science in the modern
world cannot be fully understood without a knowledge of
the changes that occurred during that time.
The plan of this book is to start, in Chapter I, with a
brief account of ideas about the natural world in Western
Christendom from the 5th to the 12th century and then,
in Chapter II, to show how the system of scientific thought
accepted in the 13th century was introduced from Greek
and Arabic sources. The purpose of Chapter III is to give
a description of that system and to indicate the additions of
fact and modifications in detail made to it during the cen-
tury or more following its introduction. Chapter IV is con-
cerned with the relation of technical activity to science
during the whole medieval period. In Chapter I of Volume
II an account is given of the development of ideas on scien-
tific method and criticism of the fundamental principles of
the 13th-century system made from the end of the 13th to
the end of the 1 5th century. This prepared the way for the
more radical changes of the 16th and 17th centuries. The
last chapter is devoted to the Scientific Revolution itself.
I
SCIENCE IN WESTERN
CHRISTENDOM UNTIL THE
TWELFTH -CENTURY
RENAISSANCE
'Our play leaps o'er the vaunt and firstlings

of these broils
Beginning in the middle*
TROILUS AND CRESSIDA
The Mid-
contrast between the scientific ideas of the early
dle Ages, that from about the 5th to the early 12th cen-
is
tury, and those of the later Middle Ages, can best be seen
in a conversation which is supposed to have taken place
between the widely travelled 12th-century scholar and
cleric Adelard of Bath and his stay-at-home nephew.
Adelard's contribution to the discussion introduces the
newly-recovered ideas of the ancient Greeks and the Arabs;
that of his nephew represents the traditional view of Greek
ideas as they had been preserved in Western Christendom
since the fall of the Roman Empire.
The conversation is recorded in Adelard's Quazstiones
Naturales, written, probably, after he had studied some
Arabic science but before he had achieved the familiarity
with it which is shown in his later translations, such as
those of the Arabic text of Euclid's Elements and the
astronomical tables of al-Khwarizmi.The topics covered
range from meteorology to the transmission of light and
lO SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM UNTIL
sound, from the growth of plants to the cause of the tears
which the nephew shed for joy at the safe return of his
uncle.
When not long ago, while Henry, son of William [Henry

I, 1100-35], was on the throne, I returned to England
after my long period of study abroad, it was very agree-
able to meet my friends again. After we had met and
made the usual enquiries about one another's health and
that of friends, I wanted to know something about the
morals of our nation . . . After this exchange, aswe had
most of the day before us and so lacked no time for
conversation, a nephew of mine who was with the others
—he was interested rather than expert in natural science
—urged me to disclose something new from my Arab
studies. To this, when the rest had agreed, I delivered
myself as in the tract that follows.
The nephew declared himself delighted at such an oppor-

tunity of showing that he had kept his youthful promise
to work hard at philosophy, by disputing the new ideas
with his uncle, and declared:
if I were only to you expounding a lot of

listen to
Saracen theories, and them seemed to me to be
many of
foolish enough, I would get a little restless, and while
you are explaining them I will oppose you wherever it
seems fit. I am sure you praise them shamelessly and
are too keen to point out our ignorance. So for you it
will be the fruit of your labour if you acquit yourself
well, while for me, if I oppose you plausibly, it will
mean that I have kept my promise.
The scientific inheritance of the Latin West, represented
by the nephew's contribution to the dialogue, was limited
almost exclusively to fragments of Greco-Roman learning
such as had been preserved in the compilations of the
Latin encyclopaedists. The Romans themselves had made
hardly any original contributions to science. The emphasis
of their education was upon oratory. But some of them
were sufficiently interested in trying to understand the
THE TWELFTH-CENTURY RENAISSANCE 11
world of nature to make careful compilations of the learn-

ing and observations of Greek scholars. One of the most
influential of these compilations, which survived through-
out the early Middle Ages as a text-book, was the Natural
History of Pliny (23-79 a.d.), which Gibbon described as
an immense register inwhich the author has 'deposited the
discoveries, the arts, and the errors of mankind/ It cited
nearly 500 authorities. Beginning with the general system
of cosmology it passed to geography, anthropology, physiol-
ogy and zoology, botany, agriculture and horticulture,

medicine, mineralogy and the fine arts. Until the 12th cen-
tury, when translations of Greek and Arab works began to
come into Western Europe, Pliny's was the largest known
collection of natural facts, and it was drawn on by a suc-
cession of later writers.
The mathematics and West
logic of the Latin rested on
the work of the 6th-century Boethius, who did for those
studies what Pliny had done for natural history. Not only
did he compile elementary treatises on geometry, arith-
metic, astronomy and music, based respectively on the work
of Euclid, Nicomachus and Ptolemy, but he also translated
the logical works of Aristotle into Latin. Of these trans-
lations only the Categories and the De Interpretation
were widely known before the 12th century, but until that
time the translations and commentaries of Boethius were
the main source for the study of logic as of mathematics.
Knowledge of mathematics was largely confined to arith-
metic. The only mathematical treatise remaining intact,
the so-called 'Geometry of Boethius/ which dates from no
earlier than the 9th century, contained only fragments of
Euclid and was concerned mostly with such practical opera-
tions as surveying. Cassiodorus (c. 490-580), in his popu-
lar writingson the liberal arts, gave only a very elementary
treatment of mathematics.
Another of the compilers of the early Middle Ages who
helped to keep alive the scientific learning of the Greeks
in the Latin West was the Visigothic bishop, Isidore of
Seville (560-636). His Etymologies, based on often fan-
tastic derivations of various technical terms, remained
12 SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM UNTIL
popular for many centuries as a source of knowledge of all
kinds from astronomy to medicine. For Isidore the universe

was limited in size, 1 only afew thousand years old and
soon to perish. The he thought, was shaped like a
earth,
wheel with its boundaries encircled by the ocean. Round
the earth were the concentric spheres bearing the planets
and stars, and beyond the last sphere was highest heaven,
the abode of the blessed.
From the 7th century onwards the LatinWest had to
rely almost exclusively for knowledge on these
scientific
compilations, to which were added those of the Venerable
Bede (673-735), Alcuin of York (735-804), and the Ger-
man Hrabanus Maurus (776-856), each of whom bor-
rowed freely from his predecessors.
The gradual penetration of the barbarians into the West-
ern Roman Empire from the 4th century had caused some
material destruction and eventually serious political insta-
bility, but it was the eruption of the Mohammedan in-
vaders into the Eastern Empire in the 7th century that

gave the most serious blow to learning in Western Christen-
dom. The conquest of much of the territory of the Eastern
Empire by the Arabs meant that the main reservoir of
Greek learning was cut off from Western scholars for cen-
turies by the intolerance and mutual suspicion of opposing
creeds, and by the dragon wing of the Mediterranean. In
this intellectual isolation Western Christendom could
hardly have been expected to make many original contribu-
tions to man's knowledge of the material universe. All the
West was able to do was to preserve the collection of facts
1 The littleness of man in the universe was, however, a familiar
theme for reflection and this passage from Boethius' De Consola-
tione Philosophise (II, vii) was well known throughout the Mid-
dle Ages: 'Thou hast learnt from astronomical proofs that the
whole earth compared with the universe is not greater than a
point, that is, compared with the sphere of the heavens, it may be
thought of as having no size at all. Then, of this tiny corner, it is
only one-quarter that, according to Ptolemy, is habitable to living
things. Take away from this quarter the seas, marshes, and other
desert places, and the space left for man hardly even deserves the
name of infinitesimal/
and interpretations already made by the encyclopaedists.

That so much was preserved in spite of the gradual col-
lapse of Roman political organisation and social structure
under the impact, first, of Goths, Vandals and Franks, and
then, in the 9th century, of Norsemen, was due to the
appearance of monasteries with their attendant schools
which began in Western Europe after the foundation of
Monte Cassino by St. Benedict in 529. The existence of
such centres made possible the temporary revivals of learn-
ing in Ireland in the 6th and 7th centuries, in Northumbria
in the time of Bede, and in Charlemagne's empire in the
9th century. Charlemagne invited Alcuin from Northum-
bria to become his minister of education, and one of
Alcuin's essential reforms was to establish schools associ-
ated with the more important cathedrals. It was in such a
school, at Laon, that the nephew of Adelard received his
education in the 12th century, when the curriculum was
still based on the work of the encyclopaedists. Studies were
limited to the seven liberal arts as defined by Varro in the
first century b.c. and by Martianus Capella six hundred
years later. Grammar, and rhetoric made up the first

logic
stage or trivium, and geometry, arithmetic, astronomy and
music made up the more advanced quadrivium. The texts
used were the works of Pliny, Boethius, Cassiodorus and
Isidore.
One development of importance which had taken place
in the studies of the Latin West between the days of Pliny
and the time when Adelard's nephew pursued his studies
at Laon was the assimilation of Neoplatonism. This
was of cardinal importance for it determined men's views
of cosmology until the second half of the 12th century. St.
Augustine (354-430) was the principal channel through
which the traditions of Greek thought passed into the re-
flections of Latin Christianity, and St. Augustine came pro-
foundly under the influence of Plato and of Neoplatonists
such as Plotinus (c. 203-70 a.d.). The chief aim of Augus-
tine was to find a certain basis for knowledge and this he
found in the conception of eternal ideas as expounded by
the Neoplatonists and in the Pythagorean allegory, the
Timceus, by Plato himself. According to this school of
thought, eternal forms or ideas existed quite apart from any
material object. The human mind was one of these eternal
essences and had been formed to know the others if it
would. In the process of knowing, the sense organs merely
provided a stimulus spurring on the mind to grasp the
universal forms which constituted the essence of the uni-
verse. An important class of such universal forms was
mathematics. 'If I have perceived numbers by the sense
of the body/ Augustine said in De Libero Arbitrio (book
2, chapter 8, section 21),
I have not thereby been able by the sense of the body

to perceive also the nature of the separation and com-
bination of numbers And I do not know how long
. . .
anything I touch by a bodily sense will persist, as, for

instance, this sky and this land, and whatever other
bodies I perceive in them. But seven and three are ten
and not only now but always; nor have seven and three
in any way at any time not been ten, nor will seven and
three at any time not be ten. I have said, therefore, that
this incorruptible truth of number is common to me and
anyone at all who reasons.
In the 9th century such scholars as John Scot Erigena

(d. 877) re-emphasised the importance of Plato. In addi-
tion to the work of the Latin encyclopaedists and others,
he began to use some original Greek works, some of the
most important being the 4th-century translation by Chal-
cidius of Plato's Timceus and commentary by Macrobius,
and the 5th-century commentary by Martianus Capella.
Erigena himself showed little interest in the natural world
and seems to have relied for his facts almost entirely on
literary sources, but the fact that among his sources he
included Plato, for whom St. Augustine had also had so
marked a preference, gave to men's interpretations of the
universe a Platonic or Neoplatonic character for about 400
years, though it was not till the development of the school
of Chartres in the 12th century that the more scientific
parts of the Timceus were particularly emphasised.
In general the learning of Western Christendom as rep-

resented by the views of Adelard's nephew, the Latin
encyclopaedists, and the cathedral and the monastic schools
was predominantly theological and moral. Even in classical
times there had been very little attempt to pursue scientific
inquiry for 'fruit/ as Francis Bacon called the improve-
ment of the material conditions of The object of Greek
life.
science had been understanding, and under the influence of

later classical philosophers such as the Stoics, Epicureans
and Neoplatonists natural had given way almost
curiosity
entirely to the desire for the untroubled peacewhich could
only be won by a mind lifted above dependence on matter
and the flesh. These pagan philosophers had asked the
question What is worth knowing and doing? To this Chris-
:
tian teachers also had an answer: That is worth knowing

and doing which conduces to the love of God. The early
Christians continued their neglect of natural curiosity and
at first also tended to disparage the study of philosophy
men from a life pleasing to God.
itself as likely to distract
St. Clement of Alexandria in the 3rd century poked fun

at this fear of pagan philosophy, which he compared to a
child's fear of goblins. Both he and his pupil Origen
claimed that all knowledge was good since it was a perfec-
tion of mind and that the study of philosophy and of
natural science was in no way incompatible with a Chris-
tian life. St. Augustine himself in his searching and com-
prehensive philosophical had invited men to
inquiries
examine the But in spite of
rational basis of their faith.
these writers natural knowledge continued to be considered
of very secondary importance during the early Middle
Ages. The primary interest in natural facts was to find il-
lustrations for the truths of morality and religion. The
study of nature was not expected to lead to hypotheses and
generalisations of science but to provide vivid symbols of
moral realities. The moon was the image of the Church
reflecting the divine light, the wind an image of the spirit,
the sapphire bore a resemblance to divine contemplation,
and the number eleven, which 'transgressed' ten, represent-
ing the commandments, stood itself for sin.
l6 SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM UNTIL
This preoccupation with symbols is shown clearly in the
Since the time of Aesop stories about animals
bestiaries.
had been used to illustrate various human virtues and
vices. This tradition was continued in the ist century a.d.
by Seneca in his Qucestiones Naturales, and by later Greek
works, culminating in the 2nd century with a work of
Alexandrian origin known as the Physiologus, which was
the model for all the medieval moralising bestiaries. In
these works facts of natural history collected from Pliny
were mixed with entirely mythical legends to illustrate
some point of Christian teaching. The phoenix was the
symbol of the risen Christ. The ant-lion, born of the lion
and the ant, had two natures and so was unable to eat
either meat or seeds and perished miserably like every
double-minded man who tried to follow both God and the
Devil. The Physiologus had enormous popularity. It was
translated into Latin in the 5th century and into many
other languages, from Anglo-Saxon to Ethiopian. In the 4th
century, when St. Ambrose wrote a commentary on the
Bible, he made liberal use of animals as moral symbols. As
late as the early years of the 13th century Alexander
Neckam could claim in his De Naturis Rerum, in which he
showed very considerable interest in scientific fact, that
he had written the book for purposes of moral instruction.
In the 12th century there were many signs, as, for instance,
and the descrip-
in the illustrations to certain manuscripts
tions of wild lifeby Giraldus Cambrensis (c; 1147-1223)
and other travellers, that men were capable of observing
nature very clearly, but their observations were usually
simply interpolations in the course of a symbolic allegory
which to their minds was all important. In the 13th cen-
tury this passion for pointing out moral symbolism invaded
even the lapidaries, which in the Ancient World, as repre-
sented in the works of Theophrastus (c. 372-288 B.C.),
Dioscorides (1st century a.d.) and Pliny and even in the
Christian works of 7th-century Isidore or 12th-century
Marbode, Bishop of Rennes, had been concerned with
the medical value of stones or with their magical properties.
This preoccupation with the magical and astrological
properties of natural objects was, with the search for moral
symbols, the chief characteristic of the scientific outlook of
Western Christendom before the 13th century. There was
a wealth of magic in the works of Pliny and one of its
characteristic ideas, the doctrine of signatures according to
which each animal, plant or mineral had some mark in-
dicating its hidden virtues or uses, had a profound effect
on popular natural history. St. Augustine had to bring all
the skill of his dialectic against the denial of free will
which astrology implied, but had not been able to defeat
this superstition. Isidore of Seville admitted that there were
magical forces in nature, and though he distinguished be-
tween the part of astrology which was natural, since it led
man to study the courses of the heavenly bodies, and the
superstitious part which was concerned with horoscopes,
he yet admitted that these heavenly bodies had an astro-
logical influence on the human body and advised doctors
to study the influence of the moon on plant and animal
life. It was a very general belief during the whole of the
Middle Ages and even into the 17th century that there
was a close correspondence between the course of a disease
and the phases of the moon and movements of other
heavenly bodies, although throughout that time certain
writers, as, for instance, the 14th-century Nicole Oresme
and the 15th-century Pierre d'Ailly, had made fun of
astrologyand had limited celestial influence to heat, light
and mechanical action. Indeed, medical and astronomical
studies came to be closely associated. 2 Salerno and later
2 Cf. the Prologue to Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (11. 411

et seq.) :
'With us ther was a Doctour of Phisyk;

In al this world ne was ther noon hym lyk,
To speke of phisik and of surgerye;
For he was grounded in astronomye.
He kepte his pacient a ful greet del
In houres, by his magik naturel.
Wei coude he fortunen the ascendent
Of his images for his pacient.
He knew the cause of everich maladye,
Were it of hoot or cold, or moiste, or drye,
And where engendred, and of what humour;
He was a verrey parfit practisour/
l8 SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM UNTIL
Montpellier were famous for both and in a later age Padua
welcomed both Galileo and Harvey.
An example of this astrological interpretation of the
world of nature as a whole is the conception of the cor-
respondence between the universe, or Macrocosm, and the
individual man, or Microcosm. This theory had been ex-
pressed in the Timazus and had been elaborated in rela-
tion to astrology by the Stoics. The classical medieval ex-
pression of the belief was given in the 12th century by
Hildegard of Bingen, who thought that various parts of the
human body were linked with special parts of the Macro-
cosm so that the 'humours' were determined by the move-
ments of the heavenly bodies.
Gilson has said of the world of the early Middle Ages,
typified by the nephew of Adelard: To understand and
explain anything consisted for a thinker of this time in
showing that it was not what it appeared to be, but that
it was the symbol or sign of a more profound reality, that
it proclaimed or signified something else/ But this ex-
clusively theological interest in the natural world had al-

ready begun to be modified even before the writings of the
Greek and Arab natural philosophers became more fully
and widely known in Western Christendom, as a result of
increasing intellectual contact with the Arab and Byzantine
worlds. One aspect of this change in outlook is to be seen
in the increasing activity of the computists, doctors and
writers of purely technical treatises of which there had been
a continuous tradition throughout the early Middle Ages.
In the 6th century Cassiodorus, when making arrange-
ments for an infirmary in his monastery, 3 had in his Insti-
tutio Divinarum LitterarurrL, book 1, chapter 31, given
some very precise and practical advice on the medical use
of herbs:
Learn, therefore, the nature of herbs, and study dili-
gently the way to combine various species . . . and if
3 At Monte Cassino St. Benedict had also established an infir-

mary. The care of the sick was regarded as a Christian duty for all
such foundations.
you are not able to read Greek, read above all transla-
tions of the Herbarium of Dioscorides, who described
and drew the herbs of the field with wonderful exactness.
After this, read translations of Hippocrates and Galen,
especially the Therapeutics . and Aurelius Celsus'
. .
De Medicina and Hippocrates' De Herbis et Curis, and

divers otherbooks written on the art of medicine, which
by God's help I have been able to provide for you in our
library.
A good example of the influence of practical problems

in preserving the habit of observation, and a good illustra-
tion of the state of Latin scientific knowledge before the
translations from Greek and Arabic, is provided by the
writings of Bede. The main sources of Bede's ideas about
the natural world were the Fathers, especially St. Ambrose,
St. Augustine, St. Basil the Great and St. Gregory the
Great; and Pliny, Isidore and some Latin writings on the
calendar. Although he knew Greek, it was on Latin sources
that he almost entirely drew. Based on these sources, Bede's
writings on scientific subjects fall into two main classes: a
largely derivative account of general cosmology, and a more
independent treatment of some specific practical problems,
in particular those connected with the calendar.
Bede's cosmology is interesting for showing how an edu-
cated person of the 8th century pictured the universe. He

set out his views in De Rerum Natura, based largely on
Isidore's book of the same title but also on Pliny's Nat-
ural History, which Isidore had not known. It was largely
because of his knowledge of Pliny, as well as his more
critical mind, that made Bede's book so greatly superior
to Isidore's. Bede's universe is one ordered by ascertainable
cause and effect. Whereas Isidore had thought the earth
shaped like a wheel, Bede held that it was a static sphere,
with five zones, of which only the two temperate were
habitable and only that in the northern hemisphere actually
inhabited. Surrounding the earth were seven heavens: air,
ether, Olympus, fiery space, the firmament with the heav-
enly bodies, the heaven of the angels, and the heaven of
the Trinity. The waters of the firmament separated the
corporeal from the spiritual creation. The corporeal world
was composed of the four elements, earth, water, air and
fire, arranged in order of heaviness and lightness. At the
creation these four elements, together with light and
man's soul, were made by God ex nihilo; all other phenom-
ena in the corporeal world were combinations. From Pliny,
Bede got a much more detailed knowledge of Greek un-
derstanding of the daily and annual movements of the
heavenly bodies than had been available to Isidore. He
held that the firmament of stars revolved round the earth,
and that within the firmament the planets circled in a
system of epicycles. He gave clear accounts of the phases of
the moon and of eclipses.
The problem of the calendar had been brought to
Northumbria along with Christianity by the monks of Iona,
but long before that time methods of computing the date
of Easter had formed part of the school science of
computus, which provided the first exercises of early me-
dieval science.
The main problem connected with the Christian calen-
dar arose from the fact that it was a combination of the
Roman Julian calendar, based on the annual movement of
the earth relative to the sun, and the Hebrew calendar,
based on the monthly phases of the moon. The year and
its divisions into months, weeks, and days belonged to the
Julian solar calendar; but Easter was determined in the

same way as the Hebrew Passover by the phases of the
moon, and its date in the Julian year varied, within
definite limits, from one year to the next. In order to cal-
culate the date of Easter it was necessary to combine the
length of the solar year with that of the lunar month. The
basic difficulty in these calculations was that the lengths
of the solar year, the lunar month and the day are in-
commensurable. No number of days can make an exact
number of lunar months or solar years, and no number of
lunar months can make an exact number of solar years. So,
in order to relate the phases of the moon accurately to the
solar year in terms of whole days, it is necessary, in con-
structing a calendar, to make use of a system of ad hoc

adjustments, following some definite cycle.
From as early as the 2nd century a.d. different dates
of Easter, resulting from different methods of making the
calculations, had given rise to controversy and had become
a chronic problem for successive Councils. Various cycles
relating the lunar month to the solar year were tried at
different times and places, until in the 4th century a
19-year cycle, according to which 19 solar years were
considered equal to 235 lunar months, came into gen-
eral use. But There was still the possibility of differences in
the manner in which this same cycle was used to determine
the date of Easter, and even when there was uniformity at
the centre, sheer difficulty of communication could and did
result in such outlying provinces as Africa, Spain and Ire-
land celebrating Easter at different dates from Rome and
Alexandria.
Shortly before Bede's birth Northumbria had, at the
Synod of Whitby, given up many practices, including the
dating of Easter, introduced by the Irish-trained monks of
Iona, and had come into uniformity with Rome. But there
was still much confusion, by no means confined to Britain,
as to how the date of Easter was to be calculated. Bede's
main contribution, expounded in several treatises, begin-
ning with De Temporibus written in 703, for his pupils at
Jarrow, was to reduce the whole subject to order. Using
largely Irish sources, themselves based upon a good knowl-
edge of earlier Continental writings, he not only showed
how to use the 19-year cycle to calculate Easter Tables for
the future, but also discussed general problems of time
measurement, arithmetical computation, cosmological and
and astronomical and related phe-
historical chronology,
nomena. Though often relying on literary sources when he
could have observed with his own eyes— as, for example, in
his account of the Roman Wall not ten miles from his
monk's cell— Bede never copied without understanding. He
tried to reduce all observed occurrences to general laws,
and, within the limits of his knowledge, to build up a con-
sistent picture of the universe, tested against the evidence.
His account of the tides in De Temporum Ratione (chap-
ter xxix), completed in 725 and the most important of his
scientific writings, not only shows the practical curiosity
shared by him and his Northumbrian compatriots but also
contains the basic elements of natural science.
From his sources Bede learned the fact that the tides
follow the phases of the moon, and the theory that tides
were caused by the moon attracting the ocean. He discussed
spring and neap tides, and, turning to things which 'we
know, who live on the shore of the sea divided by Britain/
he described how the wind could advance or retard a tide
and enunciated for the first time the important principle
now known as 'the establishment of a port/ This states
that the tides lag behind the moon by definite intervals
which may be different at different points on the same
shore, so that tides must be tabulated for each port sep-
arately. Bede wrote: 'Those who live on the same shore as
we do, but to the north, see the ebb and flow of the tide
well before us, whereas those to the south see it well after
us. In every region the moon always keeps the rule of as-
sociation which she has accepted once and for all/ On the
basis of this, Bede suggested that the tides at any port
could be predicted by means of the 19-year cycle, which
he substituted for Pliny's less accurate 8-year cycle. Tidal
tables were frequently attached to computi written after
Bede's time.
Against the background of its time Bede's science was a
remarkable achievement. It contributed substantially to the
Carolingian Renaissance on the Continent, and found its
way into the educational tradition dating from the cathe-
dral schools established for Charlemagne by Alcuin of
York. Bede's treatises on the calendar remained standard
text-books for five centuries, and were used even after the
Gregorian reform of 1582; De Temporum Ratione is still
one of the clearest expositions of the principles of the
Christian calendar.
Besides in Northumbria, Anglo-Saxon England saw some
scientific developments in Wessex. In the 7th century,
astronomy and medicine were taught in Kent; there is evi-
dence that surgery was practised; and Aldhelm, Abbot of

Malmesbury, wrote metrical riddles about animals and
plants. But the most notable contribution came in the first
half of the 10th century in the Leech Book of Bald, who
was evidently a physician living during or shortly after the
reign of King Alfred, to whom the book contains allusions.
The Leech Book gives a good picture of the state of medi-
cine at the time. The first part is mainly therapeutical,
containing herbal prescriptions, based on a wide knowledge
of native plants and garden herbs, for a large number of
diseases, working downwards from those of the head.
Tertian, quartan and quotidian fevers are distinguished,
and reference is made to 'flying venom' or 'air-borne con-
tagion/ that is, epidemic diseases generally, and to small-
pox, elephantiasis, probably bubonic plague, various men-
tal ailments, and the use of the vapour bath for colds. The
second part of the Leech Book is different in character,
dealing mainly with internal diseases and going into symp-
toms and pathology. It seems to be a compilation of Greek
medicine, perhaps mainly derived from the Latin transla-
tion of the writings of Alexander of Tralles, together with
some direct observation. A
good example is the account of
which many of the 'tokens'
'sore in the side/ or pleurisy, of
or symptoms are described by Greek writers, but some are
original. The Anglo-Saxon leech recognised the occurrence
of traumatic pleurisy and the possibility of confusing it
with the idiopathic disease, which the ancient writers did
not. Treatment began with a mild vegetable laxative ad-
ministered by mouth or enema, followed by a poultice ap-
plied to the painful spot, a cupping glass on the shoulders,
and various herbs taken internally. Many other diseases
are described, for example pulmonary consumption and
abscesses on the liver, treatment here culminating in a sur-
gical operation. But on the whole there is little evidence of
clinical observation; no use was made of the pulse and little
of the appearances of the urine, which were standard 'signs'
for the Greeks and Romans. Anglo-Saxon surgery presents
the same combination of empiricism with literary tradition
as the medicine; treatments of broken limbs and disloca-
tions, plastic surgery for harelip, and amputations for
gangrene are described.
A remarkable work showing the intelligent interest of
the Anglo-Saxon scholars in improving their knowledge of
natural history in relation to medicine is the translation
into Old English, probably made about 1000-50 a.d., of
the Latin Herbarium attributed apocryphally to Apuleius
Barbarus, or Platonicus. As in most early herbals the text
is confined to the name, locality found, and medical uses
of each herb; there are no descriptions for identification,

which was to be made by means of diagrammatic paintings,
copied from the manuscript source and not from nature.
About 500 English names are used in this herbal, showing
an extensive knowledge of plants, many of them native
plants which could not have been known from the Latin
sources.
There are many other examples of the influence of prac-
tical interests on the scientific outlook of scholars. In the
8th century appeared in Italy the earliest known Latin
manuscript on the preparation of pigments, gold-making,
and other practical problems which might confront the art-
ist or illuminator; one of Adelard's writings was to be on
this subject. In the field of medicine, the traditional literary
advice on the treatment of disease came under some
criticism in Charlemagne's cathedral schools, and much
sharper criticism in the light of practical experience is
found in the Practica of Petrocellus, of the famous medical

school of Salerno. The computists likewise continued to
collect a body of experience and elementary mathematical
techniques in their work on the calendar. It was this prob-
lem of calculating the date of Easter that was chiefly re-
sponsible for the continuous interest in arithmetic, and
various improvements in technique were attempted from
the beginning of the 8th century, when Bede produced his
chronology and 'finger reckoning/ to the end of the 10th
century when the monk Helperic produced his text-book
on arithmetic, and down to the 11th and 12th centuries
when there appeared numerous manuscripts on this sub-
ject. The calculation of dates led also to an interest in
THE TWELFTH-CENTURY RENAISSANCE 2$
astronomical observations, and more accurate observations

became possible when knowledge of the astrolabe was ob-
tained from the Arabs by Gerbert and other scholars of the
10th century. The chief scientific centre at that time was
Lotharingia, andCanute and later Earl Harold and Wil-
liam the Conqueror all encouraged Lotharingian astrono-
mers and mathematicians to come to England, where they
were given ecclesiastical positions.
Besides this persistent concern with practical problems,
another tendency that was equally important in substitut-
ing a differenf approach to the world of nature for that of
moralising symbolism was a change in philosophical out-
look, and especially that which is associated with the 11th-
century nominalist, Roscelinus, and his pupil Peter Abe-
lard (1079-1142). At the end of the 11th century the
teaching of Roscelinus opened the great dispute over 'uni-
versal' which led men to take a greater interest in the
individual, material object as such and not, as St. Augustine
had done, to regard it as simply the shadow of an eternal
idea. The debate began over some remarks of Boethius
concerning the relation of universal ideas such as 'man/
'rose' or 'seven' both to individual things and numbers and
to the human minds that knew them. Did the universal
'rose' subsist with individual roses or as an eternal idea
apart from physical things? Or had the universal no coun-
terpart in the real world, was it a mere abstraction? One
of the most vigorous attacks on St. Augustine's point of
view was made by Roscelinus' pupil Abelard, almost an
exact contemporary of Adelard of Bath; his dialectical skill
and violence won him the nickname of Rhinocerus indo-
mitus. Abelard did not accept Roscelinus' view that univer-
sals were simply abstractions, mere names, but he pointed
out that if the only reality were the eternal ideas then
there could be no real difference between individual roses

or men, so that in the end everything would be everything
else. The outcome of this criticism of the extreme Augus-
tinian view of the universal was to emphasise the impor-
tance of the individual, material thing and to encourage
observation of the particular.
The changed philosophical outlook, of the
effect of this
increasing number and of the redis-
of practical treatises,
covery of Greek works through contact with the Arabs, is
shown in the answers given by Adelard of Bath to the
scientific questions put to him by his nephew. The first of
the Qucestiones Naturales was:
Why do plants spring from the earth? What is the cause

and how can it be explained? When at first the surface
of the earth is smooth and still, what is it that is then
moved, pushes up, grows and puts out branches? If you
collect dry dust and put it finely sieved in an earthenware
or bronze pot, after a while when you see plants spring-
ing up, to what else do you attribute this but to the
marvellous effect of the wonderful divine will?
Adelard admitted that was certainly the will of the Crea-

it
tor that plants should springfrom earth, but he asserted his

opinion that this process was 'not without a natural reason
too/ He repeated this opinion in answer to a later question
when his nephew asked him if it were not 'better to at-
tributeall the operations of the universe to God/ since his
uncle could not produce natural explanations for them all.

To this Adelard replied:
I do not detract from God. Everything that is, is from

him and because of him. But [nature] is not confused
and without system and so far as human knowledge has
progressed it should be given a hearing. Only when it
fails utterly should there be recourse to God.
With this remark the medieval conception of nature began

to cross the great watershed that divides the period when
men looked to nature to provide illustrations for moralising
from that in which men began to study nature for its own
sake. The realisation of such a conception became possible
when Adelard demanded and declared that
'natural causes'
he could not discuss anything with someone who was 'led
in a halter' by past writers.
Those who are now called authorities reached that posi-

tion firstby the exercise of their reason Wherefore,
. . .
if you want to hear anything more from me, give and take
reason.
The first explanation of the universe in terms of natural

causes, after the dissatisfaction with the attempt to inter-
pret it merely in terms of moral symbols, was associated
with the school of Chartres and was deeply influenced by
the teaching of Plato. Early in the 12th century Chartres
had shown a renewed interest in the scientific ideas con-
tained in the Tirrueus. Such scholars as Gilbert de la Porrê
(c. 1076-1154), Thierry of Chartres (d. c. 1155) and Ber-
nard Silvester (fl.c. 1150) studied Biblical questions with
greater attention than before to the scientific matters in-

volved, and all were deeply influenced by St. Augustine.
Like Adelard their attitude to earlier learned authorities
was free and rational, and they believed in the progress of
knowledge. As Bernard wrote: 'We are like dwarfs standing
on the shoulders of giants, so that we can see more things
than them, and can see further, not because our vision is
sharper or our stature higher, but because we can raise
ourselves up thanks to their giant stature/
Thierry of Chartres in his De Septem Diebus et Sex
Operum Distinctionibus, in which he attempted to give a
rational explanation of the creation, declared that it was
impossible to understand the story in Genesis without the
intellectual training provided by the quadrivium, that is
without the mastery of mathematics, for on mathematics
allrational explanation of the universe depended. Thierry
interpreted the story of the creation as meaning that in the
beginning created space or chaos, which for Plato had
God
been pre-existing and had been shaped into the material
world by a demiurge. In St. Augustine's writings, the demi-
urge had been replaced by the Christian God, and the
forms given to the material world were reflections of the
eternal ideas existing in the mind of God.
According to Plato's Tim&us the four elements out of
which all things in the universe were made, earth, water,
air and fire, were composed of small invisible particles,
those of each element having a characteristic geometrical
shape by which the demiurge had reduced to order the
originally disorderly motions of chaos. 4 The elements were
4 The conception of matter as being made up of small particles
had been put forward by various Greek philosophers in an attempt

to explain how change was possible in a world in which things still
retained their identity. In the 5th century b.c. Parmenides had
brought philosophers to an impasse by pointing out that the
earlier Ionian school's conception of one, homogeneous substance
such as water, air or fire as the identity persisting through change
would in fact make changeimpossible, for one homogeneous sub-
stance could do nothing but remain one and homogeneous. Change
would then involve the coming into being of something out of
nothing, which was impossible. Change was therefore unintel-
ligible. In order to overcome this difficulty other philosophers
later in the 5 th century assumed that there were several ultimate
substances and that the rearrangement of these produced the
changes observed in the world. Anaxagoras said that each kind of
body was divisible into homogeneous parts or 'seeds', each of
which retained the properties of the whole, and was again divisible
and so on to infinity. Empedocles, on the other hand, said that
after a certain number of divisions of bodies there would be
reached the four elements, earth, water, air and fire; all bodies were
formed from combinations of these elements, each of which was
itself permanent and unchanging. The Pythagorean school sup-
posed that all objects were made up of points or units of existence,
and that natural objects were made up of these points in combina-
tions corresponding to the various geometrical figures. It should
then have been possible for a line to be made up of a finite number,
of such points, and the Pythagorean theory broke down when
faced with such facts as that the ratio of the diagonal to the side
of a square could not be expressed in terms of an exact number
but was y~2~, which to the Pythagoreans was 'irrational/ The
Pythagoreans had in fact confused geometrical points with ulti-
mate physical particles, and this seems to have been the point of
Zeno's paradoxes. The atomists Leucippus and Democritus avoided
this difficulty by admitting that geometrical points had no magni-
tude and that geometrical magnitudes were divisible to infinity,
but held that the ultimate particles which made up the world
were not geometrical points or figures but physical units which
were indivisible, that is, atoms. According to the atomists the
universe was made up of atoms moving continually at random in
an infinite void. Atoms differed in size, shape, order and position,
the number of different shapes being infinite. In their continual
movements they formed vortices in which were produced first the
four elements and then other bodies by mechanical attachments
mutually transformable by breaking down each geometrical
shape into others, but their main masses were arranged in
concentric spheres with earth in the centre, water next to
it,then air and finally fire, so as to form a finite spherical
universe. Thesphere of fire extended from the moon to the
fixed stars,and contained within it the spheres of those
heavenly bodies and of the other intermediate planets. Fire
was the chief constituent of heavenly bodies.
In Thierry's view fire vaporised some of the waters on
the earth and raised them to form the firmament dividing
the waters which were under the firmament from the wa-
ters which were above the firmament. This reduction in the
waters covering the central sphere of earth led to the ap-

pearance of dry land. The warmth of the air and the mois-
ture of the earth engendered plants and trees. Next the
stars were formed as conglomerations in the super-fir-
mamental waters, and the heat developed by their subse-
quent motions hatched birds and fishes out of the terrestrial
waters, and animals out of the earth itself. The animals
included man-made in the image of God. After the sixth
day nothing more was created, but Thierry adopted from
of like atoms, for instance, by a hook-and-eye mechanism. Since

the number of atoms was limitless so was the number of worlds
they might form in the infinite void. For the atomists the only
'truth' consisted in the properties of the atoms themselves, hard-
ness, shape and size. All other properties such as taste, colour,
heat or cold were simply sense impressions which did not corre-
spond to anything in 'reality/ Both Pythagoreans and atomists
agreed in thinking that the intelligible, persisting and real amid
the changing variety of the physical world was something that
could be expressed in terms of mathematics. This was also the
view that Plato put forward in the Timaeus, in which he was
strongly influenced by the Pythagoreans. Down to the time of
Plato the result of Greek efforts to explain change was thus to
refine and make intelligible the idea of the identity persisting
through change. This identity, which formed the 'being' or 'sub-
stance' of physical things, had been converted from something
material into an intangible essence. For Plato this essence was the
universal idea or 'form' which he held existed apart from physical
things as the object of their aspiration. Change or 'becoming' was
a process by which sensible likenesses of such eternal forms were
produced in space and time (see Vol. II, p. 35 ^t seq.).
St. Augustine a theory to account for the appearance later
of new
creatures. Augustine had brought into agreement
two apparently contradictory accounts in Genesis, in one
of which all things were created at once, while in the other,
creatures, includingman, appeared in succession. He had
accepted the idea, put forward in the 5th century b.c. by
Anaxagoras and subsequently developed by the Stoics, of
originative seeds or germs, and he had suggested that in the
first stage of creation plants, animals and men had all been
made simultaneously in germ or in their 'seminal causes/

and that in the second stage they had actually and suc-
cessively appeared.
The falling and was explained by the
rising of bodies
Platonists of Chartres, following the Timczus, by suppos-
ing that bodies of like nature tended to come together. A
detached part of any element would thus tend to rejoin its
main mass: a stone fell to the earthy sphere at the centre
of the universe, whereas fire shot upwards to reach the fiery
sphere at the outermost limit of the universe. This Platonic
theory of gravity had been known also to Erigena, who had
held that heaviness and lightness varied with distance from
the earth, the centre of gravity. Adelard of Bath had also
accepted this theory of gravity and was able to satisfy his
nephew's curiosity by saying that if a stone were dropped
into a hole passing through the centre of the earth, it would
fall only as far as the centre.
The movement of the heavenly bodies was explained by
supposing that the universe, being spherical, had a proper
motion of uniform eternal rotation in a circle about a fixed
centre, as could be seen in the daily rotation of the fixed
The different spheres in which
stars. the seven 'planets/
Moon, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Mars, and Saturn,
Jupiter
were set, revolved with different uniform velocities such as
would represent the observed movements of those bodies.
Each of the spheres had its own Intelligence or 'soul' which
was the source of its motion.
It was not only the cosmogony and cosmology of Thierry
and his contemporaries that was influenced by the Ti-
mazus; it also coloured their physical and physiological con-
ceptions. They followed Plato in holding that within the

universe there was no void. Space was a plenum, that is, it
was full. Movement could therefore take place only by each
body pushing that next to it away and taking its place in a
kind of vortex. Such functions as respiration and digestion
Plato had explained as purely mechanical processes based
on the movement of fiery and other particles. Sensations he
supposed were produced by the motions of particles in the
organs of the body. The particular quality of a member of
any given class-of sensations, for instance a particular colour
or sound, he explained by the inherent qualities of the
external object, depending on its structure, which in turn
brought about particular physical processes in the special
sense organ concerned. Vision he supposed to take place
by means of a visual ray emitted from the eye to the object,
colours being attributed to different sized fire particles
which streamed off objects and interacted with this ray.
Sounds he connected with the motion of air particles,
though he ignored the role of the ear drum. Different tastes
and odours he related to the character of the particles com-
posing or coming off the objects. Many of these views were
taken over by the natural philosophers of the 12th century.
The direct influence of the Timmis is seen in their belief
in the indestructibility ofmatter and their explanation of
the properties of the elements in terms of the motion of
particles in which velocity and solidity were complemen-
tary, for no body could be set in motion without the corre-
sponding reaction against a motionless body. One 12th-
century philosopher, William of Conches, adopted a form
of atomism based on a combination of Plato's ideas with
those of Lucretius.
This Platonist conception of the universe continued to
Roger Bacon,
exert an important influence until the days of
who, as a young man, sometime about 1245, lectured on
physics from the point of view of the Chartres school. But
Chartres itself was already in touch with the schools of
translators who were working on Arabic and Greek texts at
Toledo and in southern Italy, and it was in Chartres that
the Ptolemaic astronomy and Aristotelian physics were first
32
welcomed. Thus, because of developments within the

thought of Western Christendom itself, the system of ideas
represented by Adelard's nephew was beginning to appear
a little antiquated by the middle of the 12th century. It
was soon to be replaced by ideas developed by those who
followed his uncle in the study of the Arabs and the Greeks
and the pursuit of natural causes.
II
THE RECEPTION OF
GRECO-ARABIC SCIENCE IN
WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
The new science which began to percolate into Western

Christendom in the 12th century was largely Arabic in
form, but it was founded on the works of the ancient
Greeks. The Arabs preserved and transmitted a large body
of Greek learning, and what they added to its content
themselves was perhaps important than the change
less
they made in the conception of the purpose for which sci-
ence ought to be studied.
The Arabs themselves acquired their knowledge of Greek
science from two sources. Most of it they eventually learned
directly from the Greeks of the Byzantine Empire, but
their knowledge of it came also at second hand from the
Syriac-speaking Nestorian Christians of Eastern Persia.
During the 6th and 7th centuries Nestorian Christians at
their centre of Jundishapur translated a number of impor-
tant works of Greek science, chiefly on logic and medicine,
into Syriac, which had replaced Greek as the literary lan-
guage of Western Asia since the 3rd century. For a time
after the Arab conquests Jundishapur continued to be the
first scientific and medical centre of Islam, and there Chris-
tian, Jewish and other subjects of the Caliphs worked on

the translation of texts from Syriac into Arabic. Damascus
and Baghdad also became centres for this work, and at
Baghdad in the early 9th century translations were also
made direct from Greek. By the 10th century nearly all the
34 THE RECEPTION OF GRECO-ARABIC
texts of Greek science that were to become known to the
Western world were available in Arabic.
Gradually the learning which had been amassed by the
Arabs began to penetrate into Western Christendom as
trading relations slowly revived between Christendom and
Islam. By the 9th century, towns such as Venice, Naples,
Bari and Amalfi, later joined by Pisa and Genoa, were
carryingon trade with the Arabs of Sicily and the eastern
Mediterranean. In the 11th century a Benedictine monk of
Monte Cassino, Constantine the African, was sufficiently
familiar with Arab scientific work to be able to- produce a
paraphrase of Galen and Hippocrates from the medical
encyclopaedia of the Persian doctor Haly Abbas (d. 994).
In the 12th century Adelard of Bath is known to have
travelled in south Italy and even in Syria and, at the begin-
ning of the 13th century, Leonardo Fibonacci of Pisa was
in North Africa on business where he acquired his knowl-
edge of Arabic mathematics.
The chief centres from which the knowledge of Arabic
and ultimately of Greek science spread were Sicily and
Spain. Toledo fell to Alfonso VI in 1085 and towards the
middle of the 12th century became, under the patronage
of its archbishop, the Spanish centre of translation from
Arabic into Latin. The very great number of versions at-
tributed to such a man as Gerard of Cremona suggest the
existence of some sort of school. The names of known
translators, Adelard of Bath, Robert of Chester, Alfred
of Sareshel (the Englishman), Gerard of Cremona, Plato
of Tivoli, Burgundio of Pisa, James of Venice, Eugenio of
Palermo, Michael Scot, Hermann of Carinthia, William of
Moerbeke, bear witness to the wide European character of
the movement, as do their own words, of which Adelard's
are typical, to the feeling of excitement with which the
earlier scholars set out to gain Arab learning for the Latin
West. Many of the translations were works of collaboration,
for example, the work of the Hispano-Jew John of Seville,
who which
translated the Arabic into vernacular Castilian
was then rendered into Latin by Dominicus Gundissalinus.
The earliest known Latin-Arabic glossary is contained in a
Spanish manuscript dating, perhaps, from the 12th cen-
tury, but the work of translating Greek and Arabic texts
was severely hampered by the difficulty of mastering the
languages involved, the intricacy of the subject matter, and
the complicated technical terminology. The translations
were often literal, and often words whose meanings were
imperfectly understood were simply transliterated from
their Arabic or Hebrew form. Many of these words have
survived down to the present day as, for example, alkali,
zircon, alembic (the upper part of a distilling vessel), sher-
bet, camphor, borax, elixir, talc, the stars Aldebaran, Altair
and Betelgeuse, nadir, zenith, azure, zero, cipher, algebra,
algorism, lute, rebeck, artichoke, coffee, jasmine, saffron
and taraxacum. Such new words went to enrich the vocabu-
lary of medieval Latin, but it is not surprising that these
literal translations sprinkled with strange words provoked
complaints from other scholars. Many of the translations
were revised in the 13th century either with a better knowl-
edge of Arabic or directly from the Greek.
In Sicily, in addition to translations from the Arabic,
there appeared some of the earliest translations to be made
directly from Greek. Conditions in the island specially fa-
voured the exchange of ideas between Arabic, Greek and
Latin scholars. Until the fall of Syracuse in 878 it had been
dominated by Byzantium. Then it passed under the control
of Islam for nearly two hundred years until 1060, when a
Norman adventurer with a small following captured Mes-
sina and was so successful in establishing his power that by
1090 the island had become a Norman kingdom in which
Latin, Greek and Moslem subjects lived together in con-
ditions even more favourable than those in Spain for the
work of translation.
From the end of the 12th century to the end of the 13th
the proportion of translations made direct from Greek to
those made hand through Arabic gradually in-
at second
creased, and in the 14th century translation from Arabic
practically ceased when Mesopotamia and Persia were over-
run by the Mongols. It is said that from the end of the 12th
century shiploads of Greek manuscripts came from Byzan-
tium to Italy, though few can be definitely traced as having
done so. When the Fourth Crusade was diverted against
Byzantium, which was captured by the Westerners in 1 204,
one result was that many manuscripts passed to the Latin
West. In 1205 Innocent III exhorted masters and scholars
of Paris to go to Greece and revive the study of literature
in the land of its birth, and Philip Augustus founded a
college on the Seine for Greeks of Byzantium to learn
Latin. Later in the 13th century Roger Bacon wrote a
Greek grammar and, at the suggestion of St. Thomas Aqui-
nas, William of Moerbeke revised and completed the trans-
lation of almost all Aristotle's works in a literal version
made from the Greek.

direct
By the middle of the 12th century the number of new
works added to the store of European learning included
Aristotle's logica nova, that is, the Analytics and the other
logical works not in the long familiar translations by Boe-
thius which were included in the logica vetus, Euclid's
Elements, Optics and Catoptrics, and Hero's Pneumatica.
From the 12th century dates also the Latin version of the
pseudo-Euclidean De Ponderoso et Levi, a work of Greek
origin which provided both Islam and Western Christen-
dom with their knowledge of specific gravity, the lever and
the balance. In the third quarter of the century translations
were made of the principal works of Ptolemy, Galen and
Hippocrates, of which the popular versions came chiefly
from Spain, and of Aristotle's Physics and De Ccelo and
other libri naturales and the first four books of the Meta-
physics. Early in the 13th century the complete Metaphys-
ics was translated, and about 1217 appeared his De
Animalibus comprising the History, Parts and Generation
of Animals. At the same time was translated the pseudo-
Aristotelian Liber de Plantis or de Vegetabilibus, which
modern scholarship has attributed to the ist-century b.c.
Nicholas of Damascus and which, apart from the herbals
deriving from Dioscorides and pseudo-Apuleius, was the
most important single source of later medieval botany. By
the middle of the 13 th century nearly all the important
works of Greek science were available in Latin translations
(Table 1 ) Some works were also translated into vernacular
.
languages, in particular into Italian, Castilian, French and

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later, English. Of all these works the most influential
were those of Aristotle, who had provided the basis for the
natural philosophy of the Greeks and of the Arabs and
was now to perform the same function for Western Chris-
tendom. The translations of his writings were chiefly re-
sponsible for the shift in educational interest that took
place round about 1200 towards philosophy and science,
which John of Salisbury (c. 1115-80) had complained were
even in his time being preferred to the poetry and history
of his youth.
Of the actual knowledge from the stores of Greek learn-
ing which was transmitted to Western Christendom by the
Arabs, together withsome additional observations and
comments some of the most important was
of their own,
the new Ptolemaic astronomy (below, pp. 78-90) and its
associated trigonometry. This reached Europe through the
translations of works by such writers as al-Khwarizmi, al-
Battani (d. 929) and al-Fargani (9th century), but these
authors had, in fact, added nothing new to the principles
on which the astronomical system of Ptolemy had been
founded. In the 12th century al-Bitruji, known in Latin
as Alpetragius, revived the astronomical work of Aristotle,
though here again the Arab did not advance much on the
Greek. What the Arabs did do was to improve observing
instruments and construct increasingly accurate tables for
both astrological and nautical purposes. The most famous
of these were prepared in Spain, which, from the time of
the editing of the Toledan Tables, or Canones Azarchelis,
by al-Zarqali (d. c. 1087) to their replacement under the
direction of King Alfonso the Wise (d. 1284) by others
compiled in the same town, had been a centre of astro-
nomical observation. The meridian of Toledo was for a
long time the standard of computation for the West and
the Alfonsine Tables remained in use till the 16th century.
The second body of fact transmitted from Greek works
to Western Christendom by way of Arabic translations and
commentaries was the work on medicine and to this Arab
scholars, though they did not modify the underlying prin-
ciples much, added some valuable observations. Most of
the information was derived from Hippocrates and Galen
and became enshrined in the encyclopaedias of Haly Ab-
bas (d. 994), Avicenna (980-1037) and Rhazes (d. c.
924 ), 1 but the Arabs were able to add some new minerals
such as mercury and a number of other drugs to the pre-
dominantly herbal materia medica of the Greeks, and
Rhazes was able to contribute original observations such
as in his diagnoses ofsmallpox and measles.
The original Arabic contribution was more important
in the study oLoptics and perspective for here, though the
works of Euclid, Hero and Ptolemy had dealt with the sub-
ject, Alkindi (d. 873) and Alhazen (c. 965-1039) made
c.
a big advance on what had been known by the Greeks. Al-

hazen discussed, among other things, spherical and para-
bolic mirrors, the camera obseura, lenses and vision.
In the field of mathematics the Arabs transmitted to
Western Christendom a body of most valuable knowledge
which had never been available to the Greeks, though here
the Arabs were not making an original contribution but
simply making more widely known the developments in
mathematical thought which had taken place among the
Hindus. Unlike the Greeks, the Hindus had developed not
so much geometry as arithmetic and algebra. The Hindu
mathematicians, of whom Aryabhata (b. 476 a.d.), Brah-
magupta (b. 598 a.d.) and later Bhaskara (b. 1114) were
the most important, had developed a system of numerals
in which the value of a digit was shown by its position.
They knew the use of zero, they could extract square and
cube roots, they understood fractions, problems of interest,
the summation of arithmetical and geometrical series, the
solution of determinate and indeterminate equations of the
first and second degrees, permutations and combinations
*Cf. the Prologue to Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (11. 429

et seq.)
'Wei knew he the olde Esculapius
And Deiscorides, and eek Rufus,
Old Ypocras, Hal, and Galien;
Serapion, Razis, and Avicen;
Averrois, Damascien, and Constantyn;
Bernard, and Gatesden, and Gilbertyn'.
and other operations of simple arithmetic and algebra.
They also developed the trigonometrical technique for ex-
pressing the motions of the heavenly bodies and intro-
duced trigonometrical tables of sines.
The most important mathematical idea which the Arabs
learnt from the Hindus was their system of numerals, and
the adoption of this system in Christendom was one of
the great advances in European science. The great merit
of this system, which is the basis of the modern system,
was that it contained the symbol for zero and that any
number could be represented simply by arranging digits
in order, the value of a digit being shown by its distance
from zero or from the first digit on the left. It had very
great advantages over the cumbrous Roman system. In the
system which the Arabs learnt from the Hindus the first
three numbers were represented by one, two and three
strokes respectively, and after that 4, 5, 6, 7, 9 and pos-
sibly 8 were probably derived from the initial letters for
the words representing those numbers in Hindu. The
Arabs had learnt something of this system from the In-
dians, with whom they had considerable trading relations,
as early as the 8th century, and a complete account of it
was given by al-Khwarizmi in the 9th century. It was from
a corruption of his name that the system became known
in Latin as 'algorism/
The Hindu numerals were introduced into Western Eu-
rope gradually from the 12th century onwards. It was symp-
tomatic of the practical trend among mathematicians that
al-Khwarizmi himself, whose work on algebra was trans-
lated by Adelard of Bath, said (as he is rendered by F.
Rosen in his edition, The Algebra of Mohammed ben
Musa, London, 1831, p. 3) that he had limited his ac-
tivities
to what is easiest and most useful in arithmetic, such

as men constantly require in cases of inheritance, leg-
acies, partition, law-suits, and trade, and in all their
dealings with one another, or where the measuring of
lands, the digging of canals, geometrical computation,
and other objects of various sorts and kinds are con-

cerned.
Later in the same century Rabbi ben Ezra, by origin a

Spanish Jew, fully explained the Arabic system of numera-
tion and specially the use of the symbol O. Gerard of Cre-
mona reinforced this exposition. But it was not till the
13th century that the Arabic system became widely known.
This was due very largely to the work of Leonardo Fibo-
nacci, or Leonardo of Pisa (d. after 1240). Leonardo's fa-
ther was a Pisan merchant who was sent out to Bugia in
Barbary to take charge of a factory, and there Leonardo
seems to have learnt a great deal about the practical value
of Arabic numerals and about the writings of al-Khwarizmi.
In 1202 he published his Liber Abaci in which in spite
of the name he fully explained the use of the Arabic nu-
merals. Hewas not personally interested in commercial
arithmetic and his work was highly theoretical, but after
his time Italian merchants generally came gradually to
adopt the Arabic, or Hindu, system of numeration.
During the 13th and 14th centuries the knowledge of
Arabic numerals was spread through Western Christendom
by the popular almanacs and calendars. As the dates of
Easter and of the other festivals of the Church were of
great importance in all religious houses, one almanac or
calendar was usually found in these establishments. A cal-
endar in the vernacular had been produced in France as

early as 1116, and Icelandic calendars go back to about
the same date. This knowledge was reinforced in the West
by popular expositions of the new system by mathematical
writers such as Alexander of Villedieu and John Holywood
or, as he was called, Sacrobosco, and even in a surgical
treatise by Henry of Mondeville. About the middle of the
13 th century two Greek mathematicians explained the sys-

tem to Byzantium. The Hindu numerals did not immedi-
ately drive out the Roman ones and in fact until the mid-
dle of the 16th century Roman numerals were widely used
outside Italy, but by 1400 Arabic numerals were widely
known and generally understood at least among men of
learning.
A sphere in which the Arabs made

most important
a
and European sci-
original contribution to the history of
ence was that of alchemy, magic and astrology, and this
was partly because of the special approach to the problems
of the world of nature that characterised a strong tradition
of Arabic thought. The primary question in this tradition
was not what aspects of nature most vividly illustrated the
moral purposes of God nor what were the natural causes
which would provide a rational explanation of the facts
described in the Bible or observed in the world of every-
day experience, but what knowledge would give power over
nature. Inquirers wanted to find 'the Elixir of Life, the
Philosopher's Stone, the Talisman, the Word of Power and
the magic properties of plants and minerals/ and the an-
swer to their questions was alchemy. It was partly a desire
to share this rumoured magical power that sent the first
translators on their journeys from Western Christendom
to such centres of Arabic learning as Toledo or Sicily. Some
scholars believed that the ancient Greeks had had such
knowledge and had hidden it in cryptic writings and al-
chemical symbols.
Latin works written before the 12th century had been
by no means free from magic and astrology (see above,
pp. 16-19), but among the Arabs and those Latins who,
after the 12th century, were influenced by their works
magic and astrology fruited tropically. No sharp distinc-
tion was drawn between natural science and the magical
or occult, for physical and occult causes were recognised
as equally able to be responsible for physical phenomena.
This point of view was expressed clearly by Alkindi, the
9th-century Arab Neoplatonist, in his work On Stellar Rays
or The Theory of the Magic Art. The stars and terrestrial
objects, and also the human mind through the potency of
words suitably uttered, exerted 'influence' by means of rays
whose ultimate cause was celestial harmony. The effects
of the rays were supposed to vary with the configurations

7
of the heavenly bodies. 'Celestial virtue was admitted as
a cause by nearly all the Latin writers of the 13th century,
and Roger Bacon's famous discussion of the old theory of
the 'multiplication of species' has been variously inter-
preted as a contribution to physics and as an account of
astral influences going in straight lines. 'Marvels/ when
not the work of demons and therefore evil, might be pro-
duced by occult virtues resident in certain objects in na-
ture, that is magic' The distinction between
by> 'natural
evil and natural magic was maintained by a number of
scholastic natural philosophers, such as William of Au-
vergne, Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacon. The discovery
of occult virtues was one of the principal objects of many
medieval experimenters. The alchemists hoped to trans-
mute metals, prolong human life, perhaps gain sufficient
power over nature to discover the names of those who had
committed theft or adultery.
Well down into the 16th century the connection be-
tween magic and one side of experimentation was close.
In the 17th century Bishop Wilkins, one of the founders
of the Royal Society, was to include, in a book on mechan-
ics called Mathematicall Magick, being borne through the
air by birds and by witches among recognised methods of
human transport. But even in the 13th century many of

the natural philosophers of Western Christendom were
able to a large extent to keep magic out of their work.
Albertus Magnus, Petrus Peregrinus and Rufinus are ex-
amples of observers and experimenters who did so. Roger
Bacon (? 1214-92), though he certainly derived the de-
sire for power over nature as the object of his science, as
well as his belief in the occult virtues of stones and herbs,
from the ambitions and assumptions of magic, yet devel-
oped a view of scientific experiment which was perhaps
the earliest explicit statement of the practical conception
of the aims of science. With him the practical European
genius was beginning to transform the magic of the Arabian
Nights into the achievements of applied science.
In his Opus Tertium, chapter 12, Roger Bacon, having
discussed speculative alchemy, goes on to say:
But there is another alchemy, operative and practical,

which teaches how to make the noble metals and colours
and many other things better and more abundantly by
art than they are made in nature. And science of this
kind is greater than all those preceding because it pro-
duces greater utilities. For not only can it yield wealth

and very many other things for the public welfare, but
it also teaches how to discover such things as are capable
of prolonging human life for much longer periods than

can be accomplished by nature . Therefore this sci-
. .
ence has special utilities of that nature; while neverthe-

less it confirms theoretical alchemy through its works.
In his view of what could usefully be achieved by science

Roger Bacon had the outlook common to his age: the fu-
ture would be read more accurately than in the stars; the
Church would overcome Antichrist and the Tartars. The
ultimate value of science was to be in the service of the
Church of God, the community of the faithful: to protect
Christendom through power over nature and to assist the
Church in her work of evangelising mankind by leading
the mind through scientific truth to the contemplation of
the Creator already revealed in theology, a contemplation
in which all truth was one. But in his conception of the
immediate use of science he had almost the outlook of the
19th century.
'Next/ he says of agriculture in his Communia Natu-
ralium,
comes the special science of the nature of plants and

all animals, with the exception of man who by reason
of his nobleness falls under a special science called medi-
cine.But first in the order of teaching is the science of
animals which precede man and are necessary for his
use. This science descends first to the consideration of
every kind of soil and the productions of the earth, dis-
tinguishing four kinds of soil, according to their crops;

SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM $$
one soil is that wherein corn and legumina are sown;

another is covered with woods, another with pastures
and heaths; another is garden ground wherein are cul-
tivated trees and vegetables, herbs and roots, as well for
nutriment as for medicine. Now this science extends to
the perfect study of all vegetables, the knowledge of
which is very imperfectly delivered in Aristotle's treatise
De Vegetabilibus; and therefore a special and sufficient
science of plants is which should be taught
required,
in books on-agriculture. But as agriculture cannot go on
without an abundance of tame animals; nor the utility
of different soils, as woods, pastures and heaths, be un-
derstood, except wild animals be nurtured; nor the pleas-
ure of man be sufficiently enhanced, without such ani-
mals; therefore this science extends itself to the study
of all animals.
Bacon did not develop this discussion of the sciences, but

his appreciation of the potential usefulness of such studies
is His prophecies about the submarine and the motor
clear.
car in the Epistola de Secretis Operibus, chapter 4, are
well known and are another example of the extremely prac-
tical turn which he gave to scientific studies.
Machines for navigation can be made without rowers so

that the largest ships on rivers or seas will be moved
by a single man in charge with greater velocity than if
they were full of can be made so that

men. Also cars
without animals they will move with unbelievable ra-
pidity; such we opine were the scythe-bearing chariots
with which the men of old fought. Also flying machines
can be constructed so that a man sits in the midst of
the machine revolving some engine by which artificial
wings are made to beat the air like a flying bird. Also
a machine small in size for raising or lowering enormous
weights, than which nothing is more useful in emergen-
cies. fingers high and wide and
For by a machine three
of less size a man
could free himself and his friends
from all danger of prison and rise and descend. Also
a machine can easily be made by which one man can
draw a thousand to himself by violence against their
wills,and attract other things in like manner. Also ma-
chines can be made for walking in the sea and rivers,
even to the bottom without danger. For Alexander the
Great employed such, that he might see the secrets of
the deep, as Ethicus the astronomer tells. These ma-
chines were made in antiquity and they have certainly
been made in our times, except possibly the flying ma-
chine which I have not seen nor do I know anyone who
has, but I know an expert who has thought out the way
to make one. And such things can be made almost with-
out limit, for instance, bridges across rivers without piers
or supports, and mechanisms, and unheard of engines.
Bacon also urged the reform of the calendar, as had his

master Robert Grosseteste, and described how thismight
be done, though, in fact, his suggestions had to wait until
1582 to be put into practice. In the later Middle Ages,
however, scientific knowledge as distinguished from merely
technical rule of thumb led to improvements in building
and surgery and to the invention of spectacles, though in
general the practical mastery over nature which the Arabs
had sought through magic was not achieved for many
centuries.
Most influential of all the contributions of Greco-Arabic
learning to Western Christendom was the fact that the
works of Aristotle, Ptolemy and Galen constituted a com-
plete rational system explaining the universe as a whole
in terms of natural causes. Aristotle's system included more
than natural science as it is understood in the 20th cen-
tury. It was a complete philosophy embracing all existence
from 'first matter' to God. But just because of its com-
pleteness the Aristotelian system aroused much opposition
in Western Christendom where scholars already had an
equally comprehensive system based on the facts revealed
in the Christian religion.
Moreover, some of Aristotle's theories were themselves
directly contrary to Christian teaching. For instance, he
held that the world was eternal and this obviously con-
flicted with the Christian conception of God as creator.
SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM $J
His opinions were doubly suspect because they reached the

West accompanied by Arab commentaries which stressed
their absolutely determinist character. The Arab interpre-
tation of Aristotle was strongly coloured by the Neopla-
tonic conception of the chain of being stretching from first
matter through inanimate and animate nature, man, the

angels and Intelligences to God as the origin of all. When
such commentators as Alkindi, Alfarabi, Avicenna and par-
ticularly Averroes (1126-98) introduced from the Mo-
hammedan religion into the Aristotelian system the idea
of creation, they interpreted this in such a way as to deny
free will not only to man but even to God himself. Ac-
cording to them the world had been created not directly
by God but by a hierarchy of necessary causes starting
with God and descending through the various Intelligences
which moved the celestial spheres, until the Intelligence
moving the moon's sphere caused the existence of a sepa-
rate Active Intellect which was common to all men and
the sole cause of their knowledge. The form of the human
soul already existed in this Active Intellect before the cre-
ation of man, and after death each human soul merged
again intoit. At the centre of the universe within the sphere
of the moon, that is, in the sublunary region, were gen-

erated a common fundamental matter, materia prima, and
then the four elements. From the four elements were pro-
duced, under the influence of the celestial spheres, plants,
animals and man himself.
Several points in this system were entirely unacceptable
to the philosophers of Western Christendom in the 13th
century. It denied the immortality of the individual human
soul. It human free will and gave scope for the
denied
interpretation of all human behaviour in terms of astrology.
It was rigidly determinist, denying that God could have
acted in any way except that indicated by Aristotle. This
determinism was made even more repulsive to Christian
thinkers by the attitude of the Arab commentators and
especially of Averroes, who declared:
Aristotle's doctrine is the sum of truth because his was

the summit of all human intelligence. It is therefore well
said that he was created and given us by Divine Provi-
dence, so that we should know what it is possible to
know.
Some allowance may be made here for oriental exaggera-

tion, but this point of view came to be characteristic of the
Latin For them the world emanated from God
Averroi'sts.
as Aristotle had described it, and no other system of ex-

planation was possible. Nor indeed did the extreme the-
ological rationalism of this interpretation do violence to
Aristotle's own thought. Aristotle had based his whole ap-
proach to natural science and metaphysics on the claim
that it was possible to discover by reason the essence of
things and of God, causing the regularities observed in the
world. Plato's approach was the same, although differing
over both the processes of reason involved and the nature
of the essences discovered. In the brilliant tour de force in
book 2, chapter 3 of De Ccelo, Aristotle gave every support
to the Averroist interpretation of his cosmology. He set out
to prove that his system was not only in fact true, but was
necessarily true, for it alone followed from God's discovered
essence and perfection. All things, he argued, existed for
the ends they served and the perfection to which they
tended. God's activity was eternal, and so therefore must
be the motion of the heaven, which was a divine body. Tor
that reason the heaven is given a circular body whose na-
ture it is to move always in a circle and earth is
. . . ;
needed because eternal movement in one body necessitates

eternal rest in another/ Similarly he argued that the whole
actual world was necessarily as he described and explained
it, and could not in the nature of things be otherwise.
The situation that arose in the 13th century over Aris-

totelianism was not in fact the first experience that Chris-
tian thinkers had had of the encounter between Greek
rationalism and the Christian revelation. Extensively dis-
cussed by both the Greek and the Latin Fathers, it was St.
Augustine's analysis of the relation between reason and
faith that established the point of departure for the treat-
ment of the problem in the medieval West. In a well-
known passage in the Confessions, St. Augustine described

how he began, as a young man, following the method of
Greek philosophy, to search by reason alone for the intel-
ligibility of existence, and how his conversion led him to
believe that this could be grasped immediately through
Christian faith. But he asserted emphatically that it was
impossible to believe something that was not understood,
and that to hold that it was sufficient to believe in Chris-
tian doctrine without aspiring to an understanding of it
was to ignore the true end of belief. St. Augustine thus
added the content of revelation to that of experience as
constituting the world given, the data whose nature and
relations the Christian philosopher must try to elucidate
by rational inquiry.
The most obvious and most influential problem arising
from this programme was the relation that was to be un-
derstood between the two sources of data, revelation and
experience, Scripture and science. This St. Augustine tack-
led in his commentary De Genesi ad Litteram, whose exe-
getic methods Galileo was to expound. Beginning with the
basic principle that truth is self-consistent, St. Augustine
ruled out a priori any real contradiction between the data
of revelation, true by definition in the light of their source,
and the equally true data of observation and conclusions
of true reasoning. When there was an apparent contradic-
tion, this must arise from our misunderstanding of the true
meaning of the conflicting statements, and those, he said,
may not be the literal meanings, whether in Scripture or
in science. The problem of interpretation that arose in
this way brought out in the first place the conflict between
the Hebrew cosmology of Scripture, with its flat earth and
domed sky, and the globe and spheres of the Greek astron-
omers. In dealing with such questions St. Augustine in-
sisted on clearly distinguishing the primary moral and spir-
itual purpose of Scripture from its accidental references
to the physical world. The latter, as he agreed with St.
Jerome, were made according to the judgement of their
time and not according to the literal truth. Though in no
sense himself a natural scientist, St. Augustine's writings
show a competent knowledge of astronomy and other sci-
ences, which he urged his fellow Christians to master.
When they discussed natural questions, the shape and mo-
tion of the heavens or the earth, the elements, the nature
of animals, plants and minerals, he was especially anxious
that Christians should not jeopardise the acceptance of the
fundamental doctrines of religion by making absurd state-
ments, allegedly in accordance with Christian writings,
about questions properly decidable by natural science
alone. Certainly St. Augustine enjoyed confirming Scrip-
ture from science, but his policy was to save Scripture
from apparent falsification by observation and reason and,
without prejudice, to hand over purely natural questions
to scientific investigation. 'In points obscure and remote
from our sight,' he wrote in book 1, chapter 18 of De
Genesi ad Litteram, 'if we come to read anything in Holy
Scripture that is, in keeping with the faith in which we
are steeped, capable of several meanings, we must not, by
obstinately rushing in, so commit ourselves to any one of
them that, when perhaps the truth is more thoroughly in-
vestigated, it rightly falls to the ground and we with it/

Galileo was to quote this passage in urging the same rea-
sonable policy upon his contemporaries, but the history of
the problem, especially as it entered with medieval Aris-
totelianism, from the 13th century down to the time of
Galileo himself, shows that while such a policy may help
to reduce the area of conflict, it certainly does not provide
automatic answers to all the questions arising between the
cosmologies of reason and of revelation. Believing in the
primary importance of the Christian apostolate, St. Augus-
tine himself went on to assert firmly in chapter 21 oi De
Genesi ad Litteram that should philosophers teach any-
thing that is 'contrary to our Scriptures, that is to Catholic
faith, we may without any doubt believe it to be com-
pletely false,and we may by some means be able to show
this/
It was the search for means of finding an accommodation
between Aristotelian philosophy and Christian theology
that gave rise to the most interesting and critical develop-
SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM 6l
ments in philosophy and in the conception of science in

the 13th and 14th centuries. After some initial hesitation
and embarrassment, three main general lines of policy be-
gan to clarify. The first was that of the Latin Averroists
who took their stand on the irrefutable rational truth of
Aristotelian philosophy and accepted the consequence that
Christian theology was irrational or even untrue. There
seems little doubt that such a man as Jean de Jandun
(d. 1328) wasjn fact an unbeliever, but that he lightly
concealed his unbelief with an irony akin to Voltaire's. A
threat equally to Christian theology and to empirical sci-
ence, was the Christian doctrine of the absolute freedom
it
of God's will that formed the basis of the critique of Aver-

roist rationalism, although the criticism was pressed by
means of logical arguments about the possibility of there
being any necessary rational truths about the world. A mod-
erate policy, for example that of Thomas Aquinas, was to
accept the rationality of science but to deny that any ne-
cessity could be discovered in God. The extreme policy of
the defenders of faith appeared in the 14th century, when
for example William of Ockham eliminated the threat
from reason by denying the rationality of the world al-
together, and reduced its order to a dependence of fact on
God's inscrutable will.
The 13th century saw first the categorical condemnation
of Aristotle, but by the middle of the century he had been
accepted as the most important of the philosophers. In
1210 in Paris, which by the end of the 12th century had
already replaced Chartres as the greatest centre of learning
in France, the provincial ecclesiastical council prohibited
the teaching of Aristotle's views on natural philosophy or
of commentaries on them. In 1215 a similar decree was
issued against reading his metaphysical and natural works,
although this did not forbid private study and applied only
on these works were announced
to Paris; in fact, lectures
in the University of Toulouse. Other prohibitions were
issued subsequently, but it was not possible to enforce
them. In 1231 Pope Gregory IX appointed a commission
to revise some of the natural works and in 1260 William
of Moerbeke began from the Greek. Emi-
his translation
nent teachers like Albertus Magnus
(1193/1206-80)
and his pupil Thomas Aquinas (1225-74) expounded the
works of Aristotle, and by 1255 his most important meta-
physical and natural works were set by the faculty of arts
in Paris as a subject for examination. At Oxford the 'new
Aristotle' made its first entry without attracting official
opposition. Lecturing on the new logical and physical trea-
tises had begun by the first decade of the 13th century, but
it was the influence of an inspiring philosopher and teacher,
Robert Grosseteste (c. 1168-1253), that really established

medieval Oxford's enduring interest in the new science,
mathematics and logic, as well as in languages and Biblical
scholarship. As Magister Scholarum or Chancellor of the
University in 1214, perhaps the first to hold this office, as
lecturer to the Franciscan house in Oxford, and from 1235
as Bishop of Lincoln, in which diocese Oxford lay, Grosse-
teste remained the chief ornament and guide of the Uni-
versity's early years (see Vol. II, p. 11 et seq.).
Throughout the Middle Ages there were various schools
of thought about the Aristotelian system of the universe.
In the 13 th century in Oxford the Franciscan friars, who
tended to remain loyal to the main features of Augustini-
anism, such as the theory of knowledge and of universals,
accepted some important Aristotelian additions in the ex-
planation of such natural phenomena as the movements of
the heavenly bodies, but were often hostile to Aristotle's
influence as a whole. At the same time in Oxford there was
an interest characteristic of another aspect of Franciscan
thought, exemplified by Roger Bacon, who was keenly alive
to the mathematical, physical, astronomical and medical
learning of Aristotle and the Arabs and less concerned with
their metaphysical views. In the University of Paris black-
habited Dominicans, such as Albertus Magnus and Thomas
Aquinas, accepted the main principles of Aristotle's phys-
ics and philosophy of nature (see below, p. 65 et seq.)
but rejected his absolute determinism. A fourth school

of thought, represented by Siger of Brabant, who was
thorough-going Averroist, accepted an entirely determinist
Yet a fifth group was in the

interpretation of the universe.
Padua and Bologna where
Italian universities of Salerno,
theological matters counted for less than in England or
France and where Aristotle and the Arabs were studied
principally for their medical learning.
Those mainly responsible for making Aristotle accept-
able to the ChristianWest were, besides Grosseteste, Al-
bertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas. The main problem
confronting them was the relation between faith and rea-
son. In his attempt to resolve this difficulty Albertus based
himself, like St. Augustine, on two certainties: the realities
of revealed religion and the facts that had come within
his own personal experience. Albertus and St. Thomas did
not regard Aristotle as an absolute authority as Averroes
had done, but simply as a guide to reason. Where Aristotle,
either explicitly or as interpreted by Arab commentators,
conflicted with the facts either of revelation or of observa-
tion he must be wrong: that is, the world could not be
eternal, the individual human soul must be immortal, both
God and man must enjoy the exercise of free will. Albertus
also corrected him on a number of points of zoology (see
below, pp. 151-58 et seq.). But Albertus and more defi-
nitely St. Thomas realised, as Adelard of Bath had done a
century earlier, that theology and natural science often
spoke of the same thing from a different point of view, that
something could be both the work of Divine Providence
and the result of a natural cause. In this way they estab-
lished a between theology and philosophy
distinction
which assigned to each its appropriate methods and
guaranteed to each its own sphere of action. There
could be no real contradiction between truth as revealed
by religion and truth as revealed by reason. Albertus said
that it was better to follow the apostles and fathers rather
than the philosophers in what concerned faith and morals.
But in medical questions he would rather believe Hippoc-
rates or Galen, and in physics Aristotle, for they knew more
about nature.
The determinist interpretation of Aristotle's teaching
associated with the commentaries of Averroes was con-
64
demned by the Bishop of Paris, fitienne Tempier, in 1277,

and his example was followed in the same year by the
Archbishop of Canterbury, John Pecham. In so far as this
affected science it meant that in northern Christendom the
Averroist interpretation of Aristotle was banished. The Av-
erroists retired to Padua where their views gave rise to the
doctrine of the double truth, one for faith and another,
perhaps contradictory, for reason. This condemnation of
determinism has been taken by some modern scholars, no-
tably by Duhem, as marking the beginning of modern sci-
ence. The teaching of Aristotle was to dominate the
thought of the later Middle Ages, but with the condemna-
tion of the Averroist view that Aristotle had said the last
word on metaphysics and natural science, the bishops in
1277 left the way open for criticism which would, in turn,
undermine his system. Not only had natural philosophers
now through Aristotle a rational philosophy of nature, but
because of the attitude of Christian theologians they were
made free to form hypotheses regardless of Aristotle's
authority, to develop the empirical habit of mind work-
ing within a rational framework, and to extend scientific
discovery.
Ill
THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC

THOUGHT IN THE
THIRTEENTH CENTURY
(l) EXPLANATION OF CHANGE AND

CONCEPTION OF SUBSTANCE
The system of scientific thought that was made known to
Western Christians in the 13th century came to them, in
a collection of translations from Greek and Arabic, as a
complete and for the most part coherent whole. This was
a system of rational explanations in power and range quite
beyond anything known earlier in the Latin West, and one
the general principles of which in fact dominated European
science until the 17th century. This Greco-Arabic scientific
system was not, however, received merely passively in the
13th century. The activity of mind that had shown itself
in the 12th century in the fields of philosophy and tech-
nology was applied in the 13th century to detect, and to
endeavour to resolve, the contradictions that existed within
the Aristotelian system itself, between Aristotle and other
authorities such as Ptolemy, Galen, Averroes and Avicenna,
and between the various authorities and observed facts.
The Western scholars were trying to make the natural
world intelligible and they seized upon the new knowledge
as a wonderful, but not final, illumination of mind and as
a starting-point for further investigation.
The object of this chapter is to describe this 13th-
66 THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
century scientific system, indicating the historical sources
of each part of it, and to give a brief account of the addi-
tions of fact and modifications in detail made to it during
the century or more after its introduction. These changes
were made for the most part as a result of the gradual ex-
tension of observation, experiment and the use of mathe-
matics, and they were made possible to a large extent as a
result of habits acquired in technology. It will be necessary
to mention some aspects of medieval technics in this chap-
ter, but it is convenient to reserve a fuller discussion of the
subject for Chapter IV. The experimental and mathemat-

ical methods were themselves the result of a definite theory
of science, a theory postulating definite methods of investi-
gation and explanation. Some indication of this theory of
science will be necessary to make much of what follows in
this chapter intelligible, and many of the additions of fact
to be described were the results of its application. A fuller
treatment of medieval scientific method will be reserved
for Volume II, Chapter I. Besides additions of fact, other
important changes were made in the 13th-century scientific
system as a result of criticism from a purely theoretical
point of view. Those affecting the details of the system will
be described in this chapter, but those involving criticism
of its fundamental principles will also be reserved for Vol-
ume II, Chapter I. These more radical criticisms derived
for the most part from the change in the theory of science
that began during the 13th century, a change which led to
the conception that the experimental and mathematical
methods should extend over the whole field of natural
science. This was the conception that brought about the
revolution in science that culminated in the 17th century,
and so, while the present chapter is concerned with the
13th century scientific system itself, the two following
chapters will give an account of the two traditions of scien-
tific activity, the technical and the theoretical, that made
possible the transition to the new scientific system of the

17th century.
For the system of scientific thought accepted in the 13th
century to become fully intelligible to the 20th century
reader it is necessary to understand the nature of the ques-
tions it was designed to answer. The natural philosopher of
the 13th century regarded the investigation of the physical
world as part of a single philosophical activity concerned
with the search for reality and truth. The purpose of his
inquiry was to discover the enduring and intelligible reality
behind the changes undergone by the world perceived
through the senses. Exactly the same problem had, in fact,
been the main preoccupation of the philosophers of ancient
Greece, and their answer had been the conception of 'sub-
stance' as the identity persisting through change. This
identity Plato had recognised as the universal idea or 'form'
of a thing (see note on p. 28) and Aristotle had adopted
this idea of form from Plato, though modifying it in vari-
ous important ways. What makes sense of the general
principles of 13th-century science, then, is the realisation
that the aim of scientific investigation was to define the
substance underlying and causing observed effects.
It was conception of substance that domi-
Aristotle's
nated 13th-century science and this is best understood by
starting with his conception of the methodological struc-
ture of science. According to Aristotle, scientific investiga-
tion and explanation was a two-fold process, the first
inductive and the second deductive. The investigator must

begin with what was prior in the order of knowing, that is,
with facts perceived through the senses, and he must pro-
ceed by induction to include his observations in a general-
isation which would eventually lead him to the universal
form. These forms were the intelligible and real identity
and causing the changes observed; there-
persisting through
fore, though most remote from sensory experience, they
were 'prior in the order of nature/ The object of the first,
inductive, process in natural science was to define these

forms, for such a definition could then become the starting-
point for the second process, that by which the observed
effectswere shown by deduction to follow from this defini-
tion and so were explained by being demonstrated from
a prior and more general principle which was their cause.
The definition of the form was necessary before demon-
stration could begin because all effects were considered
to be attributes of some substance, and the cause of an
effect was shown when the effect could be predicated as an
attribute of a defined substance. This definition would in-
clude everything about a thing, its colour, size, shape,
relations with other things, etc. No attribute, that is, no
effect or event, could exist unless it inhered in some sub-
stance and, indeed, attributes and substance could be
separated only in thought. In other words, it was essential
to Aristotle's conception of scientific demonstration to re-
duce all science to subject-predicate propositions.- This con-
ception was to prove a most inconvenient framework in
which to deal with many scientific problems that can be
properly expressed only in terms of relations, as the early
history of the modern science of motion was to show.
Aristotle described the process by which the form was
discovered by induction as a process of abstraction from
the data provided by the senses, and he held that there
were three degrees of abstraction which revealed three dif-
ferent aspects of reality. These corresponded to the sciences
of physics (or natural science), mathematics and meta-
physics. The subject-matter of physics was change and mo-
tion as exemplified in material things; the subjects con-
sideredby mathematics were abstracted from change and
from matter but could exist only as attributes of material
things; metaphysics considered immaterial substances with
an independent existence. This classification raised the im-
portant question of the role of mathematics in explaining
physical events. The subjects considered by mathematics,
Aristotle said, were abstract, quantitative aspects of ma-
terial things. Therefore, different mathematical sciences
had subordinate to them certain physical sciences, in the
sense that a mathematical science could often provide the
reason for facts observed in those material things, facts
provided by physical science. Thus geometry could provide
the reason for, or explain, facts provided by optics and
astronomy, and the study of arithmetical proportions could
explain the facts of musical harmony. Mathematics, being
an abstraction from change, could provide no knowledge
of the cause of the observed events. It could merely

describe their mathematical aspects. In other words,
mathematics alone could never provide an adequate defi-
nition of the substance, or, as it was called in the Middle
Ages, 'substantial form/ causing the change, because it
dealt only with mathematical attributes; an adequate defi-
nition of the causal substance could be reached only by
considering all attributes, non-mathematical as well as
mathematical. And, Aristotle held, qualitative differences
as between flesh and bone, between one colour and an-
other, and between motion up, down and in a circle could
not be reduced simply to differences in geometry. This was
a point on which Aristotle differed from Plato and the
Greek atomists.
The science that considered the cause of change and
motion, then, was physics. In putting forward an explana-
tion that would account intelligibly for change as such,
Aristotle attempted to avoid the defects which he con-
sidered had vitiated the explanations advanced by some
of his predecessors (see note on p. 28). Thus, as he did
not accept Plato's theory that the forms of physical things
existed apart from them, he could not explain change by
the aspiration of physical things to be like their eternal
archetypes. Nor could he fall back on the atomist's ex-
planation of change by the rearrangement of atoms in the
void, for he could see no reason why there should be any
limit to the division of physical bodies (or, indeed, of any
other continuum whether of space, time or motion). For
him the conception of void, which the atomists had con-
sidered as emptiness, or 'non-being/ between the atoms of
substance, or 'being/ was untenable. 'Non-being' could not
exist. His own explanation of change was to introduce be-
tween being and non-being a third state of potentiality,

and to say that change was the actualisation of attributes
potential within any given physical thing because of that
thing's nature. Attributes which were at any given time
potential were as much part of a substance as those which
were at that time actual.
Aristotle's conception of the cause of changes can be
understood by considering his discussion of phusis or 'na-
ture'; the science of physics was in fact the science of
'nature' in a specific and technical sense. In a famous pas-
sage in the Laws (book 10), Plato had accused philosophers
of leading youth away from the gods by teaching that this
beautiful universe, the regularity of the heavenly move-
ments, and the human soul arose 'not because of any mind,
nor because of God, nor by art (techne), but, as we may
say, by nature (phusis) and chance (tuche)J Plato in-
sisted that the material universe was the product of the
art of God. In his Physics (book 2), Aristotle -made this
three-fold division of the causes of nature his starting-point
for the rehabilitation of phusis and of the naturalistic
theories of the pre-Socratic philosophers.
The older philosophers, he said, had correctly applied
the term phusis to the matter out of which things are
made, but by applying it only to the matter they had made
it impossible to account for the cause of change. He there-
fore introduced the notion of phusis as an active principle,
whose spontaneous activity was the intrinsic source of the
characteristic and regular behaviour of each natural thing;
a natural spontaneity, he asserted with characteristic
empiricism, that was directly observable in all the bodies
we experienced. To phusis or 'nature' as the spontaneous
intrinsic source ofchange and of rest Aristotle applied the
term 'form'; and for him 'matter' connoted the passive
principle implying the potentiality to receive the attributes
that became actual with the form. The 'nature' of a thing
in both senses implied a substance in which it inhered;
the form and the matter determined the 'nature' of the
substance. A thing behaved 'naturally' when it behaved
according to the nature of its intrinsic principle of change;
otherwise its behaviour was forced upon it, as when a stone
was thrown upwards against its natural tendency to go
down. Such unnatural motion was known as forced or com-
pulsory or violent.
This two-fold conception of nature as both active and
passive involved further problems and distinctions, which
were discussed and developed by the scholastics. In the
first place, a 'natural' potentiality implied one that in-

trinsically tended towards perfect natural realisation; in
other words, it implied movement towards an end. The
operation of final causality in this way was essential to the
whole Aristotelian conception of nature. The substance or
'substantial form,' as not only the intelligible aspect of a
thing but also as the active source of its behaviour, had a
natural tendency or 'appetite' to fulfil its nature or form
whether, as in living things, this might be the adult into
which the embryo developed, or, as in the terrestrial ele-
ments, the 'natural' place in the universe (see below, pp.
75-77)- To realise that end was to possess positively the
natural potentialities in their full actuality, and so the
'nature' was the active source not only of natural change
or motion but also of natural completion, or rest.
But it is clear that the passive potentialities could be
actualised only by some active agent, a principle which
Aristotle expressed in the well-known axiom of the Physics,
book 7: 'Everything that is moved must be moved by some-
thing' (see below, pp. 76, 114-15, Vol. II, p. 47 et seq.).
This agent, according to Aristotle, might be an intrinsic
source of activity, as in living things, which moved them-
selves, and in the spontaneous natural activity of inanimate
substances, as when a stone fell naturally to the ground.
And between these two intrinsic sources the important dis-
tinction (the subject of considerable discussion) had to
be made between the movements that were actively ini-
tiated by the 'souls' of living things, and the movements of
inanimate things, which were not initiated by them but
simply took place given the necessary external conditions.
The 'soul' of a living thing was thus the 'efficient cause'
of its movement; the efficient cause of the spontaneous
activity of an inanimate thing, on the other hand, was
strictly speaking the agency that originally brought it into
existence as that kind of thing.
Or the agent might be something external to the body
in change, as in forced or 'violent' motion, for example
when a boy threw a ball, or in natural change when po-
tential attributes were made actual by contact with another
substance in which they were actual, as wood burned when
brought into contact with an already burning fire.
In accordance with these considerations, Aristotle dis-
tinguished four kinds of cause, of which two, the mate-
rial and formal, defined the substance undergoing change,
and two, the efficient and final, actually produced the

movement. What he meant by each of these causes is
clearly seen in his view of the generation of animals. He
believed that the female contributed no germ or ovum but
simply the passive matter out of which the embryo was
made. This passive matter was the material cause. The
efficient cause was the father whose seed acted as the in-
strument which started the process of growth. The male
seed also carried to the female matter the specific form
that determined what kind of animal the embryo would
become. This form was the formal cause, and since it
represented the final adult state to which development
would proceed, it was also the final cause.
All changes of any kind whatever, of colour, growth,
spatial relations or any other attribute, Aristotle explained
on the same principle that attributes which had been po-
tential became actual. Even the property of suffering
eclipses was an attribute of the moon to be included in the
definition of the moon's substance. And it is important to
remember that the term 'motion' (motus) applied not
only to change of place— local motion— but to change of any
kind whatever.
Aristotle distinguished four different kinds of change:
(1) local motion, (2) growth or decrease, (3) alteration
or change of quality, and (4) substantial change which took
place during the process of generation and corruption. In
the first three the perceptible identity of the thing per-
sisted throughout; in the fourth the changing thing lost

all its old attributes and in fact became a new substance.
This he explained by pushing the idea of substance as the
persisting identity to its and conceiving it to be
ideal limit
pure potentiality, capable of determination by any form
and having no independent existence. This pure poten-
tiality was called by the medieval scholastics materia prima.
Any given material thing could then be thought of as

materia prima determined by a form.
An opinion of Aristotle's based on his idea of substance,
which was to be the subject of some very important discus-
sions in the 14th century, was his conception of infinity.
He held that infinity, whether of the division or addition
of time or of material things, was a potentiality implying
that there was no assignable limit to the process concerned.
Time, whether past or future, could have no limit assigned
to it, so thaUthe duration of the universe was infinite. But
every material thing had a definite size determined by its
form. In discussing the possibility of the existence of an
infinitely small body he said that the division of material
things could potentially go on to infinity, but this poten-
tiality could never become actual. An infinitely large
material body, that is, an however,
infinite universe, was,
not even a potentiality, for the universe was a sphere of
finite size.
The conception by Aristotle
of substance as developed
was the from the 13th to
basis of all natural explanation
the 17th century, but even after Aristotle's ideas had be-
come generally accepted they were still subject to criticism
from Neoplatonists. The main difference between Aris-
totle's view of matter and that which had been put forward
by such Neoplatonists as St. Augustine and Erigena con-
cerned the nature of the substance that persisted through
substantial change. For these Neoplatonists this persisting
substance was actual extension, that is pure potentiality (or
materia prima) determined by spatial dimensions, and this
underlay all other attributes of material things; for Aris-
totle it was simply pure potentiality. With some Arab
philosophers such as Avicenna, al-Ghazzali and Averroes
and the Spanish Rabbi Avicebron, the Neoplatonic theory
of matter took the form that every material thing possessed
a 'common corporeity' making it extended, and, according
to Avicebron, this corporeity was continuous through the
universe.The importance of this theory was that it intro-
duced the possibility of extending the use of mathematics
to the whole of natural science, as is shown, for example,
in the speculations of Robert Grosseteste (c. 1168-1253).
He identified the common corporeity of the Neoplatonists
with which had the property of dilating itself from
light,
a point in all directions and was thus the cause of all
extension. He held that the universe arose from a point

of light which by auto-diffusion generated the spheres of
the four elements and the heavenly bodies and conferred
on matter its form and dimensions. From this he con-
cluded that the laws of geometrical optics were the founda-
tion of physical reality and that mathematics was essential
to the understanding of nature.
This problem of the use of mathematics in explaining
the physical world remained, in fact, one of the central
methodological problems, and was in many ways the cen-
tral problem of natural science down to the 17th century.
Even in the 12th century a prominent place had been
given to mathematics in the teaching of the seven liberal
arts. For example, Hugh of St. Victor, author of one of the
most important classifications of science relying on purely

Latin sources, insisted that mathematics should be learnt
before physics and was essential to it, even though
mathematics was concerned with entities abstracted from
physical things. Essentially the same view was taken by
Dominicus Gundissalinus, author of the most influential
12th-century classification of science based on Arabic
sources, most of his ideas being taken from Alfarabi. The
mid-i3th-century writer Robert Kilwardby (d. 1279), who
used both Latin and Arabic sources in his classification of
science, also paid special attention to the relation of the
mathematical disciplines to physics, but maintained the
Aristotelian distinction between them. Geometry, he said,
abstracted from all aspects of physical bodies except the
formal cause and considered that alone; the consideration
of moving causes was the prerogative of physics. With the
gradually increasing success of mathematics in solving con-
crete problems in physical science the reality of the sharp
line that Aristotle had drawn between the two disciplines
came slowly to be doubted. Indeed, from one point of view,
the whole history of European science from the 12th to the
17th century can be regarded as a gradual penetration of
mathematics (combined with the experimental method)
into fields previously believed to be the exclusive preserve
of 'physics.'
(2) COSMOLOGY AND ASTRONOMY

Not only Aristotle's theory of substance and fundamental
on the
principles of-scientific explanation, but also his ideas
actual structure of the dominated European
universe,
thought in the 13th century. Aristotle's cosmology was
founded on naive observation and common sense and it
had two fundamental principles: (1) that the behaviour
of things was due to qualitatively determined forms or 'na-
tures,' and (2) that the totality of these 'natures' was ar-
ranged to form a hierarchically ordered whole or cosmos.
This cosmos or universe had many features in common
with that of Plato and of the astronomers Eudoxus and
Callippus (4th century B.C.); all had taught that the
cosmos was spherical and consisted of a number of con-
centric spheres, the outermost being the sphere of the fixed
stars, with the earth fixed in the centre; but Aristotle's
system showed various refinements.
Aristotle's cosmos was a vast but finite sphere centred
upon the centre of the earth and bounded by the sphere of
the fixed stars, which was also the 'prime mover,' the
primum movens of the scholastics, the originative source
of all movement within the universe (PI. I). Fixed in
the centre of the universe was the spherical earth, and sur-
rounding it concentrically were a series of spheres like the
skins of an onion. First came the spherical envelopes of
the other three terrestrial elements, water, air and fire,
respectively. Surrounding the sphere of fire were the
crystalline spheres in which were embedded and carried
round, respectively, the moon, Mercury, Venus, the sun,
Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, which made up the seven
'planets.' Beyond the sphere of the last planet came that
of the fixed stars, and beyond this last sphere— nothing.
Thus each kind of body or substance in this universe
had a place that was natural to it and a natural motion in
relation to that place. Movement took place with reference
to a fixed point, the centre of the earth at the centre of the
universe, and there was a qualitative difference between
the movements of a given body in one direction rather
than in another in relation to that point. The natural be-
haviour of bodies depended, therefore, on their actual
place within the universe as well as on the substance of
which they were composed. The sphere of the moon di-
vided the universe into two sharply distinct regions, the
terrestrial and the celestial. Bodies in the former region
were subject to all the four kinds of change, and the kind
of motion that was natural to them was in a straight line
towards their natural place in the sphere of the element
of which they were composed. To be in that place was the
fulfilment of their 'nature' and there they could be at rest.
This was why to someone standing on the earth some sub-
stances, for example, fire, whose natural place was up-
wards, seemed light, while other substances, for example,
earth, whose natural place was downwards, seemed heavy.
These directions represented an absolute up and down and
the tendency to move up or down depended on the nature
of the substance of which a particular body was com-
posed. Plato had postulated the same kind of movement,
but had explained it rather differently.
From the sphere of the moon outwards bodies were com-
posed of a fifth element or 'quintessence' which was in-
generable and incorruptible and underwent only one kind
of change, uniform motion in a circle, being a kind of mo-
tion that could persist eternally in a finite universe. This
kind of motion Plato had said to be the most perfect of
all, and his dictum that the motions of the heavenly bodies
must be resolved into uniform circular motions was to

dominate astronomy until the end of the 16th century.
The spheres of the planets and stars composed of this celes-
element revolved round the central earth.
tial fifth
Motion as such Aristotle had regarded, as he did all

other kinds of change, as a process of becoming from a
state of privation and motion
potentiality (in the case of
this is rest) to actualisation. Such a process of change re-
quired a cause and so every moving body required for its
movement either an intrinsic principle of motion, as in the
case of natural movement, or an external mover, as in the
case of unnatural or forced movement (see above, pp.
69-72; below, pp. 114-15, Vol. II, p. 47 et seq.). As Aris-
totle expressed it in the Physics, book 8, chapter 4:
If then the^ motion of all things that are in motion is
either natural or unnatural and violent, and all things

whose motion is violent and unnatural are moved by
something, and something other than themselves, and
again all things whose motion is natural are moved by
something— both those that are moved by themselves
[scil. living things] and those that are not moved by
themselves (e.g. light things and heavy things, which are

moved either by that which brought the thing into exist-
ence as such and made it light and heavy, or by that
which released what was hindering and preventing it);
then all things that are in motion must be moved by
something.
This conclusion, and the distinction between light and

heavy elements, Aristotle justified by the direct observa-
tions that bodies do come to rest if nothing continues to
push them and that when released on earth some bodies
do rise while others fall. The velocity of movement was
supposed to be proportional to the moving force or power.
With the celestial spheres the original source of motion
was the primum movens which moved itself, Aristotle
said somewhat obscurely, by 'aspiring' to the eternal un-
moved activity of God, eternal uniform circular motion
being the nearest approach to that state possible for a
physical body. In order that this 'aspiration' might be pos-
sible he had to suppose that this sphere had some sort
of 'soul.' Indeed, he assigned 'souls' to all the spheres and
this was the origin of the hierarchy of Intelligences or
Motors that Arabic Neoplatonism was to attach to the
spheres. Motion was communicated from the primum
movens to the sphere inside it, the primum mobile, and so
to the inner spheres.
With terrestrial bodies moving towards their natural
place in the sublunary region the mover was their own
'nature' or 'substantial form/ whose fulfilment it was to
be at rest in that place. There bodies would remain eter-
nally were it not for two further agencies: the generation
of substances outside their natural places by the transfor-
mation of one terrestrial element into another, and Vio-
lence' due to an external mover. The ultimate cause of both
these agencies was in fact the same, namely, the progress of
the sun on its annual course round the ecliptic which, it
was thought, produced periodic transformations of the ele-
ments into one another (see Fig. 3). The movement of
these newly generated elements towards their natural place
was the principal source of Violence' in the regions through
which they passed.
This generation of elements outside their natural places
was also the reason why the actual bodies found in the
terrestrial region were usually not pure but made up of a
compound of the four elements: for example, ordinary fire
or water were compounds in which the pure elements with

those names, respectively, dominated. And further, the an-
nual motion of the sun was held to be the cause of the
seasonal generation, growth and decay of plants and ani-
mals. Thus change and motion in the universe was
all
ultimately caused by the primum movens. The remainder

of this chapter will be devoted to a description of the ex-
planations given, during the hundred years or more after
the introduction of the Aristotelian system in the 13th cen-
tury, of the different kinds of change observed in the
astronomy
different parts of the universe, beginning with
and passing through the sciences concerned with the in-
termediate regions to finish with biology.
Thirteenth-century astronomy was, on its theoretical

side, concerned mainly with a debate as to the relative
merits of physical as compared with mathematical theories
in accounting for the phenomena. The former were repre-
sented by Aristotle's explanations, the latter by Ptolemy's,
and was an old one: it began in
in fact the debate itself
later Greek times and had passed through various vicissi-
tudes among the Arabs. Both the Aristotelian and the
Ptolemaic systems were known in the Latin West by the
beginning of the 13th century. The controversy was opened
by Michael Scot with his translation, in 1217, of the 12th-
century Arab astronomer Alpetragius' Liber Astronomice,
in which the-Arab had tried to revive the waning fortunes
of Aristotelian astronomy in face of the more accurate sys-
tem of Ptolemy.
All ancient and medieval systems of astronomy were
based on Plato's dictum that the observed movements of
the heavenly bodies must be resolved into uniform circular
motions. Aristotle had attempted to account for the facts
by means of his system of concentric spheres. The geomet-
rical refinements of this system he in fact took from
Eudoxus and Callippus, but he tried to give physical reality

to the geometrical devices with which they had accounted
for the irregular movements, the 'stations' and 'retrograda-
tions,' of the seven 'planets' as observed against the back-
ground of the fixed stars. Following Eudoxus and Callip-
pus he postulated for each planet not one but a system of
spheres (Fig. 1). He supposed then that the axis of the
sphere actually bearing the planet was itself attached to the
inside of another rotating sphere, whose own axis was at-
tached to a third, and so on. By postulating a sufficient
number of spheres, arranging the axes at suitable angles
and varying the rates of rotation, he was able to represent
the observations to a fair approximation. The motion of
the primum movens was communicated to the inner
spheres mechanically by the contact of each sphere with
that inside it, and this contact also prevented a void from
occurring between the spheres. In order to prevent any
sphere associated with a particular planet from imposing
its motion on all the spheres beneath it, he introduced,
between each planet's system and that of the next planet,

compensating spheres which rotated about the same axis
80 THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUG HT
<fc
*<£,
wPf>
fig. i The system of concentric spheres used by Eudoxus

and Aristotle to explain the motion of a planet F, with the
axes all placed to the plane of the paper. Supposing P to
be Saturn, the outermost sphere is the stellar sphere, which
rotates daily from East to West about a North-South axis
passing through the centre of the stationary earth E y and
accounts for the daily rising and setting of the "ftxedT stars
and of the planet. Inside this sphere come three spheres
which account for the annual motions of the planet against
the background of the fixed stars on the stellar sphere.
Sphere (1) accounts for the planet's annual motion from
West to East in a great circle round the zodiac. Its axis is
inclined to that of the stellar sphere at about the same
IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 8l
and with the same period as one of the planetary spheres

of the external system, but in the opposite direction. In
allthere were 55 planetary and compensating spheres and
one stellar sphere, making a total of 56. Further spheres
were added after Aristotle's time: the primum movens was
separated as a further sphere outside that of the fixed stars;
and some medieval writers, such as William of Auvergne
(c. 1180-1249), placed beyond the primum movens yet
another sphere, an immobile Empyrean, the abode of the

saints.
One weakness of all the systems postulating that the
universe was made up of a series of concentric spheres was
that they had to assume that the distance of each heavenly
body from the earth was invariable. This assumption made
it impossible to account, simply by means of orbits, for a
number of obvious phenomena, in particular the variations

in the apparent brightness of the planets and in the ap-
parent diameter of the moon, and the fact that solar
eclipses were sometimes total and sometimes annular.
Later Greek astronomers had tried to account for these
facts by devising different systems, and the most important
of these was that devised by Hipparchus in the 2nd century
angle as the zodiacal band makes with the celestial equa-

tor, which is the equator of the stellar sphere (cf. Plate I,
and Fig. 3). Spheres (2) and (3) account for the annual
stations and retrogradation of the planet and also for some
change in latitude. The poles of sphere (2) lie in the zodia-
cal band; i.e., the equator of sphere (1). Spheres (2) and
(3) rotate in opposite directions in equal times, with their
speeds of rotation and the angle of inclination of the axis
of (3) to that of (2) varying with different planets. The
planet P is carried on equator of sphere (3) The combined
.
motion of (2) and (3) causes P to describe a curve knoum

in Greek as the "hippopede" (or "hobble") in fact a spheri-
,
cal lemniscate, which bears a fair resemblance to the ap-

parent looping motion of the planets. The spheres of the
next planet, Jupiter, would come inside the sphere carrying
Saturn, the outermost sphere in Jupiter's set repeating the
daily rotation of the stellar sphere. Inside Jupiter would
come the spheres of the remaining planets.
b.c. and later adopted by Ptolemy in the 2nd century a.d.
This was the most accurate and the most widely accepted
astronomical system known in classical antiquity and in
the Arab world. The treatise of Ptolemy's in which it was
described, which in the Middle Ages went under the Latin-
ised Arabic name of Almagest, was to dominate astronomi-
cal thinking on its mathematical side in the West until
the time of Copernicus.
The astronomical system expounded by Ptolemy in the
Almagest has often been interpreted, for example by Heath
and Duhem, as merely a geometrical device by means of
which to account for the observed phenomena, or 'save the
appearances/ But it cannot be said without qualification
that this was Ptolemy's own view. The assumption with
which he began, that the heavens are spherical in form
and rotate as a sphere, that the earth is at the centre of
this sphere and is motionless, that the heavenly bodies
move in circles, were certainly not arbitrary assumptions,
for without trying to prove them absolutely, he tried to
make them as plausible as possible. In fact in his choice of
assumptions and hypotheses Ptolemy was guided, it seems,
by the reverse of arbitrary criteria, but rather by physical
and metaphysical considerations which he regarded as em-
pirically sound. In its physical conceptions his system was
in fact basically Aristotelian, and Aristotle's influence may
be read directly in the preface to the Almagest; but he
supported it by empirical arguments showing as close a
reliance on immediate direct observation as Aristotle him-

self. A good example is his discussion of the earth's im-
mobility and his rejection of the hypothesis of Aristarchus

of Samos, who had supposed that the earth spun on its
axis and revolved round the sun, while the sun and the
fixed stars remained at rest. This hypothesis, Ptolemy ad-
mitted, might allow the motions of the stars to be cal-
culated with greater mathematical simplicity, but it was
so completely contradicted by the immediate appearances
that it had to be rejected. He never seems to have thought
of explaining the immediate appearances away.
The mathematical aspects of his system Ptolemy based
on the principle attributed to Plato, writing: 'We believe

that the necessary purpose and aim of the mathemati-
it is
cian to show forth all the appearances of the heavens as

products of regular and circular motions/ This principle
again he attempted to justify by an appeal to direct ob-
servation, for all the heavenly bodies do in fact return in
theirmotions to their original positions. But it must be
admitted that in his planetary theory Ptolemy used geo-
metrical devices which subordinated questions of the
actual physical paths of the planets, and the accepted prin-
ciples of Aristotelian physics, to accuracy of calculation.
This is the source of his reputation as a scientific 'conven-
tionalist/
Ptolemy used two different devices. The first, the device
of the movable eccentric, was to suppose that the planets
moved in a circle about a point, not at the centre of the
earth, but somewhere on a line joining the centre of the
earth with the sun. This eccentric point moved in a circle
round the earth. The second device, that of the epicycle,
which Ptolemy showed to be the geometrical equivalent of
the movable eccentric, was to suppose that a planet moved
in a circle about a centre, which itself moved in another
circle of which the centre was stationary with respect to
the earth, although not necessarily on it (Fig. 2). The
inner circle was known as the deferent and the outer one,
carrying the planet, as the epicycle. There was no limit to
the number of circles that could be postulated in order to
'save the appearances/ In one point, in allowing that the
linear velocity of the centre of the epicycle about the
deferent might not be uniform, Ptolemy departed from
Plato's dictum that only uniform circular motions could
be used, if this is to be taken as applying to lateral veloc-
ities; but he made some attempt to preserve orthodoxy by
making the angular velocity uniform about a point, the

equant, inside the deferent though not necessarily at its
centre.
By
suitable arrangements of circles Ptolemy was able,
inmost respects, to give a very accurate description of the
movements or 'appearances' of the planets. To account for
E-W da,/y
fig. 2 The geometrical device of the epicycle in Ptolemy's

system for the motion of a planet P. The daily motion of
all the planets is produced by the whole system sharing in
the daily rotation of the stellar sphere from East to West.
The irregular journey of each planet round the ecliptic as
viewed from the earth (cf. Fig. 3) is reproduced by sup-
posing that while the planet travels round the epicycle
centred at C, this centre itself travels round the deferent
centred at D. The latter point does not coincide with the
centre of the earth E; and C moves uniformly neither about
D nor E but about a third point, the equant Q, chosen
precisely to help to reproduce the apparently non-uniform
another observed phenomenon, the precession of the equi-

noxes (that is, the steady increase in longitude of a star
while its latitude remains unaltered), he supposed in a

further work, his Hypotheses of the Planets, that outside
the stellar sphere (the 8th in his system) there was a 9th
sphere which imparted to the stellar sphere its diurnal
motion from East to West, while the stellar sphere itself,
together with the spheres of the planets, rotated slowly in

the opposite direction with respect to the 9th sphere.
When later "the primum movens was separated from
the stellar sphere, it became a distinct 10th sphere beyond
this 9th. An erroneous theory that the equinoxes did not
precess but oscillated, or 'trepidated/ about an average
position was advanced in the 9th century by an Arabic
astronomer, Thabit ibn Qurra, and gave rise to consider-
velocity of the planet. The planet has a uniform angular

velocity about Q, so that CQ
sweeps out equal angles in
equal times. The planet's irregular path through the fixed
stars, as seen from the earth on successive days, is then
described by the broken line, the positions of P on this path
which correspond to those of C on the deferent being in-
dicated by the numbers. The planet's "stations," when to
an observer on the earth it seems to have stopped moving,
occur about positions 3 and 5; and between 3 and 5 it
seems to move backward, this being called a "retrograda-
tion." With the upper planets, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn,
which are placed outside the sun, the centre C of the
epicycle revolves round the deferent with the proper pe-
riod for each planet's orbit round the ecliptic, while the
planet revolves annually on its epicycle, this accounting for
the annual irregularities (cf. Plate I, and Vol. II, Fig. 6).
With the lower planets, Mercury and Venus, it is the
epicycle that accounts for the proper period and the defer-
ent that accounts for the annual irregularities. The sun it-
self revolves in an eccentric circle without an epicycle. The
lower planets and the moon require somewhat more com-
plex devices than the upper planets. In all cases accuracy
could be increased by adding further spheres, giving ad-
ditional components of motion to the deferent, or by add-
ing further epicycles, the planet being carried on the outer-
most epicycle.
able controversy in Europe from the 13th to the 16th
century.
When the natural philosophers and astronomers of
Western Christendom were confronted with the choice be-
tween the 'physical' system of Aristotle and the 'mathe-
matical' system of Ptolemy, they at first hesitated, as in
fact had the Greeks and Arabs before them. Ptolemy him-
self, after writing his mathematical Almagest, in which he
was prepared to treat certain astronomical theories as con-
venient geometrical devices of which the simplest consist-
ent with the appearances was to be used, later wrote
another book, the Hypotheses of the Planets. In this he
attempted to produce a system which would give a physi-
cal, mechanical explanation of the heavenly movements
(PI. II). The Ptolemaic system was quickly recognised

early in the 13th century as being the best geometrical
device for 'saving the appearances/ and practical astron-
omers favoured it as being the only system capable of serv-
ing as the basis of numerical tables. But a desire was felt for
a system that would both and also

'save the appearances'
describe the 'real' paths of the heavenly bodies and ac-
count for the cause of their movements. Regarded in this
light Ptolemy's eccentrics and epicycles were clearly inade-
quate themselves, and his system conflicted with a num-
ber of important principles of the only adequate system of
physics known, that of Aristotle. In the first place, the
theory of epicycles was not compatible with Aristotle's
theory that circular motion required a solid fixed centre
round which to revolve; and secondly, Ptolemy's explana-
tion of precession would require that the stellar sphere had
two different motions at the same time, and this was in
conflict with Aristotle's principle that contradictory attri-
butes cannot inhere in the same substance at the same
time. Yet, although Ptolemy's system had these serious
physical defects from which Aristotle's astronomical sys-
tem was free, the latter was clearly inferior as a mathemati-
cal description of the observed facts.
The attitude taken to this dilemma in the second half of
the 13th century seems to have been determined by that
taken in the 6th century a.d. by the Greek philosopher
Simplicius in his commentaries on Aristotle's Physics and
De Ccelo. A passage quoted by Simplicius in book 2, chap-
ter 2 of his commentary on the Physics both expressed
the failure of the Greeks after Aristotle to find a single
system uniting astronomy with physics and dynamics, and
clearly announced that the discovery of the true physical
system was the ultimate objective of the science of motion
in the heavens as on the earth. He wrote:
Alexander carefully quotes a certain passage by

Geminus taken from his Summary of the Meteorologica
of Posidonius; Geminus' account, which is inspired by
the views of Aristotle, is as follows:
'It is the business of physical inquiry to consider the
substance of the heaven and the stars, their force and
quality, their coming into being, and their destruction;
it is in a position even to prove the facts about their size,
shape and arrangement. Astronomy, on the other hand,

does not attempt to speak of anything of this kind, but
proves the arrangement of the heavenly bodies by con-
siderations based on the view that the heaven is a real
Cosmos, and, further, it tells us of the shapes and sizes
and distances of the earth, sun, and moon, and of
eclipses and conjunctions of the stars, as well as of the
quality and extent of their movements. Accordingly, as
it is connected with the investigation of quantity, size,
and quality of form or shape, it naturally stood in need,

in this way, of arithmetic and geometry. The things,
then, of which alone astronomy claims to give an ac-
count it is able to establish by means of arithmetic and
geometry. Now in many cases the astronomer and the
physicist will propose to prove the same point, e.g. that
the sun is of great size, or that the earth is spherical; but
they will not proceed by the same road. The physicist
will prove each fact by considerations of essence or sub-
stance, of force, of its being better that things should
be as they are, or of coming into being and change; the
astronomer will prove them by the properties of figures
OO THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
or magnitudes, or by the amount of movement and the
time that is appropriate to it. Again, the physicist will,
in many the cause by looking to creative
cases, reach
force; but the astronomer when he proves facts from
external conditions, is not qualified to judge of the cause,
as when, for instance, he declares the earth or the stars
to be spherical. Sometimes he does not even desire to
ascertain the cause, as when he
discourses about an
eclipse; at other times he by way of hypothesis,
invents,
and states certain expedients by the assumption of
which the phenomena will be saved. For example, why
do the sun, the moon, and the planets appear to move
irregularly? Wemay answer that, if we assume that their
orbits are eccentric circles, or that the stars describe an
epicycle, their apparent irregularity will be saved; and it
will be necessary to go further, and examine in how
many different ways it is possible for these phenomena
to be brought about, so that we may bring our theory
concerning the planets into agreement with that ex-
planation of the causes which follows an admissible
method. Hence we actually find a certain person 1 [Hera-
elides of Pontus] coming forward and saying that, even
on the assumption that the earth moves in a certain way,
while the sun is in a certain way at rest, the apparent
irregularity with reference to the sun can be saved. For
it is no part of the business of an astronomer to know
what is by nature suited to a position of rest, and what

sort of bodies are apt to move, but he introduces hy-
potheses under which some bodies remain fixed, while
others move, and then considers to which hypotheses the
phenomena actually observed in the heaven will corre-
spond. But he must go to the physicist for his first
principles, namely that the movements of the stars are
simple, uniform, and ordered, and by means of these
principles he will then prove that the rhythmic motion
of all alike is in circles, some being turned in parallel
circles, others in oblique circles/ Such is the account
1 It is the theory of Aristarchus of Samos that is actually de-

scribed. The translation of the whole passage is by Heath.
given by Geminus, or Posidonius in Geminus, of the

between physics and astronomy, wherein the
distinction
commentator is inspired by the views of Aristotle.
The influence of these views is clearly seen in a distinc-

tion drawn by Thomas Aquinas, who pointed out in the
Summa Theologica, part 1, question 32, article 1, that
there was a difference between a hypothesis which must
necessarilybe true and one which merely fitted the facts.
Physical (or metaphysical)hypotheses were of the first
type, mathematical hypotheses of the second. He said:
For anything a system may be induced in a double fash-

ion. One way is for proving some principle as in natural
science where sufficient reason can be brought to show
that the motions of the heavens are always of uniform
velocity. In the other way, reasons may be adduced
which do not sufficiently prove the principle, but which
may show that the effects which follow agree with that
principle, as in astronomy a system of eccentrics and
epicycles is posited because this assumption enables the
sensible phenomena of the celestial motions to be ac-
counted for. But not a sufficient proof, because
this is
possibly another hypothesis might also be able to ac-

count for them.
A few years later such writers as Bernard of Verdun and

Giles of Rome 1247-1316) were asserting that astro-
(c.
nomical hypotheses must be constructed primarily with a

view to explaining the observed facts, and that experimen-
tal evidence must settle the controversy between the
Aristotelian and Ptolemaic 'mathematicians/

'physicists'
And according to Giles, when there were a number of
equally possible hypotheses, the one to be chosen was the
simplest. These two principles of 'saving the appearances'
and of simplicity were to guide theoretical astronomy down
to the time of Kepler and beyond.
By the end of the 13 th century the concentric system of
Aristotle had been discarded in Paris in the light of practi-
cal experience, and the Ptolemaic system became generally
accepted. Some attempt was made to bring this astronomi-
cal system into line with physics by taking over the product
of Ptolemy's later thought, and by considering the eccentric
planetary spheres as solid spheres of the fifth element
within each of which the epicycles might revolve.
The controversies between the different schools of
astronomy by no means came to an end at once. Even in
the 13th century at least one astronomer had shown a
tendency to branch out with an entirely new hypothesis.
Pietro d'Abano, in his Lucidator Astronomice, suggested
that the stars were not borne on a sphere but were moving
freely in space. In the 14th century, the even more radical
innovation of considering the earth instead of the heavenly
spheres to revolve was discussed by Jean Buridan and by
Nicole Oresme, though the first reference to this theory
occurs at the end of the 13th century in the writings of the
Franciscan Frangois de Meyronnes. This and other new
hypotheses discussed during the 14th and 15th centuries
may have been suggested by ancient Greek speculations, in
particularby the semi-heliocentric system postulated in the
4th century b.c. by Heraclides of Pontus, in which Venus
and Mercury revolved around the sun while the sun itself
revolved around the earth. This system was known in West-
ern Christendom through the writings of Macrobius and
Martianus Capella. (The completely heliocentric system
Samos was not
of the 3rd century b.c. by Aristarchus of
known in the Middle Ages, although it was known, for
example to Aquinas, that Aristarchus had taught such a
system.) These innovations were based largely on the
fundamental criticisms of Aristotle's physics that occurred
in the 14th century and discussion of them will therefore
be deferred to a later page (Vol. II, p. 35 et seq.).
As regards the practical astronomy of the 13th century,
the observations were made largely for the purpose of con-
structing tables for calculating dates, in particular of
Easter, for determining latitude and longitude, and for
astrological prediction. The last specially occupied the
Italians. At first the practical astronomy of medieval Chris-
tendom remained under Arab leadership. Omar Khayyam's
calendar of 1079 was at least as accurate as anything pro-

duced until the Gregorian reform of the calendar in 1 582,
and Arab instruments, observations, tables and maps re-
tained their superiority at least until the middle of the
13 th century. From that time the astronomy of Western
Christendom began to stand on its own feet. One of the
earliest independent observations in Western Christendom
was, in fact, made as early as 1091 or 1092, when Walcher
of Malvern observed an eclipse of the moon in Italy and,
by discovering the time it had been observed by a friend
in eastern England, determined the difference in longitude
between the two points. Another method for determining
longitude which was suggested in the 12th century by
Gerard of Cremona was to observe the position of the
moon at noon and, from the difference between that and
what would be expected from tables constructed for a
standard place, for example Toledo, to calculate the dif-
ference in longitude between the two places. But the ac-
curate determination of loagitude required accurate meas-
urement of time, and this only began to be possible in the
17th century. The determination of latitude, on the other
hand, could be made with an astrolabe by observing the
elevation of a star, or of the sun at noon. The Arabs had
made accurate measurements of latitude, taking as the
prime meridian (o) a point to the west of Toledo. Their
tables were adapted for various towns in Christendom, for
example London, Oxford and Hereford in England, and
further observations were also made in the West itself.
The astrolabe was the chief astronomical instrument of

both the Arab and the Latin astronomers of the Middle
Ages and was known as 'the mathematical jewel/ The ex-
tent of its use by Greek astronomers is problematical. Hip-
parchus in the 2nd century b.c. knew the underlying theory
of stereographic projection, but may not have known the
instrument itself; but Ptolemy in the 2nd century a.d. cer-
tainly knew the astrolabe as an instrument. In later Hel-
lenistic it diffused both eastwards and westwards,
times
possiblyfrom Alexandria. Western astrolabes derive from
the Moorish type found in Spain. The instrument was
mentioned by Gerbert in the late 10th century (if the
attribution of awork to him is correct) and by Radolf of
Li£ge in the early nth century, and it was described by
Hermann Contractus (the Lame) before 1048. One of the
best accounts of this Western type was written in English
in the second half of the 14th century by Geoffrey Chaucer,
in his Treatise on the Astrolabe.
The astrolabe was essentially an instrument for measur-
ing the angular distance between any two objects, and
thus it could be used for taking the elevation of a heavenly
body. It consisted of a graduated metal plate (usually of
brass) with a datum and a rotating pointer, called the
line
alidade, on which were two sights (Pis. IV, V). The
astrolabe was hung from a ring at the top of the diameter
at right angles to the datum line, which was thus the hori-
zon line, and, with this diameter always perpendicular to
the earth, the alidade was rotated to point at a particular
star whose altitude was read on the scale of degrees round
the outer edge of the instrument. With this information it
was possible to calculate time and determine north. The
advantage of the astrolabe was that these values could be
read off the instrument itself. For any particular latitude
the Pole Star always has approximately a constant altitude
and the other stars go round it. On the back of the plate
of the astrolabe was a vertical stereographic projection of
the celestial sphere on to a plane parallel to the equator
as observed at a particular latitudeon the earth, showing
the equinoctials, tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, merid-
ian, azimuths and almucantars (Fig. 3). Thus a different
plate was needed for each latitude. If the observed altitude
of a particular star were set to the corresponding altitude
as shown on the plate, every other star would be in its
correct position.Above this plate was a second plate, the
rete, which was elaborately cut away and formed a rotating
star map. On the rete was marked a circle which repre-
sented the ecliptic and so showed the position of the sun
relative to the stars for each day of the year. If the stars
were in their correct position, the position of the sun could

therefore be read off. The line connecting the position
Daily
rotation £>£ North
Po/e
South
Ce/esUa/^
Po/e
fig. 3 The celestial sphere. The observer on the earth re-

gards himself as being at the centre of the stellar sphere.
The position of a heavenly body can then be determined
by co-ordinates provided by systems of great circles of
which three were developed in antiquity. (1) The first
system related to the celestial poles. These are the points
is
on the stellar sphere which are pierced by the axis about
which this sphere appears to rotate daily, which is the same
as the axis of the earth. The celestial equator and the
tropics of Cancer and Capricorn all correspond to those of
the earth, and the circles of declination and right ascension
provide co-ordinates for determining the position of a point
on the celestial sphere corresponding respectively to lati-
tude and longitude. The latter is measured in degrees from
the spring equinox, from West to East. (2) The second sys-
tem is related to the ecliptic. The sun and all the planets
appear to move in one great circle, although with different
periods of revolution, when observed against the back-
of the sun with the position of the Pole Star was given
by turning the label (a pointer rotating about the point
representing the Pole Star), to the position of the sun. This
gave the direction of the sun in azimuth and marked off
time.
The astrolabe was most convenient in tropical latitudes
where the variation in the altitude of the sun is great, and
for this reason it was much used by the Arabs; for example,
for determining the hours of prayer in mosques and for
finding azimuths of the Qibla, that is, the direction to-
ground of the fixed stars on the stellar sphere. The sun,

having the most regular motion, is taken as defining this
circle, which is called the ecliptic, round the stellar sphere.
The planets stray on their orbits north and south of the
solar circle in the course of their proper periods. The ecliptic
is inclined at an angle of approximately 23 Vz degrees to the
equator, the two intersections providing the fixed points of

the spring and autumn equinoxes (the equinoctial points).
The celestial latitude of a point is then measured in degrees
north or south of the ecliptic and the celestial longitude in
degrees from the spring equinox, in the direction of the suns
apparent annual motion from West to East. The traditional
division of the ecliptic into twelve equal sections of 30 de-
grees makes the signs of the zodiac, beginning at the spring
equinox with the first degree of Aries (cf. Plate I). (3)
The third system is related to the observer's horizon and
zenith. The observer on the earth can see only the half of
the heavens that appears above the horizon, which forms
a great circle on the stellar sphere. Related to this circle
are the almucantars, or circles of equal altitude parallel
with the horizon, and the azimuths, which pass through the
zenith, vertically above the observers head, and cut the
horizon at right angles. Clearly with this system there is a
different set of co-ordinates for each position on the earth's
surface, a consideration taken into account in the design of
instruments such as the astrolabe and sundial (see p. Q2
et seq.). In the diagram, if the circle labelled "Ecliptic"
were an observers horizon, his zenith would be vertically
above the earth, and the meridian, the great circle that
passes through the celestial poles and the zenith, would be
the circle shown as the boundary of the sphere.
wards Mecca. 2 But in spite of this, Arabic astrolabes, with
one exception, do not show much development compared,
for example, with later Western ones, especially in the 16th
century. The exception is the so-called Saphcea Azarchelis,
named aftei the 11th-century astronomer al-Zarqali but
to be attributed, accoiding to Mill&s Vallicrosa, to his con-
temporary at Toledo, Ali ben Khalaf This instrument used
.
a horizontal instead of a vertical projection, thus making

it possible for a single plate to be used at any latitude. But
it also had disadvantages, and in fact it never superseded
the older type, although many instruments, both Hispano-
Moorish and later Western, were constructed combining
both projections. The horizontal projection was revived in
the 16th century by the Flemish cartographer Gemma
Frisius under the name astrolabum [sic] catholicum, and
the Roias and de la Hire projections are modifications of it.
The latest European astrolabes date from the 17th century,
but in Arabic lands they were still being made in the 19th
century. Their great convenience as instruments for telling
the time was that they were portable. Sundials, which are
instruments for showing the change in azimuth angle and
must, therefore, be aligned north and south, could not be
made portable until they could be combined with a com-
pass. Such a combination was not produced until the end
of the 15th century.
Another instrument used in the 13th century was the
quadrant, of which improved versions were made by an
Italian, John Campanus of Novara (d. after 1292), and
by two Montpellier astronomers who lived about the same
time. Another instrument which came into use at about
this time was the mural quadrant, which had been used
by Alexandrian, Arabian and Persian astronomers. This was
mounted so that one end was level with a hole in the wall
of the observatory. A travelling sight was swung round un-
til it and the hole were aligned with the heavenly body
under observation, and the angle was read on a scale. An-

other instrument constructed by Campanus was a sort of
2 I should like to thank Mr. F. R. Maddison for supplying

information about the history of the astrolabe.
armillary sphere for determining the positions of the
planets. This consisted ofan armilla, or ring, fixed in the
plane of the equator, with other rings representing the
horizon, the meridian and the ecliptic so that it was a sort
of model of the celestial sphere.
was with such instruments that Guillaume de St.
It
Cloud, a follower of Roger Bacon and the founder of the
Paris school of astronomy, determined from the solstitial
altitudes of the sun the obliquity of the ecliptic in 1290
and the latitude of his place of observation at Paris. The
obliquity he calculated as being 23 ° 34' and the latitude of
Paris he made 48 50'. The modern figure for the obliquity
of 1290 is 23 ° 32' and his value for the latitude of Paris is
that which is now accepted. Another of his observations
was to note the meridian altitude of the sun when he him-
self was in a dark room with a small aperture to admit a
beam of light, and from this he determined the epoch of
the spring equinox. Another Frenchman, Jean de Murs,
used a graduated arc of 15 feet radius to make the same
determination at Evreux on 13 March, 1318.
The reform of the calendar, which had been urged by
Grosseteste and Roger Bacon, again aroused attention
when the Alfonsine Tables reached Paris about 1293. Pope
Clement VI bade Jean de Murs and Firmin de Belleval to
Avignon to report on the project, which they did in 1345.
Another report was drawn up by Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly
for the Council of Constance, 1414-18. The accuracy of
the Alfonsine Tables was still mistrusted and the reform
had to wait for nearly two centuries, though when at last
it was made it was on the basis of numerical values very
much the same as those arrived at in the 14th century.

Other instruments were invented or improved in France
and observations were extended during the 14th century.
Jean de Linieres produced a catalogue of positions of 47
stars, the first attempt in Christendom to correct some of
the star places given in the 2nd-century catalogue of

Ptolemy. In 1342 a Jew, Levi ben Gerson of Montpellier,
introduced the Baculus Jacobi, a cross-staff which had ap-
parently been invented in the 13th century by Jacob ben
Makir. Levi applied a di£ onal scale to the instrument.
The cross-staff was used for measuring the angular distance
between two stars or, as a navigational instrument, for tak-
ing the elevation of a star or the sun above the horizon.
It consisted of a graduated rod or staff with a cross-bar
attached at right angles to it. The cross-staff was held with
the against the eye. The cross-bar was moved until the
staff
sight atone end was in line with the horizon and the sight
at the other end in line with a star or the sun. From the
reading on th£ graduated scale on the staff the angle of
elevation of the star could be obtained from a table of
angles.
During the first half of the 14th century an important
school of astronomy grew up also at Oxford, in particular
at Merton College. One of the results of the work there
was the development of trigonometry. Tangents were used
by John Maudith (1310) and Thomas Bradwardine (d.
1 349)> and by Richard of Wallingford (c. 1292-1335) who
took the loose methods used in the trigonometry of al-

Zarqali's Toledan Tables and applied to them Euclid's rigor-
ous methods of demonstration. John Maudith and Richard
of Wallingford are the initiators of Western trigonometry,
though an important treatise on the subject was written in
Hebrew about the same time in Provence by Levi ben Ger-
son (1288-1344) and translated into Latin in 1342. An
important improvement in technique adopted by these
writers was to use the Hindu-Arabic practice, already found
in the tables of al-Zarqaliand other astronomical tables in
wide circulation, of basing plane trigonometry on sines in-
stead of chords, as had been done in the old Greco-Roman
tradition dating from Hipparchus. Richard also adapted
the Alfonsine Tables to Oxford and invented certain in-
struments, for example, an elaborate rectangulus for meas-
uring and comparing altitudes and an improved equator-
ium for showing the positions of the planets.
The lively interest in astronomy during the 13 th and
14th centuries, of which this work was the outcome, is
shown also by the astronomical models then constructed.
In 1232 the Emperor Frederick II had received a plane-
tarium from the Sultan of Damascus. About 1320 Richard
of Wallingford constructed an elaborate astronomical
clock, showing the positions of the sun, moon and stars
and also the ebb and flow of the tides. He also left a
handbook describing how this instrument was to be used.
An elaborate planetarium driven by weights was also made
by the clockmaker Giovanni de' Dondi (b. 1318), and such
things became popular as scientific toys.
(3) METEOROLOGY AND OPTICS

Meteorology and optics formed a single heterogeneous sub-
ject in the 13th century, because these sciences were con-
cerned with phenomena supposed to occur in the regions
of the elements fire and air lying between the sphere of the
moon and the terraqueous globe. These topics had been
discussed by Aristotle in his Meteorologica, which was the
chief source of 13th-century 'meteorology/ and in this work
Aristotle had attributed all the changes seen in the sky,
except the movements of the heavenly bodies, to changes
in those regions. The element fire was a sort of principle
of combustion rather than actual flame and so was not
itself visible, but it was easily set alight by movement, and
agitation, brought about by hot dry exhalations rising up

from the earth on which the sun's rays were falling, caused
a number of phenomena to occur in the sphere of fire, as,
for instance, comets, shooting stars and auroras. All these

phenomena must occur in the region beneath the moon,
because beyond the heavens were ingenerable and in-
it
corruptible and could suffer no change but circular motion.

In the sphere of the element air these hot dry exhalations
caused wind, thunder and lightning, and thunderbolts,
while cold moist exhalations produced by the sun's rays
falling rain, mist, dew, snow and
on water caused cloud,
hail. A group of phenomena associated with the
special
moist exhalations were rainbows, halos and mock suns.
Throughout the Middle Ages comets and similar ap-
parent changes in the heavens continued to be classed as
'meteorological' rather than astronomical phenomena, that
is, phenomena occurring in the sublunary region. In the
as
16th century more accurate measurements of their posi-
tions and orbits were to provide some of the most telling
evidence against the truth of Aristotle's ideas on the struc-
ture of the universe. Comets were described several times
in the 13th and 14th one of the most interesting
centuries,
references being made by Grosseteste to what may have
been Halley's comet, which would have been due to appear
in 1222. 3 Another interesting reference was made by Roger
Bacon, who held that the awesome comet of July, 1264 had
been generated under the influence of the planet Mars and
had produced an increase of jaundice leading to bad
temper, the result of which was the wars and disturbances
in England, Spain and Italy at that time and afterwards!
Observations on weather and attempts, partly with an
agricultural interest, to predict it by astrology had been
made from the 12th century onwards. A most remarkable
series of monthly weather records were kept during
1 3 37-44 f° r the Oxford district by William Merlee. He
based attempts to forecast the weather partly on the state

of the heavenly bodies, and also on inferior signs such as
the deliquescing of salt, the carrying of sound from distant
bells, and the activity of fleas and the extra pain of their
bites, all of which indicated greater humidity.
A subject which was to see the most remarkable prog-
ress during the 13th and 14th centuries was optics. The
study of light attracted the attention in particular of those
who tended to Augustinian-Platonism in philosophy, and
this was for two reasons: light had been for St. Augustine
and other Neoplatonists the analogy of divine grace and
of the illumination of the human intellect by divine truth,
and it was amenable to mathematical treatment. The first
important medieval writer to take up the study of optics
was Grosseteste, and he set the direction for future devel-
opments. Grosseteste gave particular importance to the
study of optics because of his belief that light was the first
3 H. C. Plummer, Nature, 1942, vol. 150, p. 253.

lOO THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
'corporeal form' of material things and was not only re-
sponsible for their dimensions in space but also was the

first principle of motion and efficient causation. According
to Grosseteste, changes in the universe could be attrib-
all
uted ultimately to the activity of this fundamental cor-

poreal form, and the action at a distance of one thing on
another was brought about by the propagation of rays of
force or, as he called it, the 'multiplication of species' or
Virtue/ By he meant the transmission of any form of
this
efficient causality through a medium, the influence ema-
nating from the source of the causality corresponding to a
quality of the source, as, for instance, light emanated from
a luminous body as a 'species' which multiplied itself from
point to point through the medium in a movement that
went in straight lines. All forms of efficient causality, as
for instance, heat, astrological influence and mechanical
action, Grosseteste held to be due to this propagation of
'species,'though the most convenient form in which to
study it was through visible light.
Thus the study of optics was of particular significance
for the understanding of the physical world. Grosseteste's
theory of the multiplication of species was adopted by
Roger Bacon, Witelo, Pecham and other writers and they
all made contributions to optics in the hope of elucidating
not only the action of light but also the nature of efficient
causality in general. For this purpose the use of mathe-
matics was essential, for, as Aristotle had put it, optics was
subordinate to geometry, and the progress made in medie-
val optics would certainly have been impossible without
the knowledge of Euclid's Elements and Apollonius'
Conies. Throughout the whole Middle Ages, and indeed
much later, the Aristotelian distinction was maintained be-
tween the mathematical and the physical aspects of optics.
As Grosseteste put it in discussing the law of reflection,
geometry could give an account of what happened, but it
could not explain why it happened. The cause of the ob-
served behaviour of light, of the equality of the angles of
incidence and reflection, was to be sought, he said, in the
nature of light itself. Only a knowledge of this physical
nature would make it possible to understand the cause of

the movement.
The chief sources of 13th-century optics were, besides
Aristotle's Meteorologica andDe Anima, the optical writ-
ings of Euclid, Ptolemy and Diodes (2nd century B.C.),
and of the Arab writers Alkindi, Alhazen, Avicenna and
Averroes. Aristotle, who was more concerned with the cause
of vision than the laws by which it was exercised, had held
that light (or colour) was not a movement but a state of
transparency irTa body and was produced by an instanta-
neous qualitative change in a potentially transparent me-
dium. Other Greek philosophers had put forward other
explanations, Empedocles asserting that light was a move-
ment which took time to be transmitted and Plato that
vision could be explained by a series of separate rays going
out from the eye to the object seen (see above, p. 31). In
contrast with this theory of extramission, the Stoics had
suggested that vision was due to rays of light entering the
eye from the object. It was one or other of these theories of
rays, implying that light travelled in straight lines, that
had been adopted by the Greek geometers, such as Euclid
and Ptolemy, who had developed optics to a place equal to
that of astronomy and mechanics among the most ad-
vanced physical sciences of antiquity. These men discov-
ered that the angle of reflection of rays from a surface was
equal to the angle of incidence. Ptolemy, who measured
the amount of refraction in rays passing from air into glass
and into water, observed that the angle of refraction was
always less than the angle of incidence but wrongly sup-
posed that this was by a constant proportion. He concluded
from this that the apparent position of a star did not always
correspond to its real position because of refraction by the
atmosphere.
This Greek work on optics was further developed by
the Arabs and particularly by Alhazen (965-1039), whose
work was the main source of what was known about optics
in medieval Christendom. Alhazen achieved a better un-
derstanding not only of geometrical optics but also of vi-
sion, though he persisted in the erroneous belief that the
lens of the eye was the sensitive part. He showed that the
angle of refraction was not proportional to the angle of
incidence and studied and parabolic mirrors,
spherical
spherical aberration, lensesand atmospheric refraction. He
also held that the transmission of light was not instanta-
neous and rejected Plato's theory of extramission, which
had been upheld by Euclid and Ptolemy, in favour of the
view that light came from the object to the eye where it
was 'transmuted' by the lens. Knowledge of the anatomy of
the eye was also improved by the Arabs, whose chief source
of information had been Rufus of Ephesus in the ist cen-
tury a.d. Outstanding work on this was done by Rhazes
and Avicenna. It was Averroes who first recognised that the
retina rather than the lensis the sensitive organ of the eye,
although he does not seem to have influenced later medie-

val writers on the question (see Vol. II, p. 252).
Among 13th-century writers on optics, Grosseteste him-
self isremarkable chiefly for his attempt to explain the
shape of the rainbow by means of a simple phenomenon
which he could study experimentally, namely, the refrac-
tion of light by a spherical lens. Aristotle had held that
the rainbow was caused by reflection from drops of water
in the cloud, but Grosseteste attributed it definitely to re-
fraction, though he thought that this was caused by the
whole cloud acting as a large lens. Though his contribution
to optics was more to emphasise the value of the experi-
mental and mathematical methods than to add much to
positive knowledge, he did make a few important addi-
tions. He was responsible for the theory of double refrac-
tion which remained the standard explanation of the
spherical lens or burning glass until the 16th century.
According to this theory light radiating out from the sun
was refracted once on entering the lens, and again on pass-
ing out the farther side, the combined refractions bringing
the rays to a focus at a point. In his De hide he attempted
also to formulate a quantitative law for refraction, on which
he knew Ptolemy's work. This law, he claimed, 'experi-
ments showed us/ and he held that it was also in accord-
ance with the principle of economy. Conceiving vision as
IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY IO3
being due to extramitted visual rays, he said that when

rays passed from a rare to a dense medium the refracted
ray halved the angle between the projection of the inci-
dent ray and the perpendicular to the common surface at
the point of entry of the incident ray into the dense me-
dium. When visual rays passed from a dense to a rare me-
dium they were bent in the opposite direction. Simple ex-
periments would have disproved Grosseteste's 'law/ but he
used it to try to explain the shape of the rainbow. He was
also the first Latin writer to suggest using lenses to mag-
nify small objects and bring distant objects closer. In fact,
this work on was followed by the invention of spec-
optics
tacles in northern Italy at the end of the 13th century (see
below, pp. 221 and 231-32).
Another contribution by Grosseteste that may be men-
tioned is his attempt to formulate a geometrical and al-
most mechanical conception of the rectilinear propagation
of light and of sound by a series of waves or pulses. In
his commentary on the Posterior Analytics, book 2, chap-
ter 4, he described how, when a sounding body is struck
it is set in vibration for a time because its violent
violently,
motion and a 'natural power' alternatively send the parts
back and forth, each overshooting the natural position.
These vibrations are transmitted to the fundamental light
incorporated as the first 'corporeal form' in the sounding
body. 'Hence, when the sounding body is struck and vibrat-
ing, a similar vibration and similar motion must take place

in the surrounding contiguous air, and this generation pro-
gresses in every direction in straight lines/ If the propaga-
tion strikes an obstacle, it is forced to 'regenerate itself by
turning back. For the expanding parts of the air colliding
with the obstacle must necessarily expand in the reverse
direction, and so this repercussion extending to the light
which is in the most subtle air is the returning sound, and
this is an echo/ Just as the echo was propagated by the
fundamental light, the basic principle of motion incorpo-
rated in the air, image was produced by the
so a reflected
analogous 'repercussion' of visible light, and refraction was
similarly explained.
Grosseteste's chief disciple, Roger Bacon, made a num-
ber of small contributions to knowledge of reflection and
refraction, though many of the experiments he described
were repetitions of those made by Alkindi and Alhazen.
He continued Grosseteste's teaching about methodology.
He made some original experimental determinations, for
instance, of the focal length of a concave mirror illumi-
nated by the sun, and he pointed out that the sun's rays
reaching the earth might be treated as parallel instead of
radiating out from a point, thus making possible a better
explanation of burning lenses and parabolic mirrors. He
firmly adopted the theory that in vision material light, trav-
elling with enormous though finite velocity, passed from
the object seen to the eye, but he pointed out that in the
act of looking something psychological 'went forth/ so to
speak, from the eye. Of the propagation of material light
he gave an explanation similar to Grosseteste's, asserting
that it was not a flow of body like water, but a kind of
pulse, as in sound, propagated from part to part. In the
'multiplication of the species' of light there was nothing
but this kind of succession. But he noted that light trav-
elledmuch faster than sound, for if someone at a distance
isbanging with a hammer we see the blow before we hear
the sound, and in the same way we see lightning before
we hear the thunder.
Bacon gave a better description of theanatomy of the
vertebrate eye (PI. VI) and optic nerves than any previous
Latin writer, and recommended that those who wished to
study the subject should dissect cows or pigs. He discussed
in detail the conditions necessary for vision and the effects
of various kinds and arrangements of single lenses (Fig. 4).
Working on the theory that the apparent size of an object
depends on the angle it subtends at the eye, he tried to
improve vision. For this he used plano-convex lenses, the
operation of which, however, he imperfectly understood.
His scientific imagination played freely with the possibili-
ties of indefinitely magnifying small objects, and bringing
distant objects nearer, by suitable arrangements of mirrors

or lenses. He held that Julius Caesar had erected mirrors
in Gaul with which he saw what was going on in England,

and that lenses might be used to make the sun and moon
descend and appear above the heads of enemies; the ig-
norant mob, he said, could not endure it.
Roger Bacon's attempt to discover the cause of the rain-
bow is a good example of his conception of the inductive
method (see Vol. II, p. 23 et seq.). He began by collect-
ing phenomena similar to the rainbow: colours in crystals,
in dew on the grass, in spray from mill wheels or oars when
lit by the sun, -or through a cloth or through the
as seen
eyelashes. He then examined the rainbowitself, noting that
it appeared always in cloud or mist. By a combination of
observation, astronomical theory and measurements with

the astrolabe he was able to show that the bow was always
opposite the sun, that the centre of the bow, the observer's
eye and the sun were always in a straight line, and that
there was a definite connection between the altitudes of
the bow and of the sun. He showed that the rays returning
from the rainbow to the eye made an angle of 42 degrees
with the incident rays going from the sun to the bow. To
explain these facts he then adopted the theory, put forward
in Aristotle's Meteorologica, that the rainbow formed the
base of a cone of which the apex is at the sun and the
axis passed from the sun through the observer's eye to the
centre of the bow. The base of the cone would become
elevated and depressed, thus producing a larger or smaller
rainbow, according to the altitude of the sun; if it could
be sufficiently elevated the whole circle would appear above
the horizon, as with rainbows in sprays. This theory he
used to explain the height of the bow at different latitudes
and would imply, among other
different times of year. It
things, that each observer would see a different bow and
this he confirmed by the observation that when he moved
towards, away from or parallel to the rainbow it moved
with him relative to trees and houses; 1,000 men in a row,
he asserted, would see 1,000 rainbows and the shadow of
each man would bisect the arc of his bow. The colours and
form of the rainbow thus bore to the observer a relation
unlike those of fixed objects such as crystals. As to the
io6 THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
colours, Bacon's discussion was as inconclusive as that of
everyone else tillNewton; the form he explained as due
to the reflection of light from spherical water drops in the
cloud, the rainbow of any particular observer appearing
only in the drops from which the reflected rays went to
hisown eyes. This theory he extended to explain halos and
mock suns; it was not in fact correct.
Among Grosseteste's successors later in the 13th century,
the Silesian writer Witelo (b. c. 1230) described experi-
ments similar to Ptolemy's determining the values of the

angles of refraction of light passing between air, water and
glass, with angles of incidence increasing by 10 degrees to
a maximum of 80 degrees. Alhazen had not described such

measurements, but Witelo seems to have adapted an ap-
fig. 4 Diagrams from British Museum MS Royal j.F.viii

(XIII cent.), illustrating Roger Bacons classification of the
properties of curved refracting surfaces, in the Opus Majus,
V. Rays go from each end of the object (Res, R), are bent
at the curved surface separating the optically rarer (sub-
tilior, s) and denser (densior, d) media, for example air
paratus which Alhazen had described for another purpose.

This consisted of a cylindrical brass vessel, inside which
was marked a circle in 360 degrees and minutes. The re-
fracting media were suitably introduced into the cylinder,
and the measurements were made by means of a sight and
holes bored through each end of a diameter of the gradu-
ated circle. 4 Witelo's table setting out the concomitant var-
iations in the angles of incidence and of refraction is re-
markable for showing results with observations made in
both directiona^cross the refracting surface. These are re-
IV
and glass, and meet at the eye (oculus, o). The image
(ymago, y) is seen on a projection of these bent rays en-
tering the eye and is magnified or diminished according to
whether the concave (i-iv) or convex (v-viii) surface is
4 For a full description see A. C. Crombie, Robert Gwsseteste
and the Origins of Experimental Science 1100-ijoo, Oxford,
1953, p. 220 et seq.
io8 THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
vealing. For example, while the results obtained with light
passing from air into water are reasonably accurate, those
given for the reciprocal case are either very inaccurate or
impossible. In fact it is clear that he never made these
reciprocal measurements, but derived his values from a
misapplication of the law that the amount of refraction
is the same in both directions, not knowing also that at
towards the eye, whether the eye is on the rarer (i, ii, v, vi)
or denser (iii, iv, vii, viii) side of the curvature, and whether
the eye is on the side of the centre of curvature (centrum,
C) towards (i, iii) or away from (ii, iv) the object, or the
centre of curvature is on the side of the object towards (vi,
viii)or away from (v, vii) the eye. A confusion between
the appearance of size and of nearness, which led Bacon
the higher angles of incidence there would be no values
for refraction because all the light would be reflected at
the under surface between the water and the air. Thus
Witelo missed discovering the important phenomenon of
total reflection at a critical angle. His work is nevertheless
interesting and he tried to express his results in a number
of mathematical generalisations. He
pointed out that the
amount of refraction increased with the angle of incidence
but that the former increase was always less than the latter.
draw a diminished image in (i) and a magni-

incorrectly to
fiedimage in (iii) is corrected in a later section of the Opus
u
Majus, where Bacon points out that the size of the visual
angle is the prevailing factor in these appearances"; that is,
the angles subtended by the object and the image at the
eye. He recommended a convex lens forming a hemisphere
(vi) or less than a hemisphere (v) to aid weak sight.
HO THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
He tried to relate these generalisations to differences in
the density of the media. Witelo also carried out experi-
ments in which he produced the colours of the spectrum
by passing white light through a hexagonal crystal, and un-
derstood, at least by implication, that the blue rays were
refracted through a greater angle than the red. He sup-
posed that the range of colours was produced by the pro-
gressive weakening of white light by refraction, thus allow-
ing a progressively greater incorporation of darkness from
the medium. The same explanation had been given in the
so-called Summa Philosophise of pseudo-Grosseteste, a
work by an English writer associated with Grosseteste's
circle. Witelo used his optical investigations to offer an in-
telligent but erroneous explanation of the rainbow. Also
of considerable interestis his discussion of the psychology
of vision. Another English writer, John Pecham (d. 1292),

made a useful contribution by writing a lucid little text-
book on optics,though he made few original advances.
Some remarkable advances were made by the German
writer Theodoric or Dietrich of Freiberg (d. 1311), whose
work on refraction and on the rainbow is an outstanding
example of the use of the experimental method in the
Middle Ages.
Among those who had written on the rainbow before
Theodoric composed his De hide et Radidibus Impres-
sionibus, Grosseteste had attributed the shape of the bow
to refraction, and Albertus Magnus and Witelo, writing
with much greater knowledge, had pointed out the need to
consider the refraction as well as the reflection of the rays by
individual raindrops. Theodoric himself advanced the the-
ory that the primary bow was caused by light falling on
spherical drops of rain becoming refracted into each drop,
reflected at its inner surface and refracted out again; and
that the secondary bow was caused by a further reflection
before the second refraction. This is the explanation now
accepted, though usually attributed to Descartes, whose
mathematical exposition of it was certainly in every way
superior. The important discovery on which it was based,
that light was reflected at the inner concave surface of each
raindrop, was made by Theodoric by means of experiments

with a model raindrop in the shape of a spherical glass
vessel filled with water, probably a urinal flask as used in
medicine, and with a crystal ball. 5 With this apparatus
he also showed that when such a sphere, held in a suitable
position in relation to the sun and to the eye,was raised
and lowered, the different colours of the rainbow appeared
in a constant order. When the sphere was held at about
11 degrees above this position, he showed that the same
colours appeared in the reverse order. Thus he was able in
further experiments to trace with great accuracy the course
of the rays that produced both the primary and the sec-
ondary rainbows (Pis. VII, VIII, IX, X). It is curious that
he gave a false value of 22 degrees, asserting that it could
be measured with an astrolabe, for the angle between the
rays going from the sun to the bow and from the bow to
the eye of the observer. The approximately correct value
of 42 degrees given by Roger Bacon was then well known.
The colours of the rainbow Theodoric also tried to in-
vestigate experimentally. He showed that the same colours
as those seen in the rainbow could be produced by passing
light through crystal balls or spherical glass vessels filled
with water, and through hexagonal crystals, if either the
eye were applied to the far side of the flask or crystal or
the light were projected on to an opaque screen. The col-
ours of this spectrum were always in the same order, red
being nearest the line of incidence and being followed by
yellow, green and blue, the four principal colours which
he distinguished. His description shows that he understood
that the colours were formed inside the refracting body
after refraction at the first surface encountered and not
simply on emerging from them. To explain the appearance
of the spectrum Theodoric made use of the theory of col-
our which Averroes had developed in his commentaries on
Aristotle, according to which colours were attributed to the
presence in varying degrees of two pairs of opposite quali-
6 See Crombie, Robert Grosseteste, p. 232 et seq., where The-

odoric's drawings are reproduced in full.
ties: brightness and darkness, boundedness and unbound-
edness. The first were formal and the second material
pair
causes, and the reason why a spectrum could be produced
was that the light stream consisted not of geometrical lines
but of 'columns' with breadth and depth, so that different
parts of it could be affected differently on passing through
a suitable medium. Thus, when light fell perpendicularly
on to the surface of a hexagonal or spherical crystal or of
a spherical flask, it passed straight through without refrac-
tion and remained fully bright and unbounded. Such light
therefore remained white. But light falling at an angle to
the surface of the crystal or flask was refracted and weak-
ened, its brightness was reduced by a positive amount of
darkness, and it was affected by the boundedness of the
surface of the refracting body. The different combinations
of the qualities affecting the light stream then caused the
range of colours emerging after refraction, from the bright-
est, red, to the darkest, blue, even though the crystal and
the water in the flask were not themselves coloured as, for
example, coloured glass was.
Theodoric carried out a number of experiments to dem-
onstrate various points of his theory. He stated explicitly
that in the rays refracted through a hexagonal crystal or
with water, red appeared nearest the origi-
glass flask filled
nal line of incidence and blue farthest from it. He did
not think of recombining the colours, so that they reformed
white light, by passing them through a second crystal in a
reverse position to the first, as Newton was to do. He did
observe that if the screen were held very close to the crystal
the light projected on to it showed no spectrum and ap-
peared white, a fact which he explained by saying that at

this distance the light was still too strong for the darkness
and boundedness to produce their effects. Taken alto-
gether, Theodoric made a remarkable advance both in op-

tics and in the experimental method, and the technique
of reducing a complicated phenomenon, like the shape and
colours of the rainbow, to a series of simpler questions
which could be investigated separately by specially-designed
experiments was particularly pregnant for the future. The-
odoric's theory was not forgotten; was discussed by

it
Themon Judaei later in the 14th century,by Regiomon-

tanus in the 1 5th, and in the University of Erfurt and per-
haps elsewhere in the 16th. At Erfurt, a certain Jodocus
Trutfetter of Eisenach published in 1514 woodcuts of The-
odoric's diagrams of the primary and secondary rainbows
(PL X). An explanation of the rainbow similar to The-
odoric's by Marc Antonio de Dominis was published in
1611 and this was almost certainly the basis of the much
fuller explanation published by Descartes in 1637.
By a curious coincidence an explanation of the rainbow
similar to Theodoric's was given also by the contemporary
Arabic writers, Qutb al-din al-Shirazi (1236-1311) and
Kamal al-din al-Farisi (d. c. 1320). Western and Eastern
writers seem to have worked quite independently of each
other but used the same ultimate sources, principally Aris-
totle and Alhazen. Al-Farisi gave also an interesting expla-
nation of refraction, which he attributed to the reduction
of the speed of light passing through different media in
inverse proportion to the 'optical density/ an explanation
suggestive of that advanced in the 17th century by the sup-
porters of the wave theory of light. By another interesting
coincidence he was also improving the theory of the camera
obscura, or pin-hole camera, at the same time as similar
work was being done by Levi ben Gerson. Both showed
that the images formed were not affected by the shape of
the hole and that an accurate image was formed when the
aperture was a mere point, but that a multitude of only
partially superimposed images appeared with a larger hole.
They used this instrument to observe eclipses and other
astronomical phenomena, and the movements of birds and
clouds.
Another important development in medieval optics was
the geometrical study of perspective in connection with
painting. The beginnings of deliberate use of central pro-
jection dates from the paintings of Ambrogio Lorenzetti
of Siena in the middle of the 14th century, and this was
to revolutionise Italian painting in the 15th century.
(4) MECHANICS AND MAGNETISM

Putting on one side the theory of the 'multiplication of
species' of light, the only non-living causes of local motion
in the terrestrial region considered in the 13 th century were
mechanical action and magnetism, and the only natural
mechanical causes were gravity and levity. Mechanics was
the part of physics, apart from astronomy and optics, to
which mathematics was most effectively applied in the
Middle Ages, and the chief sources of 13th-century me-
chanics were the most mathematical of all the treatises in
the Aristotelian corpus, the Mechanica (Mechanical Prob-
lems), then generally but wrongly attributed to Aristotle
himself and a small number of late Greek and Arabic trea-
tises. Aristotle's Physics was also important for mechanical
ideas.Indeed the whole corpus of the mechanics that came
down to the 13 th century was based on the principle ex-
pounded in that work: the principle that local motion, like
other kinds of change, was a process by which a potentiality
towards motion was made actual. Such a process necessarily
required the continued operation of a cause and when the
cause ceased to operate, so did the effect. All moving bodies
thus required for their motion either an intrinsic 'natural'
principle, the 'nature' or 'form/ which was responsible for
the body's natural movement, or an external mover distinct
from the body which necessarily accompanied the body it
moved (see above, pp. 69-70, 76). Further, the effect was
proportional to the cause, so that the velocity of a moving
body varied in direct proportion to the power or 'virtue' 6
of the intrinsic 'nature' or external motor and, for the same
body and motive power in different media, in inverse pro-
portion to the resistance offered by the medium. Move-
ment, velocity, was thus determined by two forces, one,
either internal or external, impelling the body, and the
other, external to the body, resisting it. Aristotle had no
6 This power was generally called virtus, meaning power or abil-
ity to do something.
conception of mass, the intrinsic resistance which is a prop-

erty of the moving body itself, which was to be the basis
of 17th-century mechanics. 7 With falling bodies the force
or power causing the movement was the weight, and so it
followed from the above principles that in any given me-

dium the velocity of a falling body was proportional to its
weight and, further, that body were moving in a me-
if a
dium which offered no resistance its velocity would be in-
finite. Since this conclusion involved an impossibility Aris-
totle therefore saw in it an additional argument against the
existence of void.
When Aristotle's mechanics became known in Western
Christendom in the 13 th century they were submitted, like
the rest of his scientific ideas, to logical and empirical ex-
amination. This led, in the following century, to a radical
criticism of his dynamical ideas and of their physical con-
sequences, such as the impossibility of void, which prepared
the way for the immense intellectual effort by which Gali-
leo and his 17th-century followers escaped from Aristote-
lian principles and established the mathematical mechanics
which was the central feature of the Scientific Revolution
(see Vol. II, pp. 35-84 et seq.).
In the 13th century it was not dynamics but statics and
to some extent kinematics, that is, the study of rates of
motion, that underwent the most striking developments,
particularly in the school of Jordanus Nemorarius. He is
possibly to be identified with Jordanus Saxo (d. 1237),
the second master-general of the Order of Preachers, or
Dominicans, but in fact his actual identity is still an un-
solved problem. It followed from the Aristotelian principle
that velocity was proportional to motive power, that mo-
tive power could be estimated as proportional to velocity.
Aristotle had stated that if a certain motive power moved
a certain body with a certain velocity, then twice the mo-
tive power would be necessary to move the same body with
7 The concept of mass was deduced only in the 17th century

from the supposition that in a vacuum, or a medium whose resist-
ance was small in comparison with the body's weight, all bodies
fell with equal velocity.
.
Il6 THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT

twice the same velocity. Motive power was measured, there-
fore, by the product of the weight of the body moved mul-
tiplied by the velocity impressed on it. This has been called
'Aristotle's axiom/ Dynamical and statical ideas were not
clearly distinguished either by Aristotle, by the author of
the Mechanica, or by the writer of the Greek Liber Euclidis
de Ponderoso et Levi and the derivative Arabic works which
formed the basis of medieval Latin statics. But it would
follow from the above dynamical statement, converted into
statical terms, that motive power would be equal to the
product of the weight of the body moved multiplied by
the distance through which it was moved.
From these Aristotelian ideas and fragments of Alexan-
drian mechanics, containing only minor works of Archi-
medes, Jordanus Nemorarius and his school developed a
number of important mechanical ideas which were to be
taken over, in the 17th century, by Stevin, Galileo and
Descartes. In the Mechanica it had been shown to follow
from Aristotle's axiom that the two weights which balanced
each other at opposite ends of a lever were inversely pro-
portional to the velocities with which their points of attach-
ment moved when the lever was displaced (Fig. 5).
A'.
B
s-
~-B'
fig. 5 The different weights A and B would balance if

placed at such positions on the lever that when the lever
turned on the fulcrum F the ratio of the velocities -=—
was proportional to the ratio of the weights —

In his Elementa Jordani Super Demonstrationem Pon-

deris Jordanus gave a formal geometrical proof, beginning
with Aristotle's axiom, that equal weights at equal dis-
tances from the fulcrum were in equilibrium. In the course
of this he made use of what has been called the 'axiom
of Jordanus/ that the motive power which can lift a given
weight a certain height can lift a weight k times heavier
to l/k times the height. This is the germ of the principle
of virtual displacements.
The Mechanica also contained the idea of the composi-
tion of movements. It had been shown there that a body
moving with two simultaneous velocities (V^ and V2 )
bearing a constant ratio to each other would move along
the diagonal (V r ) of the rectangle made by lines propor-
tional to these velocities (Fig. 6); and also that if the ratio
fig. 6
of the velocities varied, the resultant motion would not be

a straight line but a curve (Fig. 7).
Jordanus applied this idea to the movement of a body
falling along an oblique trajectory. He showed that the one
effective force or motive power by which the body was
moved at any given moment could be dissociated into two,
the natural gravity downwards towards the centre of the
earth and a Violent' horizontal force of projection. The
component of gravity acting along the trajectory he called
n8 THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
T-^
\
1
\
\
\
«
fig. 7 The vertical distances travelled increase in each

successive unit of time while the horizontal distances trav-
elled during the same intervals remain constant.
gravitas secundum situm, or 'gravity relative to position';

he showed that the more oblique the trajectory, that is the
nearer to the horizontal, the smaller was this component.
The obliquity of two trajectories could be compared, he
said, by measuring the distance fallen in a given horizontal
distance.
In another treatise, De Ratione Ponderis or De Pon-
derositate, by tradition ascribed to Jordanus but possibly
by another author whom Duhem, in his Origines de la
Statique, has called 'the Forerunner of Leonardo/ Jordanus'
ideas were developed and applied to the study of the angu-
lar lever and of bodies on inclined planes. A faulty solution
of the problem of the angular lever had been given in the
Mechanica. The author of De Ratione Ponderis consider- f
ing the special case of equal weights hanging on the ends of

the arms of the bent lever, showed, again using the prin-
ciple of virtual displacements at least implicitly, that the
weights will be in equilibrium when the horizontal dis-
tances from the vertical running through the fulcrum are
equal. Presumably he knew also the more general principle,
that any weights are in equilibrium when they are inversely
proportioned to the horizontal distances, a principle involv-
ing the fundamental idea of the statical moment. Thus two
weights E and F on a lever would be in equilibrium when
they were inversely proportional to their effective distances

BL and BR from the fulcrum (B), that is, E/F BR/BL =
(Fig. 8) . In fact Hero of Alexandria in his Mechanica, book
L"
FIG. 8
1, chapter 33, had already generalised the principle of the

angular lever, but this work was not known to the author of
the De Ratione Ponderis.
In discussing the component of gravity acting on bodies
on inclined planes, the author of De Ratione Ponderis
pointed out that the gravitas secundum situm of a body
was the same at all points on the plane. He showed then,
from the axiom of Jordanus, how to compare this value on
planes of different inclination. He concluded:
if two weights descend on planes of different inclina-

tion and the weights are directly proportional to the
lengths of the inclines, these two weights will have the
same motive power in their descent. (Duhem, Origines
de la Statique, 1905, p. 146.)
The same proposition was later proved by Stevin and Gali-

leo, to whom De Ratione Ponderis would have been avail-
able in the printed text edited by Tartaglia and published

posthumously in 1565. This treatise also contained the
hydrodynamical principle, apparently coming from Strato
(/Z.c. 288 b.c), that the smaller the section of a liquid flow-
ing with a given fall, the greater its velocity of flow.

This work of Jordanus Nemorarius and his school be-
came widely known in the 13th and 14th centuries. It was
summarised by Blasius of Parma in the 1 5th century and,
as Duhem has shown, it was used extensively by
Leonardo
da Vinci and was to become the starting-point for some
of the striking developments in mechanics that took place
in the late 16th and 17th centuries.
The other natural moving force or power besides gravity
which chiefly engaged the attention of 13th-century physi-

cists was magnetic attraction. This was the subject of what
is one of the most striking examples of planned experi-
mental research before the end of the 16th century, and

William Gilbert, writing in 1600, acknowledged his debt
to the little book completed on 8th August, 1269. The
Epistola de Magnete of Petrus Peregrinus of Maricourt, in
which important sections of Gilbert's work were antici-
pated, was written as a letter to a fellow countryman of
its author in Picardy, while Peregrinus waited in Charles
of Anjou's besieging army outside the walls of the south
Italian town of Lucera.
Certain properties of the lodestone were known before
Petrus Peregrinus' researches. The fact that it attracted iron
had been known to Thales and was later widely quoted as
the classical example of occult Virtue/ Its tendency to ori-
entate itself north and south was known to the Chinese
and adapted, perhaps by Moslems in maritime contact with
them, for the invention of the compass. The earliest ref-
erences to this instrument in medieval Latin literature oc-
cur in Alexander Neckam's De Naturis Rerum and other
works round about 1200, but it is probable that its naviga-
tional use in the West preceded that date. Compasses with
floating and later with pivoted needles were used from the
end of the 13 th century by both Arab and Christian sailors
in the Mediterranean in conjunction with portolan maps
or 'compass-charts' (see below, p. 207 et seq.). At the end
of his treatise Petrus Peregrinus described improved instru-
ments with both types of needle (PI. XI). His floating
needle was used with a reference scale divided into 360
degrees.
Peregrinus opened his observations on magnets with the

following injunction:
You must realise, dearest friend, that the investigator in

this subjectmust know the nature of things and not be
ignorant of the celestial motions; and he must also make
ready use of his own hands, so that through the opera-
tion of this stone he may show remarkable effects. For
by his carefulness he will then in a short time be able
to correct an error which by means of natural philosophy
and mathematics alone he would never do in eternity,
if he did not carefully use his hands. For in hidden op-
erations we greatly need manual industry, without which

we can usually accomplish nothing perfectly. Yet there
are many things subject to the rule of reason which can-
not be completely investigated by the hand.
He then passed to the consideration of how to recognise

lodestones, how to determine their poles and distinguish
north from south, the repulsion of like poles, the induction
in iron of the opposite pole to that of the lodestone with
which it was rubbed, inversion of poles, the breaking of a
magnetic needle into smaller ones, and the exertion of mag-

netic attraction through water and glass. One of the nicest
experiments was made to determine the poles of a spheri-
cal lodestone or, as he called it, magnes rotundus, designed
to illustrate the heavenly movements. A needle was held
on the surface of the lodestone and a line drawn on the
stone in the direction the needle took. The two points of
junction of lines drawn from various positions would then
be the poles of the lodestone.
The directive action on a magnet pointing north he at-
tributed neither to the magnetic poles of the earth as Gil-
bert was to do in his theory that the earth was a large
magnet, nor to the North Star as some of Petrus' con-
temporaries held. He pointed out that the lodestone did
not always point directly at the North Star. Nor, he said,
could its orientation be attributed to supposed deposits of
lodestone in the northern regions of the earth, for lode-
stone was mined in many other places. He held that the
magnet was directed towards the poles of the heavens on
which the celestial sphere revolved, and he discussed the
design of a perpetuum mobile based on this theory. But
a contemporary, John of St. Amand, at the end of his Anti-
dotarium Nicolai, approached the modern conception of
magnetism. He said:
Wherefore I say that in the magnet is a trace of the

world, wherefore there is in it one part having in itself
the property of the west, another of the east, another of
the south, another of the north. And I say that in the
direction north and south it attracts most strongly, little
in the direction east and west. 8
Petrus Peregrinus' explanation of the induction of mag-

netism in a piece of iron was based on Aristotelian prin-
ciples of causation. The lodestone was an active agent
which assimilated the passive iron to itself, actualising its
potential magnetism. This conception was elaborated by
John of St. Amand. He held that when a magnet pointed
to the earth's poles,
the southern part attracts that which has the property

and nature of the north, albeit they have the same spe-
cific form, and this is not except by some property exist-
ing more complete in the southern part which the north-

ern part has potentially and thereby its potentiality is
completed.
The action of magnetic attraction at a distance had been

explained by Averroes as a form of 'multiplication of spe-
cies/ The lodestone modified the parts of the medium
touching it, for example and these then modi-
air or water,
fied the parts next to them and so on until this species
magnetica reached the iron, in which a motive virtue was
produced causing it to approach the lodestone. The resem-
blance between this and Faraday's and Maxwell's tubes of
force was brought even closer by John of St. Amand's de-
scription of a 'current from the magnet through the entire
needle placed directly above it.'
8 L. Thorndike, Isis, 1946, vol. 36, pp. 156-57.
( 5 ) GEOLOGY
Geology in the 13 th century was concerned mainly with
the changes in the relative positions of the main masses
of the elements earth and water forming the terraqueous
globe in the centre of the universe, with the origin of conti-
nents and oceans and of mountains and rivers, and with
the cause of the production of minerals and fossils. The
three main sources of medieval geology were Aristotle's
Meteorologica and two Arabic treatises, the pseudo-Aristo-
telian De Proprietatibus Elementorum or De Elementis,
written probably in the 10th century, and Avicenna's 10th-
century De Minerdibus. Aristotle did not fully discuss all
the geological questions which later arose out of his cos-
mological theories, but he recognised that parts of the land
had once been under the sea and parts of the sea floor
once dry. He attributed this mainly to water erosion. He
also offered explanations of rivers and minerals. He held
that rivers originated in springs formed for the most part
from water which, after being evaporated from the sea by
the sun, rose to form clouds, and these, on cooling, fell
again as rain and percolated into spongy rock. Thence the
water ran out as springs and returned by rivers to the sea.
He also believed that water was produced inside the earth
by the transformation of other elements. Minerals he be-
lieved were formed by exhalations arising inside the earth
under the action of the sun's rays. Moist exhalations pro-
duced metals, dry exhalations 'fossils.'
Some later Greek writers had used erosion by water as
evidence for the temporal origin of the earth, for, they ar-
gued, if the earth had existed from eternity all mountains
and other features would by now have disappeared. This
view was opposed in other Greek works such as On the
Cosmos, which some scholars have said was based on The-
ophrastus 9 (c. 372-287 B.C.). In this work it was main-
9 Theophrastus' only surviving geological work is Concerning
Stones.
tained that there was a fluctuating balance between erosion
by water and the elevation of new land caused by fire im-
prisoned in the earth trying to rise to its natural place.
Against this a purely 'neptunic' theory was developed again
from the Meteorologica, by late Greek commentators such
as Alexander of Aphrodisias (/L i93~ 21 7 a.d.), according
to whom the earth had once been completely covered with
water which the sun's heat had evaporated to expose the
dry land. There was supposed to be a gradual destruction
of the element water. This last conclusion had, in fact,
been deduced by certain Greek philosophers of the 5th cen-
tury b.c. from the presence of inland fossils; they alone in
antiquity seem to have understood that fossils were the
remains of animals which had lived under the waves once
covering the places where they were found. The presence
of inland shells had also been widely attributed by later
Greek geographers to a partial withdrawal of the sea, such
as that caused by the silting up of the Nile, but shells on
mountains were believed to have been carried there by tem-
porary deluges. The explanation of mountains, according
to the theory contained in the late Greek commentaries
on the Meteorologica, was that once the land had been
exposed its perfectly spherical shape was then carved into
valleys by water, leaving the mountains projecting above
them.
Some time about the 10th century the author of the
pseudo-Aristotelian De Elementis once more refuted this
pure 'neptunism/ and Avicenna in his De Mineralibus
replaced it by a 'plutonic' explanation of mountains. He ac-
cepted the theory that the whole earth had once been cov-
ered with water and put forward the view that the emer-
gence of dry land and the formation of mountains was due,
sometimes to sedimentation under the sea, but more often
to the eruption of the earth by earthquakes due to wind
imprisoned under the earth. The mud thus raised was then
transformed into rock partly by the hardening of clay in
the sun and partly by the 'congelation' of water, either in
the way stalactites and stalagmites are formed, or by some
form of precipitation brought about by heat or by some
:
unknown 'mineralising virtue' generated in the petrifying

and animals imprisoned in the clay were there
clay. Plants
turned into fossils. Once formed, mountains were eroded
by wind and water and went on being gradually destroyed.

Avicenna's theory was adopted in his De Mineralibus et
Rebus Metdlicis (c. 1260) by Albertus Magnus, who
quoted volcanoes as evidence for imprisoned subterranean
wind and attributed the generation of the 'mineralising
virtue' to the influence of the sun and stars. The geology
of Albertus was largely derived from the Meteorologica, De
Elementis, perhaps On the Cosmos, and from Avicenna's
De Mineralibus, but he worked his authorities into a co-
herent theory and made a number of observations of his
own. He extended Avicenna's account of fossils, of which
he said in his De Mineralibus et Rebus Metallicis, book 1,
tract 2, chapter 8:
There is no-one who is not astonished to find stones

which, both externally and internally, bear the impres-
sions of animals. Externally they show their outline and
when they are broken open there is found the shape of
the internal parts of these animals. Avicenna teaches us
that the cause of this phenomenon is that animals can
be entirely transformed into stones and particularly into
salt stones. Just as earth and water are the usual matter
of stones, he says, so animals can become the matter of
certain stones. If the bodies of these animals are in places
where a mineralising power (vis lapidificativa) is being
exhaled, they are reduced to their elements and are
seized by the qualities peculiar to those places. The ele-
ments which the bodies of these animals contained are
transformed into the element which is the dominant
element in them: that is the terrestrial element mixed
with the aqueous element; then the mineralising power
converts the terrestrial element into stone. The different
external and internal parts of the animal keep the shape
which they had beforehand.
He went on in another work, De Causis Proprietatum Ele-

mentorum, book 2, tract 3, chapter 5
Evidence of this is that parts of aquatic animals and
perhaps of naval gear are found in rock in hollows on
mountains, which water no doubt deposited there envel-
oped in sticky mud, and which were prevented by the
coldness and dryness of the stone from petrifying com-
pletely.Very striking evidence of this kind is found in
the stones of Paris, in which one very often meets round
shells the shape of the moon.
Albertus gave original descriptions of many precious

stones and minerals, although he derived the substance of
his mineralogy from Marbode. He accepted many of the
magical properties ascribed to stones. He also described an
explanation of rivers widely held until the 17th century.
Some early Greek writers, such as Anaxagoras and Plato,
had held that there was an immense reservoir in the earth
from which springs and rivers came. This gave rise to the
theory, supported by certain passages of the Bible, of the
continuous circulation of water from the sea through un-
derground caverns and up inside mountains, from which
it flowed as rivers back again to the sea. Albertus accepted
this. Among his own geological observations, those he made
near Bruges led him to deny sudden universal overflowings

of oceans and to reduce changes in the figures of conti-
nents and seas to slow modifications in limited areas.
Other writers in the 13th century made observations on
various other geological phenomena. The tides had been
correlated with the phases of the moon by Stoic Posidonius
(b. c. 135 b.c), and, like the menstruation of women,
were commonly attributed to astrological influences. In the
12th century Giraldus Cambrensis had combined some ob-
servation with a discussion of this and other theories.
Grosseteste in the next century attributed the tides to at-
tractionby the moon's Virtue/ which went in straight lines
with He said that the ebb and flow of the tides
its light.
was caused by the moon drawing up from the sea floor

mist, which pushed up the water when the moon was ris-
ing and was not yet strong enough to pull the mist through
the water. When the moon had reached its highest point
IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY \7TJ
the mist was pulled through and the tide fell. The second,
smaller monthly tide he attributed to lunar rays reflected
from the crystalline sphere back to the opposite side of the
earth, these being weaker than the direct rays. Roger Bacon
took over this explanation. In another work associated with
Grosseteste's circle, the Summa Philosophies of pseudo-
Grosseteste, a good account was given of contemporary
thought about geology generally and many other related
subjects. Another 13th-century work, the Norwegian en-
cyclopaedia, Konungs Skuggsja or Speculum Regale, con-
tained descriptions of glaciers, icebergs, geysers and other
phenomena. These, like Michael Scot's descriptions of hot
sulphur springs and of the volcanic phenomena of the
Lipari Islands, are evidence of a wide interest in local ge-
ology, which increased in the following centuries.
The most important Italian writer on geology in the 13th
century was Ristoro d'Arezzo. It is probable that he knew
the work of Albertus Magnus, though he may simply have
used the same sources. But certainly Italian geology in gen-
eral was dominated for the next two centuries by Albertus
Magnus. In accordance with the Italian tradition Ristoro,
in La Composizione del Mondo (1282), was very astrologi-
cal. He attributed the elevation of dry land above the sea
to attraction by the stars, as iron was attracted by magnets.
He also recognised other influences, such as water erosion,
sea waves throwing up sand and gravel, Noah's Flood de-
positing sediment, earthquakes, calcareous deposits from
certain waters, and the activities of man. He made a num-
ber of observations, describing in the Apennines the eroded
castellated strata containing iron which lay over the aque-
ous deposits of softer sandstones, shales and conglomerates.
He recognised the marine origin of certain fossilised mol-
lusc shells and discovered, apparently during a mountain
expedition, a hot pool in which his hair became 'petrified'
while bathing. He attributed the presence of these fossil-
ised shells in mountains, not to their having been petrified
where they had once but to the Flood.
lived,
In the 14th century, the clockmaker Giovanni de' Dondi
described the extraction of salt from hot springs and ex-
plained these as due to subterranean waters heated not,
as Aristotle and Albertus Magnus had said, by flowing over
sulphur, but by subterranean fire and gases produced by
the heating action of celestial rays. The heating action of
celestial virtue was also one explanation of the fire at the
centre of the earth in which some alchemists believed and
which they used to explain the presence of metallic ores,
supposed to have been formed by condensation from me-
talligenous vapours, and also of volcanoes and similar phe-
nomena. Geological matters were also discussed in Italy
by such 14th-century writers as Dante (1265-1321), Boo
caccio (1313-75) and Paulo Nicoletti of Venice (d. 1429),
and in the 15th century by Leonardo Qualea (c. 1470)
and Leo Battista Alberti (1404-72), who made observa-
tions on various local phenomena. AH Italian writers who
discussed the subject either accepted Ristoro's explanation
of fossils in mountains as having been carried there by the
Flood, or denied their organic origin altogether and re-
garded them either as having been spontaneously gener-

ated by a plastic or formative virtue produced by celestial
influence or simply as accidents or 'sports' of nature.
In Paris in the 14th century, Jean Buridan (d. after
1358), in his Qiuestiones de Ccelo et Mundo, and Albert
of Saxony or, as he was sometimes called, Albertus Parvus
(/?.c. 1357), developed a new explanation of land and
mountain formation. Albert based his conclusions on his

theory of gravity (see Vol. II, p. 46). He held that the
earth was in its natural place when its centre of gravity coin-
cided with the centre of the universe. The centre of vol-
ume of the earth did not coincide with its centre of grav-
ity, for the sun's heat caused part of the earth to expand
and project above the enveloping water which, being fluid,

remained with its centre of gravity at the centre of the
universe. The shift of earth relative to water thus gave rise
to dry land, leaving other parts submerged, and justified
the hypothesis, later exploded by Christopher Columbus
(1492), of a hemisphere of ocean balancing a hemisphere
of land. The projecting land was then eroded by water into
valleys, leaving the mountains. This was the only function
Albert of Saxony ascribed to water and, together with the

heat of the sun, it again displaced the centre of gravity
of the earth, which thus underwent continuous little move-
ments in order to coincide with the centre of the universe

and caused continuous changes in the boundaries of land
and sea. The erosion by water washed the land into the
sea of which the floor, owing to the movements of the cen-
tre of gravity of the earth, gradually moved right through
the middle of the earth eventually to reappear again as
dry land on trie other side. He used this theory of the
shifting of the earth to explain the precession of the equi-
noxes. He made no mention of fossils.
Another northern successor of Albertus Magnus, Conrad
von Megenburg (1309-74), put forward in his work Das
Buch der Natur the view that springs and rivers were due
to rain and rain alone. This had already been suggested
by the Roman architect Vitruvius (1st century b.c). This
explanation, as well as Albert of Saxony's theory of moun-
tainsand Albertus Magnus' explanation of fossils, was ac-
cepted by Leonardo da Vinci and passed, via Cardano and
Bernard Palissy, to the 17th century.
(6) CHEMISTRY
Medieval chemistry began as an empirical art, but by the
13th century had acquired a considerable body of theory,
it
the purpose of which was to explain the particular kind

of change with which chemistry was concerned, namely
changes of quality and of substance in inanimate substances
in the terrestrial region. This body of theory became in-
extricably interwoven with alchemy, and this association
was to determine the character of chemical investigation
for four centuries. Alchemy was empirical in spirit but was
led up a blind theoretical alley by concentrating its atten-
tion rather on changes in colour and appearance than on
changes in mass. So, while alchemical practice produced
a large amount of useful information, alchemical theory
had little to offer to the new chemistry that began to grow
up in the 17th century.
The chief sources of practical chemistry in the 13th cen-
tury were, apart from the practical experience handed
down from generation to generation, the Latin translations
of a number of Greek and Arabic treatises on dyeing, paint-
ing, glass making and other decorative processes, pyrotech-
nics, materia medica, mining and metallurgy, to which
successive generations perhaps added one or two new reci-
pes (see below, pp. 213-22 et seq.). The few Latin chemi-
cal manuscripts that remain from before the 12th century
from about 1144, when Robert
are entirely practical, but
of Chester translated de Compositione AI-
the Liber
chemice, Arabic alchemy began to enter western Europe.
The origin of alchemy seems to have been in the union
of the practice of Egyptian metal workers with the theories
of matter of Alexandrian Gnostics and Neoplatonists
which, apart from a Timaean conception of materia prima,
were fundamentally Aristotelian. The earliest alchemists,
such as Zosimus and Synesius in the 3rd century a.d., who
were Gnostics, thus combined descriptions of chemical ap-
paratus and practical laboratory operations with an account
of the visible universe as an expression of figures and sym-
bols and a belief in sympathetic action, action at a distance,
celestial influence, occult powers beneath manifest quali-
ties, and the powers of numbers. These ideas permeated
chemistry from the 3rd century a.d. to the 17th, and very
often even practical laboratory operations were described
in obscure symbolic language, perhaps to deceive others
and keep the secrets hidden. It was Zosimus who first used
the word chemeia, the Art of the Black Land, Egypt or
Khem, which gave rise to the Arabic alchemy and the mod-
ern English chemistry. The main object of alchemy was the
production of gold from the base metals. The possibility
of doing so was based on the idea developed by Aristotle
that one substance might be changed into another by
changing its primary qualities.
Aristotle held that the generation and corruption of sub-
stantial forms in the sublunary region occurred at various
levels in a hierarchy of substances. The simplest instances

of perceptible matter were the four elements, but these
were analysable in thought into materia prima determined
by various combinations of the two pairs of primary con-
trary qualities or elementary principles acting as 'forms/
Perceptible substances differed from each other in many
ways, for instance, in smell, taste or colour, but all, Aristotle
said, were either hot or cold, wet or dry (fluid or solid).
These four qualities were therefore primary and all others
were secondary and derivative. The four elements were de-
termined by the primary qualities as follows: Hot Dry =
fire, Hot Wet =
air, Cold Wet =
water, Cold Dry earth.=
The four elements of Empedocles had been unchangeable
but with Aristotle, by interchanging members of the two
pairs of primary contrary qualities, one element might be
transformed into another. The old form (e.g., Cold Wet)
was then said to have been corrupted and the new one (e.g.,
Hot Wet) generated. Such substantial changes might in-
volve a change of one or both qualities, or two elements
might come together and interchange their qualities to
produce the two others, as, for instance: Water (Cold
Wet) + Fire (Hot Dry)Êarth (Cold Dry) +
Air (Hot
Wet) (Fig. 9). The second kind of change could not, of
Air % Fire 1
Hot-wet Mot-dry
Watcn Earth:
Cold* wet Cold-dry
fig. 9 The four elements.

course, occur between consecutive elements, for this would
bring together either two identical or two contrary qualities,
which was ipso facto impossible. In chemical change and
combination the combining substances thus disappeared
with their properties, although they remained potentially
regenerable, and new substances with new properties arose
from their union. In a mixture, on the other hand, all the
substances retained their properties and no new 'substan-
tial form' arose. This Aristotelian idea that the elements
might be transformed suggested that by depriving metals

of certain attributes, or perhaps of all their attributes and
thus reducing them to materia prima, they could subse-
quently be given the attributes of gold. For this purpose
alchemists tried to discover an elixir, the 'Philosopher's
Stone,' which would act as a catalyst or as a ferment as
yeast acted on dough.
By the 7th century, when the Arabs captured Alexandria,
the magical element in Greek alchemy had gone far beyond
the practical. Arabic alchemy derived mainly from Greek
sources, but the leading exponents gave it once again a more
practical turn. The first important Arabic alchemical docu-
ments are those that were traditionally attributed to Jabir
ibn Hayyan, alleged to have lived in the 8th century, but
the brilliant researches of Paul Kraus have left little doubt
that in fact they date from the late 9th and early 10th
centuries. Indeed the writings that go under the name of
Jabir are in all probability the work of a sect dedicated to
the pursuit of alchemy as a science with power both to
give control over the forces of nature and to purify the
soul. The Jabir to whom they are attributed is probably
purely legendary. In the pursuit of their inquiries, these
writings mark important developments both theory and
in
practice. The first essential in chemistry,' runs one passage
as rendered by E. J. Holmyard in his Makers of Chemistry
(Oxford, 1931, p. 60),
is that thou shouldst perform practical work and conduct

experiments, for he who
performs not practical work nor
makes experiments will never attain to the least degree
I¥ THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 133
of mastery. But thou, O my son, do thou experiment so
that thou mayest acquire knowledge.
The Jabir corpus accepted the Aristotelian theory that

minerals were generated from exhalations in the earth, but
held that in the formation of metals the dry exhalations
firstproduced sulphur and the moist exhalations mercury,
and that metals were formed by the subsequent combina-
tion of these two substances. It contains the discovery, how-
ever, that ordinary sulphur and mercury combined to form
not metals butâ 'red stone' or cinnabar (mercuric sul-
phide), and it therefore concludes that it was not these
which formed metals but hypothetical substances to which
they were the nearest approach. The most perfect natural
harmony and proportion of combination produced gold;
other metals were the result of defects in either purity or
proportion of the two ingredients. The object of alchemy
was therefore to remove these defects. As regards practical
chemistry, the Arabic manuscripts attributed to Jabir con-
tain descriptions of such processes as distillation and the
use of sand-baths and water-baths, crystallisation, calcina-
tion, solution, sublimation, and reduction, and of such
practical applications as the preparation of steel, dyes,
varnishes and hair-dyes.
Among the other Arab alchemists who influenced West-
ern Christendom, the most important were Rhazes (d.
c. 924) and Avicenna (980-1037). Rhazes gave both a
clear account of apparatus for melting metals, distilling and
other operations, and a systematic classification of chemi-
cal substances and reactions. He also combined Aristotle's
theory of materia prima with a form of atomism. Avicenna,
in his De Mineralibus, the geological and alchemical part
of the Sanatio (Kitab al-Shifa), made few fundamental
chemical advances on his predecessors, but gave a clear ac-
count of the accepted theories. One aspect of chemical
theory which caused difficulty was to explain how, in chemi-
calcombination, elements which no longer existed in the
compound could be regenerated. Avicenna held that the
elements were present in the compound not merely poten-
tially but actually, but the question continued to trouble
the medieval scholastics. Avicenna also made an attack on
the makers of gold. Disbelief in transmutation had existed
since the period of the Jabir writings and Avicenna, while
accepting the theory of matter on which the claim was
based, denied that alchemists had ever brought about more
than accidental changes as, for instance, in colour. In spite
of the practical spirit of Rhazes, through which the Arab
chemists developed such processes as the refinement of
metals by cupellation, that is, refining in a shallow vessel
or cupel, and solution in acids and assays of gold and silver
alloys by weighing and determining and in
specific gravity,
spite of Avicenna's criticism, the esoteric and magical art
of alchemy continued to flourish vigorously. The earliest
Arabic works translated into Latin thus included not only
Rhazes' treatise on alums (or vitriols) and salts and Avi-
cenna's De Minerdibus, but also the magical Emerald
Table.
Both aspects of alchemy became popular in Western
Christendom from the 13 th century onwards, though such
writers as Albertus Magnus usually adopted Avicenna's
scepticism about transmutation. The encyclopaedias of
writers like Bartholomew the Englishman (fl.c. 1230-40),
Vincent of Beauvais, Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacon
contained a large amount of chemical information derived
from both Latin and Arabic sources, and the last two seem
to show some practical acquaintance with laboratory tech-
niques. No fundamental advance was made on the Arabs
in chemical theory before Paracelsus in the early 16th cen-
tury,but in practical chemistry some important additions
were made in the later Middle Ages.
Perhaps the most important Western contribution to
practical chemistry was in methods of distillation. The
traditional form of the still had been developed in Greco-
Roman Egypt and was described by Zosimus and other
early alchemical writers. This consisted of the curcurbite
or vessel in which was placed the matter to be distilled,
the alembic or still-head in which condensation occurred,
and the receiver which received the distilled fraction after
it had condensed (Fig. 10). The curcurbite was heated
over a fire or in a sand-bath or water-bath. Modifications of
ci^tTv»«id&T»r--
fig. 10 Tt/pes 0/ apparatus for distillation and sublimation

(alembics), and for digestion, used by the Greek alche-
mists, c. a.d. ioo-ôo. Similar types remained in use in the
West till the end of the 18th century. From Bibliothdque
Nationale, Paris, MS Grecque 2327.
this standard design were made for various purposes and

were taken over by the Arabs, through whom they became
known in the West, and some of these early designs, in-
cluding the turkVhead type, in which the still-head was
partly immersed in water to give more rapid condensation,
remained in use as late as the 18th century. The Greco-
Egyptian still was used at relatively high temperatures and
was useful for distilling or sublimating substances like
mercury, arsenic and sulphur. The Arabs improved it in
various ways and introduced the gallery with several stills
heated in one oven for producing substances like oil of
roses and naphtha on a large scale, but neither the Greeks
nor the Arabs developed efficient methods of cooling the
alembic that would permit the condensation of volatile
:

substances like alcohol. This seems to have been the con-
tribution of the West (Fig. 11).
fig. 11 Still with canale serpentium or serpentes condens-

ing tube. From V. Biringuccio, Pirotechnia, Venice, 1558
(1st ed. 1540).
The earliest known account of the preparation of alcohol

is described in the following paragraph translated from an
early 12th-century manuscript of the technical treatise
Mappce Clavicula discussed by Berthelot in La Chimie au
Moyen Age, vol. 1, p. 61
On mixing a pure and very strong wine with three parts

of and heating it in vessels suitable for the purpose,
salt,
an inflammable water is obtained which burns away

without consuming the material [on which it is poured].
In the 13th century in Italy, aqua ardens, containing about

60 per cent, alcohol, was prepared by one distillation, and
aqua vitce, with about 96 per cent, alcohol, by redistilla-
tion. The method of cooling as described in the 13th cen-
tury by the Florentine doctor, Taddeo Alderotti (1223-
1303), was to extend the length of the tube leading from
the alembic to the receiver and pass it horizontally through
a vessel of water. The introduction of rectification by dis-
tillation with limestone or calx is attributed to Raymond
Lull (c. 1232-1315) and further improvements to the cool-
ing apparatus in the 14th century are attributed to the
i. Aristotle's cosmology. From Pctrus Apianus, Cosmo-
graphia per Gemma Phrysius rcstituta, Antwerp, 1539:
ii. The medieval mechanical model of solid spheres for the
planet Saturn, from G. Reisch, Margarita PhiJosophica, Frei-

burg, 1503. The outermost (white) sphere is the stellar
sphere, centered on the earth. The planet is shown on its
epicycle, which is embedded in the second of a system of
three spheres, which carry it round. This second sphere
(shown white) is the deferent and is eccentric, so that the
adjacent surfaces of the first and third spheres (shown black)
are also eccentric. The spheres are given the motions required
to make the planet's motion correspond with the observa-
tions. Inside the innermost sphere of Saturn the systems for
the other planets would come in their proper order (cf.
Fig. 2).
5-fc^ 5
S
in. Drawing of an astrolabe showing the front with the

alidade. From Chaucer, Treatiseon the Astrolabe, Cam-
bridge University Library MS Dd. 3.53 (xiv cent.).
iv. A Gothic astrolabe, c. 1430, probably of French
late
origin,showing back (left) and front (right). In the Museum
of the History of Science, Oxford. See note on p. 239.
t n a&* m&znc fbelU JiJôaden mills caderm^
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fa ui* dutm .IWIa cm4em J*a a uc&u*at f\ u St
ff- 1
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v. An astrolabe in use. From an English MS Bodley 614
(xn 6ent.) at Oxford.
y
vi.Roger Bacon's geometrical diagrams showing the curva-

media in the eye. From the Opus
tures of the refracting
Ma/us, British Museum MS Royal 7. F.viii (xin cent.). See
note on p. 2}Q.
vii. Drawing from Theodoricof Freiberg, De Iride, Basel
University Library MS
F. iv 30 (xiv cent.), showing an ex-
periment with the refraction of light. See note on p. 241.
VIII. Drawing from Theodoric of Freiberg, De hide, Basel

University Library MS F. iv 30 (xiv cent.), showing the
paths of the rays inside a transparent sphere, e.g. a spherical
glass vessel of water or a raindrop, to illustrate his explana-
tion of the formation of the primary rainbow. See note on
p. 241.
ix. Drawing from Theodoric of Freiberg, De Iride, Basel
University Library MS F. iv. 30 (xiv cent.), showing his
explanation of the primary rainbow by double refraction and
reflection within the spherical drops. See note on page 241.
<*$>\jtL.
x. Diagram published in Jodocus Trutfetter, Totius Philo-

sophic Naturalis Summa (Erfurt, 1514), to illustrate Theo-
doric of Freiberg's explanation of the rainbow. See note on
p. 242.
wir lotto /lyyifiy^fMMii-; '""££
f
riioT(lii
l3CCti0nTc^
xi. Diagram from Petrus Peregrinus, De Magnete, Bodleian

Library, Oxford, MS Ashmole 1522 (xiv cent.), illustrating
a chapter which contains the first known description of a
pivoted magnet.
xii. Drawing of an ant's nest among wheat. From British

Museum MS Royal 12. C. xix (late xii cent.).
.
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I I1T1 tiol.ini« 7 t«T *T plrc funr fpc& Jtinim »i
... r ^ninrirfnj rtmnirr.lr .-»> rcfvnrcr.Mu
A page from the Emperor Frederick II, De Arte Venandi

xiii.
Cum Avibus, showing how various species of birds protect
their young. From MS Vaticano Palatino Latino 1071 (xiii
cent.).
.
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xiv. Drawings of spiders and insects. Formerly attributed to

Cybo of Hyeres. From British Museum MS Additional
28841 (xiv cent.).
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xv. Water-colour painting of bramble (Rubus fructicosus),

from the Juliana Anicia Codex of Dioscorides, Codex Vin-
dobonensis (a.d. 512), in the National Bibliothek, Vienna.
S
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A lit
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xvi. Painting of bramble (Rubus fiucticosus), from the Her-

bal oi Apuleius Barbarus, Oxford MS Bodley 1 30 (xn cent.),
perhaps executed at Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk.
xvii. Painting of an iris, probably J. chamxiris, from Bene-
detto Rinio, Liber de Simplicibus, MS Marciano Latino vi.
59 (a.d. 1410), in the Biblioteca Nazionale di S. Marco,
Venice.
4 m
xyin. Zoological paintings from Petrus Candidus, De Om-

nium Animantium Na tun's, MS Vaticano Urbinato Latino
276 (a.d. 1460). Reading from top to bottom, they illustrate:
BRAIN
Pituitary
Rete Mirabile
Aorta
Left Ventricle
Vita/ So/r/6
Gall Bladder
ye//ow 6//e
Portal
vessel
xix. Galen's system of physiology. The arrows indicate the

general direction of the movement of the blood and air.
(a) Foimices (unidentifiable ants); (b) Castor (beaver,

Castor fiber); (c) Loligines (squid, Loligo vulgaris) and
Locusts, maris (lobster, Palimurus vulgaris); (d) Rombus
(flounder, Rhombus spec.) and Ratte vel rais (sting-ray,
Lophius piscatorius). The first name in each case is that
given by Petrus Candidus himself.
Ilillllll
fgtlfflP
xx. Two illustrations from Guido da Vigevano, Anatomia,

showing, respectively, a surgeon beginning a dissection, and
the thoracic and abdominal viscera. The corpse is hung on
. MS
a gibbet for dissection; cf Vol. n, Plate xxi. From Chan-
tilly 569 (xivcent.).
xxi. Richard of Wallingford measuring a circular instrument
with a pair of compasses. Note his abbot's crook and the
mitre on the floor, and the spots on his face, perhaps the
leprosy he contracted in early life and of which he died at
the age of 43. From British Museum MS Cotton Claudius
E. iv (xiv cent).
KT0R1I'-
xxn. Playing a stringed instrument with a bow. From

BritishMuseum MS Additional 11695 (xn cent.).
•t\a^ r»t»c- »»wM%r-t
•V*
iA te
4 Quqniam tit donttntie atntlt mue
fupcromn tm trrram nimie pata :
tiis (9 fuprromn^ Ocoe
»
xxiv. Harnessing with collar and lateral traces, and shoeing
with nailed shoes. From the Luttidl Psalter, British Museum
MS Additional 42130 (xiv cent.).
xxv. Watermill. From the Lurtrell Psalter.
xxvi. Spinning wheel. From British Museum MS Royal 10.

E. iv (xiv cent.).
xxin. (opposite) Saxon ox-plough. From British Museum

MS Julius A. vi (vm cent.).
xxvii. Windmill. From Oxford MS Bodley 264 (xiv cent.).
xxviii. Ships showing construction, rig, and rudder. From

the Luttrell Psalter.
xxix. Knight firing a cannon against a castle. From Walter

de Milemete, De Nobilitatibus Sapientiis et Prudentiis
Regum, Christ Church, Oxford, MS 92.
xxx. Water-driven silk mill. From V Zonca, Novo Teatro df
Machine et Edificii,. Padua, 1607.
xxxi. Water-driven silk mill. From V Zonca, Novo Teatro di
Machine et Edificii, Padua, 1607.
xxxii. Part of the so-called 'Gough Map' (1325-30), in the
Bodleian Library, Oxford, showing S. E. England. The map
is drawn with east at top.
xxxiii. Part of a Portolan chart, showing Italy, Sicily, and
N. From British Museum MS Additional 25691 (c.
Africa.
1327-30). The map is drawn with south at the top, as usual
with charts of this period.
xxxiv. Ptolemy's map of the world, redrawn by Italian car-
tographers. From the second edition of his Geographia
(Rome, 1478) to contain maps. The first printed atlas was
the edition published in Bologna, 1477 (see p. 209).
TeJLTIVMTORN O E N V S V BTILITATE NON CAKE K SAD
I .?>
INSCVLPENDAM E DETENT IM-COCHLEAM CVIVSViS

|'
FOR.MAJN AMB1TVM CVlVSCVNaVA, FIG V K/l R.OTV D\ ?!
ET SOLID^.VLl. ETJAM OVALIS-
xxxv. Screw-cutting lathe. From Jacques Besson, Theahum

InstiumentoTum et Machinarum, Lyons, 1 569 (1st ed. 1 568).
H
£r
C&W
<vr it
fott ortt flatter
tirfea*tfr Uw
xxxvi. Page from the Album of Villard de Honnecourt,

showing the escapement mechanism in centre left. Above is
a water-driven saw. From the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris
MS franfais 19093 (xni cent.).
xxxvu. The Dover Castle clock, formerly dated xiv cent, but
now believed to be later. On the left is the striking train, and
on the right the going train regulated by the foliot. Crown
Copyright. Science Museum, London.
xxxviii. Glassmaking. From British Museum MS Additional
24189 (xvcent).
& RP^T^B
1
K
l\L$£zS
r^H
7
I ! jj
1
is iki
P *. +m
ET \ I IV
^h u Mii^taMi%sî
i^^n"ES
xxxix. Surgery. Sponging a patient, probably a leper, trephin-
ing, operating for hernia and treating fractures, from Roland
of Parma, Livre de Chirurgie. From British Museum MS
Sloane 1977 (xm cent.).
Franciscan alchemist, John of Rupescissa (d. after 1356).
Most of the early stills were probably of metal or pottery
but in the early 15th century the Italian doctor, Michael
Savonarola (1384-1464), speaks of distilling apparatus
made of glass, which would be an obvious advantage in
distilling substances like the mineral acids. By the end of
the 13 th century alcohol had become an important sub-
stance: it was used as a solvent in the preparation of per-
fumes and for extracting medicines, was prescribed as a
medicine by doctors like Arnald of Villanova (c. 1235-
1311), and spirits were beginning to take their place with
wine and beer as a drink. By the 15th century distillers had
become incorporated as a guild.
The still was used to prepare a number of other sub-
stances as well as alcohol. The earliest descriptions of the
preparation of nitric and sulphuric acids are contained in
a late 13th-century Latin manuscript of a work entitled
Liber de Investigatione Perfectionis, which was attributed
to Geber (the Latinised form of Jabir) and is probably
based on Arabic sources but with Latin additions. In the
13th century a new type of still appeared for preparing
concentrated acids, in which the neck of the curcurbite was
extended and bent over to form a 'retort' and so prevent
the distilling acids from attacking the lutcz or cements
used in making the join between it and the alembic air-
tight.Mineral acids were prepared in fairly large quantities

for assaying in metallurgy and good descriptions of their
manufacture as well as that of sulphur, mercury and other
substances obtained by distillation were given in the 16th
century by metallurgical writers like Agricola and Biringuc-
cio.The 'waters' or 'essences' of organic substances like
plants and dried herbs and even ants and frogs were also
obtained by steam-distillation, as well as by solution in
alcohol, for use as medicines; and at least by the 16th
century, with Hieronymus Brunschwig, it was recognised
that these 'essences' were the active principles of drugs.
Some other improvements in practical chemistry appear
in another late 13th-century Latin alchemical treatise at-
tributed to Geber, the well-known Summa Perfectionis.
This also was probably of Arabic origin but with Latin ad-
ditions. It contains very clear and complete descriptions of
chemical apparatus and practices used in trying to make
gold. Beginning with a discussion of the arguments against
transmutation and their refutation, it passes on to the
theory that metals are composed of sulphur and mercury
and to a description of the definition and qualities of each
of the six metals, gold, silver, lead, tin, copper, iron. Then
there is a description of chemical methods such as sublima-
and fixa-
tion, distillation, calcination, solution, coagulation
tion, and of the
of the nature of different substances,
preparation of each towards its transmutation by elixirs.
Finally, there is a description of methods of analysis to
ascertain whether the transmutation has succeeded. These
include cupellation, ignition, fusion, exposition over va-
pours, admixture of burning sulphur, calcination and re-
duction. The Summa Perfectionis shows the considerable

knowledge of chemical apparatus and processes in the pos-
session of Western alchemists by the end of the 13th cen-
tury and not least in interest is the evidence it gives of
the use of the balance (Fig. 12), as in the observation that
fig. 12 Chemical balance and furnace. From V. Biringuc-

cio, Pirotechnia.
lead gains weight when calcined because 'spirit is united

with the body/ Thus if alchemical theory went astray be-
cause it was based on too exclusive an attention to changes
in colour and appearance, the alchemists' familiarity with
the balance at least prepared the way for the concentration
on mass on which modern chemistry is based.
The magical as well as the practical side of alchemy
flourished vigorously in the West during the later Middle
Ages. The search by alchemists for a formula that would
give health and eternal youth, riches and power, is the
origin of legends like that of Dr. Faustus, and the wide
publicity given to the more scientific alchemy by the great
13th-century encyclopaedists gave rise, from the 13th to
the 17th century, to an enormous number of manuscripts
claiming the production of gold. These were at first written
by men of some learning, but later, during the 14th and
15th centuries, by members of all classes; as Thomas
Norton put it in The Ordinall of Alchimy (c. 1477) by
Tree Masons and Tinkers with poore Parish Clerks; Tailors
and Glasiers . . And eke Sely Tinkers'; and often they
.
were fathered on such names as Albertus Magnus, Roger

Bacon, Arnald of Villanova and Raymond Lull. Indeed, at
times the practice became so common that it was con-
demned by princes and prelates alarmed for its effect on
the value of money.
(7) BIOLOGY
The common characteristic which distinguished all liv-
ing from non-living things, according to Aristotle and to

13th-century ways of thought, was the ability to initiate
movement and change without an external mover, that is,
the power of self-movement or self-change. The kinds of
movement or change common to all living things were
growth, the assimilation of diverse matter under the form
of the organism, and the continuation of this process in
the reproduction of the species. These were the only kinds
of living activity displayed by plants. Their substantial
form was thus a 'nutritive soul' (or vital principle), which
was not, of course, something separate and distinct from
the material plant itself, but an inherent principle causing
the observed behaviour. Animals added to nutrition the
power of sensitivity, that is, the power to respond to en-
vironmental stimuli by local motion, and theirs was there-
fore a 'sensitive soul/ Men were distinguished again by
the power of abstract reflection and the exercise of the will,
which were the marks of a 'rational soul/ Men were also
capable of sensation and nutrition, and animals of nutri-
tion, the higher forms of soul including the activities of
all those below them. Aristotle thus recognised a hierarchy
of living forms stretching, as he said in the Historia Animal-
ium (588 b 4), 'little by from things lifeless to animal
little
life/ from the first manifestations of life in the lower
plants, through the plants to sponges and other sessile

animals scarcely distinguishable from plants, and again
through invertebrate and vertebrate animals, apes and
pygmies to man. Each type was distinct and unchanging, its
substantial form being both the efficient and final cause
of its particular bodily activity, whether in nutrition, re-
production, locomotion, sensation or reasoning.
The subject of 13th-century biology, then, was these
activities of the different beings making up the scale of
living nature, and the way in which they were conceived of
opened the way naturally for teleological as well as me-
chanical explanations. Aristotle and Galen had both taken
a teleological view of the existence and functioning of
organic structures, and this had led them to make valuable
discoveries about the adaptation of the parts of organisms
to each other and of the whole to the environment. Cer-
tainly, in the 13th century and later, the search for the
purpose or function of organs often led to valuable con-
clusions. It was certainly also sometimes abused, as in what
have been described as the wearisomely reiterated reasons
for the existence of imperfectly described structures given
by a writer like Guy de Chauliac.
Until the 13 th century, the chief interest of the Latins
in botany had been medical and in zoology moral and
didactic. The same attitudes, in fact, characterised much
of natural history down to the 17th century. When, in the
13th century, biology became a science combining observa-
tion with a system of natural explanations, this was largely
due to the translations of Aristotle's own biological works,
of the pseudo-Aristotelian De Plantis, (a compilation from
Aristotle and Theophrastus believed in the Middle Ages to
be an original work of the former), and of various treatises
by Galen. Robert of Cricklade's (Prior of St. Frideswide's,
Oxford, c. 1141-71) anthology of extracts from the Nat-
ural History witnesses to a revival of interest also in Pliny
in the middle of the 12th century, and what the Arabs and,
in particular,Avicenna and Averroes had to teach was
quickly assimilated as it became available.
The early encyclopaedias deriving from this movement
included many incredible Alexander Neckam
stories.
(1157-1217) dismissed, as a ridiculous popular notion, the

legend that the beaver, of which the testicles were the
source of a certain medicine, castrated itself to escape its
hunters, but he accepted the basilisk as the progeny of a
cock's egg brooded by a toad and the common belief that
an animal knew the medicinal value of herbs. For, as he
said in his De Naturis Rerum, book 2, chapter 123:
educated by nature, it knows the virtues of herbs, al-

though it has neither studied medicine at Salerno nor
been drilled in the schools at Montpellier.
But Neckam made no claim to be a scientist. Like Hilde-

garde of Bingen (1098-1179), who, besides expounding
mystical cosmology, in another work perhaps wrongly at-
tributed to her named nearly a thousand plants and ani-
mals in German, he believed that man's Fall had had
physical effects on nature, causing spots on the moon, wild-
ness in animals, insect pests, animal venoms and disease,
and his purpose was frankly didactic.
This didactic attitude was continued in many of the later
encyclopaedias, but other activities provided opportunities
for observation. Some of these were associated with agri-
culture 189 et seq.) and produced the
(see below, p.
treatiseson husbandry of Walter of Henley (c. 1250?) and
Peter of Crescenzi (c. 1306) and the sections on agricul-
ture in the encyclopaedias of Albertus Magnus (De Vege-
tabilibus et Plantis) and Vincent of Beauvais (Speculum
Doctrinde) Crescenzi's treatise remained the standard
.
European work on the subject until the end of the 16th

century. Also, Thomas of Cantimpr^s De Natura Rerum
(c. 1228-44) contains a description of herring fisheries, the
Konungs Skuggsja of seals, walruses and whales, and
Albertus Magnus, whose duties as provincial of the Ger-
man Dominican province took him long distances on foot,
gave an account in his De Animalibus of whaling and fish-
ing and of German agricultural life. Travellers such as
Marco Polo and William of Rubruck also brought back
descriptions of new creatures, of the wild asses of Central
Asia, and of rice, ginger and fat-tailed sheep.
The circle of natural philosophers and magicians which
the Emperor Frederick II (1194-1250) kept at his court
can claim a treatise on horse diseases, and the De Arte
Venandi cum Avibus of Frederick himself is one of the
most important medieval works on zoology. The Art of
Falconry, based on Aristotle and various Moslem sources,
began with a zoological introduction on the anatomy and
habits of birds and went on to describe the rearing and
feeding of falcons, the training of dogs for hunting with
them, the various types of falcons, and the cranes, herons
and other birds that were hunted. When Frederick made
use of other practical treatises on falconry he did not hesi-
tate to describe them as 'lying and inadequate/ nor did he
hesitate to call Aristotle a man of books. The Emperor's
book contains 900 pictures of individual birds, some of
them possibly by Frederick himself, which are accurate
even down to details of plumage, and the representations of
birds in flight are obviously based on close and careful ob-
servation (PL XIII). He watched and questioned Saracen
falconers, observed the nests of herons, cuckoos and vul-
tures, and exploded the popular legend that barnacle geese
were hatched from barnacles on trees. He had barnacles
brought to him and, seeing that they contained nothing in
any shape like a bird, concluded that the story had grown
up simply because the geese bred in such remote parts
that no-one had been there to see. He was interested in
the mechanical conditions of flight and bird migrations,

made experiments on the artificial incubation of eggs, and
showed that vultures did not go for meat if their eyes were
covered. He also noted various other points of bird be-
haviour, as, for example, how the mother falcon gave half-
dead birds to her young to teach them how to hunt, and
how the mother duck and other non-predatory birds
feigned to be wounded and decoyed approaching strangers
from their nests. He also described the air-cavities of the
bones, the structure of the lungs, and other previously un-
recorded fact$J)f avian anatomy.
Other works on falconry, both in Latin and in the ver-
nacular, witness to its wide popularity, but it was not the
only sport that rendered service to zoology. The menageries
which kings, princes amusements
and even towns kept, for
such as bear-baiting or out of curiosity, were in Italy and
the East descended from those of antiquity. That which
Frederick II carted about with him on his travels, even
across the Alps, included elephants, dromedaries, camels,
panthers, lions, leopards, falcons, bearded owls, monkeys
and the first recorded giraffe to appear in Europe. The first
largemenagerie in the north was that established in the

11th century, at Woodstock, by the Norman kings. In the
14th century a large collection of exotic animals was kept
by the Popes at Avignon. These forerunners of modern
zoological gardens could satisfy the curiosity of the rich,
and the charm exercised by animals over the minds of
poorer people is shown by the well-known description of
the domestic cat in Bartholomew the Englishman's On the

Properties of Things, the reputed source of Shakespeare's
natural history.
A similar interest in nature is shown by the hounds,
foxes, hares, the foliage covering the capitals,
and above all
bosses and misericords of York, Ely or Southwell cathe-

drals. There one may see, fresh and resilient, the leaves,
flowers or fruit of the pine, oak, maple, buttercup, poten-
tilla,hop, bryony, ivy and hawthorn. Emile Male, in his
Religious Art in France in the Thirteenth Century (Eng-
lish translation, 1913, p. 52), has recognised in French
Gothic cathedrals 'the plantain, arum, ranunculus, fern,
clover, coladine, hepatica, columbine, cress, parsley,
strawberry-plant, ivy, snapdragon, the flower of the broom
and the leaf of the oak/ Even the conception of nature
as symbolic of spiritual truths led, in the 12th and 13th
centuries, to a special intensity of observation.
The holly bears a bark

As bitter as any gall
And Mary bore sweet Jesus Christ
For to redeem us all/
The same interest in nature is seen in the illustrations

of certain manuscripts. Matthew Paris in his Chronica
Majora (c. 1250) described an immigration of the crossbills
(cancellata)and illustrated the bird. The borders of
manuscripts from the 13 th century onwards were fre-
quently illuminated with naturalistic drawings of flowers
and many kinds of animals, prawns, shells and insects. The
13th-century French architect, Villard de Honnecourt, in-
terspersed his architectural drawings, studies in perspective
and designs for engines of war and perpetual motion with
illustrations of a lobster, a fly, a dragon-fly, a grasshopper,
two parrots on a perch, two ostriches, a rabbit, a sheep,
a cat, dogs, a bear, and a lion 'copied from life/ He also
gave a recipe to preserve the natural colours of dried
flowers (d'un herbier). The progress that was made in nat-
uralistic illustration in the century after Villard de Honne-
court may be estimated by comparing his drawings with
those in the late 14th-century Ligurian manuscript for-
merly attributed to a certain Cybo of Hyeres. The borders
of this manuscript contain illustrations of plants, quadru-
peds, birds, molluscs and Crustacea, spiders, butterflies and
wasps, beetles and other insects, caterpillars as well as
adults often being shown. A point of particular interest
is the tendency to put together on the same page animals
now classifled as belonging to the same group (PL XIV).
In contrast with the naturalistic spirit of these manu-
scripts stands the conventional iconography of many of the
encyclopaedias and herbals. Singer has divided the illustra-
tions of plants in the latter intowhat he calls the Nat-

uralisticand the Romanesque traditions. Botanical ico-
nography may be traced through the 6th-century Byzantine
Codex Aniche Iidiance back to Dioscorides himself, whose
own work was based on the herbal of Cratevas (ist century
B.C.). He, according to Pliny, made coloured drawings of
plants. The Benedictine monasteries not only cultivated
extensive fields, but also planted kitchen and physic gar-
dens, and the object of the herbal writer, who had little
idea of the geographical distribution of plants, was usually

to try to identify in his own garden the plants mentioned
by Dioscorides and the Herbarium of pseudo-Apuleius
(probably 5th century a.d.), the main text-books. Since the
Mediterranean plants mentioned in these books were fre-
quently absent or at best represented by other species of
the same genus, neither the drawings nor the descriptions
given in them corresponded to anything the Northern
herbalist might see. In new herbals or new copies of the
old texts, text and illustrations were usually made by a
different hand, and in the Romanesque tradition the draw-
ings made in the spaces left by the scribe became a matter
of increasingly stylised copying. This tradition, which
emanated from northern France and seems to have de-
scended from a debased style of Roman art, reached its
limit at the end of the 12th century.
Naturalistic representations of plants and animals were
also made throughout the early Middle Ages, for example,
in the mosaics in many churches in Rome, Ravenna and
Venice. Some Latin herbals of the 11th and 12th centuries
were also illustrated in this naturalistic tradition, of which
the 12th-century Bury St. Edmunds herbal is a striking
example (PI. XVI; cf. PI. XV). From the 13th century
onwards naturalistic illustrations steadily increased. Out-
side the herbals, naturalistic representations of plants and
animals appear in the paintings of artists like Giotto (c.
1276-1336) and Spinello Aretino (c. 1333-1410) and, in
the 1 5th century, herbal illustrators learnt from the three-
dimensional realism of the art of Italy and Flanders, reach-
ing perfection in the drawings of Leonardo da Vinci and
Albrecht Durer. An outstanding example is the herbal of
Benedetto Rinio, completed in 1410, which was illustrated
with 440 magnificent plates by the Venetian artist, Andrea
Amodio (PI. XVII). Both the naturalistic and the Roman-
esque traditions continued without a break into the early
printed herbals with which histories of botany usually
begin.
Considering the way they were composed it is not sur-
prising that text and illustrations sometimes had little re-
lation to each other, the former often describing a Mediter-

ranean species known to the authority from whom it was
copied and the latter being either purely formal or drawn
from a native species known to the artist. But medical men
relied on the herbals to identify plants with given pharma-
ceutical properties, and some attempt had to be made to
improve verbal descriptions. These were almost always
clumsy and frequently inaccurate and the synonyms given
by writers of botanical lexicons or pandects, as, for instance,
in the 13th century by Simon of Genoa and in the 14th
century by Matthaeus Sylvaticus (see below, p. 1 58), some-
times did not all correspond to the same object, even
though considerable personal observation went into draw-
ing them up. A clear, accurate and unambiguous nomen-
clature is, indeed, to be found nowhere before the 17th
century and only imperfectly before Linnaeus.
Not all medieval herbals restricted their interest wholly
to pharmacy, nor were their descriptions all inaccurate. The
Herbal (c.1287) of Rufinus, which Thorndike has re-
cently edited, was not only a medical herbal but a book
of botany for plants' sake. Rufinus' authorities were Dios-
corides, the Macer Floridus attributed to Odo of Meung
who flourished at the end of the 11th century, the Circa
Instans of the Salernitan doctor Matthaeus Platearius, the
leading contribution to 12th-century botany, and several
other works. As Thorndike has pointed out, Rufinus added
to his authorities
careful, detailed description of the plant itself— its stalk,

leaves, and flower—and an equally painstaking distin-
guishing of its different varieties or a comparison of it
with, and differentiation of it from, other similar or re-
lated flora. He further takes care to inform us as to other
names applied to a given herb or other plants indicated
by the same name.
As were nearly all in alpha-

in other herbals, the plants
betical order. Dioscorides had sometimes roughly grouped
together plants of similar form and presented a series be-
longing to the Labiateae, Compositae, or Leguminosae.
The same tendency is seen in the Anglo-Saxon Herbal of
about 1000 a.d. extracted from Dioscorides and pseudo-
Apuleius; there was a real grouping of umbelliferous plants.
Serious attempts at classification belonged to the natural
scientific tradition of the North, whereas Rufinus, who had
been brought up in the Italian medical tradition of Naples
and Bologna, seems to have known nothing, in those days
of expensive manuscripts, even of the De Vegetabilibus et
Plantis of Albertus Magnus.
The botanical and zoological sections of the 13th-century
encyclopaedias of Bartholomew the Englishman, Thomas
of Cantimpr6 and Vincent of Beauvais were by no means
devoid of observation, but in this respect they cannot be
compared with the digressions in which Albertus Magnus
described his own personal researches when writing com-
mentaries on Aristotle's works. The commentary, in which
the text of the original might be either clearly distinguished
from or included in the body of critical discussion, was
the common medieval form of presentation of scientific
work inherited by the 13th-century Latins from the Arabs.
The De Vegetabilibus et Plantis (c. 1250) was a com-
mentary on the pseudo-Aristotelian De Plantis, which in
Alfred of Sareshel's translation was the chief source of bo-
tanical theory down to the 16th century. 'In this sixth
book/ Albertus remarked at the beginning of a discussion
of native plants known to him,
we will satisfy the curiosity of the students rather than

philosophy. For philosophy cannot discuss particulars
. . . Syllogisms cannot be made about particular na-
tures, of which experience (experimentum) alone gives
certainty.
Albertus' digressions show a sense of morphology and

ecology unsurpassed from Aristotle and Theophrastus to
Cesalpino and Jung. His comparative study of plants ex-
tended to all their parts, root, stem, leaf, flower, fruit, bark,
pith, etc., and to their form. He observed that trees grow-
ing in the shade were slimmer and had less branches
taller,
than others, and that in cold and shady places the wood
was harder. Both effects he attributed not to lack of light,
but to lack of the warmth which favoured the activity of
the roots in absorbing nourishment from the soil. The heat
of the soil, which according to Aristotle served as the stom-
ach of plants, was supposed to elaborate their food for
them and therefore it was supposed that they needed to
produce no excrement. Albertus claimed that the sap, po-
tentially all parts of the plant because it supplied them
with thisnourishment, was carried in the veins which were
like blood-vessels but had no pulse. The winter sleep of
plants was caused by the retreat of the sap inwards.
He drew a distinction between thorns, which were of
the nature of the stem, and prickles which were merely
developed from the surface. Because in the vine a tendril
sometimes grew in the place of a bunch of grapes, he in-
ferred that a tendril was an imperfect form of a bunch
of grapes. In the flower of the borage he distinguished,
though without understanding their functions in reproduc-
tion, the green calyx, the corolla with its ligular out-
growths, the five stamens (vingiiLe), and the central pistil.
He classified floral forms into three types, bird-form as in
the columbine, violet and dead nettle, pyramid- or bell-
form as in the convolvulus, and star-form as in the rose.
He also made an extensive comparative study of fruits, dis-
tinguishing between 'dry' and fleshy fruits, and described
various types differing in the structure and relations of
seed, pericarp and receptacle, in whether the pods burst
or the flesh dried in ripening, and so on. He showed that
in fleshy fruits the flesh did not nourish the seed, and in
the seed he recognised the embryo. He also remarked in

book 6, tract 1, chapter 31:
On the leaves of the oak often form certain round ball-

like objects called galls, which after remaining some
time on the tree produce within themselves a small worm
bred by the corruption of the leaf.
Theophrastus had suggested in his Inquiry into Plants

that the vegetable kingdom should be classified into trees,
shrubs, under-shrubs, and herbs, with further distinctions
such as those between cultivated and wild, flowering and
flowerless, fruit^bearing and fruitless, deciduous and ever-
green, or terrestrial, marshy and aquatic plants within these
groups. His suggestions were rather indefinite and tenta-
tive. Albertus' general classification follows the main out-
lines of this scheme. Though it is not set out in detail, Dr.
Agnes Arber, book on Herbals, has suggested that
in her
the following system might have been in his mind. His
plants form a scale from the fungi to the flowering plants,
though in the last group he did not explicitly recognise the
distinction between monocotyledons and dicotyledons.
I. Leafless plants (mostly our cryptogams, that is,
plants withno true flower).

II. Leafy plants (our phanerogams or flowering plants
and certain cryptogams).
1. Corticate plants with stiff outer covering (our
monocotyledons, having only one seed lobe).
2. Tunicate plants, with annular rings, ex ligneis
tunicis (our dicotyledons, having two seed lobes).
a. Herbaceous.
Woody.b.
The appearance of new species had received an expla-
nation from a number of natural philosophers before Al-
bertus Magnus. In the cosmogonies of several of the early
Greeks attempts were made to account for the origin of
life and the variety of living things. Thus Anaximander
held that all life had originated by spontaneous generation

from water and that man had developed from fish. Xe-
nophanes quoted fossil fish and seaweed as evidence that
life arose from mud. Empedocles believed that life arose
by spontaneous generation from earth first plants appeared
:
and then parts of animals (including man), heads, arms,

eyes, etc., which united by chance and produced forms of
all sorts, monstrous or proper. The proper forms extin-
guished the monstrous and, when the sexes had become

differentiated, reproduced themselves, and the earth then
ceased its generation. Similar views were adopted by Lu-
cretius, and the notion of 'seeds' in the earth, to which
Adelard of Bath alluded, received an explanation in the
Stoic conception of logoi spermatikoi, which tended to
produce new species of both animate and inanimate things
from indeterminate matter. St. Augustine's theory of the
creation of things in their rationes seminales, or 'seminal
causes' (see above, p. 30), which had a wide influence in
the Middle Ages, was derived from this conception. It was
paralleled among the Arabs by the 9th-century al-Nazzam
and his pupil al-Jahiz, who speculated on adaptation and
the struggle for existence.
Apart from Anaximander's, all these theories accounted
for the succession of new by modification from
species, not
living ancestors,but by generation from a common source
such as the earth. But some ancient writers, such as Theo-
phrastus, had believed that existing types were sometimes
mutable. Albertus accepted this belief and illustrated it by
the domestication of wild plants and the running wild of
cultivated plants. He described five ways of transforming
one plant into another. Some of these did not involve a
change of species but merely the actualisation of potential
attributes, such as when rye increased in size over three
years and became wheat. Others involved the corruption
of one substantial form and the generation of another, such
as occurred when aspens and poplars sprang up in place
of a felled oak or beech wood, or when mistletoe was gen-
erated from a sickening tree. Like Peter of Crescenzi later,
he also believed that new species could be produced by
grafting.
Speculations about the origin of new species and the
mutation of those now existing continued in the next cen-
tury with Henry of Hesse (1325-97), who referred to the

appearance of new diseases and the new herbs which would
be needed to cure them. Later they entered the natural
philosophies of Bruno, who was indebted also to the Stoics,
and of Francis Bacon, Leibniz, and the evolutionists of the
18th century. The reflections of Albertus Magnus and of
Henry of Hesse on the mutation of species were not re-
lated to any concept of an evolving, developing and pro-
gressing universe, animal kingdom or human race, an idea
which is characteristically modern and had no place in
medieval thought. Aristotle had described a scale of na-
ture in his biological works, but in this there was no move-
ment upwards, and when Albertus made this Aristotelian
scale the basis of his botanical and zoological system he
accepted, apart from accidents and the causes of mutation
just mentioned, the continuance of breeding true to type.
Albertus' De Animalibus, and particularly the sections
on reproduction and embryology, is one of the best exam-
ples of the way the system of facts and natural explana-
tions provided by the translations of Aristotle's and other
Greek works stimulated the natural philosophers of the
13th century to make similar observations of their own and
to modify the explanations in their light. The first 19 books
of the 26 books of the De Animalibus are a commentary
embodying the text of Michael Scot's translation of Aris-
totle's History of Animals, Parts of Animals and Genera-
tion of Animals. In his commentary Albertus also made
use of Avicenna's own commentary on these works, of
Avicenna's Canon, which was based on Galen, and of Latin
translations of some of Galen's own works. The remaining
7 of Albertus' 26 books consist of original discussions of
various biological topics and descriptions of particular ani-
mals, taken partly from Thomasof Cantimpr£.
For Aristotle, the reproduction of the specific form was
an extension of growth, for, as growth was the realisation
of the form in one individual, reproduction was its realisa-
tion in the new individual to which this gave rise. Albertus
followed Aristotle in distinguishing four types of repro-
duction: sexual reproduction, in which male and female
principleswere either separate in different individuals, as
in higher animals and in general those with local motion,
or united as in plants and sessile animals and some others
such as bees; reproduction by budding, as in some mus-
sels; and spontaneous generation, as in some insects, eels
and the lower creatures The sexes of plants were

generally.
by Camerarius (1694), though
clearly distinguished only
the point had been suggested by Theophrastus, Pliny and
Thomas Aquinas. Like Aristotle, Albertus rejected the
Hippocratic theory, also maintained by Galen, that both
parents contributed to the form. Aristotle had held that
the female provided merely the material (which he be-
lieved to be thefcatamenia— menstruum— in mammals and
the yolk of the egg in birds) out of which the immaterial
male form constructed the embryo. Albertus agreed with
this but followed Avicenna in maintaining that the ma-
terial produced by the female was a seed, or humor semi-
naliSy separate from the catamenia or yolk, which he said
was simply food. He incorrectly identified this seed with

the white of the egg. The spermatozoon was not, of course,
discovered until the invention of the microscope and he
identified the cock's seed with the chalazea. The cause of
the differentiation of sex, he held, was that the male 'vital
heat' was able to 'concoct' the surplus blood into semen,
informing it with the form of the species, while the female
was too cold to effect this substantial change. All other dif-
ferences between the sexes were secondary to this.
The efficacy of vital heat derived from the fact that, of
the two pairs of primary qualities, hot-cold were active and
dry-wet passive. The heart was the centre of vital heat and
the central organ of the body. To it, and not to the brain,
which Aristotle had said was a cooling organ, ran the nerves.
Vital heat was the source of all vital activity. It was the
cause of the ripening of fruit, of digestion which was a
kind of cooking, and it determined the degree to which
an animal would approach the adult form on being ex-
truded from the parent. The facts of heredity Aristotle
had explained by the degree of dominance of the male
form over the female matter, female characteristics pre-
vailing where the vital heat of the male was low. Mon-
strositieswere produced where the female matter was defec-
tive for the purpose in hand and resisted the determining
form. Vital heat, which Aristotle described in the De Gen-
eratione Animdium (736 b 36) as 'the spiritus [pneuma]
included in the semen and the foam-like, and the natural
principle in the spiritus, being analogous to the element
of the stars/ Albertus said was also the cause of sponta-
neous generation. The corruption of the form of a dead
organism generated the forms of lower creatures which
then organised the available matter, as worms generated
indung. The uital heat of the sun also caused spontaneous
generation, and the Arabs and scholastics generally sup-
posed that such forms were supplied by celestial Virtue/
was in opposition to Hippocrates and
Just as Aristotle
Galen over the question whether the male seed alone
formed the embryo, so he was over the question whether
in embryology any new characters arose or all were already
preformed in the seed, which simply had to expand. Hip-
pocrates had held a form of this preformation theory com-
bined with pangenesis, that is, he held that the sperm was
derived from all parts of the parent's body, and therefore
gave rise to the same parts in the offspring. Aristotle showed
that the theory that the embryo was an adult in miniature,
which had only to unfold, implied that the parts develop-
ing later already existed in the earlier and all in the sperm,
whose parts already existed in its parent and therefore in
the sperm which produced the parent, and so on to infinity.
He considered such emboitement, or encasement, an ab-
surd conclusion, and therefore maintained the epigenetic
theory that the parts arose de novo as the immaterial form
determined and differentiated the matter of the embryo.
After the male seed had acted on the female matter by
curdling it, he said that the embryo developed like a com-
plicated machine whose wheels, once set going, followed
their appointed motions. He described the development
of a number of animals and made this comparative study
the basis for a classification of animals. His observation
that development was faster at the head end foreshadows
the modern theory of axial gradients, and by showing that
the more general preceded the more specific characters he
anticipated von Baer. He also correctly understood the
functions of the placenta and umbilical cord.
Albertus' own researches into embryology were guided
by Aristotle. 10 He never hesitated to accept the evidence
of his eyes but, while he was ready to adopt the theories
of alternative authorities and, for instance, like Avicenna
combined epigenesis with a theory of pangenesis, he usually
attributed errors of fact to copyists rather than to Aristotle.
Following Aristotle's example, he opened hens' eggs after
and added per anathomyam, and with con-
various intervals
siderable understanding, to Aristotle's description of what
was going on, from the appearance of the pulsating red
speck of the heart to hatching. He also studied the devel-
opment and mammals, of which he understood the
of fish
foetal nutrition. And while Aristotle had thought that the
pupa was the egg of the insect, of which he supposed the
life history to be from maternal female to larva to pupa
(his egg) to adult, Albertus recognised the true insect egg,

as well as that of the louse. In book 17, tract 2, chapter 1
of the De Animalibus he amplified Aristotle's text to say:
at first, and from them

eggs are something very small,
worms are generated, which changed
in their turn are
into the matter of ova [i.e., pupae], and then from them
the flying form emerges; and so there is a triple change
from the egg, namely into the worm, and from the worm
into a kind of egg, and from this into something that flies.
He said, in fact that 'the generation of all animals is first
from eggs.' At the same time he believedspontaneousin

generation. He gave an excellent description of insect mat-
ing, and his description in book 5, tract 1, chapter 4 of the
lifehistory of a butterfly or moth represents a remarkable
piece of sustained observation.
A certain kind of caterpillar is hidden in cracks after
10 In the text of
Albertus' De Animalibus edited by H. Stadler it
is possible to follow the original text with Albertus' amplifications.
the sun has begun to recede from the summer tropic

and it and becomes surrounded by
putrefies internally
a hard, horny, annular skin. In thisis born a flying worm
which has in front a long coiled tongue which it thrusts

into flowers and it sucks out the nectar. It develops four
wings, two in front and two behind, and flies and be-
comes multi-coloured and develops several legs, but not
as many as it had when it was a caterpillar. The colours
vary in two ways, either according to genus or in one
individual. Some genera are white, some black and some
of other intermediate colours. But there is a certain kind
belonging to the last genus in which many different col-
ours are found in the same individual. This animal, thus
winged and generated from a caterpillar, is called by
some people in Latin by the common name verviscella.
It flies at the end of autumn and emits many eggs, for
the whole lower part of its body below the thorax is

converted into eggs, and in laying eggs it dies. And then
again from these eggs caterpillars hatch next spring. But
certain grubs do not become verviscellce but gather at
the ends of the branches of trees and there make nests
and lay eggs, and from these arise grubs in the next
spring. Those of this sort always extend the nest towards
the sun at midday. But the sort that are generated from
the flying forms place all their eggs in walls and cracks
in wood and walls of houses near gardens.
Albertus' personal observations extended to many other

zoological phenomena besides reproduction. Thomas of
Cantimpre, though a good observer, had included a whole
book of fabulous animals in his De Natura Rerum (c.
1228-44), but Albertus criticised the stories of the sala-
mander, the beaver and the barnacle goose from personal
observation. He said of the phoenix, the symbol of the
resurrection, that it was studied more by mystical theolo-
gians than by natural philosophers. He gave excellent de-
scriptions of a large number of northern animals unknown
to Aristotle and noted the colour varieties of the squirrel
(pirolus), which passed from red to grey as one went from
Germany to Russia, and the lightening of colour in falcons
(falcones), jackdaws (monedulce) and ravens (corvz) in
cold climates. He considered colour as compared to form
as of little importance as a specific character. He noted
the relation of build to method of locomotion and applied
7
Aristotle's principle of 'homology to the correspondence

between the bones in the forefoot of the horse and the
dog. He showed that ants whose antennae had been re-
moved lost their sense of direction, and he concluded
(wrongly) that the antennae bore eyes. His knowledge of
internal anatomy was sometimes meagre, but he dissected
crickets and observed the ovarian follicles and tracheae.
He seems to have recognised the brain and nerve cord of
crabs and something of their function in movement. He
observed that the moulting of crabs included their limbs,
and showed that these regenerated if amputated. 'But/ he
said in book 7, tract 3, chapter 4,
such animals are rarely regenerated in the abdomen, be-

cause in the bridge above which the soft parts are placed,
the organs of their movement are fixed; and a motive
virtue (vis motiva) goes down that bridge from the part
ofthem which corresponds to the brain. Therefore, since
the seat of a more noble power, it cannot be re-
it is
moved without danger.

The system by which Albertus classified the animals he
described in books 23-26 followed the main lines of that
suggested by Aristotle, which to some extent he elaborated.
Aristotlehad recognised three degrees of likeness within
the animal kingdom: the 'species/ in which there was com-
plete identity of type and
in which differences between
individuals were accidental and not perpetuated in repro-
duction; the 'genus/ which consisted of such groups as
fishes or birds; and the 'great genus/ which involved the
morphological correspondence or homology between scale
and feather, fish-bone and bone, hand and claw, nail and
hoof, and of which the whole group of sanguineous ani-
mals (the modern vertebrates) was an example. Though
no classification was actually set out by Aristotle, the main
lines of hissystem are easily recognised, as they were by
Albertus. As each speciesand genus had many differentiae
they might be grouped in many ways, and, again like Aris-
totle, Albertus did not keep to one system, but put animals
sometimes into groups based on morphological or repro-
ductive similarity, and sometimes into ecological groups
such as flying (volatilia), swimming (natatilia), walking
(gressibilia) and crawling (reptilia) animals. Here he ad-
,
vanced on Aristotle by proposing the division of water ani-

mals into ten genera: malachye (cephalopods), animalia
mollis testes (crabs), animalia duris testaz (shell fish),
yricii marini ~(sea urchins), mastuc (sea anemones),
lignei (sea-stars, sea-cucumbers), veretrale (pennatulide
or gephyra?), serpentini (polychaete worms?), flecmatici
(medusae), and spongia marina (sponges). With some ani-
mals he repeated or aggravated Aristotle's mistakes, put-
ting whales with fish and bats with birds, although he ob-
served the bat's teeth and said in book 1 (tr. 2, c. 4) that
She approaches the nature of quadrupeds/
The main system of classification which Albertus derived
from Aristotle was that based on the mode of generation,
that is, on the degree of development, itself depending on
the parents' vital heat and moisture, reached by the off-
spring at the time of extrusion from the parent's body.
Thus, mammals were the hottest animals and produced
viviparously young which were perfect likenesses to their
parents, although smaller; vipers and cartilaginous fishes
were internally oviparous, externally viviparous; birds and
reptiles produced perfect eggs, that is eggs which did not
increase in size after being laid; fish, cephalopods and
Crustacea produced imperfect eggs; insects produced a
scolex (larva or premature 'egg') which then developed into
the 'egg' (pupa); testacea produced generative slime or re-
produced by budding; and in general members of the lower
groups might be generated spontaneously. The complete
'Aristotelian' scale of living nature, as recognised and modi-
fied by Albertus, is set out in Table 2 (p. 159).
After the 13th century, descriptive botany and zoology
was carried on by herbalists and naturalists having a variety
of interests. Of the herbalists, Matthaeus Sylvaticus in-
cluded in his dictionary of medical 'simples/ or Pandectce,
in 1317, a large amount of information based on personal
observation of plants in various places he had visited or
domestic and foreign plants he kept in
in the collection of
his botanical garden at Salerno. This is the earliest known
non-monastic botanical garden and from this time others
appear, particularly in connection with the medical facul-
ties of universities, the first of this kind being established
at Prague in 1350. A number of surgeons and physicians

such as John of Milano in Italy, John Arderne in England,
and Thomas of Sarepta in Silesia wrote herbals.in the 14th
century. John of Milano illustrated his herbal, the Flos
Medicirue completed before 1328, with 210 drawings of
plants. Thomas of Sarepta, who died as a bishop about
1378, is of particular interest for having in his youth made
a herbarium of dried plants collected in various places, in-

cluding England. An anonymous French herbal compiled
in Vaud about 1380 is of interest for containing fresh in-
formation about Swiss plants, but the most outstanding
herbal of this period was the Liber de Simplicibus com-
pleted by Benedetto Rinio in Venice in 1410 (see above,
p. 146). Besides the magnificent paintings of 450 domestic
and foreign plants, this herbal contained brief botanical
notes indicating collecting seasons, the part of the plant
containing the drug, the authorities used, and the name of
each plant in Latin, Greek, Arabic, German, the various
Italian dialects, and Slavonic. Venice at that time had a
vigorous trade in drugs with both East and West, and
Rinio's herbal was kept in one of the main apothecary's
shops, where it could be used for the practical purpose of
identifying plants. The same medical interest was respon-
sible for the printed herbals that began to appear later in
the 15th century (see Vol. II, p. 263 et seq.).
Of
the other naturalists of the 14th century, Crescenzi
included in his Kurdia Commoda a large amount of in-
formation about varieties of domestic plants and animals
of all kinds and devoted a special section to gardens (see
below, p. 191 et seq.). His main agricultural authorities
^>
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l6o THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
were the writers Cato the Elder, Varro, Pliny, and
Roman
the part of the Geoponica dealing with vines, which had
been translated by Burgundio of Pisa, while for scientific
biology he went to Albertus Magnus and Avicenna. The
German naturalist, Conrad von Megenburg, is distin-
guished for having written about 1350 the first important
work in German, Das Buck der Natur. This was
scientific
bascially a free translation of Thomas of Cantimpre's De
Rerum Natura, but it contained some fresh observations
on rainbows, plague, and various animals and plants. It was
very popular, and the first printed edition of 1475 was the
earliest work in which woodcuts representing plants were
used with the definite intention of illustrating the text and
not merely for decoration. These illustrations probably did
not much antedate the printing, but a late 14th-century
naturalist whose illustrations showed very great powers of
observation was 'Cybo of Hyeres' (see above, p. 144).
Gaston de Foix, who in 1387 began to write his celebrated
French treatise, he Miroir de Phoebus, which did for hunt-
ing what the Emperor Frederick II had done for falconry,
also showed himself to be an excellent naturalist. This
work, which was very popular and was translated into Eng-
lish in the early 15th century, contained very good and
practical descriptions of how to keep hounds, falcons and

other hunting animals and also a large amount of informa-
tion about the habits of the hunted animals such as the
hart, wolf, badger, and otter. Another French writer, Jehan
de Brie, in a book of 'shepherdry' written in 1379 for
Charles V, showed that even in court circles there could
be an interest in nature. In England a series of treatises
on various country sports culminated with the Boke of St.
Albans in two editions in i486 and 1496, the second con-
taining one of the first full accounts in English of fishing;
an earlier Treatyse of Fysshynge with an Angle, on which
the Boke's account is based, dates from the first twenty
years of the fifteenth century. An Italian zoological writer
of the 15th century was Pier Candido Decembrio (1399-
1 41l), or Petrus Candidus, who, in 1460, wrote a series
of descriptions of animals, to which some excellent illus-

IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY l6l
trations of birds, antsand other creatures were added in

the 16th century (see XVIII).
PI.
A large number of theoretical works on biology were also
written in the 14th and 15th centuries, mainly in the form
of commentaries on various books by Aristotle, Galen,
Averroes or Avicenna. In the 13th century Giles of Rome
(c. 1247-1316) had written a treatise on embryology, De
Formatione Corporis Humani in Utero, based largely on
Averroes, in which he discussed the development of the
foetus and the time at which the soul entered. On this
last point there was much controversy and among those to
discuss it was Dante, who put forward the view of St. Au-
gustine and of Averroes that the soul was generated to-
gether with the body, but manifested itself only with the
first movement of the foetus. Another 14th century writer,
the Italian doctor Dino del Garbo (d. 1327), ascribed the
birth and development of plants and animals from seeds
to a kind of fermentation and tried to prove that the seeds
of hereditary diseases lay in the heart. His compatriot, Gen-
tile da Foligno, tried to work out the mathematical rela-
tion between the times of formation and movement of the

foetus and of birth of the infant. Another subject that at-
tracted the attention of scholastic writers of the 14th cen-
tury was the origin and nature of the movement of animals,
and writers likeWalter Burley, Jean de Jandun and Jean
Buridan discussed this question in commentaries on Aris-
totle's De Motu Animcdium. Other parts of Aristotle's De
Animalibus were commented on by writers from the early
14th-century John Dimsdale or Teasdale in England to the
mid-i 5th-century Agostino Nifo in Padua. Another series
of treatises, beginning with that of Alfred of Sareschel, was
written under the titles De Corde or De Motu Cordis. The
problem whether, in generation, seed was contributed by
both sexes was also argued out by theoretical writers, par-
ticularlywith the popularity in the 15th century of Lu-
who had upheld the double
cretius (see Vol. II, p. 105),
seed theory. This discussion went on into the 17th and
18th centuries in the dispute between the animalculists
and ovists. At the end of the 15th century Leonardo da
Vinci tried to bring some of these theoretical questions
within reach of experiment, but it was not until the 19th
century that experimental embryology got properly under
way.
The branch of biology in which the most interesting de-
velopments took place in the 14th and 15th centuries was
neither botany, zoology nor embryology but human anat-
omy. The chief motive for the study of anatomy was its
practical value for the surgeon and physician (see below,
p. 232 et seq.y Vol. II, p. 272 et seq.). The chief sources of
anatomical knowledge were Galen (129-200 a.d.) and Avi-
cenna, the anatomical sections of whose Canon of Medi-
cine were themselves based largely on Galen. Certain
alternative ideasabout anatomy were also known from Ar-
istotle, as seen, for example, in the early 13th-century
Anatomia Vivorum of Richard of Wendover, which was

used by Albertus Magnus. By the end of the 13th century
Shod I £
fig. 13 The four humours. In the cycle of the seasons, the

sequence of predominant humours is blood (spring), yel-
low bile (summer), black bile or melancholy (autumn),
phlegm (winter).
the preference was most commonly given to the usually

more accurate Galen.
Galen's anatomical ideas, based on dissections of human
and animal bodies, were intimately connected with a sys-
tem of physiology. Both were avowedly derived in part from
his great predecessors Herophilus and, more particularly,
Erasistratus in the 3rd century b.c. According to Galen,
the brain (and not the heart as Aristotle had said) was the
centre of the nervous system, and the vital functions were
explained by means of the three spirits (spiritus or
pneuma) and the four Hippocratic humours, correspond-
ing to the four-elements (Fig. 13). The balance of these
four humours—blood, phlegm (or pituita, found in the pi-
tuitary body), black bile (or melancholia, found in the
spleen) and yellow bile (or chole, found in the gall blad-
der)—was necessary for the healthy functioning of the body,
but the vital functions themselves were brought about by
the production and movements of the three spirits, the
'natural spirit' of the liver, the 'vital spirit' of the heart,
and the 'animal spirit' 11 of the brain (PI. XIX). These
were made ultimately from the food, and from the air
drawn into the lungs by the act of respiration, when Galen
held that the principle of life entered the animal body.
This physiological theory, with its three great systems, each
associated with one of the three spirits and their functions,
entirely dominated ideas of the significance of anatomical
structures and connections until it was overthrown by Wil-
liam Harvey (see Vol. II, p. 222 et seq.).
According to Galen, the food taken into the stomach

was transformed first into the chyle by what was known
as the first 'coction,' a process activated by the innate heat
of the animal body and analogous to domestic cooking. The
useless parts of the food were at the same time absorbed
by the spleen, there converted into black bile, and excreted
through the bowel. The chyle itself, a white liquid, was
11 The term spiritus animalis refers to the anima, breath, the

principle of animal the Greek equivalent is pneuma psuchi-
life;
kon. Contrasted with the anima in scholastic terminology is the
animus, the spiritual principle of life, the rational soul.
carried from the stomach and intestines in the portal
vein to the liver. There, in the second coction, it was
12
made into venous blood, the chief of the four humours,

and imbued with a pneuma innate in all living substances,
the 'natural spirit/ the principle of nutrition and growth.
Although Aristotle had correctly related the veins as well
as the arteries to the heart, Galen held that the veins
formed a separate system, totally different in structure and
function from the arteries, and that the venous system took
its origin notfrom the heart but from the liver. The func-
tion of the venous system, he held, was to carry the venous
blood, charged with natural spirit and nutriment, out from
the liver to all parts of the body. He likened the vena cava
to the trunk of a tree, with its roots in the soil, the liver,
and its branches spreading out as the veins. It is this con-
ception of the veins and arteries as belonging to two totally
and anatomical systems that marks
different physiological
the fundamental opposition between Galen's theory of the
motion of the blood and that which Harvey was to put
in its place. For Galen, the function of the venous blood
was to nourish the parts to which it flowed out from the
liver. The process by which the nutriment absorbed from
the veins was converted into flesh was broadly speaking the
third coction. The total amount of blood was not large, and
it was continually, and slowly, being renewed from the liver.
Of the blood discharged by the liver into the vena cava,

some, according to Galen only a small fraction, entered
into the right side of the heart. This organ Galen held to
have only two chambers, the ventricles; the auricles he re-
garded as simply dilatations of the great veins. He held
that the heart was not a muscle, for, unlike true muscle,
it could not be moved at will but beat involuntarily with-
out ceasing because of a specific pulsific faculty, or vis
12 It was only in this

vessel that there was any reversal of flow,
some of the venous blood returning from the liver to carry natural
spirit and nutriment to the stomach and intestines. Owing to a
misunderstanding, some recent historians have supposed that the
blood 'ebbed and flowed' in the venous system as a whole. Cf.
Donald Fleming, Isis, 1955, vol. 46, p. 14 et seq.
pulsifica, possessed by its tissues. He held that the same

faculty was possessed by the arteries and was manifested
in the pulse.
Galen's views on the action of the heart and the arterial
pulse differed from Aristotle'sno less than his views on
the venous system. Both held that the heart was the centre
of the body's natural or innate heat, produced according
to Galen by slow combustion, and both held that the ac-
tive motion of the heart was its dilatation in diastole, not,
as Harvey was to show, its contraction in systole. Aris-
totle attributed this dilatation to the cardiac heat itself,
which boiled the blood and caused it to expand and erupt
into the aorta and thence into the arteries and the body.
Galen, by contrast, held that it was the heart's own vis
pidsifica that caused it to dilate, drawing the venous blood
into it from the vena cava; and that it was a similar ac-
tive dilatation by the aorta and the arteries that drew the
arterial blood and spirit out of the heart and into the body.
As they dilated, he held that the left ventricle also drew

in air from the lungs along the venous artery, and that the
arteries similarly drew in air through the skin. In fact, he
regarded the motions of the lungs in respiration, of the
heart-beat, and of the arterial pulse, as all serving the same
functions, the vitalising and distributing of the arterial
blood and the cooling and cleansing necessitated by the
heart's heat.
Galen had an almost complete knowledge of the essen-
tial anatomy of the heart, and he knew that the course of
the blood through it was governed by the presence of one-
way valves at the four openings leading to and from its
cavities. These valves had been discovered by Erasistratus
(Vol. II, PL XI). 'Nature/ Galen wrote in De Naturdibus
Facultatibus (On the Natural Faculties), book 3, section
'provided the cardiac openings with membranous at-
xiii,
tachments to prevent their contents from being carried

backwards/ This meant that the direction of the blood
through the heart and lungs was in general forwards. The
blood entering the right ventricle from the vena cava
l66 THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
(apart from an insignificant amount which escaped back
through the valve) then had two possible fates. The bulk
of it passed through a valve opening outwards from the
ventricle into the arterial vein (now called the pulmonary
artery). On the contraction of the thorax this blood, its
retreat cut off from behind by the valve, was forced into
the lungs, to which it carried nutriment, and through fine
channels into the venous artery (our pulmonary vein) with
whose branches those from the arterial vein anastomosed.
Whether he held that the venous artery then carried the
blood to the left ventricle Galen does not make clear. Cer-
tainly the venous artery carried inspired air, or some qual-
ity derived from the air, drawn from the lungs into the
left ventricle in diastole. In the opposite direction, 'sooty
waste' derived from the combustion of the innate heat was
carried from the left ventricle to the lungs, and thence
expired. The effect of these actions was to cool and cleanse
the heart, and was these that he regarded as the princi-
it
pal functions of the lungs. The two-way traffic in the venous

artery was made possible in Galen's view by the compara-
tive inefficiency of the mitral valve opening into the heart,
but it was to become one of the difficulties that led Wil-
liam Harvey to re-examine the whole Galenic system.
Besides this passage into the arterial vein, Galen held
that a small amount of blood was squeezed from the right
ventricle into the left ventricle through minute pores
through the pits in the septum forming the dividing wall
between them. In the left ventricle this blood encountered
the pneuma brought from the lungs in the venous artery,
and was there elaborated into the Vital spirit/ the princi-
ple of animal life as manifested in innate heat, and carried
by the arterial blood. From the left ventricle the arterial
blood was drawn out by the dilatation of the aorta through
a valve opening outwards. Passing along the aorta it was
distributed in the arteries throughout the body under the
influence of the pulse, carrying the vital spirit into all the
parts.
Some of the arteries went to the head, where, in the
rete mirabile 13 at the base of the brain, the blood was

finely divided and charged with a third pneuma, the 'ani-
mal spirit/ These were contained in the ventricles of the
brain and distributed to the sense organs and muscles by
the nerves, which Galen supposed to be hollow. The ani-
mal spirit was the basis of sensation and voluntary muscu-
lar activity.
There were thus three principal organs of the body, each
the centre of an anatomical system and a physiological
function. The liver was the centre of the venous system
and of the 'natural' or vegetative faculty concerned with
nutrition; and This system Galen regarded (in complete
contrast to the view since Harvey) as quite distinct in both
structure and function from the arterial system, whose cen-
tre was the heart. The thick-walled arteries had quite a
different appearance from the veins; the blood they con-
tained was different from venous blood in colour and vis-
cosity; and this agreed with the supposition that they served
a different function. The arterial system served the Vital'
faculty whose seat was the heart, the origin of vital heat,
cooled by the lungs. Finally there was the brain, the centre
of the nervous system and of the 'animal' or psychic fac-
ulty, with the animal spirits corresponding to a venous ma-

terial psyche (anima) and, at least in scholastic writings,
serving as the liaison between the material body and the
immaterial rational soul (animus).
Like the Alexandrian physiologists and anatomists going
back to Herophilus and Erasistratus in whose teaching he
had been brought up, Galen had been a good observer and
experimenter. He studied the anatomy of bones and mus-
cles,though in the latter, like Vesalius later, he sometimes
drew conclusions about man from the dissection of such
animals as the Barbary ape. He seems, in fact, to have
worked largely with animals. He distinguished between
sensory ('soft') nerves entering the spinal cord from the
body and motor ('hard') nerves going out from the spinal
cord. He recognised many of the cranial nerves and made
13 A structure at the base of the brain which is well developed
in some animals, for example the calf, but not in man.
l68 THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT
experiments on the spinal cord, showing that sectioning
between different vertebrae of living animals had different
effects: instantaneous death when the cut was made be-
tween first and second and arrest of respiration,
vertebrae,
paralysis of the thoracic muscles, and paralysis of the lower
limbs, bladder and intestines when made at different points
further down. He also had a fairly good idea of the general
course of the veins and arteries, on the functions of which
he made experiments. Erasistratus had thought that the
latter contained only air, but Galen showed that when a
length of artery was ligatured at both ends and punctured,
blood came out of it. Thus, if his mistakes, such as his
theory of the movements of blood, misled anatomists and
physiologists until the 16th or 17th century, it was by his
experimental method, with which he investigated problems
ranging from the production of the voice by the larynx and
the functioning of the kidney to the medicinal properties
men learnt to correct them.
of herbs, that
The medieval scholars who first read Galen's works were
able to add little that was original, but, from the 12th
century, was recognised, as it was put in the Salernitan

it
Anatomia Ricardi, that 'a knowledge of anatomy is neces-

sary to physicians, in order that they may understand how
the human body is constructed to perform different move-
ments and operations/ The great 13th- and 14th-century
surgeons insisted that some practical knowledge of anatomy
was essential to their craft, Henry of Mondeville (d. c.
1325), for example, declaring that the mind must inform
the hand in its operation and the hand in its turn instruct
the mind to interpret the general proposition by the par-
ticular instance. In 12th-century Salerno the dissection of
animal and human bodies seems to have been a part of
medical training; the earliest Western work on anatomy is
the early 12th-century Anatomia Porci attributed to a cer-
tain Copho which described the public dissec-
of Salerno,
tion of a pig. This work was followed during the 12th
century by four others from Salerno, the fourth of which,
the Anatomia Ricardi, was the first to describe human
anatomy. This was based largely on literary sources and
contained descriptions of the eye, motor and sensory

nerves, foetal membranes and other structures similar to
those given by Aristotle and Galen.
In the 13th century, the practice of dissection was con-
tinued at Bologna, where the first evidence of human dis-
section found in the Chirurgia of the surgeon William
is
of Saliceto, completed in 1275. This work was the first

Western topographical anatomy and, though based largely
on earlier Latin sources, it contained the observations of
a practical surgeon such as on the thoracic organs of a man
wounded in the chest and on the veins in joints and in
the lower abdomen as seen in cases of hernia. Another Ital-
ian surgeon, Lanfranchi (d. before 1306), who worked in
Paris, gave anatomical details associated with wounds in
many different parts of the body. Further opportunities for
human dissection were given at Bologna by the practice
of making post mortem examinations to determine the
cause of death for legal purposes. This practice was men-
tioned at the end of the 13th century by Taddeo Alderotti
(d. 1303), who also attended dissections of animals, and
the first formal account of a post mortem examination was
given by Bartolommeo da Varignana in 1302. A manu-
script of about the same date in the Bodleian Library at
Oxford (MS Ashmole 399, c. 1290) has an illustration of a
dissection scene and, later in the 14th century, many post
mortem dissections were made
during the Black Death.
The same manuscript in the Bodleian Library contains
stylised illustrations of the five systems, venous, arterial,
skeletal, nervous, and muscular, and of the child in the
womb. Similar illustrations are found in other manuscripts
of the 14th and 15th centuries and have been published
by Sudhoff.
The man who 'restored' anatomy by introducing the
regular practice of public dissections of corpses for teaching
purposes was Mondino of Luzzi (c. 1275-1326), who was
a pupil of Alderotti and became a professor at Bologna.
Mondino's Anatomia, completed in 1316, was the most
popular text-book of anatomy before that of Vesalius in
the 16th century and it exists in a large number of manu-
scripts and printed editions. Mondino himself dissected
male and female human corpses and also, on one occa-
sion, a pregnant sow. His book was the first work specifi-
cally devoted to anatomy and not merely an appendage to
a work on manual of
surgery. It was, in fact, a practical
dissection in which the organs were described as they were
to be opened: first those of the abdomen, then of the
thorax and of the head, and finally the bones, spinal col-
umn, and extremities. This arrangement was imposed by
the need, in the absence of good preservatives, to dissect
the most perishable parts first and to complete the dissec-
tion within a few days. Mondino also used preparations
dried in the sun to show the general structure of tendons
and ligaments, and macerated bodies to trace the nerves to
their extremities. A good account of the general procedure
was given by Guy de Chauliac in his Chirurgia Magna com-
pleted in 1360.
In spite of his personal observations Mondino's Ana-
tomia was very largely based on Galen, the 7th-century
Byzantine writer Theophilus, and on Arabic authorities.
The influence of the last can be seen in his Latinised Ara-
bic terminology. Among the non-Arabic terms which he
used two have survived to the present day, namely, matrix
and mesentery. Mondino did not, in fact, dissect to make
discoveries but, like a modern medical student, to gain
some practical acquaintance with the teaching of the text-
book authority. In his own manual he preserved both the
mistakes and the correct observations of his authorities.
He believed the stomach to be spherical, the liver five-
lobed, the uterus seven-chambered, and the heart to have
a middle ventricle in the septum. Yet he gave a good de-
scription of the muscles of the abdomen and may have
been the first to describe the pancreatic duct. In at least
one of his ideas, his attempt to establish the correspond-
ence between the male and female generative organs, he
was to be followed by Vesalius. Of particular interest are
certain of his physiological ideas. He held that the produc-
tion of urine was due to the filtering of the blood by the
kidneys and attributed to the brain the old Aristotelian
function of cooling the heart. In addition to this, the brain

acted as the centre of the nervous system, and he held
that its psychological functions were localised in three ven-
tricles, as follows: the anterior ventricle, which was double,
was the seat of the sensus communis or 'common sense'

which, according to contemporary psychology, represented
man's ability to make comparisons between different
senses; the middle ventricle was the seat of the imagina-
tion; the posterior, of memory. Mental operations were
controlled by the movement of the 'red worm' (that is
the choroid plexus of the third cerebral ventricle), which
opened and closed the passages between the ventricles and
directed the flow of the animal spirits (Vol. II, PL XIV
and p. 241).
After Mondino's time anatomical teaching, with public
dissections of human bodies and even research, was carried
on Bologna and elsewhere in northern Italy by a series
at
of distinguished physicians, Guido da Vigevano, Niccol6
Bertruccio, Alberto de' Zancari, Pietro Torrigiano and Gen-
tile da Foligno. Guido da Vigevano, who worked both at
Pavia and in France, wrote a treatise in 1345 which was

based partly on Mondino and other authorities and partly
on his own dissections. It is of interest for its illustrations,
which show a considerable advance in the technique of dis-
section over that of the early 14th century (PI. XX). One
notable feature is that the corpse was slung from a gibbet,
as later in many of Vesalius' illustrations. Of the other
Paduan physicians, Gentile da Foligno is of particular in-
terest for being possibly the first to describe gallstones, and
Niccol6 Bertruccio for his description of the brain. In 14th-
century France, Henry of Mondeville, a fellow student of
Mondino at Bologna, had already, by 1308, made system-
atic dissections and used charts and a model of the skull
for teaching at Montpellier. In the anatomical section with
his medical compendium he gave a good account of the
system of the portal vein. Mondeville's definition of nerves
includes tendons and ligaments, and it is of interest that
another famous Montpellier teacher, Bernard of Gordon
(d. c. 1320), seems to have suggested that nerves exerted
a mechanical pull on the muscles. Bernard followed Greek
authorities in believing that epilepsy was caused by the
humours blocking the passages of the brain and interfer-
ing with the supply of air to the limbs. Guy de Chauliac,
who had studied at Bologna under Bertruccio, carried on
the teaching by public dissections at Montpellier, and one
manuscript of his surgical treatise contains some excellent
illustrations showing dissections in progress. In the 15th
century public dissections began in other centres, in Vienna
in 1405 and in Paris in 1407. There are further anatomical
illustrations in a manuscript of about 1420 of a treatise
by the English physician John Arderne and in a German
manuscript, written between 1452 and 1465, of the
Chirurgia of the 13th-century Paduan physician, Bruno of
Longoburgo. In the mid-i5th century for about fifty years
there seems to have been a decrease of interest in anatomy,
possibly because of an over-concentration on purely prac-
tical and immediate surgical requirements, and possibly be-
cause of the custom, prevalent in the northern universities

where surgery was held in low esteem and anatomy was
taught by professors of medicine, of the anatomical teach-
ers leaving dissection to a menial, while a demonstrator
pointed out the parts, instead of the anatomist doing the
dissection himself (see below, pp. 232-35). This slacken-
ing of progress did not last long, for already by the end
of the 15th century Leonardo da Vinci had begun to make
his brilliant anatomical drawings based on his own dissec-
tions and, early in the 16th century, Achillini made some
fresh discoveries. By 1543, when Vesalius published his
great work, the progress of anatomical research was already
well under way (see Vol. II, pp. 269, 272-74 et seq.).
The man in the 13th-century universe was a
position of
special one: he was both the purpose and the final product
of the material creation, and the centre of the complete
scale of creatures. Man, 'who by reason of his nobleness
falls under a special science called medicine/ stood at the
apex of the scale of material beings and at the base of

the scale of spiritual beings: his body was the product of
generation and fated to suffer corruption in the former
realm; his soul was received at conception, or, according

to some some later period of gestation, direct
authorities, at
from God who created it and destined it for eternal life.
Thus man occupied a central position between two orders
of being, the purely material order of the other animals,
descending through plants to inanimate things, and the
purely spiritual order of the angels, ascending to God.
One effect of this view of the special position of man
in the universe was to emphasise the sacramental aspect
of his scientific activities, to show that he, before all other
creatures, was in a position to worship the Creator of this
great chain of -being stretching above and below him, in
which each thing existed to fulfil its own nature in its spe-
cial place and all to praise the Lord. The sentiment that
was to inspire much of 13th-century science had, in fact,

been expressed at the beginning of the century by the
founder of an order which was to give so many great in-
novators to Western scientific thought, particularly in
England.
'Be Thou praised, O Lord/ St. Francis of Assisi began

his Cantico del Sole, 'for all Thy creatures, especially
for our brother the sun, who and with it
brings the day
For he is glorious and splendid in his radi-
gives light.
ance and, Most High, signifies Thee.'
This was certainly the sentiment of Grosseteste, Roger
Bacon and Pecham in Oxford; and in Paris, Germany and
Italy also, and among the other great order of friars to
whom 13th-century science owes its chief progress, the be-
lief was certainly not wanting that amor intellectualis dei
included the study of nature, of the immense revolving
spheres of the heavens and of the smallest living creatures,
of the laws of astronomy, optics and mechanics, of the
laws of biological reproduction and of chemical change.
The feeling expressed by Vincent of Beauvais in his Spec-
ulum Majus, prologue, chapter 6, might equally well have
come from the pen of Albertus Magnus or many another
13th-century scientific writer:
I am moved with spiritual sweetness towards the Creator

174
and Ruler of World, because I follow Him with

this
greater venerationand reverence, when I behold the
magnitude and beauty and permanence of His creation.
Another effect of the idea of man's nature held in 13th-

century Christendom has already been touched upon,
namely, the effect of the idea that man is rational and
free-willed in leading to the rejection of Greek and Arabic
determinism, and this was to be even more important in
the sequel. Few people at the end of the 13 th century,
apart from the Averroists, believed that Aristotle had said
the last word on philosophy and natural science, and
though all would have admitted that he had provided them
with the framework of their system of scientific thought,
the theologians were careful to preserve both man and God
from constraint within any particular system. The free
speculation which resulted led to radical criticisms of many
of the fundamental principles accepted in the 13 th century,
even of propositions whose acceptance then seemed neces-
sary to the Christian religion itself (though most of these
lay outside natural science); even, indeed, though radical
views led to an occasional brush with ecclesiastical author-
ity. Within natural science perhaps the most fundamental
advance made as a result of these criticisms was in scientific

method and the conception of scientific explanation, and
this, together with the development of technology, formed
the double track that led across the watershed of the 14th
century and with many turns to the 16th- and 17th-century
world.
IV
TECHNICS AND SCIENCE

IN THE MIDDLE AGES
(l) TECHNICS AND EDUCATION

It has often been pointed out that science develops best
when the speculative reasoning of the philosopher and
mathematician is in closest touch with the manual skill
of the craftsman. It has been said also that the absence

of this association in the Greco-Roman world and in medie-
val Christendom was one reason for the supposed back-
wardness of science in those societies. The practical arts
were certainly despised by the majority of the most highly
educated people in classical antiquity, and were held to
be work for slaves. In view of such evidence as the long
series of Greek medical writings, stretching from the first
members of the so-called Hippocratic corpus to the works

of Galen, the military devices and the 'screw' attributed
to Archimedes, the treatises on building, engineering and
other branches of applied mechanics written during Hel-
lenistic and Roman times by Ctesibius of Alexandria,
Athenaeus, Apollodorus, Hero of Alexandria, Vitruvius,
Frontinus and Pappus of Alexandria, and the works on ag-
riculture by the elder Cato, Varro and Columella, it may
be doubted whether even in classical antiquity the sepa-
ration of technics and science was as complete as has been
sometimes supposed. In the Middle Ages there is much
evidence to show that these two activities were at no period
totally divorced and that their association became more in-
timate as time went on. This active, practical interest of
2 y6 TECHNICS AND SCIENCE
educated people may be one reason why the Middle Ages
was a period of technical innovation, though most of the
advances were probably made by unlettered craftsmen. And
certainly it was many theoretical scientists
this interest of
in practical results that encouraged them to ask concrete

and precise questions, by experiment
to try to get answers
and, with the aid of technics, to develop more accurate
measuring instruments and special apparatus.
From the early Middle Ages, Western scholars showed
an interest in getting certain kinds of results for which
some technical knowledge was necessary. Medicine was
studied in the earliest Benedictine monasteries, and the
long series of medical works written during the Middle
Ages, and continuing without a break into the 16th cen-
tury and modern times, is one of the best examples of a
tradition inwhich empirical observations were increasingly
combined with attempts at rational and theoretical expla-
nation, with the result that definite medical and surgical
problems were solved. Another long series of treatises was
written on astronomy by scholars from the time of Bede
in the 7th century for purely practical purposes such as
determining the date of Easter, fixing latitude, and show-
ing how to determine true North and tell the time with
an astrolabe. Even a poet such as Chaucer could write an
excellent practical treatise on the astrolabe. Another series
of practical treatises is that on the preparation of pigments
and other chemical substances, which includes the 8th-
century Compositiones ad Tigenda and Mappa Clavicula,
of which Adelard of Bath later produced an edition, the
early 12th-century Diversarum Artium Schedula of The-
ophilus the Priest, who
lived probably in Germany, the
late 13th-century Liber de Coloribus Faciendis by Peter of
Saint Omer, and the early 15th-century treatises of Cen-
nino Cennini and John Alcherius. Technical treatises were
among the first to be translated out of Arabic and Greek
into Latin, and this was the work of educated men. It was,
in fact, chiefly for their practical knowledge that Western
scholars, from the time of Gerbert at the end of the 10th
century, first began to take an interest in Arabic learning.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES 177
The 13th-century encyclopaedias of Alexander Neckam, Al-
beitus Magnus and Roger Bacon contained a great deal of
accurate information about the compass, chemistry, the
calendar, agriculture, and other technical matters. Other
contemporary writers composed special treatises on these
subjects: Grosseteste and later writers on the calendar;
Giles of Rome in De Regimine Principum on the art of
war; Walter of Henley and Peter of Crescenzi on agricul-
ture; Peregrinus, in the second part of De Magnete, on
the determination of azimuths. It took a scholar to write
about arithmetic, yet most of the advances that followed
Fibonacci's treatise on the Hindu numerals were made in
the interests of commerce.
In the 14th century, the Italian Dominican friar, Gio-
vanni da San Gimignano (d. 1323), wrote an encyclopaedia
for preachers in which he gave for use as examples in ser-
mons descriptions of numerous technical subjects: agricul-
tui fishing, cultivation of herbs, windmills and watermills,
jhi . painting and limning, fortifications, arms, Greek fire,
smithing, glass making, and weights and measures. The

:• M two other Dominicans, Alessandro della Spina
of
(d. 1313) and Sal vino degl' Armati (d. 1317), are asso-
ciated with the invention of spectacles. In the 15th century,
a series of treatises was written on military
most interesting
technology. Beginning with Konrad Kyeser's Bellifortis 7
written between 1396 and 1405, this included a treatise

Gi lini de' Fontana (c. 1410-20), the Feuerwerks-
buck (c. 1422), a treatise by an anonymous engineer in the

Hussite wars (c. 1430), and the so-called 'Mittelalterliches
Hausbuch' (c. 1480). The series went on in the 16th cen-
tury with the treatises of Biringuccio and Tartaglia. These
contained descriptions of how to make guns and gunpowder
i v ell problems of military engineering, which were
as
discussed also by other contemporary writers such as Alberti
and Leonardo da Vinci. Some of these treatises dealt also
with general technical matters such as the construction of
ships, dams and spinning-wheels. The series of practical
chemical which, in the earlier Middle Ages, had
treatises
consisted mainly of recipes for pigments, continued in the
17 8 TECHNICS AND SCIENCE
14th and 15th centuries with accounts of distillation and
other practical techniques and went on in the 16th century
with Hieronymus Brunschwig's books on distillation, the
metallurgical Probierbiichlein, and Agricola's De Re Metal-
lica (see above, p. 129 et seq.; below, p. 213 et seq.). Ex-
amples of the interest shown by medieval scholars in tech-
nics could, in fact, be multiplied considerably. They show
not only that they had an abstract desire for power over
nature such as Roger Bacon had expressed, but also that
they were capable of getting the kind of knowledge that
would lead to results useful in practice.
One reason for this interest of the learned .in technics

is be found in the education they received. The popular
to
handbook on the sciences by Hugh of St. Victor (d. 1141 ),
Didascctlicon de Studio Legendi, shows that by the 12th
century the seven liberal arts had been extended and spe-
cialised so as to include various kinds of technical knowl-
edge. The mathematical subjects forming the quadrivium
had, of course, had a practical object at least since the
time of Bede, but from the early 12th century there was
a tendency to increasing specialisation. In the Didascalicon
Hugh of St. Victor followed a modified version of the clas-
sification of science inthe tradition coming from Aristotle
and Boethius; he divided knowledge in general into theory,
practice, mechanics and logic. Giving a pseudo-historical
account of the origin of the sciences, he said that they arose
first in response to human needs as a set of customary prac-
tices, which were later reduced to formal rules. These prac-
tices began by man imitating nature: for example, he made

his own clothes in imitation of the bark with which nature
covered trees or the shell with which she covered shellfish.
Each of the 'mechanical' arts, forming the 'adulterine' sci-
ence of mechanics which provided for those things neces-
sary because of theweakness of the human body, arose in
thisway. In mechanics Hugh included seven sciences: the
manufacture of cloth and of arms, and navigation, which
ministered to the extrinsic needs of the body; and agricul-
ture, hunting, medicine and the science of theatrical per-
formances, which ministered to intrinsic needs. He gave a
brief description of each of these activities.
Later in the 12th century another popular classification
of the sciences was written by Dominicus Gundissalinus,
his De Divisione Philosophic. This was based partly on
Arabic sources, in particular on Alfarabi, whereas Hugh had
used only the traditional Latin sources. Gundissalinus, fol-
lowing another form of the Aristotelian tradition, classified
the sciences into theoretical and practical. He subdivided
the former into physics, mathematics and metaphysics and
civil government, the
the latter into politics, or the art of
art of familygovernment, which included giving instruction
in the liberal and mechanical arts, and ethics or the art
of self-government. The 'fabrile' or 'mechanical' arts were
those concerned with making out of matter something use-
ful to man, and the matter used could come either from
living things, for example wood, wool, linen or bones, or
from dead things, for example gold, silver, lead, iron, mar-
ble or precious stones. Through the mechanical arts re-
sources were acquired which provided for the needs of the
family. To each of the mechanical arts there corresponded
a theoretical science which studied the basic principles
which the mechanical art put into practice. Thus theoreti-
cal arithmetic studied the basic principles of numbers used
in reckoning by the abacus, as in commerce; theoretical
music studied in the abstract the harmonies produced by
voices and instruments; theoretical geometry considered
the basic principles put into practice in measuring bodies,
in surveying, and in using the results of observing the mo-
tions of the heavenly bodies with the astrolabe and other
astronomical instruments; the science of weights considered
the basic principles of the balance and lever. Finally, the
science of 'mathematical devices' turned the results of all
the other mathematical sciences to useful purposes, for

stone-masonry, for instruments for measuring and lifting
bodies, for musical and optical instruments, and for car-
pentry.
In the 13 th century, these ideas were taken up by a
number of well-known writers, for example Roger Bacon,
1 g TECHNICS AND SCIENCE
Thomas Aquinas and Giles of Rome. The treatises of
Michael Scot and Robert Kilwardby are of special interest.
Michael Scot held that each of the practical sciences was
related to a theoretical science and was the practical mani-
festation of the corresponding theoretical science. Thus to
different branches of theoretical 'physics' there corre-
sponded such practical sciences as medicine, agriculture,

alchemy, the study of mirrors, and navigation; to the dif-
ferent branches of theoretical mathematics there corre-
sponded such practical arts as business concerned with
money, carpentry, smithing and stone-masonry, weaving,
shoemaking. Robert Kilwardby's treatise, De Ortu Scien-
tiarum, very widely read for generations, expressed the same
conviction of the importance of the practical side of science
concerned with getting useful results. Of special signifi-
cance is Kilwardby's pseudo-historical account of the theo-
retical sciences as arising out of particular, concrete prob-
lems encountered in attempting to satisfy the physical
needs of the body as, for example, his version of the ancient
Greek tradition that geometry arose first as a practical art
among the Egyptians because they had to survey the land
after the flooding of the Nile, and was transformed into
a theoretical and demonstrative science by Pythagoras.
Among the 'mechanical' sciences he included agriculture,
viticulture, medicine, cloth-making, armouring, architec-
ture and commerce. Roger Bacon gave elaborate descrip-
tions of various practical sciences, asserted emphatically
that the justification of the theoretical sciences was their
useful results, and stressed theneed to include the study
of the practices of artisans and of practical alchemists in
any scheme of education.
Though it was only in guilds of artisans that any sort of
practical training in the mechanical arts was received, the
utilitarian aims of medieval writers on education were re-
flected, often to a surprising extent, in the courses that
might be taken at a university. This was the case, for ex-
ample, in the 12th-century medical school at Salerno,
where the regulations of King Roger II of Sicily and the
Emperor Frederick II required that the medical student
IN THE MIDDLE AGES l8l
should take a course lasting five years and including hu-

man anatomy and surgery. After passing an examination at
the end of this course he was not allowed to practise until
he had spent a further year learning from a trained practi-
tioner. From the end of the 13th century, attendance at
an 'anatomy' at least once a year was prescribed for medi-
cal students at Bologna, and in the 14th century the medi-
cal school in the university devoted itself increasingly to
surgery. Some practical instruction in anatomy seems, in
fact, to have been required in most medical schools from
the end of the 13th century (see above, p. 162 et seq.;
below, p. 232 et seq.).
In the 'arts' courses in most universities the mathemati-
cal subjects very often had some practical object in view.
In 12th-century Chartres a list of books recommended for
study by Thierry of Chartres included a high proportion of
works on surveying, measurement and practical astronomy;
a list of text-books in use at Paris at the end of the 12th
century shows that the same utilitarian tradition was con-
tinued there. At the beginning of the 13th century the arts
course at Paris took six years, a Licence in Arts not being
granted before the age of 20, though at Paris and most
other universities the six years were later reduced, some-
times to as little as four. The course usually consisted of
a study of the seven liberal arts followed by the 'three
philosophies/ natural philosophy (that is, natural science),
ethics and metaphysics. At Paris during the 13th century
there was a tendency to reduce the time spent on mathe-
matical subjects in favour of the other arts subjects such
as metaphysics. At Oxford a considerable emphasis was
placed on the mathematical subjects, the text-books pre-
scribed including, for example, not only Boethius' Arith-
metic and Euclid's Elements, but also Alhazen's Optica,
Witelo's Perspective and Ptolemy's Almagest. The arts
course at Oxford is also of interest for including the study
of Aristotle's De Animalibus more usual
as well as the
Physica, Meteorologica, Deand other works on
Ccelo,
'natural philosophy.' A similar emphasis on mathematics
is seen in the arts course at Bologna, where the subjects
i82 TECHNICS AND SCIENCE
prescribed included a book on arithmetic known as Algo-
rismi de Minutis et Integris, Euclid, Ptolemy, the Alfon-

sine Tables, a book of rules by Jean de Lini£res for using
astronomical tables to determine the motions of the heav-
enly bodies, and a work on the use of the quadrant. Some
of the German universities seem have cul-
also seriously to
tivated the study of arithmetic, algebra, astronomy, optics,
music, and other mathematical sciences. It seems unlikely
that any actual practical or laboratory instruction was in-
cluded in the arts course at any medieval university, but
there is evidence that special courses in astronomy were
given at Oxford in the 14th century. According .to its pref-
ace, Chaucer wrote on the astrolabe to explain
his treatise
to his son how which he gave him
to use the instrument
when he went up to Oxford. Certainly the Fellows of Mer-
ton College made astronomical observations, and in at least
one case, that of Richard of Wallingford and his plane-
tarium, a scholar is known actually to have made his own
instruments (PL XXI).
An important result of mathematical training re-
this
ceived in medieval education was that it encouraged the
habit of expressing physical events in terms of abstract

units and emphasised the need for the standardisation of
systems of measurement. Without this habit of thought
mathematical physics would be impossible. Lewis Mum-
ford has vividly described how it developed first in con-
nection with the purely practical regulation of affairs. The
need to measure time for the orderly institutions of the
Church and the routine of the monastery led to the sus-
tained medieval interest in the calendar and to the division
of the day into the unequal canonical hours, while the
secular requirements of government and commerce led to
the prevalence in of the system of 24 equal hours
civil life
in the day. The invention at the end of the 1 3th century
of the mechanical clock, in which the hands translated time
into units of space on the dial, completed the replacement
of 'organic/ growing, irreversible time as experienced, by
the abstract mathematical time of units on a scale, belong-
ing to the world of science. Space also underwent abstrac-
tion during the later Middle Ages. The symbolic arrange-

ment of subjects in paintings according to their importance
in the Christian hierarchy gave way, from the middle of the
14th century in Italy, to the division of the canvas into an
abstract checkerboard according to the rules of perspective.
Besides the symbolic maps, like the Hereford Mappa
Mundi of 1314, there appeared maps by cartographers in
which the traveller or mariner could find his position on
an abstract system of co-ordinates of latitude and longitude.
Commerce changed during the Middle Ages from a barter
economy based on goods and services to a money economy
based on abstract units, first of gold or silver coinage, and
later also of letters of credit and bills of exchange. The
problems arising from the dissolution of partnerships (some
discussed in Italy as early as the 12th century) and in con-
nection with interest, discount and exchange were among
the chief incentives to mathematical research. Problems of
currency reform became the subject of treatises by aca-
demic mathematicians like Nicole Oresme in the 14th cen-
tury and Copernicus two centuries later. This process of
abstraction concentrated attention on the systems of units
used. Attempts were made from as early as Anglo-Saxon
times in England to standardise weights and measures and
later (in legislation during the reign of Richard I) to re-
place units based on the human body like the foot and
span by standard measures made of iron. Attempts were
made also to establish the relationship between the dif-
ferent systems existing in different countries and even
within the same country. A series of treatises was written
by doctors interested in standardising units of weight and
volume for drugs.
One of the most interesting examples of a mathematical
art developing an abstract language of its own in order to
communicate knowledge of how to produce a precise prac-
tical effect is music. In the Middle Ages the theory of music
was studied as part of the quadrivium, chants were sung

and instruments played in church, secular music is known
from about 1100, and some universities like 14th-century
Salamanca and 15th-century Oxford even gave degrees in
184 TECHNICS AND SCIENCE
music: so for several centuries men of learning were closely
acquainted with both the theoretical and practical aspects
of the art. The basis of medieval music was the Greek
system of modes, of which the major scale of C is the only
one that sounds familiar in the 20th century. Greek music
consisted entirely of melody. Though the Greeks used
choirs of men's and boys' voices singing at intervals of an
octave, a practice known as 'megadizing,' and also harps
with which they played in simultaneous octaves, this hardly
amounted to harmony, of which they had no real concep-
tion. To write down a melodic line the Greeks had used
letters to indicate the rise and fall of pitch and by the 7th
century a.d., in Church music, this was done t>y strokes
over the words, which themselves controlled rhythm. From
these developed the system of 'neumes' written on a staff
of parallel horizontal lines to indicate pitch, as in the
Micrologus de Disciplina Artis Musicce, written about 1030
by Guido d'Arezzo. He is of interest also as the originator
of the system of designating the notes of the scale by the
first syllables of six lines of a hymn to St. John the Baptist:
ut, re, mi, fa, so, la.
Early medieval Church music was all plain chant, in
which the notes had fluid time-values; mensural or meas-
ured music in which the durations of the notes had an
exact ratio among themselves seems to have been invented
in Islam. A number of Arab writers, of whom Alfarabi
was one of the most distinguished, wrote on mensural mu-
sic and, during the 11th and 12th centuries, knowledge of
mensural music entered Christendom through Spain and

through the translations of Arabic musical works by Chris-
tian scholars like Adelard of Bath and Gundissalinus. In
the 12th century appeared in Christendom the system of
notation in which the exact time-value of each note was
indicated by black lozenges and diamonds on little poles,
as explained in a treatise by John of Garland, who studied
at Oxford early in the 13th century, and more fully in the
Ars Cantus MensuTabilis attributed to Franco of Cologne,
living during thesecond half of the 13th century. Hooks
were attached to the black diamonds to serve the purpose
IN THE MIDDLE AGES ^5
of the modern crotchet, white notes were added,
and even-
tually the so-calledFranconian notation was developed into
the modern system, completed with bar-lines about 1600
and key-signatures about 1700. The new system of mensural
notation made it possible to have firmly defined rhythms,
to sing,and with the introduction of special notations for
instruments, to play two different rhythms concurrently.
With the last came also the beginning of the realisation
of the full potentialities of harmony.
Harmony began in the West with the practice of singing
concurrently the same tune at two different pitches, usually
in fourths or-£fths. This system had been developed in
Christendom by about 900 a.d. and was known as the
organum or 'diaphony.' It is possible that something simi-
lar had been developed independently in Islam where, for
example, the 10th-century Alfarabi recognised the major

third and the minor third as concords. In the 10th century
B il Latin treatises were written on the organum, one
of the best-known being written in the Low Countries by
a certain Hucbald. About 1100 an Englishman, John Cot-
: md the author, probably French, of the anonymous
i.
: use Ad Organum Faciendum, explained a new orga-

num, in which the voices periodically changed from sing-
ing the same melody at different pitches to singing different
melodies in such a way as to produce a carefully varied set
of accepted concords. By the end of the 12th century the
descant had appeared, then both parts began to be moved
in counterpoint. About a century later the 'new art' had
developed enough to see the appearance of the well-known
English six-part round, 'Sumer is icumen in/ one of the
earliest canons. By the mid-i4th century quite complicated
polyphony had been developed, as seen in the Mass for
four voices composed by Guillaume de Machaut for the
coronation of Charles V at Reims in 1364. Polyphony was
elaborated still further by composers like John Dunstable
and Josquin des Pr£s in the 15th century and Palestrina
in the 16th. Besides developing vocal music these late
medieval composers began to realise the possibilities of in-
struments. Pipes, trumpets, and plucked stringed instru-
,
x 86 TECHNICS AND SCIENCE

ments were known from early times and the organ, which
had been known to the Greeks, reappeared in the West in
the 9th century, when it seems to have been tuned in the
modern major scale with the keys named after the letters
of the alphabet. About the same date the introduction of
the bow made it possible to produce a sustained note on
a stringed instrument (PI. XXII), and in the 14th cen-
tury stringed instruments began to be played with a fixed
keyboard.
Throughout all these developments the musical theorist
and composer worked closely together, and musicians were
often distinguished in other branches of science. Typical
results of this close contact between theorist and practi-
tioner are the writings of the early- 14th-century English
mathematician and astronomer, Walter of Odington, who
illustrated his important theoretical treatise on music with
examples from his own compositions. The contemporary
mathematician, Jean de Murs, tried to order the mensural
system according to a single rule relating the lengths of
successive notes in the system, and experimented with new
instruments foreshadowing the clavicord. The most out-
standing 14th-century musical theorist was Philippe de
Vitri (1291-1361), who made contributions to the meth-
ods and notation for establishing the relations between
notes of varying length then recognised (maxima or duplex
longa, longa, brevis, semibrevis,minima and semiminima)
and augmentation and diminution. Most
to such notions as
of Philippe de Vitri's own compositions are now lost, but
Guillaume de Machaut's Mass contains practical illustra-
tions of many of his theoretical innovations. It was through
this combination of theory and practice in the later Middle
Ages that modern rhythmic and harmonic music realised
the possibilities of the organum and the Ars Cantus Men-
surabilis, and developed into an art which can be said to
characterise the modern civilisation of the West as much
as the natural science developing at the same time.
Most of the fundamental techniques on which both clas-

sical and medieval economic life were based had been in-
vented in prehistoric times. Prehistoric man discovered the

use of fire, tools and agriculture, bred, domesticated, and
harnessed animals, invented the plough, pottery, spinning
and weaving and the use of organic and inorganic pigments,
worked metals, made ships and wheeled carts, invented the
arch in building, devised such machines as the windlass,
pulley, lever, rotary quern, bow-drill and lathe, invented
numbers, and laid the empirical foundations of astronomy
and of medicine.
To this basic practical knowledge some important addi-
tions were made in the Greco-Roman world. Though the
chief contribution of classical civilisation to science was not
in technics but in speculative thought, one of the most
important contributions ever made to technology was made
by the Greeks. This was their attempt to give rational ex-
planations of the machines and other inventions and dis-
coveries of their predecessors, which made it possible to
generalise and extend their use. Thus it was the Greeks
who first converted the practical, technological methods of
reckoning and measuring, as developed in Mesopotamia
and Egypt, into the abstract sciences of arithmetic and
geometry, and who first attempted to give rational explana-
tions of the facts observed in astronomy and medicine. By
combining observation and theory they greatly extended
the practical use of these sciences. Greek writers, from the
author or authors of the Aristotelian Mechanica and Archi-
medes down to Hero of Alexandria, attempted to explain
the lever and other mechanisms. Hero gave a full account
of the five 'simple' machines by which a given weight might
be moved by a given force and of some of their combina-
tions: the wheel and axle, lever, pulley, wedge and endless
screw. These were held to be the basis of all machinery
until the 19th century. The Greeks developed also the ele-
mentary principles of hydrostatics. Some Hellenistic and
Roman writers were the first to give descriptions of the
various kinds of machinery then in practical use. Some of
the most important of these were the crossbow, catapults
and other ballistic devices, watermills involving the impor-
tant method of transmitting power through geared wheels
x 88 technics and science
and perhaps a windmill, the screw press and trip hammer,
syphons, vacuum pumps, force pumps and Archimedes'
screw, the bellows organ and water organ, a steam turbine
and puppet theatre driven by falling weights, the water
a
clock and such important measuring instruments as the
cyclometer or hodometer, surveying instruments such as
the dioptra (a theodolite without telescope described by
Hero), and the cross-staff, astrolabe and quadrant which
remained the basic astronomical instruments until the in-
vention of the telescope in the 17th century. Most of these
devices were, in fact, Greek inventions. In other technical
fields as, for example, in medicine and in agriculture
(where the Romans seem to have introduced legume rota-

tion), important improvements were introduced in the
classical world. But whether they were describing new tech-
niques or simply ones inherited from the less expressive
Egyptian, Babylonian and Assyrian civilisations, these
Greco-Roman technical writings were to have a very im-
portant influence as a source of technical knowledge in both
the Moslem and the Christian worlds in the Middle Ages.
In Western Christendom these classical technical works ex-
erted an influence right down into the 17th century.
In the period that followed the collapse of the Roman
Empire in the West there was a considerable loss of tech-
nicalknowledge, though this was compensated to a slight
extent bysome new techniques introduced by the invading
Germanic tribes. From about the 10th century, however,
there was a gradual improvement of technical knowledge in
Western Christendom. This was brought about partly by
learning from the practices and writings (often of classical
origin) of the Byzantine and Arabic worlds, and partly by
a slow but increasing activity of invention and innovation
within Western Christendom itself. The gains thus made
during the Middle Ages were never lost, and it is charac-
teristic of medieval Christendom that it put to industrial
use technical devices which in classical society had been
known but left almost unused or regarded simply as toys.
The result was that, as early as 1300, Western Christen-
dom was using many techniques either unknown or un-
developed in the Roman Empire. By the year 1500 the

most advanced countries of the West were in most aspects
of technics distinctly superior to any earlier society.
(2) AGRICULTURE
The basic occupation throughout the Middle Ages and, in
fact, till the end of the 18th century was agriculture, and it
was in agriculture that the first medieval improvements on
classical techniques were introduced. Roman agriculture as
described by Cato and Varro in the 2nd and 1st centuries
B.C. had, in certain respects,
reached a high level; such crops
as vines and were intensively cultivated and the in-
olives
creased yields obtained by growing a leguminous crop al-
ternately with a cereal were well understood. With the fall
of the Western Empire agricultural methods at first de-
clined, but from the 9th or 10th century improvement
began and continued steadily into modern times. The
first outstanding achievement of the medieval agricultural
population was the great business of agricultural colonisa-

tion. Rulers of the early Middle Ages like Theodoric the
Great in Italy, the Lombard kings of the 7th and 8th cen-
turies, Alfred the Great and Charlemagne had as their pol-
icy, in the words of Orosius, 'to turn the barbarians to the
ploughshare/ to lead them 'to hate the sword/ The agri-
cultural colonisation of Europe sketched in the Carolingian
period, the eastward felling of the German forests, the work
of clearing, draining and cultivation from woody England
and the flooded marshes of the Low Countries to the dry
hills of Sicily and Christian Spain, which went on under
the leadership of Cistercians and Carthusians, feudal rulers

and urban communes, had been practically completed by
the 14th century. During that time, not only was Europe
occupied and civilised, but agricultural productivity in-
creased enormously as a result of improved methods. These

maintained a steady increase in population and the growth
of towns at least until the Black Death in the 14th century.
As a result different regions became specialised for dif-
2QO TECHNICS AND SCIENCE
ferent crops and animals and for the production of wool
and silk, hemp, flax and dye-plants and other materials to
supply the growing needs of industry.
The first improvements in agriculture were brought
about by the introduction of the heavy Saxon wheeled
plough and a new system of crop rotation, both of which
had come into operation in northwestern Europe by the
9th and 10th centuries. The use of the heavy wheeled
plough equipped with coulter, horizontal share and mould-
board (PI. XXIII), instead of the light Roman plough,
made it possible to cultivate heavier and richer soils, saved
labour by making cross-ploughing superfluous, and thus
gave rise to the strip system of land division in northern
Europe from the older Mediterranean block sys-
as distinct
tem. Because needed six or eight oxen to draw it, the
it
use of this plough perhaps led to the grouping of the farm-

ing population in northwestern Europe into villages and
the organisation of agriculture on communal lines as seen
in the manorial system. At the same time as the heavy
plough was coming into use, the system of crop rotation
in northwestern Europe was improved by having three
fields, instead of two, of which one lay fallow. In the two-
field system, one half of the land was left fallow while the
other half was planted with grain. In the three-field system,

one field was fallow, the second was planted with winter
grain (wheat or rye), and the third with a spring crop
(barley, oats, beans, peas, vetches). A complete rotation
thus occurred every three years.The three-field system did
not spread south of the Alps and the Loire, apparently be-
cause it was only in the north that summers were wet
enough to make spring sowing, the chief novelty of this
Even in the north the two systems con-
system, profitable.
tinued side by side till the end of the Middle Ages. The
three-field system did distinctly increase productivity and,
when combined with the superior plough, it may have been
one of the reasons for the shift of the centre of European
civilisation to the northern plains in Charlemagne's time.
Certainly one of its effects seems to have been to make
possible the increasing use of the faster but more extrava-
gant grain-fed horse, instead of the hay-fed ox, as the

plough and draft animal.
Further improvements were introduced in methods of
Middle Ages. The ploughshare was
cultivation later in the
made of iron, and the horse-drawn harrow with iron teeth
replaced the older methods of breaking the clods with rakes
or mattocks. Methods of draining low-lying land were also
improved by the use of pumps and networks of sluices and
canals; the lower reaches of the Rhine and the Rh6ne were
confined to their courses by dykes; and along the coasts of
the Netherlands large areas were reclaimed from the sea.
Sand dunes were arrested by means of osier plantations
along the North Sea coast, and forests of pines were planted
on the dunes of Leiria in Portugal by King Dinis o Lavrador
who ruled until 1325. In Spain and Italy hydraulic science
was used to construct works for irrigation. The most re-
markable of these were the dams and reservoirs of eastern
Spain and the famous Lombard 'Naviglio Grande/ built
between 1179 and 1258, which carried water from Lake
Maggiore over 35,000 hectares to irrigate the lands on the
banks of the Oglio, Adda and Po. Under the guidance of
enlightened agriculturalists, monastic, royal or urban meth-
ods of restoring and enriching the soil were also improved.
Thierry d'Hireôn, who managed the estates of Mahout,
Countess of Artois and Burgundy, and who died in 1328
as Bishop of Arras, is an outstanding example.
A record of contemporary agricultural theory is found
in the writings of Albertus Magnus, with his botanical ap-
proach, of Walter of Henley in England and Peter of
Crescenzi in Italy, and of several other authors who at-
tempted to reach rational methods by combining the study
of ancient Roman sources and Arabic science with con-
temporary practice in Christendom. Thus Walter of Hen-
ley discussed marling and weeding, and Albertus Magnus
discussed manuring. Walter of Henley's Hosebondrie (c.
1250) remained the standard work on the subject in Eng-
land until the appearance of Sir Anthony Fitzherbert's
Husbcmdrie in 1523. The best of the medieval treatises on
agriculture was certainly Crescenzi's Kurdia Commoda
(c. 1306). This was enormously popular on the Continent;
it was translated into several European languages and it
exists in a large number of manuscripts and was printed
many times. Crescenzi had studied at Bologna logic, natural
science, medicine and finally law. After holding a series
of legal and political offices, he settled on his estate near
Bologna and wrote his Ruralia Commoda late in life. This
work was a critical compilation from books and observa-
tion, written with the object of giving the intelligent farmer
a rational and practical account of all aspects of his oc-
cupation, from the biology of plants (taken from Albertus
Magnus) to the arrangement of farm buildings and water
supply. It treated such subjects as the cultivation of cereals,
peas and beans; of vines and their wines, their varieties,
their diseases and their remedies; of fruit trees, vegetables,
medicinal plants and flowers; the care of woods; the rearing
of all kinds of farm animals, large and small; horses and
their ailments; and hunting and fishing. Perhaps the most
were his elaborate discussion of
original parts of his treatise
the grafting of vines and trees and his account of the insect
larvae which destroy plants. His description of bee-culture
shows that Roman methods had not been forgotten.
Of the methods of enriching the soil, the use of animal
manures was fully appreciated in the Middle Ages: cattle
were turned on to the stubble of arable fields; sheep were
folded and the manure collected and spread. Lime, marl,
ash, turf and calcareous sand were also used. And though,
in most of Western Christendom, extensive cultivation
with triennial rotation and fallow persisted, in the Nether-
lands, northern France and southern Italy it had become
common by the 14th century to abandon the fallow year
and plant instead root crops and legumes. Apart from the
enrichment of exhausted soil, this had the advantage that
it made it more animals through the
possible to maintain
winter; in the earlier Middle Ages most of the stock had to
be killed off at the beginning of winter and the meat salted,
the plough teams that were kept being fed on hay and
straw. Yet in spite of these improvements, the expected
yields in most parts of medieval Christendom remained
IN THE MIDDLE AGES I93
low compared with those in the 20th century. For two

bushels of wheat sown per acre in England the yield ex-
pected was 10 bushels; and for four bushels of oats sown
the yield expected was 12 to 16 bushels. A marked improve-
ment in yield came only with the 'scientific rotation' of
the 18th-century agricultural revolution.
In other ways than in methods of cultivating and fertilis-
ing the medieval agriculture made steady progress. In-

soil
creasing attention was paid to the cultivation of fruit trees,

vegetables and flowers in gardens, and new crops were in-
troduced for special purposes: buckwheat or 'Saracen corn/
hops, rice and *ugar cane were grown for food and drink;
oil and lighting; hemp and flax, teazles, the
plants for food
dye-plants woad, madder and saffron, and in Sicily and
Calabria even cotton and indigo, were grown for textile
manufacture. Linen became the source of paper-making,
which spread gradually northward for two centuries after
entering southern Europe from the East in the 12th cen-
tury. In the 13th century improvements were made in Italy
over the method of manufacturing paper in Spain. By the
13th century mulberries were being cultivated and silk-
worms raised in industrial quantities in southern Italy and
eastern Spain. From the 14th century large tracts of Italy,
England and Spain were given over to raising sheep for the
wool trade, so that already Prussia, Poland and Hungary
were replacing them as grain growers. Sheep were in many
ways the most important stock in the Middle Ages: they
provided the most important raw material for textiles; they
gave meat and were the most important source of animal
manure for the fields. Different breeds were kept for dif-
ferent purposes and there was some attempt to improve
breeds by crossing and the selection of rams. Of the other
livestock, cattle were valued mainly as draft animals, though
also for leather, meat and the milk which was made into
butter and cheese. With the introduction of fodder plants
in the Netherlands in the 14th century the first experiments
were made in crossing. Pigs were the chief source of meat,
but were kept also for lard and tallow used for candles.
Poultry was abundant, the common guinea fowl or Indian
fowl having been introduced in the 13th century. Bees were
kept for honey, used in place of sugar, and for wax used for
lighting.
Another very important source of food in the Middle
Ages was fish, especially the herring, fished and marketed
by the maritime peoples living round the North Sea and
in the Baltic. Herrings were the staple food of poorer peo-
ple. The herring industry was much improved by a new
method of preserving and packing in kegs invented in the
14th century. By the 13th century whales were being
hunted by North Sea sailors and by Basques, and on the
shore beds of oysters and mussels were being organised.
Of all the animals in which an interest was taken in the
Middle Ages, the horse was the one to whose breeding the
greatest care was devoted. The horse was one of the chief
sources of non-human power: it drew the plough; it was
used with saddle or cart for transport on land; it was ridden
to the chase and for hawking; and above all it was a primary
engine of war. In classical times cavalry had been of second-
ary importance because of inefficient methods of harness-
ing, but the whole art of vigorous riding in peace and war
was transformed in early medieval times by the introduc-
tion of stirrups. There is evidence that these were in use
in China in the 5th century a.d. and Hungary in the 6th
in
century, and shortly afterwards they were recommended for
the Byzantine cavalry. In northwestern Europe they are first
found in the 8th century in the graves of Vikings in Sweden.
In the 9th century stirrups are shown in the chessmen
which are supposed to have been sent to Charlemagne by
Haroun al Raschid. By the 11th century stirrups were com-
mon, saddles were becoming deeper, and prick spurs and
the curb were coming into use. With these methods of con-
trolling the mount the cavalry charge with lances became
possible and remained the basis of tactics for several cen-
turies. Armour became and one of the chief points
heavier,
for breeding was to get a strong animal capable of carrying
the enormous weight. Horse breeding was much influenced
by Arab practices and the best works on the subject and
on veterinary medicine relating to the horse were written
in Arabic as late as the 14th century.Horse studs were set

up Christendom by rulers such as the counts of Flanders,
in
the dukes of Normandy, and the kings of the two Sicilies.
The kings of Castile introduced laws regulating stock
breeding generally. The Arabs had traced pedigrees through
the dam, but the Western practice from as early as the
12th century seems to have been to trace them through the
sire, and certainly Arab stallions were imported from time
to time. In the 13th century several Spanish works were
written on horse breeding and veterinary science; another
was written by one of Frederick IFs advisers in Sicily. In
the 14th century Crescenzi's treatise had a section on the
horse, and further veterinary works were written in Italy
and Germany later in the century.
The value of the horse as a draft animal depended on
the introduction of a new kind of harness which allowed
the animal to take the weight on its shoulders by means
of a rigid stuffed collar, instead of on its neck as hitherto
(PL XXIV). In Greek and Roman times, to judge by
sculpture, vase paintings and medals, horses were harnessed
in such a way that the pull was taken on a strap passing
round the neck, so that the harder they pulled the closer
they came to strangulation. The modern horse collar ap-
peared in the West in the late 9th or early 10th century,
introduced perhaps from China. At the same time two
other inventions appeared: the nailed horseshoe which im-
proved traction, and the extension of the lateral traces for
the tandem harness, allowing horses to be harnessed one
in front of the other so that an indefinite number could
be used to move heavy weights. This had not been possible
with the classical method of harnessing horses side by side.
Another improvement which came in during the same pe-
riod was the invention of a multiple yoke for oxen. These
inventions transformed life in the West in the 11th and
12th centuries, much as the steam engine did in the 19th.
They made it possible to use the horse to pull the heavy
wheeled plough, the first picture of a horse so engaged ap-
pearing in the Bayeux tapestry. Perhaps because of changed
economic conditions, perhaps because of the opposition of
the Church, slave labour, which was the basis of classical
industry,had become increasingly scarce in the early Mid-
dle Ages. The new methods of harnessing animal power,
and the increasing exploitation of water- and wind-power,
came to make slavery unnecessary.
(3) THE MECHANISATION OF

INDUSTRY
The great expansion of the use of watermillsand wind-
mills that took place during the laterMiddle Ages, in as-
sociation with the growth of manufacturing, brought in an
essentially new stage in mechanical technique. From this
period must be dated that increasing mechanisation of life
and industry, based on the ever-increasing exploitation of

new forms of mechanical power, which characterises mod-
ern civilisation. The initial stages of the industrial revolu-
tion, before the use of steam, were brought about by the
power of the horse and ox, water and wind. The mechanical
devices and instruments invented in classical times, pumps,
presses and catapults, driving wheels, geared wheels and
trip hammers, and the five kinematic 'chains' (screw,
wheel, cam, ratchet and pulley) were applied in the later
Middle Ages on a scale unknown in earlier societies. The
remaining kinematic 'chain/ the crank, was known in its
simple form in late classical times. It was used in such
simple mechanisms as the rotary grindstone depicted in the
mid-9th-century Utrecht Psalter. The combined crank and
connecting-rod was a medieval invention. Though it is diffi-
cult to trace its later his ton', this mechanism had certainly
come into general use by the 1 5th century. With the crank
it became possible for the first time to convert reciprocat-
ing into rotary motion and vice versa, a technique without

which modern machinery is inconceivable.
The earliest water-driven mills were used for grinding
corn, though before them waterwheels operating chains of
pots had been used in ancient Sumeria for raising water.
These early cornmills were of three kinds. Horizontal mill-
IN THE MIDDLE AGES 19-7
stones on a by water flowing past vanes

vertical shaft turned
attached to the bottom of the shaft are known from the
5th century a.d. from Ireland, Norway, Greece and other
places, is no direct evidence for this kind of
though there
mill in antiquity. A
second type of mill, in which a vertical
undershot waterwheel operated a pestle by a trip hammer
mechanism, is described by Pliny. An undershot water-
wheel driving a millstone by means of geared wheels is de-
scribed by Vitruvius. This is the first instance known of
the use of geared wheels for transmitting power. Four cen-
turies later Pappus of Alexandria described a toothed
wheel rotating on a helix or worm gearing. There is evi-
dence that the Romans used also overshot wheels, which
had the mechanical advantage that they were driven by
the weight of the water as well as the force of the current.
From the Mediterranean, watermills spread northwestward
and, by the 4th century a.d., they were in general use
throughout Europe for grinding corn and pressing olives.
In the 4th century Ausonius describes a water-driven saw
in use on the Moselle for cutting marble. In the 11th cen-
tury Domesday Book records 5,000 watermills in England
alone. The first evidence as to the type of mill in use in
medieval Christendom comes from the 12th century, by
which time the vertical undershot wheel was the common
type. Overshot wheels do not appear in illustrations before
the 14th century (PI. XXV) and even by the end of the
16th century they had by no means entirely displaced the
undershot type.
With the spread of watermills came improvements in
methods of transmitting power and of converting their ro-
tary motion for special purposes. As early as the 12th cen-
tury, illustrations show that the proportions of the crown
and pinion wheels forming the gear were adjusted to give
the millstone a high speed of rotation even in slow streams,
and the general mechanism of the geared wheel was
adapted to mills worked by other forms of power. Illus-
trations from the end of the 13th century to the 16th show
such mechanisms in mills worked by horses or oxen or by
hand, and 15th-century illustrations show them in wind-
mills. By the end of the 12th century the rotary motion
of the water wheel was being converted to operate trip
hammers for fulling 1 and for crushing woad, oak bark, for
tanning leather, and other substances, and by the 14th
century the same mechanism was used for forge hammers.
In the 14th century the treadle hammer, the English 'Oli-
ver/ appeared, and in the 15th century a stamping mill

was described for crushing ore. In the late 13th century
the waterwheel was adapted also to drive forge bellows
(Fig. 14) and, if a device sketched by Villard de Honne-
court represents something actually used, sawmills for cut-
ting wood. Water-driven sawmills certainly existed in the
next century. By the 14th century waterwheels and also
horse-driven wheels were used to drive grindstones for mak-
ing edged tools; by the 1 5th century they were in use for
pumping mines and salt pits, for hoisting in mines with

in
crank or windlass, and for driving iron-rolling mills and
wire-drawing mills; by the 16th century they were used to
drive silk mills.
Windmills came into use much later than watermills.
The first certain knowledge of windmills comes from the
writings of Arab geographers travelling in Persia in the 10th

century, though mills may have existed there before that
time. These writings describe windmills with horizontal
sails operating a vertical axle, to the lower end of which
was attached a horizontal millstone. Windmills may have

come to the West from Persia through the Arabs of Spain,
through the Crusades, or through trade between Persia and
the Baltic known to have passed through Russia. Certainly
when windmills first appear in Christendom in the 12th
century it is in the northwest, though these had vertical
sails driving a horizontal axle. But whatever its early history
in the West, by the end of the 12th century the windmill
1 'When a little farther, at the doubling of the Point of a Rock,
they plainly discovered ... Six huge Fulling-Mill Hammers, which,

interchangeably thumping several Pieces of Cloth, made the ter-
rible Noise that caus'd all Don Quixote's Anxieties and Sancho's
Tribulation that night/ (Don Quixote, 1603, part i, book 3,
section 6).
was widespread in England, the Netherlands and northern
France; it was used especially in those regions where there
was no water. The chief mechanical problem introduced
by the windmill arose out of the need to present the sails
to the wind, and in the earlier mills the whole structure
was rotated about a pivot or post (PI. XXVI). This meant
that mills had to remain small, and only from the end of
the 1 5th century did the windmill increase in size and de-
velop in a really efficient form. The axle was then set at a
slight angle to the ground, the sails adjusted to catch every
breath of wind, a brake was fitted, and there were levers
to adjust theT>osition of the millstones. The 'turret' type
of windmill with only the top section rotating, which was
developed in Italy towards the end of the 15th century,
was the last significant addition to the list of prime movers
before the invention of the steam engine.
The development and application of these forms of
power produced the same kind of social and economic
changes and dislocations in the Middle Ages as were to
occur again on a larger scale in the 18th and 19th cen-
turies. As early as the 10th century the lords of the manor
began to claim a monopoly for their cornmills, which were
a source of money-income, and this led to a long struggle
between the lords and the commune. The monks of Jum-
teges, as lords of the manor, destroyed the hand mills
at Viville in 1207; the monks of St. Albans carried on a
campaign against hand mills from the end of the 13th cen-
tury until the so-called Peasants' Revolt, the great rising
of the English communities led by Wat Tyler in 1381.
The mechanisation of fulling in the 13th century led to
a wholesale shift of the English cloth industry from the
plains of the southeast into the hills of the northwest where
water was available. Colonies of weavers settled round the
fulling mills in the Lake District, the West Riding and
the Stroud valley, and the cloth industry decayed in towns
likeYork, Lincoln, London and Winchester which had pro-
vided the broadcloth that was the staple of English industry
in the 12th century. The insistence of the landowners who
erected these mills that cloth should be brought to them,
and not fulled by hand or foot at home, led to a long strug-
gle, aspects of which are vividly described in Piers Plow-
man, and this action by the owners of mills was certainly
also one of the causes of the Peasants' Revolt.
Though the other processes involved in the manufacture
of cloth did not, until the 18th century, reach the com-
plete mechanisation achieved in fulling in the 13th, the
first steps towards this also were made during the Middle
Ages. The main making were carding
stages in early cloth
and combing by hand, spinning by hand from a distaff on
to a loose spindle, and weaving of the yarn thus prepared
into a loose 'web' on a loom worked by hand and foot.
The 'web' was then fulled in water and so felted. After
fulling the cloth went to the 'rower' who raised the nap
with teasels and to the shearsman who cut off the loose
threads, after which, when small blemishes had been re-
paired, it was ready for sale. 2 The mechanisation of spin-
ning began in the 13th century when the spinning wheel
turned by hand made its appearance (PI. XXVII). The
processes of twisting silk and winding it on reels are said
to have been mechanised in Bologna in 1272. Certainly
various kinds of thread were being spun with wheels by
the end of the 13th century and about the same time the
quilling wheel came in, by means of which the spun yarn
was wound regularly on to the quill or bobbin which was
set in the shuttle for weaving. There are several 14th-
century illustrations of this wheel in use. It is interesting
from the mechanical point of view as one of the earliest
attempts to use continuous rotary motion. At the end of
the 15th century further improvements in mechanisms for
spinning and winding were envisaged by Leonardo da
Vinci, who drew a sketch of a 'flyer' by means of which
these two processes could go on simultaneously; he seems
2 Piers Plowman (c. 1362) has a description of the cloth trade

(ed. W. W. Skeat, Oxford, 1886, p. 466, B Text, Passus xv, 11.
444 et seq. ) Cloth that cometh fro the wevying is nought comly
:
to were, Tyl it is fulled under fote or in fullyng-strokkes, Wasshen

wel with water and with taseles cracched, ytouked, and ytented
and under tailloures hande.
.
to have had in mind machinery driven by water

large-scale
power or a horse winch. He
designed also a power-driven
gig mill for raising the nap on cloth with teasels. In fact
no satisfactory substitute has ever been discovered for
teasels, though unsuccessful attempts to use iron combs
were made as early as the mid-i 5th century. The flyer ac-
tually came into use about 1530 in a wheel incorporating
also another innovation, the drive by treadle and crank.
Power-driven spinning mills and gig mills seem to have
been used on a considerable scale in the Italian silk in-
dustry from the end of the 16th century, and full descrip-
tions of them are given by Zonca ( 1607 ) (PI. XXX, XXXI )
In weaving, the improvements that took place between
the end of the Roman Empire and the revival of Western
silk manufacture in the 14th century occurred mainly out-
side the West in Byzantium, Egypt, Persia and China,

though they were rapidly taken over in the West in the
later Middle Ages. These improvements were introduced
mainly to make possible the weaving of patterned silk ma-
terials, for which it was necessary to be able to select the
particular threads of the warp to be moved. This was done

by two distinct improvements to the loom: first, a loom
worked by pedals with better heddles, and later with a
reed frame to provide a runway for the shuttle; and sec-
ondly, the draw loom. Both these devices seem to have
been in existence in Egypt by about the 6th century a.d.
and they probably entered Christendom through Italy, per-
haps as early as the 11th century. From the silk industry
their use spread to other branches of textile manufacture.
Some further minor improvements were made in weaving
technique in Europe in the 14th and 15th centuries; a knit-
ting machine or stocking frame was invented in the 16th
century, hand knitting having been invented a century
earlier; and a ribbon loom was introduced about 1621. But
the major improvements in weaving were not to come until
the invention of the flying shuttle and power loom which,
with the contemporaneous advances in the mechanisation
of spinning, were to transform the textile industry, par-
ticularly inEngland, in the 18th and early 19th centuries.
Another industry which became rapidly mechanised at
the end of the Middle Ages was the production of books.
Of the different elements involved in printing, the manu-
facture of linen paper seems to have begun in China in
the ist century whence it spread westwards through
a.d.,
the countries dominated by Islam, to enter Christendom

through Spain and southern France in the 1.2th century.
This was a more suitable material for printing than the
older costly parchment and brittle papyrus. The inks with
an oil base used in printing were developed first by painters
rather than calligraphers. Presses were already known in
the manufacture of wine and the printing of cloth. The
most essential element, the type itself, was made possible
by skills acquired by wood engravers and by goldsmiths
who had developed a technique for casting metal. Type
developed in three main stages, first in China and then
in Europe, though since the techniques used in these two
regions were very different it is difficult to say to what ex-
tent the one influenced the other. In China, printing from
wooden blocks, a separate block being cut for each page,
appeared in the 6th century a.d., printing from movable
wooden characters in the 11th century, and from movable
metal type (in Korea) in the 14th century. In Europe,
the use of wood cuts for the elaborate initial letters of
manuscripts first appeared in a monastery at Engelberg in
1147; block printing appeared at Ravenna in 1289 and was
common throughout Europe by the 1 5th century; movable
metal type came in at the end of the 14th century, ap-
pearing at Limoges in 1381, Antwerp in 1417, and Avignon
in 1444. The advantage of cast metal type was that hun-
dreds of copies of each letter could be cast from a single
mould instead of having to be carved separately as with
wooden type. Though the first record of it in Europe is
in the Netherlands, it was at Mainz that the use of ac-
curately set movable metal type was brought to perfection.
At Mainz, between 1447 and 1455, Gutenberg and his as-
sociates introduced, in place of the older method of casting
type in sand, first the adjustable metal type-mould for mak-
ing lead type, then the improvement of punches and the
preparation of copper type. These were the strategic in-

ventions in printing and with them the multiplication of
books on a large scale became possible.
Perhaps the most spectacular result of medieval me-
chanical techniques is to be seen in the buildings, and many
of the devices employed by the medieval mason to solve

the statical problems arising in the construction of large
churches were altogether original. It is impossible to say
to what extent the medieval builder was being purely em-
pirical and to what extent he was able to use the results
of theoretical work in statics, but it is significant that dur-
ing the late 12th and 13th centuries, just when the erec-
tion of the great cathedrals was producing the most difficult
practical problems, Jordanus Nemorarius and others were
making important additions to theoretical statics; at least
one 13th-century architect, Villard de Honnecourt, showed
a knowledge of geometry. The original developments in
Gothic architecture arose from the attempt to put a stone
roof on the thin walls of the central aisle of a basilica, the
usual form of Christian church since Roman times. The
Romans never had to face the problems which arose for
the medieval mason because they built the barrel or
groined vaults over their baths in concrete, and domes, like
that of the Pantheon, in horizontally coursed brickwork
with mortar; when the concrete or mortar had set, the
thrust of the roof on the wall was very small. This was
not the case with medieval buildings, in which no such
concrete or mortar was used.
The masons of 10th- and 11th-century Burgundy tried
to roof their naves with barrel vaults in the Roman style,
but they found that the enormous thrust on the side walls
tended to push them out even though they were made very
thick. The first attempt to overcome this difficulty was to
make the side aisles nearly the same height as the nave and
roof them by means of groined vaults formed by two barrel
vaults intersecting at right angles.These groined vaults of
the aisles counteracted the thrust of the barrel vault of
the nave and themselves exerted very little thrust except
at the corners, which could be supported by massive pillars.
This arrangement had the disadvantage that it left the
church lighted only by the aisle windows, and when, as
in many Cluniac churches, the roof of the nave was raised
to get windows above the aisles, the walls collapsed from
lack of support. A solution was found at V6zelay and
Langres by using groined vaults for the nave, two semi-
wooden centrings being used on which to construct
circular
the diagonals of the vault. By this means the 11th-century
builder could construct a vaulted roof to cover any space,
square or oblong, with a separate vault over each bay rest-
ing on semicircular transverse arches separating the bays.
This arrangement still had serious defects. The form of
the semicircular arch, in which the height must be half
the span, was quite inelastic and there was still a formida-
ble outward thrust so that the transverse arches tended to
drop. Considerable elasticity of design was introduced and
the outward thrust reduced by adopting the pointed arch
which appeared in Christendom first in Wzelay and other
Cluniac churches in the late 11th century, and later in the
lie de France. It is thought to have been brought to Eu-
rope from Asia Minor, where it had become common by
the 9th century. Half-arches of this kind were used in the
12th century to buttress the walls of several French
churches, flying buttresses, in fact, in all respects except
that they were hidden under the triforium roof.
A further step which completed the change from the
Roman to the Gothic vaulted roof was to build diagonal
arches over the wooden centrings used in constructing the
groins,and to use these as permanent ribs (sprung from
columns) on which to build the vault surface. This seems
to have been done in various parts of Europe during the
11th and early 12th centuries, and it was this invention
which gave rise to the wonderful Gothic of the lie de
France in the 12th century. It gave great elasticity of de-
sign to the vault and meant that any space of any shape
could be vaulted with ease, so long as it could be divided
up into triangles, and that the summits of all the arches
and vaults could be kept at any level desired. This freedom
was increased still further when it was realised that the
diagonal ribs need not be complete arches, but that three

or more half-ribs could be used butting against each other
at the summit of a pointed roof. Following the introduc-
tion of the permanent rib, differences in the method of
filling in the vault surface led to a striking divergence in
roof design between France and England. The French
method was to make each vaulting panel arched and self-
supporting. The English, on the other hand, did not make

their panels self-supporting, so that further ribs had to be
added to keep them up and this led to the fan vaulting
of which goo3 examples are Exeter Cathedral and the
Chapel of King's College, Cambridge.
Perhaps the most striking of all the devices invented to
solve the problems created by stone vaulting was the flying
buttress introduced in the He de France in the 12th cen-
tury. In contrast with English builders, who at first retained
the Norman tradition of thick walls, the French reduced
their walls to little else than frames for stained-glass win-
dows, and in so doing they had to devise some means of
counteracting the thrust of the nave roof. This they did,
at Poissy in 1135 and later at Sens and St. Germain des
Pr£s, by carrying up a half-arch above the roof of the side
aisle to the junction of the roof and wall of the nave. Later
it was realised that the roof thrust extended some way down
the wall, and the flying buttress was doubled to meet this
thrust as at Chartres and Amiens. This method of counter-
acting roof thrust created another problem, for it exposed
the building to a considerable strain from east to west.
To tie it together in this direction the wall arches and the
gables over the windows were made specially strong. This
gave windows in French churches like La Sainte
the
Chapelle in Paris a prominence they never had in England.
Probably many of the devices invented by the 12th- and
13th-century architects were based on rule of thumb, and
the great period of medieval building is singularly lacking
on the subject. But the notebook of Villard de
in treatises
Honnecourt, who designed parts of Laon, Reims, Chartres
and other French cathedrals, shows that the 13th-century
architect could possess a greater ability to generalise the
problems of stress and weight lifting involved than the
poverty of theoretical writings might suggest. The Architet-
tura of Alberti shows that certainly by the 15th century
architects had a good knowledge of mechanics. This knowl-
edge becomes even more evident in the late 1 5th and early
16th centuries, when Leonardo da Vinci calculated the
weight that a pillar or cluster of pillars of any given diame-
ter could safely carry and tried also to determine the great-
est weight that could be borne by a beam of any given span.
By the 16th century, Vitruvius had begun to have a great
influence on building, but his admirers, such as Palladio,
whose Architettura was published in 1570, far .surpassed
him in scientific knowledge. By the 17th century, problems
such as the strength of materials and the stability of arches
had become a subject of research by professional mathema-
ticians like Galileo, Wren and Hooke; Wren and Hooke
were also employed as architects.
Another branch of construction in which considerable
progress was made during the Middle Ages, with the ob-
ject of making better use of wind power, was ship building.
The two common types of medieval European ship derived,
respectively, from the Roman galley and the Norse long
ship. They had a number of features in common: both
were long, narrow and flat-bottomed, with a single mast
and a square sail; both were steered by an oar on the side at
the stern of the ship. The first improvement on this ar-
rangement was the fore-and-aft rig as seen in the lateen
sail which appears suddenly in Greek miniatures in the 9th
century. By the 12th century lateen sails were common in

the Mediterranean, and from there they spread to northern
Europe. At the same time ships grew larger, got higher out
of the water, the number of masts increased, and in the
13th century the modern rudder fixed to the stern post,
an extension of the keel, made its appearance (PL
itself
XXVIII). These improvements made it possible to tack ef-

fectively against the wind, made oarsmen unnecessary, and
extended the range of exploration. An early exercise in the
mechanisation of ships, not necessarily representing any-
thing actually built, appeared at the beginning of the 1 5th
century with the drawings of ships with paddle-wheels by
Konrad Kyeser and by the Sienese engineer, Jacopo Mari-
ano Taccola. Ramelli also gave an illustration of a paddle
boat in 1588 and another innovation, a submarine, was ac-
tually built and successfully used in the Thames in 1614.
An improvement to inland water transport was brought
about in the 14th century by the introduction of lock gates
on canals; new possibilities for transport on land were in-
troduced by making roads of stone cubes set in a bed of
loose earth or sand and by improvements in wheeled ve-
hicles, including (in the 13th century) the invention of the
wheelbarrow. Mechanisation was attempted also with land
vehicles as early as 1420, when Fontana described a ve-
locipede. At the end wagons propelled
of the 16th century
by man-<lriven machinery and by sails were apparently con-
structed in the Low Countries. Flight had attracted atten-
tion in the West at least since the 11th century, when
Oliver of Malmesbury is have broken his legs in
said to
an attempt to glide from a tower with wings fitted to his
hands and feet. Roger Bacon was also interested in flight.
Leonardo da Vinci actually designed a mechanical flying-
machine which flapped its wings like a bird.
An important advance associated with these improve-
ments in methods of transport was the appearance of the
firstgood maps in the West since Roman times. When
accurate maps were added to the rudder and the compass,
which came into use in the 12th century (see above, p.
120 et seq.), ships could be navigated effectively away from
sight of land and, as Mumford has put it, exploration was
encouraged in an attempt to fill in the gaps suggested by
the rational expectations of space. The first true medieval
maps were the portolani, or compass-charts, for mariners.
The earliest known portolano is the late 13th-century Carte
Pisane, but its relative technical excellence suggests that
others which have disappeared were made before it. Geno-
ese sailors are said to have shown St. Louis of France his
position on a map when he was crossing to Tunis in 1270.
Some of the evidence might seem to suggest a Scandinavian
origin for portolani, but the Arabs certainly had charts from
2o8 TECHNICS AND SCIENCE
an early date, and charts were developed also by the Byzan-
tines, Catalans and Genoese. The use of the Catalan legua
for distances in all the known portolani perhaps supports
the Catalan claim to primacy, but this use may have come
in later as a matter of convenience. In fact, the ques-
tion of the origin of portolani is undecided. The novel fea-
ture of the portolani, as compared with the old traditional
symbolic mappce mundi, is that they were made for use
as guides to a specific area. Made by practical men and

based on the direct determination of distances and azi-
muths by using log and compass, they were generally re-
stricted to the coastline. They contained no indications of
longitude and latitude. They were covered with networks
of rhumb-lines giving the compass bearing of the places
on the map. The rhumb-lines radiated from a number of
points arranged in a circle, corresponding to the points
marked on a compass-card.
Other accurate maps showing inland regions as well as
the coastline were produced by men of education from the
13th century, by which time scholars like Roger Bacon were
taking an interest in real geography. Bacon himself made
no practical contributions to cartography, though his be-
lief that there was no great width of ocean between Europe
and China is said to have influenced Columbus, who found

it repeated in works by Pierre d'Ailly and Aeneas Sylvius.
As early as about 1250 Matthew Paris drew four recognisa-

ble maps of Great Britain showing details such as the Ro-
man Wall, roads and towns. Between 1325 and 1330 an
unknown cartographer produced a remarkably detailed and
accurate map of England, the so-called 'Gough Map/ now
in the Bodleian Library in Oxford, which shows roads with
mileages probably as estimated by travellers (PI. XXXII).
About the same time good maps showing northern Italy
were made by Opicinus de Canistris, who died about 1352,
and in 1375 the so-called Majorcan school of cartographers
produced for Charles V of France the famous Catalan
Mappemonde, which combined the virtues of the portolani
and the land maps and included North Africa and parts
of Asia (cf. PL XXXIII). This Majorcan centre had col-
lected an enormous amount of marine and commercial in-
formation and was the forerunner of the colonial and naval
institute founded by Prince Henry the Navigator at Sagres
about 1437. These early maps showed no indication of lati-
tude and longitude, though the latitude of many towns had
been determined with the astrolabe (see above, p. 90 et
seq.). But in his Geographic* Ptolemy had drawn maps on
a complete network of parallels and meridians. This work,
as it has come down to us, seems to be at least partly a later
compilation, and the maps in the existing manuscripts
were probably made by Byzantine artists in the 13th and
14th centuries. It was recovered and translated into Latin
by Giacomo d'Angelo, who dedicated his translation, with
some excellent maps redrawn from the Greek original by
a Florentine artist, to Pope Gregory XII in 1406 and Pope
Alexander V in 1409. After this, cartographers began to
adopt Ptolemy's practice. Good examples are Andrea Bian-
co's map of Europe in 1436, and the map of central Eu-
rope found among the manuscripts of Nicholas of Cusa
(1401-64) and printed in 1491. Ptolemy's own atlas of
the world was printed in numerous editions from 1477,
when the Geographia was published, at Bologna, for the
first time with Ptolemy's maps. These were redrawn by
Italian cartographers (cf. PI. XXXIV). It gradually trans-

formed cartography by emphasising the need for an accu-
rate linear measure of the arc of the meridian, the essential
requirement for accurate terrestrial cartography.
Until the end of the 18th century the most important
material for machinery and construction generally was
wood. Most of the parts of watermills and windmills, spin-
ning wheels, looms, presses, ships and vehicles were of
wood, and wood was used for geared wheels in much ma-
chinery as late as the 19th century. Thus it was that the
first machine tools were developed for working wood, and
even in the tools themselves only the cutting edge was of

metal. Of the boring machines, the bow-drill known since
Neolithic times, in which the drill was driven rapidly by
a string wound round it and attached at each end to a bow
which was moved back and forth, was replaced during the
later Middle Ages by the brace and bit, and a machine for
boring pump barrels from solid tree trunks was also known.
The most important of the machine tools for accurate work,
the lathe, may have been known in some form in antiquity,
but the pole-lathe was probably a medieval invention. The
first known illustrations of pole-lathes appear only in
sketches by Leonardo da Vinci, but they must have been
in use before that time. The spindle was driven by a cord
wound round it and attached at the
as in the bow-drill,
bottom and at the top to a springy pole which
to a treadle
flexed the cord back on taking the foot off the treadle.
Leonardo shows also a rotary lathe driven by bands from
a wheel, though rotary lathes with crank and treadle drive
became common only from the 17th century. In these early
lathes the work was turned between fixed centres, but in
the mid-i 6th century Besson designed a mandrel lathe in
which the work was fixed to a chuck to which power was
applied. Besson designed also a crude screw-cutting lathe
(PL XXXV), which further improvements were made
to
in the 17th century, in particular the change introduced
by the clockmakers from traversing the work over a sta-
tionary tool to traversing the tool itself while the work
merely rotated. Thus, from the early machine tools de-
signed for working wood, were developed tools capable of
accurate work with metals.
The earliest machines made entirely of metal were fire-
arms and the mechanical clock, and the mechanical clock
in particular is the prototype of modern automatic ma-
chinery in which all the parts are precisely designed to
produce an accurately-controlled result. In the mechanical
clock the use of geared wheels, the main point of interest
in early machinery,was completely mastered.
Water clocks, like the clepsydra, measuring time by the
amount of water dripping through a small hole, had been
used by the ancient Egyptians, and the Greeks had im-
proved them by fitting devices to indicate the hours by a
pointer on a scale, and to regulate the movement. The
water clocks developed by the Arabs and Latin Christians
were based on these Greek devices and also on the devices
of the automatic puppet theatre, which was popular in the

Middle Ages. They were so successful that water clocks re-
mained in use as late as the 18th century. These water
clocks were worked by a float suspended in a basin filled
and emptied by a regulating mechanism, and the motion
of the float was communicated to the indicator, usually
some kind of puppet show, by ropes and pulleys. In Islam,
they were sometimes very large and were set up where the
public could see them; and in Christendom smaller clocks
were used in monasteries where they were looked after by
a special keeper, one of whose duties was to adjust the
clock at night by taking observations on a star. One such
clock is said to have been made by Gerbert for the monas-
tery at Magdeburg. Other early clocks were worked by a
burning candle, and a mid-i3th-century work prepared for
Alfonso X of Castile describes a clock operated by a falling
weight controlled by the resistance created by the passage
of mercury through small apertures. Similar devices were
developed in the long series of astronomical mechanisms
—planetaria, mechanically rotated star-maps, etc.—which
are as essential a part of the ancestry of the mechanical
clock as time-keepers proper. In none of these devices were
there any gears.
The essential features of the mechanical clock were a
drive by a weight which set in motion a train of
falling
geared wheels, and an oscillatory escapement mechanism
which prevented the weight accelerating as it fell, by stop-
ping it at frequent intervals. The earliest illustration of an
escapement mechanism, at least in the West, appears in
the mid-i 3th century in a device drawn by Villard de Hon-

necourt for making an angel rotate slowly so that its finger
always pointed the sun (PI. XXXVI). It is
towards
possible that the mechanical clocks were made shortly
first
afterwards. There are references to what seem to have been

mechanical clocks of some kind in London, Canterbury,
Paris and other places during the second half of the 13th
century and in Milan, St. Albans, Glastonbury, Avignon,
Padua and elsewhere during the first half of the 14th cen-
tury. Some of these were planetaria, for showing the mo-
:nce
tions of the heavenly bodies, rather than clocks. Probably
the earliest true clocks of which the mechanism is defi-
nitely known are the Dover Castle clock, usually dated 1348
but probably later (PL XXXVII), and Henri de Vick's
clock set up in Paris at the Palais Royal, now the Palais
de Justice, in 1370. These clocks were regulated by a verge
escapement with a foliot balance. The essential compo-
nents of this mechanism were a crown wheel with saw-like
teeth, which were engaged alternatively by two small plates
or pallets on a rod, so that the wheel was intermittently
stopped and released. The foliot was a mechanism for regu-
lating the speed of rotation of the crown or 'escape' wheel,
and therefore of the whole train of wheels ending with the
axle carrying the hands of the clock. The perfection of this
verge escapement and foliot balance marks a limit in clock
design on which, in point of accuracy, no real advance was
made until the application of the pendulum to clocks in
the 17th century, though before that time considerable
refinements were made in construction. The early clocks
were, in fact, mostly very large and the parts were made
by a blacksmith. De Vick's clock was moved by a weight
of 500 lbs. which fell 32 feet in 24 hours and had a strik-
ing weight of nearly three-quarters of a ton. In the 15th
century, clocks became smaller and were used in houses,
screws were used to hold the parts together, and the end of
the century saw the 'clock-watches' driven by a spring.
first
These early clocks were reasonably accurate if set nightly

by observing a star, and by 1500 most towns had public
clocks on the outside walls of monasteries or cathedrals or
on special towers. They either simply struck the hours or
also showed them on a circular face marked in divisions
of 12 or 24. The effect of placing them in public places
was to bring about the complete replacement of the seven
variable liturgical hours by the 24 equal hours of the clock.
From an early date in antiquity astronomers had, in fact,
divided the day into 24 equal hours, taking the hours of
the equinox as standard, and throughout the early Middle
Ages this system had existed, particularly in civil life, side
by side with the ecclesiastical system. A decisive step was
taken in 1370 by Charles V
of France when he ordered
allchurches in Paris to ring the hours and quarters accord-
ing to time by de Vick's clock, and from that time the
equal hours became more common. The division of the
hour into 60 minutes and of the minute into 60 seconds
also came into general use in the 14th century and was
fairly common as early as 1345. The adoption of this sys-
tem of division completed the first stages in the scientific
measurement of time, without which the later refinements
of both physics and machinery would scarcely have been
possible.
(4) INDUSTRIAL CHEMISTRY

If wood, as Lewis Mumford has vividly pointed out, 'pro-
vided the finger exercises for the new industrialism/ the
development of modern machinery and of precision instru-
ments and scientific apparatus is inconceivable without the
artificial products of the chemical industry, above all
metals and glass (cf. above, p. 129 et seq.).

The metal in the working of which the greatest advances
were made during the Middle Ages was iron. Already in
Roman times the Gauls and Iberians had become efficient
ironsmiths and their knowledge was never lost. By the 13th
century iron was being worked in many of the main Euro-
pean fields, in Biscay, Northern France and the Low Coun-
tries, the Harz Mountains, Saxony and Bohemia, and in
the Forest of Dean, the Weald of Sussex and Kent, Derby-

shire and Furness. The striking advances in iron working
made during the Middle Ages were the result of using more
efficient furnaces which gave higher temperatures for
smelting. For this the chief fuel in medieval as in classi-
cal times was charcoal. Though 'sea coal' was mentioned
by Neckam, and coal was being mined near Liege and
Newcastle (whence it was transported to London in flat-
bottomed boats) and in Scotland by the end of the 12th
century and in most of the major European fields by the
end of the 13 th century, it was not until the 17th century
that a method of using coal for iron working was intro-
duced. This was invented by Dud Dudley about 1620. In
the Middle Ages, one of the chief industrial uses of coal
was for lime-burning, and already by 1307 the smoke had
become such a nuisance in London that attempts were
made to prohibit its use there. The improvements made
in furnaces in the Middle Ages were due not to better fuel
but to the introduction of mechanisms for producing blast
air, and the production of charcoal for the ever-increasing
needs of metallurgy to supply the demand for swords and

armour, nails and horseshoes, ploughs and wheel-rims, bells
and cannon remained a serious menace to the forests of
Europe till the 18th century. In England it seems to have
been the shortage of timber that brought the end of metal-
lurgy in the Weald of Sussex and Kent.
From an early date the draught for furnaces was pro-
vided simply by wind tunnels, with hand bellows as aux-
iliaries. This was the method used in the so-called sponge
iron process, in which the iron ore was heated with char-
coal in small furnaces where the temperature was not high
enough to melt the iron, but produced a spongy 'bloom'
at the bottom of the furnace. By alternate heating and
hammering, when the power-driven forge hammer came
into play, the bloom was worked into wrought iron rods,
which could be rolled and sheared or slit to form plates,
or drawn through successively smaller holes in a tempered
steel plate to form wire. Steel making was well understood
in medieval Christendom, though the best steel came from
Damascus, where it was made by a process apparently de-
veloped originally by the Hindus. Later, excellent steel was
made at Toledo.
Improvements in the method of producing blast began
with the introduction into the furnace of air under pres-
sure from a head of water, a method that was used in Italy
and Spain before the 14th century. Blast was produced also
by steam issuing from the long neck of a vessel filled with
water and heated, and by bellows operated by horse-driven
treadles, but the most outstanding advance was the intro-
duction of bellows driven by water power (Fig. 14). Such
fig. 14 Water-driven forge bellows. From V. Biringuccio,

Pirotechnia.
blast furnaces made their appearance in the Li6ge region

in 1340 and quickly spread to the Lower Rhine, Sussex
and Sweden. These new furnaces became much bigger than
the old ones, and for the first time it was possible to pro-
duce temperatures that would melt the iron, so that it could
be obtained directly instead of in the form of a bloom that
had to be worked with hammers. Most important of all,
the new furnaces made it possible for the first time to pro-
duce cast iron on a commercial scale.
Of the other metals, lead and silver, gold, tin and cop-
per were mined in various parts of medieval Christendom.
Cupellation furnaces with water-driven bellows for refin-
ing silver from lead appeared in Devon at the end of the
13th century. The lead was oxidized by heating to form
litharge, which was skimmed off or absorbed by the porous
hearth. Gold was mined in Bohemia, the Carpathians and
Carinthia. Tin, of which the Cornish mines were the prin-
cipal source, was used with copper for making bronze and
with copper and calamine (hydrous zinc silicate) for mak-
ing brass for bells, cannon, and monumental and orna-
mental 'dinanderie/ and with lead for making pewter for
household ware. Specialised working of metals led to
the development of separate guilds of silversmiths and
goldsmiths, pewterers, blacksmiths, founders, bladesmiths,
spurriers and armourers, and skill in welding, hammering
2l6 TECHNICS AND SCIENCE
and grinding, chasing and embossing reached a very high
level.Specialists also produced needles, scissors, shears,
thimbles, forks, files, edged tools for the builder, nails, nuts
and bolts, and spanners, clocks and locks, and some at-
tempt was made at standardisation. Brass wire was in-
vented in the nth century, and by the 14th century steel
wire drawing was being done by water power. These special-
ist skills made possible the manufacture of articles of which
the value depended on a precise finish. Attention to the

finishing processes themselves made it possible to produce
such instruments of precision as the astrolabe and the me-
chanical clock. Recognition of the need to control the con-
tent of the alloy used led to the development of assaying,
which laid the foundations of quantitative chemistry. As-
saying familiarised metallurgists with the use of the bal-
ance and led also to the development of other specialised
branches of chemistry, of which the production of the min-
eral acids was one of the most important.
Of the medieval metallurgical processes from which an
accurate product was required, the founding of bells and
guns are perhaps the most interesting. The first European
account of bell founding was given early in the 12th cen-
tury by Theophilus the Priest, and from that time skill in
casting bronze and brass developed rapidly, to produce the
monumental brasses of the 13 th and 14th centuries, and
such exquisite products as the southern door of the baptis-
tery of Florence by Andrea Pisano in 1330 and the other
even more wonderful doors by Ghiberti about a century
later. Large bronze bells began to be made in the 13th
century and became numerous in the 14th. The main prob-
lem was to produce bells that would ring in tune.The note
of a bell varies with the proportions and the amount of
metal used, and, though final tuning could be done by
grinding down the rim if the note was too flat and by grind-
ing down the inner surface of the sound bow if the note
was too sharp, was necessary for the founder to be able
it
to calculate the exact size and proportions to give some-

thing near the right note before he began to cast the bell.
For this each founder must have had his own empirical sys-
tern, for example the system by which bells giving notes
with intervals of the tonic, third, fifth and octave were pro-
duced by having diameters in the pioportions of 30, 24,
20 and 15 and weights in the proportion of 80, 41, 24 and
10 lespectively. The scientific temper of the time is shown
by the attempt by Walter of Odington, in the late 13 th
or early 14th century, to devise a rational system accord-
ing to which each bell would weigh eight-ninths of the bell
next above it in weight. In practice this system, was dis-
tinctly inferioi to the empirical systems actually used by
bell founders. _
The earliest firearms appeared in the West during the
first half of the 14th century, but they seem to have been
made in China about a century earlier. In both regions
considerable progress had previously been made in other
forms of projectile-throwing weapons. In the West, by the
end of the 12th century, the trebuchet worked with coun-
ts -eights had begun to drive out the older forms of tor-
sion and tension engines of artillery coming from the Ro-
mans or Norsemen; by the early 14th century the crossbow
had become a highly effective weapon with sights and a
trigger mechanism and the longbow was no less powerful
and accurate. The use of gunpowder as a propellant in an
effective gun was simply the last of a number of improve-
ments, and firearms did not immediately replace other pro-
jectile weapons, though they had become the chief weapon
of artillery by the end of the 14th century. Cannon may
have been used in the West as early as the siege of Ber-
wick in 1319 and by the English at Cr6cy in 1346. The
French fleet that was to invade England in 1338 is de-
scribed as having 'tin pot de fer d. traire garros d. feu' and
cannon were certainly used the following year at the sieges
of Cambrai and of Puy-Guillaume in Perigord. They were
certainly also used by the English to capture Calais in 1347
and, according to Froissart, the English used 400 cannon,
St. Malo in 1378.
probably small mortars, to besiege
Of the constituents of gunpowder, saltpetre seems to
have been known in China before the first century b.c.
and knowledge of the explosive properties of a mixture in
2i8 TECHNICS AND SCIENCE
the right proportions of saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal
seems to have been perfected there by about 1000 a.d. In
the West, other inflammable mixtures had been used in
warfare much earlier. The Byzantines used an improved
form, 'Greek fire/ probably a mixture of quicklime, naph-
tha and pitch from petroleum and sulphur, against the
Moslem fleet at the siege of Constantinople in 673, and
Gunpowder itself became known in the West during
later.
the second half of the 13th century, perhaps introduced

from China through the Mongols. Roger Bacon referred in
his Opus Majus and Opus Tertium to an explosive powder,
and pointed out that its power would be increased by en-
closing it in an instrument of solid material. The earliest
known Western recipe for gunpowder is in a Latin manu-
script ofabout 1300 of the Liber Ignium attributed to a
certain Marc the Greek, about whom nothing is known.
Having learnt the explosive and propulsive properties
of gunpowder, the West rapidly outstripped China in the
manufacture of weapons. The earliest Western cannon
were made from metal similar to that used for bells, often
by the same founder, and the chief centres of manufacture
were Flanders, Germany and, to a less extent, England. The
earliest known illustration of a cannon in the West is of
a small vaso or pot de fer, as they were called, in a manu-
script of a work by Walter de Milemete dedicated to Ed-
ward III, in 1327 (PI. XXIX). In the middle of the 14th
century cannon were cast from cuprous metal, and at the
end of the century they were made also of wrought iron
strips held together with iron bands. In the 15th century
cannon, especially of wrought iron, reached a considerable
size, the two largest known being 'Mad Meg,' now in
Ghent, which is 197 inches long, has a calibre of 25 inches,

threw a stone ball of about 700 pounds and weighs approxi-
mately 13 tons, and 'Mons Meg/ now in Edinburgh Castle,
which is somewhat smaller. These early cannon were all
muzzle-loaders, firing at first large round stones and later
cast-iron balls. Lead shot was used from the 14th century
with smaller guns. Breech loading was attempted quite
early, but it was impossible to finish the metal surfaces with
sufficient precision to produce gas-tight breech locks. A
primitive form of rifling was introduced in the bronze guns,
and during the 15th century standardisation of guns and
shot began to come in, culminating in the standard ord-
nance propagated by the artillery schools of Burgos and
Venice in the early 16th century.
A great advance in gun making was made early in the
16th century by the introduction of a method of boring
cast bronze or iron guns so that they could be given an
accurate finish. Machines for boring wood had been known
from an early -date and, as early as 1496, the German me-
chanic, Philip Monch, had made an elaborate sketch of a
gun borer worked by horse power. Leonardo da Vinci also
sketched a boring machine for metal working, and Biringuc-
cio described and illustrated one driven by a water-wheel
in his Pirotechnia (1540). With the introduction of ac-
curately-bored barrels began a new period in the history
of gunnery which lasted until the 19th century.
The experience acquired in the production of metals in
the later Middle Ages was transferred to other kinds of
mining, and the great demand for minerals generally had
some economic, political and industrial conse-
striking
quences. By the 14th century, apart from metals and coal,
there was mining on a fairly large scale of sulphates in
Hungary, rock salt in Transylvania, calamine and saltpetre
in Poland, mercury in Spain, and in the 15th century of
alum in Tuscany and the Papal states. Pumping, ventila-
tion and haulage in ever-deepening seams made mining an
expensive business that could be undertaken only by the
man with capital, and as early as 1299 Edward I leased
silver-lead mines in Devonshire to the Frescobaldi, a family
of Florentine merchantsand bankers, who in turn financed
Edward I and England
II of and also Philippe le Bel of
France. Perhaps the most striking example of fortune and
power acquired from mining is provided by the Fuggers.
From small beginnings in the 14th century, the Fuggers
had by the 16th century built up such capital from the
silver-lead mines of Styria, the Tyrol and Spain that they
were in a position to finance the big guns and mercenary
troops on the scale required by a European ruler like the
Emperor Charles V.
Of the industrial consequences of the growing demand
for metals, perhaps the most striking are the improvements
in pumps and eventually, at the end of the 17th century,
the use of steam power to pump out the subsoil water, the
experiments in the use of coal for metallurgy to overcome
the increasing shortage of charcoal fuel, and the attempt
to find substitutes for metals like tin which, before the ex-
ploitation of the mines of the New World and the Far
East, was becoming ever scarcer. Of these substitutes the
most important for science was glass, which, from the 14th
century, was being produced as a substitute for "pewter for
household ware.
Glass making was well known in the Ancient World,
and in various parts of the Roman Empire excellent dishes,
bowls, beakers, bottles and other household objects were
made from blown glass, and the art of engraving on glass
was developed. In the early Middle Ages a high technique
in glass making was carried on in Byzantium, in various
Arabic centres and, more obscurely, also in the West. It
was not until the 13th century that glass making began
to revive generally in the West, though one of the best
accounts of it is to be found in the early 12th-century
treatise of Theophilus the Priest. The most famous West-
ern centre was Venice. Though from the 13th century glass
making made considerable progress also in Spain, France
and England, it was not until the 16th century that glass
was made on a large scale outside Italy.
Most medieval glass was blown (PL XXXVIII). The
materials, for example sand, carbonate of potash and red
lead, were melted together in a furnace and, when the ma-
terial had cooled enough to become viscous, a blob was
picked up on the end of a long rod and rotated, or blown

and worked with large tongs, until the required vessel or
other object was formed. It might be reheated again to alter
the shape. The essentials of the technique were dexterity,
speed and the control of the temperature to which the
cooling glass was exposed; on these depended its final
strength. For plate glass the sand had to be free from iron
oxide, and carbonate of lime, sulphate of soda and some
form of carbon were required. The method of making plate
glass was to blow a large bubble which was worked into a
long, hollow cylinder hanging from the platform on which
the blower stood, and was eventually slit open and worked
This method restricted the size of the sheet.
flat.
The chief use of glass in the Middle Ages was for win-
dows and household vessels. Stained-glass windows for
churches came in early in the 12th century and painted
glass in the 14th. Glass vessels for household purposes were
not common before the 16th century, pewter and glazed
pottery being the usual materials for hardware, but from
the 14th century glass was more commonly used. As early
as the 13th century there are references to glass being used
for scientific apparatus: Grosseteste and others mentioned
optical experiments with a spherical urine flask, and by
the early 1 5th century distilling apparatus was being made
of glass. As Mumford has pointed out, the development
of chemistry would have been greatly handicapped without
glass vessels, which remain neutral in an experiment, are
transparent, withstand relatively great heats, and are easy
to clean and to seal. Optical instruments using lenses and
the sciences which, from the early 17th century, developed
with them would clearly have been impossible without
glass. The Arabs had produced lenses as early as the 11th
century, and lenses were discussed by the great Latin

optical writers of the 13th century. Though medieval op-
tical glass didnot have the excellence of that produced
since the 18th century, for which specially pure ingredients
are used, it was good enough to make possible the invention
of spectacles at the end of the 13th century (see below, pp.
230-32).
In other chemical industries as well as metallurgy and
glass making medieval craftsmen acquired a considerable
empirical knowledge. Considerable skill in controlling the
processes involved wasshown in pottery, in tile and brick
making, in tanning and soap making, in the processes of
malting, yeasting and fermentation involved in brewing,
in the fermentation of wine and in the distilling of spirits.
Salt making by dissolving the crude material from the mine
in water, boiling the brine, and precipitating the crystals
in open pans had been known to the Romans and was
practised in the Middle Ages at various places, including
Droitwich and Nantwich in England. Considerable skill
was shown also in the dyeing of wool, silk and linen with
vegetable dyes such as woad, madder, weld, lichens and a
red dye obtained from 'greyne,' an insect resembling cochi-
neal, and in fixing the dye with mordants, of which the
most usual were alum, potash from wood ashes, tartar de-
posited by fermenting wine, iron sulphate and 'cineres'
(possibly barilla or carbonate of soda) The treatises on the
.
preparation of pigments, glues, siccatives and varnishes

written from the eighth to the sixteenth centuries con-
tained a large variety of recipes giving practical directions
how to prepare chemical substances. At the beginning of
the 12th century the treatise by Theophilus the Priest re-
ferred to oil paints, though it was not before the Van

Eycks early in the 1 5th century that the siccative properties
of oil paints were improved so that they dried quickly
enough for several colours to be put on at the same time.
Medieval painters and illuminators learnt how to prepare
a large variety of colours of vegetableand mineral origin
and new recipes were continually being added, for example
that for 'mosaic gold/ a stannic sulphide, which was dis-
covered about 1300. The ordinary black ink of medieval
manuscripts was usually lampblack mixed with glue. The
practical skill acquired in these industries helped to lay the
foundations of modern chemistry.
(5) MEDICINE
Perhaps of all the practical arts of the Middle Ages, medi-
cine is the one in which hand and mind, experience and
reason, combined to produce the most striking results. Of
the higher faculties of theology, law and medicine in medie-
val universities, only in medicine was it possible to have
further training in natural science after the arts degree, and
many of the leaders of science from Grosseteste, in the
13th century, to William Gilbert, in the 16th, had studied
medicine (see above, p. 161 et seq.; p. 179 et seq.).
Medical men like Grosseteste, Petrus Hispanus and Pietro
d'Abano, basing themselves on the logical writings of
Galen, Ali ibn Ridwan and Avicenna, as well as Aristotle,
made some most important contributions to the logic of
induction and experiment which had a profound effect on
science down to the time of Galileo, who himself began his
university studies in medicine (see Vol. II, p. 9 et seq.).
And certainly in practical medicine the medieval doctors
found empirical solutions to some important problems
and established the basic scientific attitude that charac-
terises modern medical practice.
After the decay of the Roman Empire, medicine in the
West was largely folk-medicine, but some knowledge of
Greek medicine was preserved by writers like Cassiodorus
and Isidore of Seville and by the Benedictine monasteries.
Latin summaries of parts of Hippocrates, Galen and Dios-
corides were known, and something of the gynaecological
tradition of the 2nd century a.d. Soranus survived in books
for midwives. A revival of medical learning took place in
Carolingian times at Chartres and other schools, in the
10th century the Leech-Books appeared in Anglo-Saxon
England and in the 11th the writings of Hildegard of
Bingen in Germany. The real revival of Western medi-
cine began in the 11th century when the medical school
at Salerno, which had come gradually into existence per-
haps a century or two earlier, began its attested activity.
Whether it was because of its Greek or Jewish population
or because of its contacts with the Arabs in Sicily, certainly
before 1050 Gariopontus was quoting freely from Hippoc-
rates, and Petrocellus had written his Practica; about the
same time Alphanus, Archbishop of Salerno, translated
from Greek a physiological work by Nemesius under the
title of Premnon Fisicon; and before 1087 Constantine
the
African had translated from Arabic Galen's Art of Medi-
cine and Therapeutics and various works by Haly Abbas
and the Jewish physician, Isaac Israeli. The school of Sa-
lerno acquired a considerable reputation, and Sudhoff has
suggested that its teachers were practising doctors who
taught medicine by dissecting animals. Certainly in the
12th century the Anatomia Ricardi emphasised the need
for a knowledge of anatomy, and the Anatomia Porci at-
tributed to Copho described the public dissection of a pig.
At the end of the 12th century Salerno produced the first
great Western surgeon, Roger of Salerno, whose work was
carried on in the early 13th century by Roland of Parma
(PL XXXIX). About the same time was composed the fa-
mous Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, which remained a
classic of medical lore until the 16th century.
In the 12th century, Montpellier also began to rise as
a medical centre and, in the 13th century, the university
medical schools of Montpellier, Bologna, Padua and Paris
gradually superseded Salerno. Medical teaching in these
university schools was based on various works by Galen and
Hippocrates and by Arab and Jewish doctors, the transla-
tion of which into Latin had been chiefly responsible for
the revival of Western medicine in the 12th and 13th cen-
turies. Of the Arabic and Hebrew works, the most impor-
tant were Avicenna's encyclopaedic Canon of Medicine,
Isaac Israeli's classic work on and Rhazes' works in
fevers,
which were descriptions of like smallpox and
diseases
measles. The 10th-century Spanish Moor, Albucasis, pro-
vided the chief early text-book for surgery, and works by
the 9th-century Hunain ibn Ishaq and by Haly Abbas were
the chief sources through which Arabic ophthalmology be-
came known. Other important works were those by the 7th-
century Byzantine, Theophilus, on the pulse and the urine,
the examination of which was the commonest method of
diagnosis in the Middle Ages, and by Dioscorides' De
Materia Medica.
Medical treatment in the Middle Ages, when not con-
fined simply to the Hippocratic method of keeping the pa-
tient in bed and letting nature take its course, was based
on herbs. In Greek medicine the physiological theory be-
hind the use of herbs was that disease was due to an upset
of the balance between the four humours, so that 'cooling'
drugs were administered to counteract excessive heat in the
patient, 'drying' drugs to counteract excessive moisture, and
so on (Fig. 13). The supposed effects of drugs based on
this theory were sometimes fanciful, but doctors in the
ancient world from Egyptian times had accumulated an
empirical knowledge of the effects of a considerable num-
ber of herbal drugs like mint, aniseed, fennel, castor oil,
squill, poppy, henbane, mandragora, and also of a few min-
eral drugs like alum, nitre, haematite and copper sulphate.
A common fumigant was prepared by burning horns with
dung produce ammonia. To the Greek list the Arabs
to
added some herbs from India like hemp, senna and datura
and mineral drugs like camphor, naphtha, borax, antimony,
arsenic, sulphur and mercury. The Western doctors made
further contributions. As early as the 12th century, the so-
called Antidotarium Nicolai, a work on drugs composed at
Salerno before 1 1 50, recommended the use of the spongia
soporifera to induce anaesthesia, and Michael Scot, who
studied at Salerno, gave the recipe as equal parts of opium,
mandragora and henbane pounded and mixed with water.
'When you want to saw or cut a man, dip a rag in this
and put it to his nostrils/ Modern experiments suggest that

this could not have been a very powerful anaesthetic, and
various attempts to improve it were made during the Mid-
dle Ages, including, by the 16th century, the use of alcohol
fumes. The extraction of the virtues of herbs with alcohol
to make what is now known as a tincture was discovered
by Arnald of Villanova 1235-1311). Minerals like ar-
(c.
senious oxide, antimony and mercury salts were regularly

used in drugs by the Bolognese doctors, Hugh (d. 1252-
also by
58) and Theodoric Borgognoni (1205-98), and
Arnald of Villanova and others. Mercury ointments were
especially popular as cures for various skin diseases and
the
produced was noticed.

salivation they
branch of medicine in which the empiricism of the
A
medieval mind showed itself to good effect was observation
of the effects of different diseases. large A number of dis-
eases had been recognised and described by Greek and

Arab physicians, and to this body of knowledge additions
were made, particularly in the written consilia or case-
histories that became common from the time of Taddeo
Alderotti, of Bologna, in the 13th century. The practice
of writing consilia was part of the general movement to-
wards strictness in presenting evidence in theology as well
as in the profane sciences, and sometimes it led to an em-
phasis on logical form to the detriment of observation, as
when consilia were prepared and medical advice given from
reports from unseen patients. When used properly and
based on individual case-histories, as it was by doctors like
Alderotti and Arnald of Villanova in the 13 th century, Ber-
nard of Gordon and Gentile da Foligno in the 14th, and
Ugo Benzi some excellent
in the 15th, this practice led to
symptoms and courses of diseases such
descriptions of the
as bubonic and pneumonic plague, diphtheria, leprosy,
phthisis, rabies, diabetes, gout, cancer, epilepsy, a skin dis-
ease known as scabies grossa or scabies variola which some
historians have identified with syphilis, affliction with the
stone, and numerous surgical cases. Many of these consilia
were printed in the late 15th and 16th centuries. They are
the origin of modern case-history books.
The chief limitation of medieval doctors was, in fact,
not that they could not recognise diseases but that they
could not often cure them. They had very little understand-
ing of either normal or morbid physiology or of the causes
of most diseases, and they were sometimes further misled
by the habit, coming from Aristotelian philosophy, of re-
garding each separate symptom and even wounds as mani-
festations of a separate 'specific form.'
A good idea of the state of medical knowledge in the
14th century can be gathered from the tracts written by
physicians at the time of the Black Death. This plague
seems to have begun in India about 1332, where an Arab
doctor gave an account of it, and to have spread westwards,
reaching Constantinople, Naples and Genoa by 1347. It
reached a climax in the Mediterranean in 1348, in the
North in 1349, and in Russia in 1352. It died down then,
but smaller plagues went on recurring in the West at fairly
frequent intervalstill the end of the 14th century and at
frequent intervals for another three centuries after that.

less
More than twenty tracts written at various places during

the years of the Black Death show the characteristicscom-
monly found in late medieval medicine: an orderly ap-
proach to the problems of symptoms, progress, causes,
transmission, prevention and cure, in which is seen the
combination of intense speculation based on causes no
longer accepted in the 20th century with some very sound
ideas on which measures were based. The
effective practical
eastern origin of the epidemic was generally recognised and
several of the tracts contain full descriptions of the symp-
toms, for example that written by Gentile da Foligno at
the request of the University of Perugia in 1348 and the
Chirurgia Magna, written in 1360 by Guy de Chauliac, an
eminent product of Montpellier and Bologna and papal
physician at Avignon. The symptoms included fever, pain
in the side or chest, coughing, short breath and rapid pulse,
vomiting of blood, and the appearance of buboes in the
groin, under the armpit or behind the ears. Bubonic and
pneumonic plague were distinguished. Some tracts gave, as
early indications of the onset of the disease, pallor and an
expression of anxiety, a bitter taste in the mouth, darken-
ing of ruddy complexions, and a prickling of the skin above
incipient abscesses which gave sharp pains on coughing.
Of the natural causes of the epidemic, considerable at-
tention was devoted to astrological influences, and at-
tempts were made to predict future plagues on the basis
of planetary conjunctions. These remote causes were sup-

posed to operate through near causes and in particular to
cause the corruption of the air, though other causes of
corruption were suggested, such as exhalations from the
earthquake of 1347 and the unseasonable and very damp
weather. Weather signs as well as astrological signs were
watched as indications of the onset of plague, but some
writers pointed out the lack of complete correlation of ei-
ther with epidemics.
About prevention there was considerable uncertainty,
most physicians advising flight as the only reliable precau-
tion, and if that was impossible some form of protection
against corrupt air, such as avoiding damp places, burning

aromatic wood in the house, and abstaining from violent
exercise which drew air into the body and from hot baths
which opened the pores of the skin. Since the corrupt va-
pours were held to cause plague by acting as a poison in
the body, one method of prevention was to take various
antidotes against poison as, for example, theriac, mithri-
date, or powdered emerald. Bleeding to reduce the natural
heat of the body was also advised. The usual methods of
treatment were bleeding to remove the poison, administer-
ing purgative drugs, and lancing or cauterising the buboes
or the use of a strongly drawing plaster. Attention was
given also to maintaining the strength of the heart.
Though the who had to deal with the Black
physicians
Death were many ways poorly equipped for the task,
in
their experience made them give serious thought to prob-
lems never before discussed. As John of Burgundy put it
in a passage translated by A. M. Campbell in her Black
Death and Men of Learning from his Treatise on the Epi-
demic Sickness, written about 1365:
modern masters everywhere in the world are more skilled

in pestilential epidemic diseases than all the doctors of
the art of medicine and the authorities from Hippocra-
tes down, however many they are. For ... no one of
them saw so general or lasting an epidemic, nor did they
test their efforts by long experiment, but what most of
them say and treat about epidemics they have drawn
from the sayings of Hippocrates. Wherefore the masters
of this time have had greater experience in these diseases
than all who have preceded us, and it is truly said that
from experience comes knowledge.
The most new ideas put forward by the physi-

striking
cians of the Black Death concerned the method of trans-
mission of the epidemic by infection. Of this the Greeks
seem to have had little notion, attributing all epidemics
to a single general cause, miasma. In the Middle Ages, the
idea that specific diseases could be caught by infection or
contagion was worked out first in connection with leprosy,
and by the 13th century had been applied to other dis-
eases like erysipelas, smallpox, influenza, diphtheria and
typhoid fever. A dancing mania, St. Vitus's Dance, that
spread through the Germanies in the late 14th and 15th
centuries, was also recognised as contagious. The segrega-
tion of lepers was based originally on the ritual of isolation
described in the Bible and had been practised in Christen-
dom at least from the 5th century. Leprosy was still a seri-
ous menace in the 12th century, when it seems to have in-
creased somewhat and it is said that in France as many as
one person in 200 was a leper, but from the end of the
13th century it began to decline. Physicians learnt to recog-
nise the symptoms more accurately; in the mid-i3th
century Gilbert the Englishman described the local anaes-
thesia of the skin, which is one of the best diagnostic
symptoms, and a century later Guy de Chauliac drew at-
tention to the excessive greasiness of the skin. So successful
were the methods of diagnosis and segregation that by the
16th century Europe was almost entirely free from leprosy,
and similar preventive measures were taken against other
infectious diseases.
Among the tracts written during the Black Death, two
by Spanish Moors contained the most remarkable state-
ments about infection. Ibn Khatima of Almeria pointed
out that people who came into contact with someone with
plague tended to contract the same symptoms as the dis-
eased person, and Ibn al-Khatib of Granada said that in-
fection could take place through clothes and household
objects, by ships coming from an infected place, and by
people who carried the disease though they were them-
selves immune. Scarcely less remarkable was the slightly
earlier consilium on the plague by Gentile da Foligno, who
used the words 'seeds (semina) of disease' (found also in
works by Galen and Haly Abbas) for what would now be
called germs, and reliqiue for the infectious traces left by
patients. Some of the methods of infection suggested by
Black Death physicians appear rather strange in the 20th
century, for example, one based on the optical theory of
the 'multiplication of species' according to which plague
could be caught from a glance from the eyes of the patient.
When the sick man was in agony the poisonous 'species'
was expelled from the brain through the concave optic
nerves. But at a time long before the germ theory of
disease was properly understood, physicians had learned
enough about infection to advise governments on the pre-
cautions to be taken.
The first commission of public health was organised in
1343 in Venice, and in 1348 Lucca, Florence, Perugia,
Pistoia and other towns made laws to prevent infected per-
sons or goods from entering them. The first systematic ef-
forts to isolate plague carriers date from the regulations
made by Ragusa in Dalmatia, Avignon and Milan at this
time. Ragusa, in 1377, issued a new law ordering the isola-
tion of all travellers from infected regions for 30 days
(called the trentina), and Marseilles, in 1383, extended
this period to 40 days for ships entering the harbour, thus
instituting the quarantine. Venice opened a quarantine
hospital and brought in regulations about the airing of in-
fected houses, washing and sunning of bedding, control of
domestic animals, and other hygienic matters. Military hy-
giene had attracted attention since the early Crusades,
when losses had been heavy because of ignorance of ele-
mentary sanitation, and in the 13th century several works
had been written on precautions to be taken by soldiers
and large bodies of pilgrims. The most outstanding were
a work written by Adam of Cremona for the Emperor
Frederick II, a short treatise on military hygiene by Arnald
of Villanova, and the Regime du Corps by Aldobrandino
of Siena. With the Venetian regulations began the interest
of municipalities in hygiene.
A specialbranch of medicine in which some striking
progress was made
in the Middle Ages was ophthalmology.
Operations like that for cataract had been known since
classical times and the Arabs had acquired considerable
skill in treating eye complaints, using zinc ointments and
performing difficult operations like removing an opaque

lens. The most popular Latin work on ophthalmology was
written by a 12th-century Jew, Benvenutus Grassus, and
based on Eastern sources. In the 13th century Petrus
Hispanus described various cataract conditions in great de-
tail and gave an account of the operation with gold needles.
The outstanding advance made in the West was the in-

vention of spectacles. That weak sight and particularly the
difficulty of reading in the evening was felt as a serious
affliction is shown by the number of salves and lotions pre-
scribed for this complaint, but although lenses had been
known for some centuries in both Christendom and Islam,
it is only at the end of the 13th century that there is evi-
dence of spectacles with convex lenses being used to com-

pensate for long sight. Roger Bacon had proposed this in
1266-67 in his Opus Majus. The invention of actual spec-
tacles was associated traditionally with the names of cer-
tain north Italian Dominican friars, but it is more proba-
ble that the first spectacles were made, shortly after 1286,
by an unknown inventor, and that the invention was made
public by a friar, Alessandro della Spina of Pisa, who saw
them being made and then constructed his own. Their
manufacture was early associated with the Venetian glass
and crystal industry, and spectacles were in fact sometimes
made of crystal or beryllus. The earliest known occurrence
of any term for spectacles is found in supplementary regu-
lations of the Venetian guild of crystal-workers in 1300,
which refer to roidi da ogli ('discs for the eyes'); and in
the following year there is reference to making vitreos <fo
oculis ad legendum ('glasses for the eyes for reading'). In

1 300 there is reference also to lapidos ad legendum, which
seem to be magnifying glasses. A little later there are fur-
ther references in other Italian documents; for example in
1322 a Florentine bishop (quoted by E. Rosen in an article
in the Journal of the History of Medicine, 1956, vol. 11,

p. 204) bequeathed 'one pair of spectacles, framed in
A statement by Bernard of Gordon in 1303 was
silver-gilt.'
formerly thought to refer to spectacles, but the earliest ab-

solutely certain medical reference is much later, when Guy
de Chauliac in 1363 prescribed spectacles as a remedy for
poor sight after salves and lotions had failed. By this time
spectacles had in fact become fairly common, and, for ex-
ample, Petrarch (1304-74) wrote in his autobiographical
Letters to Posterity: Tor a long time I had very keen sight
which, contrary to my me when I was over sixty
hopes, left
years of age, so that to my annoyance I had to seek the help
of spectacles.' These early spectacles were, it seems, all
made with convex lenses; it is only in the 16th century that

concave lenses are known to have been used for short-
sightedness. From Christendom spectacles spread to the
Arabs and China.
In surgery, progress began in the West with Roger of
Salerno's Practica Chirurgica, written at the end of the
12th century. Roger seems to have been influenced more
by Byzantine doctors such as the 6th-century Aetius and
Alexander of Tralles, and the 7th-century Paul of Aegina,
than by the Arabs. He shows acute powers of observation
and some sound clinical practice. He broke and reset badly-
united bones, treated haemorrhage with styptics and liga-
tures, had an efficient method of bandaging, and described
a remarkable technique for operating for hernia. His early
13th-century follower, Roland of Parma, showed particular
skill with head injuries and described trephining and the
elevation of depressed fractures. He also recognised the
need to keep the hands clean and the patient warm. Both
these surgeons were in most of their work 'wound surgeons/
and in their treatment of wounds they followed Galen's
advice and promoted suppuration by using greasy salves.
This treatment of wounds was opposed in the 13th cen-
tury by the north Italian surgeons, Hugh and Theodoric
Borgognoni, and in the early 14th century by the French-
man Henry of Mondeville, all of whom had studied at
Bologna. They said that it was not only unnecessary but
also harmful to generate pus and that the wound should
simply be cleaned with wine, the edges brought together
with stitches, and then left for nature to heal. Another
13th-century Italian surgeon, Bruno of Longoburgo, re-
peated this insistence on keeping wounds dry and clean and
spoke of healing 'by first and second intention.' Further
advances were made by another Italian, Lanfranchi, who,
in his Chirurgia Magna of 1296, said that the cut ends of
nerves should be stitched together, and by the Fleming,
Jan Yperman (d. c. 1330), like Mondeville an army sur-
geon, who described many different cases from personal ex-
perience and emphasised the importance of anaesthetics.
Mondeville himself invented an instrument for extracting
arrows and removed pieces of iron from the flesh by a mag-
net. Progress in these directions continued throughout the
14th and 15th centuries, but in the middle of the 14th
century Guy de Chauliac unfortunately abandoned the
antiseptic treatment of wounds and under the influence of
his writings surgeons returned to the salves and suppura-
tions of Galen.
Though in the Middle Ages surgery was concerned
mainly with wounds and fractures, it was recognised that
surgical treatment was necessary for certain other ailments
and in some operations considerable skill was acquired.
The operations for the stone and Caesarian section had
been known from classical times and specialised surgical
instruments, scalpels, needles and thread, saws, ear syr-
inges, levers, and forceps of all kinds, had been developed
by the Arabs. As early as the middle of the 13th century,
Gilbert the Englishman, Chancellor of Montpellier in
1250, recognised the importance of surgical treatment for
cancer, and at the end of the 13th century the Italian
surgeon, William of Saliceto, described the treatment of
hydrocephalic children by removing the fluid through a
small hole made in the head with a cautery. Early in the
14th century Mondeville described the healing of wounds
in the intestine by the antiseptic method and insisted on
the necessity of binding arteries in cases of amputation.
Mondino gave excellent descriptions of the operation for
hernia both with and without castration, though the diffi-
culty of this is shown by Bernard of Gordon's preference
for the truss, of which he gave the first modern description.
Gentile da Foligno noted that there was no ancient work
on the rupture of the abdominal lining, for which physi-
ciansand surgeons had to rely on their own experience.
Guy de Chauliac shows himself, in his Chirurgia Magna
of 1360, also to have been a skilful surgeon and a good
observer, and this treatise remained a standard work until
the time of Ambrose Pare in the 16th century. He used the
spongia soporifera and was particularly skilful with hernia
and fractures, noting the escape of cerebrospinal fluid in
fractures of the skull and the effect of pressure on respira-
tion;he extended fractured limbs with pulleys and weights.
A contemporary English surgeon, John Arderne (1307-
77), who described the Black Death in England, gave an
account of a new syringe and other instruments for use in
the cure of fistula; his countryman, John Mirfeld (d. 1407),
described a 'tornellus' for reducing certain dislocations. In
15th-century Italy the Brancas used plastic surgery to re-
store noses, lips and ears, the technique for which was
suggested by the Roman doctor Celsus. For the nose, skin
was taken in a loop from the upper part of the arm, one
end being left attached to the arm until the graft on the
nose had become firmly attached. Plastic surgery was
practised also by the German army surgeon, Heinrich von
Pfolspeundt, who, in 1460, described the gunshot wounds;
another German army surgeon, Hans von Gersdorff, in
1517, described some elaborate mechanical apparatus for
treating fractures and dislocations.
A special branch of surgery in which progress was made
in the Middle Ages was dentistry. The Byzantine and
Arab physicians had recognised caries, treated and filled
decayed teeth, and done extractions. The English surgeon,
John of Gaddesden (d. 1361), described a new instrument
for extracting teeth. Guy de Chauliac prescribed powder
made from cuttle-bones and other substances for cleaning
the teeth, and described the replacement of lost teeth by
pieces of ox bone or by human teeth fastened to the sound
teeth with gold wire. Later medieval dental writers de-
scribed the removal of the decayed parts with a drill or
file and the filling of the cavity with gold leaf.
This activity in surgery during the late Middle Ages con-

centrated attention on the need to study anatomy, and all
the great surgeons from the 12th century onwards recog-
nised that good surgery, and even good medicine, was im-
possible without aknowledge of anatomy (see above, pp.
168-72). For many years the Church had prohibited clerks
from shedding blood and therefore from practising surgery;
for this reason surgery was never recognised as a subject
for study at medieval universities as medicine was. This
meant that although some instruction was received in
anatomy, the medieval medical student had to get his real
knowledge of anatomy, as well as of surgery, as Mondeville
advised, by working with a practising surgeon. The result
of this exclusion of surgery from the universities, and par-
ticularly from the French and English universities, meant
that surgery was sometimes relegated as a manual craft to
itinerant barbers, who cut for the stone, hernia or cataract
and had no training beyond apprenticeship to a barber.
Only in Italy was surgery encouraged at the universities;
at Bologna in particular post mortem examinations were
carried out to determine the cause of death and, in the
Black Death, to find out something about the effects of
this disease. In the 1 5th century most of the best surgeons
were Italians, and it was in Italy that the study of anatomy
began to make rapid progress from the end of that century
(see Vol. II, p. 269 et seq.).
A medieval institution which did much to help not only
the care of the sick, but also the knowledge obtained from
the observation of medical and surgical cases, was the hos-
pital. In ancient times Greek doctors had kept patients in
their houses and there had been temples of Aesculapius
where the sick gathered for treatment, the Romans had
built military hospitals, and the Jews had provided houses
for the needy. The foundation of large numbers of charita-
ble hospitals for the relief of the poor and treatment of
the sick was a product of Christian civilisation. The Em-
peror Constantine is credited with the first hospital of this
kind, and they became very numerous in Byzantium, one

particular hospital founded in the 11th century having a
total of50 beds in separate wards for different kinds of
two doctors as well as other staff attached to
patients, with
each ward. These Byzantine hospitals were copied by the
Arabs, who as early as the 10th century had a hospital in
Baghdad with 24 doctors. In the 13th century there was a
hospital in Cairo with four wings used respectively for pa-
tientswith fevers, eye diseases, wounds and diarrhoea, and
a separate wing for women, with each wing equipped for
preparing medicines and supplied with running water from
a fountain.
In the West, most monasteries had infirmaries and asy-
lums, and hospitals were founded by special orders of hos-
pitallers like the Order of St. John of Jerusalem and the
Brothers of the Holy Ghost. Many were leper hos-
of these
pitals, and founding of hospitals
a great impulse to the
was given by the Crusades, a movement which may have
helped to spread this disease. When St. Bartholomew's
hospital was founded in London, in 1123, there were al-
ready 18 hospitals in England. By 1215, when St. Thomas'
was founded, there were about 170. In the 13th cen-
tury 240 more hospitals were founded, in the 14th century
248, and in the 15th century 91. The same activity oc-
curred in other countries. In 1145 the Brothers of the Holy
Ghost founded a hospital at Montpellier which became
famous, and from the early 13th century, under the in-
spiration of Pope Innocent III, Holy Ghost hospitals were
founded in almost every town in Christendom. In 1225
Louis VIII of France made a gift of 100 sous to each of
2,000 houses for lepers located within his realm. The 13th-
century hospitals were usually of one storey and had spa-
cious wards with tiled floors, large windows, the beds in
separate cubicles, an ample water supply, and arrange-
ments The earlier hospitals were
for disposing of sewage.
simply for the care of the sick and feeble rather than for
treatment, but in the later hospitals different diseases were
isolated and specialised therapy introduced.
A notable feature of some medieval hospitals was that
some attempt was made to understand and care for the
insane and to give treatment to psychological disorders. As
early as the 7th century Paul of Aegina had discussed at
some length the causes and treatment of 'melancholia' and
'mania/ In 1203 furiosi frenetici were admitted to a hos-
pital connected with the cathedral at Le Mans. Later, cer-
tain hospitals specialised in mental cases, as did the Royal
Bethlehem or Bedlam in London at the end of the 13th
century. Mental disorders were attributed to three classes
of cause: physical as with rabies and alcoholism, mental
as with melancholia and aphasia, and spiritual as with
demonic possession. Treatment also fell into the same
three classes, and in each case the method of trying to cure
the patient involved at its best some attempt to bring the
cause of his suffering into the light of his rational con-
sciousness. But the effectiveness of medieval psychological
medicine should not be exaggerated, and no doubt too com-
mon an attitude to the mental patient was blank incom-
prehension combined with brutality and pious despair. As
late as 1671 Ren6 Bary tells us in his text-book, La
physique divise en trois tomes, that fools are mostly so at
full moon, that the English beat them on the 14th day of
the moon in Nazareth church in London, and that les

Mathurins de la Beausse' do the same and also strip the
lunatics, pinch them, and commend them to God. No
doubt the medieval doctor also was too often as far as this
from the sympathetically scientific analysis of psychological
cases practised by Bary's contemporary, a pioneer of
modern psychiatry, Thomas Sydenham.
Taken as a whole, medieval medicine is a remarkable
product of that empirical intelligence seen in Western
technology generally in the Middle Ages. The medical
knowledge and treatment, like the other techniques and
devices which were introduced, gave Western man power
to control nature and to improve the conditions of his own
life such as was never possessed in any earlier society. Be-
hind this inventiveness lay, without a doubt, the motive of

physical and economic necessity; but, as Lynn White has
pointed out in an article contributed to Speculum in 1940,
'this "necessity" is inherent in every society, yet has found
inventive expression only in the Occident/ Necessity can
be a motive only when it is recognised, and among the
most important reasons for its recognition in the West
must be included the activist tradition of Western theol-
ogy. By asserting the infinite worth and the responsibility
238
of each person, this theology placed a value upon the care

of each immortal soul and therefore upon the charitable
relief of physical suffering, and gave dignity to labour and
a motive for innovation. The inventiveness that resulted
produced the practical skill and flexibility of mind in deal-
ing with technical problems to which modern science is the
heir.
NOTES TO ILLUSTRATIONS (VOL. i)
plate iv. Left, the back, showing the alidade with a pair
of sights. Round the outer edge is a scale of degrees, within
which is a zodiac/calendar scale by means of which the
sun's position in the ecliptic can be found at any time of
year. In the area inside this scale a diagram of unequal
hours has been engraved in the top half, and a shadow
square in the bottom half.
Right, the front, showing the label, and the elaborately
cut-away, movable rete, lying inside a scale of equal hours
round the outer edge. The points of the curly appendages
on the rete represent 21 different fixed stars. The eccen-
trically placed circle above represents the ecliptic, the outer
rim represents the Tropic of Capricorn, and the two seg-
ments inside this are parts of the equatorial circle. The
meridian runs vertically through the pivot of the label,
with North at the bottom. Underneath the rete is the
plate, on which is marked a vertical stereographic projec-
tion of the celestial sphere. In the top section are shown
the almucantars (circles of altitude) round the pole, with
the horizon at the bottom. These are cut by the azimuths.
Below are lines of unequal hours. See pp. 91-95 and Fig. 3.
plate vi. To show how the eye focused the 'species' of

light entering Bacon described the anatomical arrange-
it,
ment of its parts. Following Avicenna he said that the eye

had three coats and three humours. The inner coat con-
sisted of two parts, the rete or retina, an expansion of the
nerve forming a concave net 'supplied with veins, arteries
and slender nerves' (Opus Majus, V, i, ii, 2, ed. J. H.
Bridges, ii, 15) and acting as a conveyor of nourishment;
and outside this a second thicker part called the uvea (in
24O NOTES TO ILLUSTRATIONS
modem iris). Out-
terminology the choroid, including the
side the uvea were the cornea, which was transparent where
it covered the opening of the pupil, and the consolidativa
or conjunctiva [sclerotic]. Inside the inner coat were the

three humours, and so for light entering the pupil: 'There
will then be the cornea, the humor albigineus [aqueous
humour], the humor glacialis [lens], and the humor
vitreus [vitreous humour], and the extremity of the serve,
so that the species of things will pass through the medium
of them all to the brain. . . . The crystalline humour
[lens] is called the pupil, and in it is the visual power'
(Opus Majus, V, i, ii, 3, ed. Bridges, ii, 17-18). Like ev-
eryone else at his time Bacon thought the lens was the
sensitive part of the eye (cf. Vol. II, p. 253). In these fig-
ures Bacon's intention was to draw simply a geometrical dia-
gram showing the various curvatures of the ocular media.
'I shall draw, therefore, a figure in which all these matters
are made clear as far as is possible on a surface, but the

full demonstration would require a body fashioned like the
eye in all the particulars aforesaid. The eye of a cow, pig,

and other animals can be used for illustration, if anyone
wishes to experiment. I consider this figure better than the
one that follows, although the following one is that of the
ancients/ (Opus Majus, V, i, iii, 3, ed. Bridges, ii, 23.)
Explaining the top diagram, he continued: 'Let be the d
base of the pyramid, which is the visible object, whose
species penetrates the cornea under the pyramidal form
and enters the opening, and which tends naturally to the
centre of the eye, and would go there if it were not met
first by a denser body by which it is bent, namely, the
vitreous humour, chd.' By 'centrum' he meant 'centre of

curvature.' The 'centre of the eye' is the centre (b) of
curvature of the anterior convex surface of the lens, which
Bacon, following Avicenna (Canon Medicince, III, iii, i, 1 ),
correctly held tobe flattened. In the top diagram the re-
fraction should be shown, not as drawn, but at the inter-
face between the convex posterior surface of the lens and
the concave anterior surface of the vitreous humour (chd;
NOTES TO ILLUSTRATIONS 241
h is missing). The centre of curvature of this interface
[centrum vitrei] is in front of b.
plate vii. A white beam or 'column' of light coming

from
the left enters the hexagonal crystal at k and is refracted.
Part of the light striking the farther surface (right) of the
crystal is internally reflected, while the other part passes
out and is immediately refracted again; both emerge col-
oured (cross-shaded). The coloured rays emerge in the or-
der: red, yellow, green, blue; i.e. in the coloured beam on
the right red is at the top (cf. PL VIII).

plate viii. Frem
the sun (e, top left) comes a stream of
white Within the stream two separate beams (or
light.
'columns') are drawn (each incorrectly shown diverging).
Following the progress of one beam, we see it entering the
transparent sphere (the large circle on the right) and being
refracted. By differential refraction, the beam now be-
comes differentiated into colours. Theodoric recognised
four coloured rays, red (top), yellow, green, blue (bot-
tom), but for simplicity only the red and blue rays are
drawn in the diagram. These coloured rays are reflected
at the internal surface of the sphere, intersect, and are re-
fracted again on emerging into the air. The colours emerg-
ing from a raindrop are now reversed, with blue at the top
and red at the bottom. The paths of the rays going to the
eye of the observer (/, bottom left) are incorrectly shown
here converging, although in another diagram in this MS
they are correctly drawn.
plate ix. This diagram is correctly drawn except that the

incident rays going from the sun to the different drops
should be parallel, which they would not be if they were
allshown in the diagram; and the coloured rays emerging
from the individual drops should be diverging instead of
parallel. The paths of the individual rays inside each drop
are not shown (see PI. VIII). A
particular drop sends
only one colour to the observer at c (bottom center) From .
the upper drop the red rays (emerging on the right) reach
the observer, and from the other drops come yellow, green,
242 NOTES TO ILLUSTRATIONS
and blue, respectively, thus giving the order of the colours
seen in the rainbow.
plate x. The four lower circles represent the raindrops

producing the primary bow (cf. PL IX). The four upper
circles represent the drops producing the secondary bow.
Here the sunlight passes round inside each drop in the op-
posite direction to that in the drops producing the primary
bow, and undergoes two internal reflections. The paths of
the individual rays inside each drop are not shown. The
colours go to the eye (oculus) in the reverse order to those
seen in the primary bow, blue being uppermost in the sec-
ondary bow.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
It is impossible to give a complete bibliography. Titles have

been restricted to the most useful books on each topic, and
to recent articles to which there is special indebtedness in
the preparation* of this volume. These may indicate lines
of further exploration. The
has been limited so far as
list
possible to works in English and French, but clearly for

some essential topics it has been necessary to go outside
those limits. For anyone wishing to explore the history of
science further there is an extensive bibliographical appara-
tus available. The basic bibliographical work is G. Sarton,
Introduction to the History of Science, Baltimore, 1927-
47, 3 vols, in 5, which brings the subject down to the end
of the 14th century and attempts to cover both the Eastern
and the Western civilisations. This is supplemented by the
Critical Bibliographies published at intervals since 1913
in Isis (Cambridge, Mass.). Besides these, two extremely
useful recent bibliographical studies are: G. Sarton, A
Guide to the History of Science, Waltham, Mass., 1952;
and F. Russo, Histoire des sciences et des techniques.
Bibliographic (Actualites scientifiques et industrielles, No.
1204), Paris, 1954. Also useful is H. Guerlac, Science in
Western Civilization. A Syllabus, New York, 1952. An in-
dispensable guide to the manuscript material of the medi-
eval period is L. Thorndike and P. Kibre, A Catalogue of
Incipits of Mediaeval Scientific Writings in Latin, Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1937; continued by Thorndike in 'Additional
incipits of mediaeval scientific writings in Latin/ Speculum,
xiv (1939); 'More incipits of mediaeval scientific writings
in Latin/ ibid., xvii (1942). Also relevant are the special-
ised bibliographical studies that are appearing, e.g.: I. M.
Bochenski (editor), Bibliografische Einfuhrungen in das
244 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Studium der Philosophic, xvii, Philosophic des Mittelalters,
by F. van Steenberghen, Bern, 1950; W. Artel t, Index zur
Geschichte der Medizin, Naturwissenschaft und Technik,
Munich and Berlin, 1953- i- A. C. Klebs et E. Droz,
, ;
Rem&des contre la peste. Facsimiles, notes et liste bibliog-
raphique des incunables sur la peste (Documents scien-

tifiques du i^ e si&cle, i) Paris, 1925; M. D. Knowles, 'Some
recent advance in the history of medieval thought/ The
Cambridge Historical Journal, ix (1947); G. E. Mohan,
'Incipits of logical writings of the XHIth-XVth centuries,'
Franciscan Studies (St. Bonaventure, N.Y.), N.S. xii
(1952).
The principal journals, in addition to Isis, are Osiris
(Bruges), Annals of Science (London), Archives inter-
nationales (Thistoire des sciences continuing Archeion
(Paris), and Revue d' histoire des sciences (Paris). Several
others specialise in the history of medicine, mathematics,
technology, etc.: they are listed in Sarton's Guide and by
Russo. Articles on the history of science also appear in the
Journal of the History of Ideas (Lancaster, Pa. and New
York), and for the philosophy of science there is The
British Journal for the Philosophy of Science (Edinburgh
and London). Of special importance also are the mono-
graphic series devoting particular attention to the publica-
tion of texts. Indispensable for the medieval period are
Beitrage zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters
(Minister), Etudes de philosophie midi&valc (Paris), and
Mediaeval Studies (Toronto).
The most useful general history of science is Histoire
generate des Sciences, publi£e sous la direction de Ren6
Taton, i, La Science Antique et Midi&vde (des origines &
1450), Paris, 1957; two further volumes are to follow,
bringing the subject down to the present. M. Daumas
(editor), Histoire de la Science, Paris, 1957 (Encyclopedic
de la Pl&ade) is also valuable. Numerous other general
histories of sciencehave been written, e.g.: Sir W. C.
Dampier, A History of Science, 4th ed., Cambridge, 1949;
Aldo Mieli, Panorama general de historia de la ciencia,
Buenos Aires, 1945-50, 4 vols.; C. Singer, A Short History
BIBLIOGRAPHY 245
of Science, Oxford, 1941; W. P. D. Wightman, The

Growth of Scientific Ideas, Edinburgh, 1950. Others are
listed in Sarton's Guide and by Russo. A
valuable collection
of articles reprinted from the Journal of the History of
Ideas is Roots of Scientific Thought, ed. P. P. Wiener and
A. Noland, New York, 1957; another valuable collection of
original material is
J.
R. Newman, The World of Mathe-
matics, New York, 1956, 4 vols. Some of the older general
histories are still useful, especially A. de Candolle, Histoire
des sciences et des savants depuis deux si&cles, Geneva,
1873; R. Caverni, Storia del metodo sperimentale in Italia,
Florence, 189I-1900, 6 vols.; G. Cuvier, Histoire des
sciences naturelles, compl£t£ par M. de Saint- Agy, Paris,
1831-45, 5 vols.; J. B. Delambre, Histoire de Vastronomie
ancienne, Paris, 1817, Histoire de Vastronomie au moyen
Age, Paris, 1819; G. Libri, Histoire des sciences math&ma-
tiques en Italie, depuis la renaissance des lettres jusqu'cl la
findu dix-septidme si&cle, Paris, 1838-41, 2 vols.; J. E.
Montucla, Histoire des mathtmatiques, new ed. by }. de
Lalande, Paris, 1799-1802, 4 vols.; W. Whewell, History
of the Inductive Sciences, 2nd ed., London, 1847, History
of Scientific Ideas, London, 1858, and his writings on the
philosophy of science (see Vol. II under Chapter II, Philos-
ophy of Science, etc.). Studies devoted to the work of two
of the greatest more recent historians of science are pub-
lished in Archeion, xix (1937) on Pierre Duhem, and in
Revue d histoire des sciences, vii (1954) on Paul Tannery.
There is no general history adequately covering all periods
and all aspects of scientific thought and technology. Gen-
eral works relating to particular periods and civilisations are
listed below under Chapters I and II and in the General
sections of subsequent chapters. Special studies of Greek
and Arabic as well as medieval Latin philosophy, science
and technology are listed under the proper headings under
Chapters III and IV and in Vol. II under Chapter I.
246 BIBLIOGRAPHY
CHAPTER I
Ancient philosophy and science: The indispensable back-

ground to the study of the scientific thought of the medi-
eval West is a knowledge of both ancient Greek and medi-
eval Arabic science and philosophy. The latter is discussed
under Chapter II. The character of Greek scientific thought
is itself illuminated by the further background of thought in
ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, of which the following

give some indication: J.
H. Breasted, The Edwin Smith
Surgical Papyrus, Chicago, 1930; The Dawn of Conscience,
New York, 1933; H. & H. A. Frankfort, J. A. Wilson, and
T. Jakobsen, Before Philosophy: the Intellectual Adventure
of Ancient Man; an essay on speculative thought in the
Ancient Near East, London (Pelican Books), 1949 (first
published, Chicago, 1946); O. Neugebauer, The Exact
Sciences in Antiquity, 2nd ed., Providence, R.I., 1957;
H. Winter, Eastern Science, London, 1952. An excel-
J. J.
lent general study of the whole of ancient science, with
French translations of texts and a useful bibliography, is
P. Brunet et A. Mieli, Histoire des Sciences: Antiquiti,
Paris, 1935. Admirable short studies of Greek science are:
M. Clagett, Greek Science in Antiquity, New York, 1956;
J.
L. Heiberg, Mathematics and Physical Science in Classi-
cal Antiquity, Oxford, 1922; A. Reymond, Histoire des
sciences exactes et naturelles dans Vantiquite greco-romane,
Paris, 1924 (English translation, London, 1927); cf. L.
Bourgey, Observation et experience chez les medicins de
la collection Hippocratique, Paris, 1953 also W. A. Heidel,
The Heroic Age of Science: the conceptions, ideals, and
methods of science among the ancient Greeks, Baltimore,
—
1933 a perceptive analysis with emphasis on the biologi-
cal sciences; S. Sambursky, The Physical World of the
Greeks, London, 1956 — interesting for Stoic thought. An
excellent selection of texts in translation is M. R. Cohen
& I. E. Drabkin, A Source Book in Greek Science, New
York, 1948. Further source material may be read in trans-
BIBLIOGRAPHY 247
lation in the Loeb Classical Library (London and Cam-
bridge, Mass.) and the Collection Bud6 (Paris), which
between them include basic works of Plato, Aristotle,
the Hippocratic corpus, Galen, the Greek mathematicians,
Lucretius, etc. Useful for further source material and com-
mentary are the special studies listed under Chapters HI
and IV and the following: A. H. Armstrong, An Intro-
duction to Ancient Philosophy, 2nd ed., London, 1949;
E. Brehier, Histoire de la Philosophic, i, Paris, 1943; J. D.
Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy, 4th ed., London, 1930—
a basic work; R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of Nature,
Oxford, 1945; F. M. Cornford, The Unwritten Philosophy
and other Essays, Cambridge, 1950, Principium Sapien-
tiae: the origins of Greek philosophical thought, Cam-
bridge, 1952; B. Farrington, Science in Antiquity, London,

1936, Greek Science, London, 1944-49, 2 vols.; }. L. Hei-
berg, Mathematics and Physical Science in Classical Antiq-
uity, London, 1922; H. I. Marrou, Histoire de Veducation
—
dans Vantiquiti, Paris, 1950 very useful; P. M. Schuhl,
Essai sur la formation de la pens6e grecque: introduction
historique d. V&tude de la philosophic platonicienne, 2nd
ed., Paris, 1949.
Early medieval scientific thought: In addition to works

listed under the General sections of Chapters II and III,
Adelardus von Bath, Quaestiones Naturales, ed. M. Miiller
(Beitr. Ges. Philos. MittelalL, xxxi. 2) Miinster, 1923;
R. Baron, 'Hvgonis de Sancto Victore Practica Geome-
triae,' Osiris, xii (1956); E. Brehaut, An Encyclopaedist
of the Dark Ages: Isidore of Seville, New York, 1912;

A. Clerval, 'L'enseignement des arts libfraux a Chartres et
a Paris dans la premiere moiti6 du xii e siecle d'apr&s YHep-
tateuchon de Thierry de Chartres/ Congres scientifique in-
ternational des catholiques, Paris, 1888, Paris, 1889, ii., Les
Ecoles de Chartres, Paris, 1895; Congres international Au-
gustinien, Paris, 1954, tome iii, Actes, Paris, 1955; G. W.
Coopland, Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers, Liverpool,
1952; O. G. Darlington, 'Gerbert the teacher/ American
Historical Review, lii (1947); E. Gilson, Introduction &
248 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Vetude de S. Augustin, 2nd ed., Paris, 1943; R. M. Grant,
Miracle and Natural Law
Graeco-Roman and Early
in
Christian Thought, Amsterdam, 1952; J. H. G. Grattan and
C. Singer, Anglo-Saxon Magic and Medicine. Illustrated
specially from the semi-pagan text 'Lacnunga,' London,
1952; C. W. Jones (editor), Bedae Opera de Temporibus,

—
Cambridge, Mass., 1943 for the early history of computus
and the calendar; G. H. T. Kimble, Geography in the
Middle Ages, London, 1938; H. Lattin, 'Astronomy: our
views and theirs/ in Symposium on the Tenth Century
[Medievalia et Humanistica, Fasc. ix), Boulder, Colorado,
1955; R. McKeon, Selecting from Medieval Philosophers,
London, 1929, i; L. C. MacKinney, Early Medieval Medi-
cine, Baltimore, 1937, 'Medical ethics and etiquette in
the early middle ages/ Bulletin of the History of Medi-
cine, xxvi (1952); H. I. Marrou, St. Augustin et la fin de
la culture antique, 2nd 1938, Retract atio,' 1949,
ed., Paris, '
St. Augustin et Vaugustinisme, Paris, 1955; E. C. Mes-

senger, Evolution and Theology, London, 1931; A Monu-
ment to St. Augustin, compiledby T. F. B[urns]., London,
1930; J. M. Parent, La Doctrine de la creation dans Vecole
de Chartres, Paris and Ottawa, 1938; J. F. Payne, English
Medicine in the Anglo-Saxon Times, Oxford, 1904; A. C.
Pegis, 'The mind of St. Augustine/ Medieval Studies,
vi (1944); H. Pope, Saint Augustine of Hippo, London,
1937; F. Saxl and H. Meier, Verzeichnis astrologischer und

mythologischer illustrierter Handschriften des lateinischen
Mitteldters, vols. 1 and 2 (Hamburg, 1915, 1927) by
Saxl, vol. 3 (London, 1953) by Saxl an<^ Meier, edited by
H. Bober; M. Schedler, Die Philosophic des Macrobius und
ihr Einfluss auf die Wissenschaft des christlichen Mittel-
dters (Beitr. Ges. Philos. Mittelalt., xiii. 1 ), Minister, 1916;
C. Singer, 'The scientific views and visions of Saint Hilde-
gard of Bingen/ in Studies on the History and Method of
Science, Oxford, 1917, i, From Magic to Science, London,
1928; C. & D. Singer, 'The origin of the medical school of
Salerno, the first European university/ in Essays on the
History of Medicine presented to Karl Sudhoff, ed. C.
Singer and H. E. Sigerist, Oxford and Zurich, 1924; L. Spit-
BIBLIOGRAPHY 249
zer, 'Classical and Christian ideas of world harmony/
Traditio, (1944), iv (1946); W. H. Stahl, Macrobius.
ii
Commentary on the dream of Scipio; translated with

introduction and notes, New York, 1952; C. Stephenson,
'In praise of medieval thinkers/ Journal of Economic His-
tory, viii (1948) —
on Gerbert; A. Hamilton Thompson,
Bede: His Life, Times, and Writings, Oxford, 1935 very —
useful; C. C. J. Webb, Studies in the History of Natural
Theology, Oxford, 1915; T. O. Wedel, The Mediaeval
Attitude toward Astrology, New Haven and London, 1920;
K. Werner, 'Die Kosmologie und Naturlehre des scholas-
tischen MittelaJters mit spezieller Beziehung auf Wilhelm
von Conches/ Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie
der Wissemchaften zu Wien, philos.-hist. Klasse, lxxv
(1873); T. Whittaker, Macrobius, or Philosophy, Science
and Lettersin the Year 400, Cambridge, 1923; H. A. Wolf-
son, The Philosophy of the Church Fathers, Cambridge,
Mass., 1956.
CHAPTER 11
There is no adequate short history of Arabic scientific

thought. There are sketches in A. Mieli, Panorama general
de historia de la ciencia II: La ipoca medieval, Mundo
isldmico y occidente christiano, Buenos Aires, 1946, La
science arabe et son rdle dans Vivolution scientifique
mondiale, Leiden, 1938; H. }. J. Winter, Eastern Science,
London, 1952. Indispensable for bibliography and reference
are Sarton, Introduction, and C. Brockelmann, Geschichte
der arabischen Literatur, Weimar and Berlin, 1898-1902,
2 vols., Supplement, Leiden, 1937-42, 3 vols.; 2nd ed.,
Leiden, 1943- For further details there are the special
.
studies listed under Chapters III and IV and in Vol. II

under Chapter and the following: S. M. Afnan, Avi-
I,
cenna: his life and works, London, 1958; A. }. Arberry (edi-

tor), The Legacy of Persia, Oxford, 1953; Sir T. Arnold and
A. Guillaume (editors), The Legacy of Islam, Oxford,
1931; The Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. M. T. Houtsma et
—
250 BIBLIOGRAPHY
alii, Leiden and London, 1908-38, 4 vols, and supplement,
new ed. by J. H. Kramers, H. A. R. Gibb, E. Levi-Provengal
and J. Schacht, 1954- ; P. K. Hitti, History of the Arabs,
4th ed., London, 1949; M. Meyerhof, 'Von Alexandrien
nach Bagdad,' Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, philos.-hist. Klasse, 1930
for the translations from Greek into Arabic, 'A sketch of
Arab science/ Journal of the Egyptian Medical Associ-
ation, xix (1936); De Lacy O'Leary, How Greek Science
Passed to the Arabs, London, 1948.
Hebrew philosophy: E. R. Bevan and C. Singer (edi-

tors), The Legacy of Israel, Oxford, 1927; Isaak Husik,
A History of Medieval Jewish Philosophy, Philadelphia,
1946; G. Vajda, Introduction d. la pensee juive du moyen
dge (Etudes de philos. medievde, xxxv) Paris, 1947; H. A.
Wolfson, Crescas' Critique of Aristotle, English transla-
tion, text, and commentary, Cambridge, Mass., 1929.
Indian scientific thought: S. R. Das, 'Scope and develop-

ment of Indian astronomy/ Osiris, ii (1936); B. Datta and
A. N. Singh, History of Hindu Mathematics. A source
book, Lahore, 1935-38, 2 vols.; G. T. Garratt (editor),
The Legacy of India, Oxford, 1937; A. B. Keith, Indian
Logic and Atomism, Oxford, 1921; P. Ray, History of
Chemistry in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1956; Sir B. Seal,
The Positive Sciences of the Ancient Hindus, London,
1915; D. E. Smith and L. C. Karpinski, The Hindu-Arabic
System of Numerals, Boston, 1911; H. R. Zinner, Hindu
Medicine, Baltimore, 1948.
Chinese scientific thought and technology: See under

Chapter IV, Building, etc., Industrial Chemistry, and
Medicine, and J. T. Needham, Science and Civilisation in
China, Cambridge, 1954- , i- .
General history of medieval science: Essential works of

reference are Sarton, Introduction, and L. Thorndike, A
History of Magic and Experimental Science, New York,
1923-58, 8 vols. Also indispensable is P. Duhem, Le
Syst&me du Monde, Paris, 1913-56, 7 vols., a classic work.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 $1
A very useful survey is E. J. Dijksterhuis, De Mechanisering

van het Wereldbeeld, Amsterdam, 1950 (English trans.,
Oxford, in preparation) These studies include both ancient
.
and medieval science. For the general history of medieval

philosophy there are E. Brehier, Histoire de la philosophic,
Paris, 1943, i, et Fasc. suppl&nentaire ii, La Philosophic
Byzantine par B. Tatakis, 1949; F. C. Copleston, A History

of Philosophy, London, 1946-53, 3 vols.; E. Gilson, La
Philosophie au moyen dge, 2nd ed., Paris, 1944, History of
Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages, London, 1955;
F. Ueberweg and B. Geyer, Grundriss der Geschichte der
Philosophie, i^ 11th ed., Berlin, 1928 —
indispensable for
reference; M. de Wulf, Histoire de la philosophie medvk-
vale, 6th ed., vols, i, ii, Louvain and Paris, 1934-36 (Eng-
lish translation, London, 1938), vol. iii, Louvain and Paris,
—
1947 with useful bibliographies. See also works listed
below and under Chapter III and in Vol. II under Chap-
ter I.
Useful for background are M. Bloch, La Societi f&odde,

Paris, 1939-40, 2 vols. —an excellent general survey; L.
Brehier, Le monde byzantin, Paris, 1947, 3 vols.; The
Cambridge Economic History of Europe: vol. 1, The
Agrarian Life of the Middle Ages, ed. J. H. Clapham and
Eileen Power, Cambridge, 1941, vol. 2, Trade and Indus-
try in the Middle Ages, ed. M. Postan and E. E. Rich,
Cambridge, 1952; The Cambridge Medieval History, ed.
C. W. Previt^-Orton and Z. N. Brooke, Cambridge, 1911-
36, 8 vols.; J. Coppens, Uhistoire critique de Vancien
Testament, Tournai and Paris, 1938; C. Dawson, Medieval
Essays, 2nd ed., London, 1953; J. de Ghellinck, Le Mouve-
ment thiologique du XII e siicle, 2nd ed., Bruges, 1948;
C. H. Haskins, The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century,
Cambridge, Mass., 1928; J. Huizinga, The Waning of the
Middle Ages, London, 1924; J. M. Hussey, Church and
Learning in the Byzantine Empire, 867-1185, Oxford,
1937; S. d'Irsay, Histoire des universiUs, Paris, 1933-35,
2 vols.; M. L. W. Laistner, Thought and Letters in West-
ern Europe, 500-goo A.D., 2nd ed., London, 1957; R« La-
touche, Les Origines de Veconomie Occidentale, Paris,
252 BIBLIOGRAPHY
1956; E. Lesn6, Histoire de la propri&tb ecclesiastique en
France, iv-v, Paris, 1938-40 —
on schools, libraries, etc. to
the end of the 12th century; F. Lot, La Fin du monde
antique et les debuts du moyen 2nd ed., Paris, 1956
&ge,
(English trans, by P. and M. Leon, London, 1931); L. J.
Paetow, The Arts Course at Medieval Universities, Urbana,
1910; G. Par6, A. Brunet et P. Tremblay, La Renais-
111.,
sance du xii e si&cle; les icoles et V enseignement, Paris and

Ottawa, 1933; H. Pirenne, Economic and Social History of
Medieval Europe, trans, by I. E. Clegg, London, 1936,
Histoire economique de V Occident medieval, Paris, 1951;
A. L. Poole (editor), Mediaeval England, Oxford, 1958; H.
Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages,
2nd ed. by F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden, Oxford,
1936, 3 vols.; B. Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the
Middle Ages, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1952; R. W. Southern, The
Making of the Middle Ages, London, 1953 an excellent —
and sensitive introduction; B. Spicq, Esquisse Sune his-
toire de Vexigkse latine au moyen dge, Paris, 1944; H. O.
Taylor, The Medieval Mind, 4th ed., London, 1938, 2
vols.; }. W. Thompson, The Literacy of the Laity in the
Middle Ages, Berkeley, 1939.
For the translations into Latin and their influence, use-
ful guides for reference are Rashdall, Universities; Sarton,
Introduction; Ueberweg-Geyer, Grundriss, ii; de Wulf,
Philosophic mddievale. An indispensable work of reference
is G. Lacombe, Aristoteles Latinus, Rome, 1939; cf. L.
Minio-Paluello, 'Analytica posteriora . . . / Aristoteles
Latinus, iv. 2, 3, Bruges and Paris, 1953-54. Useful for a
general survey, although literary in main interest, are
R. R. Bolgar, The Classical Heritage and its Beneficiaries,
Cambridge, 1954; Sir J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical
Scholarship, 3rd ed., Cambridge, 1904, i. For detailed
studies there are, in addition to works mentioned under
Chapter III, General section, M. Alonso Alonso, articles in
AUAndalus (Madrid) 1943-49; H. B£doret, articles in
Revue neoscolastique de philosophic, 1938; D. J. Allan,
'Mediaeval versions of Aristotle, De Caelo, and of the Com-
mentary of Simplicius/ Medieval and Renaissance Studies,
BIBLIOGRAPHY 253
ii (1950); A. Birkenmajer, 'Le Role \0\16 par les m^decins
et les naturalistes dans la reception d'Aristote au xii e et
xiii e socles,' La Pologne au vie congr&s international des
sciences historiques, Oslo, 1928, Warsaw, 1930; D. A.
Callus, 'Introduction of Aristotelian Learning to Oxford/
Proceeding? of the British Academy, xxix (1943); Marshall
Clagett, 'Medieval mathematics and physics: a check-list
of microfilm reproductions/ Isis, xliv (1953), and other
articles in Isis(1952-55) and Osiris (1952-54), mainly

on the translations of Euclid and Archimedes; M. B. Fos-
ter, 'The Christian doctrine of the creation and the rise of
modern naturah science/ Mind, N.S. xliii (1934), 'Chris-

tian theology and modern natural science of nature/ Mind,
N.S. xliv (1935), xlv (1936); M. Grabmann, Forschungen
iiber die lateinischen Aristoteles-Ubersetzungen des xiii.
Jahrhunderts (Beitr. Ges. Philos. Mittelalt,

5-6) xvii.
Miinster, 1916; C. H. Haskins, Studies in the History of

Mediaeval Science, 2nd ed., Cambridge, Mass., 1927;
R. W. Hunt, 'English learning in the late twelfth cen-
tury/ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th
series, xix (1936), 'The Introductions to the "Artes" in
the twelfth century/ in Studia Mediaevdia in honorem

admodum Reverendi Petri Raymondi Josephi Martin,
O.P., S.T.M., Bruges, 1948; E. M. Jamison, Admiral
Eugenius of Sicily: His Life and Work, Oxford, 1957;
R. Klibansky, The Continuity of the Platonic Tradition
during the Middle Ages: Outlines of a Corpus Platonicorum
Aevi,London, 1939; H. Liebeschiitz, Mediaeval Humanism
in the Life and Writings of John of Salisbury (Studies of
the Warburg Institute, ed. F. Saxl, xvii), London, 1950;
J.
C. Russell, 'Hereford and Arabic science in England
about 1175-1200/ Isis, xviii (1932); T. Silverstein, 'Daniel
of Morley, English cosmologist and student of Arabic sci-
ence/ Mediaeval Studies (1948); H. O. Taylor, The
Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages, New York, 1901;
G. Th6ry, 'Notes indicatrices pour s'orienter dans l'&ude
des traductions m£di6vales' in Melanges Joseph Mardchal,
Brussels, 1950, ii;
J.
W. Thompson, 'The introduction of
Arabic science into Lorraine in the tenth century/ Isis,

254 BIBLIOGRAPHY
xii (1929); F. Van Steenberghen, Aristote en Occident.
Les Origines de V Aristotelisme parisien, Louvain, 1946
(English trans., Louvain, 1955); M. Steinschneider, Die
europdischen Vbersetzungen aus dem Arabischen, bis
Mitte des ij. Jahrhunderts (Sitzungsberichte der kaiser-
lichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, philos.-hist.
Klasse, cxlix. 4, cli. 1), Vienna, 1904-5; C. B. Vande-
walle, Roger Bacon dans Vhistoire de la philologie 9 Paris,
1929; R. de Vaux, 'La premiere entree d'Averroes chez
les Latins,' Revue des sciences philosophiques et theolo-
giques, xii (1933), 'Notes et textes sur Tavicennisme latin
aux confins des xii-xiii si&cles,' Bibliothkque thomiste, xx
(1934); A. van der Vyver, 'Les Stapes du d£veloppement
philosophique du haut moyen &ge,' Revue beige de
philologie et d'histoire, viii (1929), 'Les premieres tra-
ductions latines (x e-xi e si£cles) de traites arabes sur
l'astrolabe,' ler Congr&s international de geographie
historique, 1931, ii, Memoires, 'Les plus
Brussels,
anciennes traductions latines m£di£vales (x e-xi e siecles)
de traites d'astronomie et d'astrologie,' Osiris, i (1936),
'L'6volution scientifique du haut moyen 3ge,' Archeion, xix
(1937); R. Walzer, 'Arabic transmission of Greek thought
to mediaeval Europe/ Bulletin of the John Rylands Library,
Manchester, xxix (1945); M. C. Welborn, 'Lotharingia as
a center of Arabic and scientific influence in the XI Cen-
tury,' Isis, xvi (1931); S. D. Wingate, The Mediaeval
Latin Versions of the Aristotelian Scientific Corpus, Lon-
don, 1931; F. Wustenfeld, Die Vbersetzungen arabischer
Werke in das Lateinische seit dem XL Jahrhundert (Ab-
handlungen der koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissen-
schaften zu Gottingen xxii. 3) Gottingen, 1877.
7
CHAPTER III
General: Excellent introductions to the general char-

acteristics of Aristotelianism are J.
M. Le Blond, Logique
et methode chez Aristote, Paris, 1939; A. Mansion, Intro-
duction d. la physique aristotelicienne, 2nd ed., Louvain,
BIBLIOGRAPHY 255
1946, Le judgement d' existence chez Aristote, Paris, 1939;
Sir W.D. Ross, Aristotle, 3rd ed., London, 1937; and
J. de
Tonqu£dec, Questions de cosmologie et de physique chez
Aristote et Saint Thomas, Paris, 1950. For the philosophy
of science there is the detailed study by A. C. Crombie,
Robert Grosseteste and the Origins of Experimental Sci-
ence, 1100-1 7 00, Oxford, 1953, with an extensive bibliog-
raphy. For details of 13th-century scientific thought in
general and its Greek and Arabic sources there are Albertus
Magnus, Opera Omnia, ed. P. Jammy, Lyons, 1651, 21
vols., revised by A. Borgnet, Paris, 1890-99, 38 vols.;
Thomas Aquinas, Opera Omnia iussu impensaque Leonis

XIII P.M. edita, Rome, 1882-1930, 15 vols.; Aristotle,
Complete Works, translated into English under the editor-
ship of J. A. Smith and W. D. Ross, Oxford, 1908-31, 2
vols.;Ibn Slna (Avicenne), Livre des directives et re-
marques. Traduction avec introduction et notes, par A. M.
Goichon, Paris, 1951; Roger Bacon, Opera Quaedam Hac-
tenus Inedita, ed. }. S. Brewer (Rolls Series), London,
1859, Opus Majus, ed. J. H. Bridges, Oxford, 1897, i-ii,
London, 1900, iii (with De Multiplication Specierum)
(English trans, of the Opus Majus, by R. B. Burke, Phil-
adelphia, 1928, 2 vols.), Opera Hactenus Inedita, ed.
R. Steele, Oxford, 1909-40, 16 Fasc. (contains most of
the scientific writings not edited by Brewer and Bridges);
L. Baur, Die Philosophic des Robert Grosseteste (Beitr.
Ges. Philos. MittelalL, xviii. 4-6) Minister, 1917; L. Brun-
schwig, Le Rdle du Pythagorisme dans revolution des
iddes (Actualite's scientifiques et industrielles, No. 446)
Paris, 1937; D. A. Callus (editor), Robert Grosseteste,
Scholar and Bishop, Oxford, 1955; M. H. Carr<§, Realists
and Nominalists, Oxford, 1946; M. D. Chenu, La theologie
comme science au xiii6 si&cle, 2 e ed., Paris, 1943; F. M.
Cornford, Plato and Parmenides, London, 1939; T. Crow-
ley, Roger Bacon: the problem of the soul in his philo-
sophical commentaries, Lou vain and Dublin, 1950; H. C.

Dales, 'Robert Grosseteste's Commentarius in octo Libros
f
physicorum Aristotelis,Medievalia et Humanistica, xi
(1957); S. C. Easton, Roger Bacon and his Search for a
-
256 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Universal Science, Oxford, 1952; A. Forest, F. Van Steen-
berghen, M. de Gandillac, Le Mouvement doctrinal du xie
au xiv6 si&cle (Histoire de VEglise, fondee par A. Fliche et
V. Martin; dirig£e par A. Fliche et E. Jarry, xiii), Paris,
1951; A. Garreau, Saint Albert le Grand, Paris, 1932; L.
Gauthier, Ibn Rochd (Averroes), Paris, 1948; A. M.
Goichon, La philosophic d'Avicenne et son influence en
Europe medievde, Paris, 1944; M. Grabmann, Die Ge-
schichte der scholastischen Methode, Freiberg-im-Breisgau,
1909-11, 2 vols., Mittelalterliches Geistesleben, Munich,
1926-36, 2 vols., Der hi. Albert, der Grosse. Ein wissen-
schaftliches Characterbild, Munich, 1932, Bearbeitungen
und Auslegungen der aristotelischen Logik (Abhandlungen
der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philos.
hist. Klasse, v), Berlin, 1937; Robert Grosseteste, Die phil-
osophischen Werke, ed. L. Baur (Beitr. Ges. Philos. Mit-
telalt., ix) Minister, 1912; G. von Hertling, Albertus Mag-
nus (Beitr. Ges. Philos. Mittelalt., xiv. 5-6), Miinster,

1914; R. Hooykaas, 'Science and theology in the middle
ages/ Free University Quarterly (Amsterdam), iii (1954);
S. d'Irsay, 'Les sciences de la nature et les university
m6di6vales/ Archeion, xv (1933); K. H. Laurent et M. J.
Congar, 'Essai de bibliographic Albertinienne/ Revue
thomiste, N.S. xiv, 1931; A. G. Little (editor), Roger
Bacon Essays, Oxford, 1914, 'The Franciscan school at
Oxford in the thirteenth century,' Archivum Franciscanum
Historicum, xix (1926), 'Roger Bacon/ Proceedings of the
British Academy, xiv (1928), Franciscan Letters, Papers
and Documents, Manchester, 1943; A. O. Lovejoy, The
Great Chain of Being, Cambridge, Mass., 1933; C. K.
McKeon, A Study of the Summa Philosophiae of the
Pseudo-Grosseteste, New York, 1948; R. McKeon, 'The
empiricist and experimentalist temper in the middle ages:
a prolegomena to the study of medieval science/ Essays in
Honor of John Dewey, New York, 1929, Selections from
Medieval Philosophers, New York, 1929-30, 2 vols.; P.
Mandonnet, Siger de Brabant et Vaverroism latin au xiii 6
siecle, Fribourg, 1899; A. J. O. S. Marietan, Probleme de
la classification des sciences d'Aristote d. S. Thomas, Paris,
—
BIBLIOGRAPHY 257
1901; H. Ostlander (editor), Studia Albertina. Festschrift
fur Bernhard Geyer zum yo. Geburtstage (Beitr. Ges.
Philos. Mittelalt., Supplementband iv), Miinster, 1952;
A. Gonzalez Palencia, Alfarabi, Catdlogo de las Ciencias,
Madrid, 1932; G. Quadri, La philosophie arabe dans
V Europe medievde des origines & Averroes, Paris, 1947;
R. Robinson, Plato's Earlier Dialectic, 2nd ed., Oxford,
1953; Sir W. D. Ross, Plato's Theory of Ideas, Oxford,
1951; J. C. Russell, Dictionary of Writers of Thirteenth
Century England (Bulletin of Institute of Historical Re-
search, iii) London, 1936; H. C. Scheeben, Albert der
Grosse: zur CKronologie seines Lebens (Quellen und For-
schungen zur Geschichte des Dominikanerordens in
Deutschland, xxvii), Vecht, 1931, 'Les fieri ts d' Albert le
Grand d'apr£s les catalogues/ Revue thomiste, N.S. xiv
(1931); L. Schiitz, Thomas-Lexikon, Paderborn, 1895;
D. E. Sharp, Franciscan Philosophy at Oxford, 1930, 'The
De ortu scientiarum of Robert Kilwardby (d. 1279)/ The
New Scholasticum, viii (1934); F. Van Steenberghen, 'La
literature albertino-thomiste (1930-1937)/ Revue neo-
scolastique de philosophie, (1938), Siger de Brabant
xli
daprbs ses oeuvres inidits, 'Siger dans Thistoire de

ii,
l'Aristotllisme,' (Les Philosophes Beiges, xiii), Louvain,

1942; J.
Method of Dialectic, trans, and
Stenzel, Plato's
ed. by D. Allan, Oxford, 1940; A. E. Taylor, Platonism
}.
and Its Influence, London, 1925; P. A. Walz, A. Pelzer

et alii, 'Serta Albertina/ Angelicum (Rome), xxi (1944);
G. M. Wickens (editor), Avicenna: Scientist and Philos-

opher, London, 1952.
Cosmology and astronomy: Duhem, Syst&me du Monde,

the basic work. Other contributions are Roger Bacon,
is still
Opera Hactenus Inedita, ed. R. Steele, Oxford, 1926, vi

for work on the calendar; J. D. Bond, 'Richard Walling-
ford (12927-1335)/ Isis, iv (1922); F. J. Carmody, The
planetary theory of Ibn Rushd/ Osiris, x (1952), Al
Bitruji de motibus celorum. Critical edition of the Latin
translation of Michael Scot, Berkeley, Calif., 1952; F. M.
Cornford, Plato's Cosmology. The Timaeus of Plato trans-
258 BIBLIOGRAPHY
lated with a running commentary London, 1937; J. B. J.7
Delambre, Histoire de I'astronomic au moycn dge, Paris,

—
1818 including Arabic astronomy; J. Drecker, 'Hermanus
Contractus. tJber das Astrolab/ Isis, xvi (1931); J. L. E.
Dreyer, A
History of Planetary Systems from Thalcs to
Kepler, Cambridge, 1906 (reprinted as A History of Astron-
omy . .
.
, —
New York, 1953) an excellent survey, 'Medieval
astronomy/ in Studies in the History and Method of Sci-
ence, ed. C. Singer, Oxford, 1921, ii; P. Duhem, 'Essai sur
la notion de throne physique de Platon & Galilee/ Annales
de philosophic chrhienne, vi (1908) (reprinted Paris,

1908); R. T. Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, Oxford,
1923, ii, 1929, v, The Astrolabes of the World, Oxford,
1932; W. Hartner, 'The principle and use of the astrolabe'
in A Survey of Persian Art, ed. A. U. Pope, London and
New —
York, 1939, iii the best description in English of
the use of the astrolabe, 'The Mercury horoscope of Marc-
antonio Michiel of Venice/ in Vistas in Astronomy, ed.
A. Beer, London and New York, 1955; Sir Thomas Heath,
Aristarchus of Samos, the Ancient Copernicus, Oxford,
1913, a history of Greek astronomy to Aristarchus, Greek
Astronomy, London, 1932; F. Kaltenbrunner, Die
Vorgeschichte der gregorianischen Kalenderreform (Sit-
zungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften, philos.-hist. Klasse, lxxxii), Vienna, 1876;
L. O. Kattsoff, 'Ptolemy and scientific method/ Isis,
xxxviii (1947); H. Michel, 'Le Rectangulus de Wallingford

pr6c6d6 d'une note sur le Torquetum/ del et Terre, Brus-
sels, Nos. 11-12 (1944), Traite* de V astrolabe, Paris, 1947
—fundamental; J. M. Millas-Vallicrosa, Etudios sobre

Azarquiel, Madrid and Granada, 1943-50 —on the astro-
labe; O. Neugebauer, 'The origin of the Egyptian calendar/
Journal of Near Eastern Studies, i (1942), The history of
ancient astronomy: problems and methods/ Journal of
Near Eastern Studies, iv (1945), (reprinted, with some
amplification, in Publication of the Astronomical Society
of the Pacific, xlviii, 1946), 'The early history of the
astrolabe. Studies in ancient astronomy, ix/ Isis, xl (1949)
—an important study, The Transmission of Planetary
BIBLIOGRAPHY 259
Theories in Ancient and Medieval Astronomy, Scripta
Mathematica, New York, 1955; M. A. Orr, Dante and the
Early Astronomers, 2nd ed., London, 1956; D. Price J.
and R. M. Wilson, The Equatorie of the Planetis, Cam-
bridge, 1955; Claude Ptol6m6e, Composition mathema-
tique, traduite pour la premiere fois du grec en frangais,
... par M. Halma, Paris, 1813-16, 2 vols, (reprinted
Paris, 1927), Ptolemy, The Almagest, translated by R. C.
Taliaferro (Great Books of the Western World, xvi) Chi-
cago, 1952; G. V. Schiaparelli, Scritti sulla storia della
—
astronomica antica, Bologna, 1925 pioneer studies; E. L.
Stevenson, Terrestrial and Celestial Globes, New Haven,
Conn., 1921, 2 vols.; H. Suter, Die Mathematiker und
Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke (Abhandlungen
zur Geschichte der mathematischen Wissenschaften, x),
Leipzig, 1900, 'Nachtrage und Berichtigungen / (ibid,
. .
xiv, 1902) — fundamental; F.Sherwood Taylor, 'Mediaeval

scientific instruments/ Discovery, xi (1950); L. Thorn-
dike, The Sphere of Sacrobosco, Chicago, 1949, Latin
Treatises on Comets. Between 1238 and 1368 A.D.,
Chicago, 1950; M. C. Welborn, Calendar Reform in the
Thirteenth Century, University of Chicago, unpublished
1932; P. W. Wilson, The Romance of the
dissertation,
Calendar, New
York, 1937; }. K. Wright, 'Notes on the
knowledge of latitudes and longitudes in the middle ages/
Isis, v (1923); E. Zinner, 'Die Tafeln von Toledo/ Osiris,
i (1936).
Meteorology and optics: Crombie, Robert Grosseteste,

is the most extensive study of medieval optics. See also
under Chapter IV, Medicine, and in Vol. II under Chapter
II, Scientific Instruments. For further details there are C.
Baeumker, Witelo, ein Philosoph und Naturforscher des

XIII Jahrhunderts (Beitr. Ges. Philos. Mitteldt., iii. 2)
.
Munster, 1908; H. Bauer, Die Psychologie Alhazeus (Beitr.

Ges. Philos. Mittelalt, x. 5), Munster, 1911; A. Birken-
majer, 'fitudes sur Witelo, i-iv/ Bulletin international de
VAcademie Polonaise des Sciences et des Lettres (Cracow),
260 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Classe d'hist. et de philos., Annies 1918, 1920, 1922; C. B.
Boyer, 'Aristotelian references to the law of reflection/
Isis, xxxvi (1946), 'Robert Grosseteste on the rainbow/
Osiris, xi (1954); Euclid, The Optics of Euclid/ trans,

by H. E. Burton, journal of the Optical Society of America,
xxxv (1945); G. Hellmann, Neudrucke von Schriften und
Karten ilber Meteorologie und Erdmagnetismus, Nos. xii-
xv, Berlin, 1899-1904 —
on weather prediction and optics,
Die Wettervorhersage im ausgehenden Mittelalter (XII.
bis XV. Jahrhundert), (Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Mete-
orologie, viii), Berlin, 1917; D. Kaufmann, Die Sinne.
Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Physiologie und Psychologie
im Mittelalter aus hebraischen und arabischen Quellen,
Leipzig,1884; E. Krebs, Meister Dietrich (Theodoricus
Teutonicus de Vriberg). Sein Leben, seine Werke, seine
Wissenschaft (Beitr. Ges. Philos. Mittelalt., v. 5-6),
Munster, 1906; A. Lejeune, Euclide et Ptolemee. Deux
stades de Voptique g&ometrique grecque, Louvain, 1948;
Recherches sur la Catoptrique grecque d'apres les sources
antiques et medievales, 1957, VOptique de
Brussels,
Claude Ptolemee dans la version latine d'apres Varabe de
VEmir Eugene de Sicile, ed. A. Lejeune, Louvain, 1956;
G. Sarton, 'The tradition of the optics of Ibn al-Heitham/
Isis, xxix (1938), xxxiv (1942-43); A. Sayili, 'The Aris-
totelian explanation of the rainbow/ Isis, xxx (1939); F. M.
Shuja, Cause of Refraction as explained by the Moslem
Scientists, Delhi, 1936; Theodoricus Teutonicus de Vri-
berg, De hide, ed. }. Wurschmidt (Beitr. Ges. Philos.
Mittelalt., xii Munster, 1914; E. Wiedemann, an
5-6)
important series on Arabic optics published
of articles
mainly in Annden der Physik und Chemie, Sitzungs-
berichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Berlin, philos.-hist. Klasse, and Archiv fur die Geschichte
der Naturwissenschaften und der Technik, 1890-1930: see
Sarton, Introduction, i. 722-23 and H. J. Seemann, 'Eil-
hard Wiedemann/ Isis, xiv (1930);H. J. }. Winter, 'The
optical researches of Ibn al-Haitham/ Centaurus, iii
1 954)-
(
BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 6l
Mechanics: H. Carteron, La notion de force dans le

systeme d'Aristote, Paris, 1923; M. Clagett, The Science
of Mechanics in the Middle Ages, Madison Wis. (in press)
—an indispensable study, with texts and commentary; F. M.
Cornford, The Laws of Motion in the Ancient World,
Cambridge, 1931; I. E. Drabkin, 'Notes on the laws of
motion in Aristotle/ American Journal of Philology, lix
(1938); R. Dugas, Histoire de la mecanique, Neuchatel,
1950 (English trans. New York, 195 5) -medieval mechan-
ics largely based on Duhem; P. Duhem, Les Origines de
la Statique, Paris, 1905-6, 2 vols— indispensable; B. Ginz-

burg, 'Duhem and Jordanus Nemorarius/ Isis, xxv (1936);
E. A. Moody and M. Clagett, The Medieval Science of
Weights, Madison, 1952— a critical source book; P. Tan-
nery, Memoires scientifiques, publi6e par J. L. Heiberg, v,
'Sciences exactes au moyen age (1877-1921)/ Toulouse
and Paris, 1922; H. J. J. Winter, articles on Arabic physics
in Endeavour, ix-x (1950-51).
Magnetism: H. D. Harradon, 'Some early contributions

to the history of geomagnetism — 1/ Terrestrial Magnetism
and Atmospheric (1943), with an English
Electricity, xlviii
translation of the Epistola of Petrus Peregrinus; E. O. von
Lippmann, Geschichte der Magnetnadel bis zur Erfindung
des Kompasses [gegen 1300] (Quellen und Studien zur
Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Medizin,
iii.1) Berlin, 1932; A. C. Mitchell, 'Chapters in the his-
tory of terrestrial magnetism/ Terrestrial Magnetism and
Atmospheric Electricity, xxxvii (1932), xlii (1937), xliv
(1939); P. F. Mottelay, Bibliographical History of Elec-
tricity and Magnetism, London, 1922; Petrus Peregrinus
Maricurtensis, De Magnete, ed. G. Hellmann, Neudrucke
von Schriften und Karten tiber Meteorologie und Erdmag-
netismus, x, Berlin, 1898; Petrus Peregrinus, The Epistle,
Concerning the Magnet, done into English by S. P.

Thompson, London, 1902; E. Schlund, 'Petrus Peregrinus
von Maricourt: sein Leben und seine Schriften/ Archivum
Franciscanum Historicum, iv (1911), v (1912) an ex- —
haustive study; Li Shu-hua, 'Origine de la boussole/ Isis,
262 BIBLIOGRAPHY
xlv (1954); S. P. Thompson, Tetrus Peregrinus de Mari-
court and his Epistola de Magnete/ Proceedings of the
British Academy, ii (1905-6).
Geology: F. D. Adams, The Birth and Development of

the Geological Sciences, Baltimore, 1938 (reprinted, New
York, 1954); Avicenna, De Congelatione et Conglutina-
tione Lapidum, ed. E. J. Holmyard and D. C. Mandeville,
Paris, 1927; P. Duhem, Etudes sur Leonard de Vinci, ii,
Paris,1909; K. Klauck, 'Albertus Magnus und die Erd-

kunde/ in Studia Albertina, ed. H. Ostlender (Beitr. Ges.
Philos. Mittelalt., Supplementband iv), 1952.
Chemistry: K. C. Bailey, The Elder Pliny's Chapters on

Chemical Subjects, edited, with translation and notes,
London, 1929-32, 2 vols.; P. E. M. Berthelot, Les origines
de Valchimie, Paris, 1885, Collections des anciens alchi-
mistes grecs, texte et traduction, 3 vols., Paris, 1888 —
basic
sources, La chimie au moyen dge, Paris, 1893, 3 vols.; H. H.
Dubs, 'The beginnings of alchemy' Isis, xxxviii (1947);
D. I. Duveen, Bibliotheca alchemica et chemica an an- —
notated catalogue of printed books on alchemy, chemistry
and related subjects, London, 1949; M. Eliade, Forgerons
et Alchimistes, Paris, 1956; R. J. Forbes, Bitumen and
Petroleum in Antiquity, Leiden, 1936—for "Greek fire"
etc., A Short History of the Art of Distillation, Leiden,
1948; W. Ganzenmuller, UAlchimie au moyen Age, tra-

duit de Tallemand par G. Petit-Dutaillis, Paris, no date
(German ed., Paderborn, 1938); E. J. Holmyard, Makers
of Chemistry, Oxford, 1931, Alchemy, London (Pelican
—
Books), 1957 an excellent survey; P. Kraus, 'Djabir/
Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leiden and London, 1938, Sup-
plement, Jabir ibn Hayyan, Cairo, Impr. de l'lnstitut
frangais d'archôlogie orientale, 1942-43, 2 vols.; P. Kraus
and S. Pines, 'al-Razi/ Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leiden and
London, 1936, iii; E. O. von Lippmann, Entstehung und
Ausbreitung der Mchemie, 2 vols., Berlin, 1919-31; Robert
P. Multhauf, 'John of Rupescissa and the origin of medical
chemistry/ Isis, xlv (1954), 'The significance of distilla-
BIBLIOGRAPHY 263
tion in Renaissance medical chemistry/ Bulletin of the
History of Medicine, xxx (1956); R. Partington, 'Alber-
J.
tus Magnus on alchemy/ Ambix, i (1937); M. Plessner,
'The place of the Turba Philosophorum in the development
of alchemy/ his, xlv (1954) —
a very useful critical dis-
cussion of recent work on the history of alchemy; F.
J.
Ruska, Tabula Smaragdina; ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
hermetischen Literatur, Heidelberg, 1926, Turba Philo-
sophorum, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Alchemie (Quel-
len und Studien zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften
und i) Berlin, 1931; }. A. Stillman, The
der Medizin,
Story of Early Chemistry, New York, 1924; F. Strunz,
Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften in Mittelalter, Stutt-
gart, 1910; F. Sherwood Taylor, 'A survey of Greek al-
chemy/ Journal of Hellenic Studies, i (1930), 'The Origin

of Greek alchemy/ Ambix, i (1937), "The evolution of
the still/ Annals of Science, v (1945), The Alchemists,
New York, 1949 —with a useful short bibliography; F. A.

Yates, The art of Lull (1232-c. 1316). An ap-
Ramon
proach to through Lull's theory of the elements/ Journal
it
of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xvii (1954).
Biology: Botany, zoology, anatomy, physiology: besides

the following, cf under Chapter IV, Agriculture and
. Med-
icine: P. Aiken, The
animal history of Albertus Magnus
and Thomas of Cantimpr6/ Speculum, xxii (1947); Alber-
tus Magnus, De Vegetabilibus, ed. C. Jessen, Berlin, 1867,
De Animalibus, ed. H. Stadler (Beitr. Ges. Philos. Mit-
telalt. xv-xvi), 1916-20, Quaestiones super de Animali-
bus, ed. E. Filthaut (Opera Omnia, ed. Institutum Alberti

Magni Coloniense, B. Geyer Praeside, xii) Minister, 1955;
Anonymus Londinensis, Medical Writings, ed. W. H. S.
Jones, Cambridge, 1947; A. Arber, Herbals, Cam-
bridge, 1938, The Natural Philosophy of Plant Form,
Cambridge, 1950; H. Balss, Albertus Magnus als Zoologie,
Stuttgart, 1947; H. S. Bennett, 'Science and information
in English writings of the 15th century/ Modern Lan-
guage Review, xxxix (1944); A. Biese, The Development
of the Feeling for Nature in the Middle Ages and Modern
264 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Times, London, 1905; M. De Bouard, 'Encyclop6dies
m6di£vales/ Revue des questions historiques, cxii (1930);
G. S. Brett, A History of Psychology, London, 1912-21,
3 vols.; A. J. Brock, Greek Medicine, London, 1929; J. V.
Cams, Geschichte der Zoologie, Munich, 1872; A. C.
Crombie, 'Cybo d'Hy£res: a 14th century zoological artist/
Endeavour, xi (1952); A. Delorme, 'La morphogen£se
d' Albert le Grand dans Tembryologie scolastique/ Revue
thomiste, N.S. xiv (1931); A. Fellner, Albertus Magnus
ds Botaniker, Vienna, 1881; D. Fleming, 'Galen on the
motions of the blood in the heart and lungs/ Isis, xlvi
(1955); H. W. K. Fischer, Mittelalterliche Pflanzenkunde,
Munich, 1929; A. Fonahn, Arabic and Latin Anatomical
Terminology (Norwegian Acad., hist.-philos. Klasse, 1921,
No. 7), Christiana, 1922; Emperor Frederick II, De Arte
Venandi Cum Avibus, ed. C. A. Willemsen, Leipzig, 1942;
Galen, Opera Omnia, ed. C. G. Kiihn, Leipzig, 1821-33,
20 vols., On the Natural Faculties, translated by A. J. Brock
(Loeb Classical Library) London and New York, 1916,
On Anatomical Procedures, translation . . . with intro-
duction and notes by C. Singer, London, 1956; R. W. T.
Gunther, The Herbal of Apuleius Barbarus, Oxford, 1925,
The Greek Herbal of Dioscorides, Oxford, 1934; W. A.
Heidel, Hippocratic Medicine, Its Spirit and Method, New
York, 1941; D. Jalabert, 'La flore gothique: ses origines,
son Evolution du XII e au XVe si£cles/ Bulletin monu-
mental, xci (1932); K. F. W. Jessen, Botanik der Gegen-

wart und Vorzeit in kulturhistorischer Entwicklung, Leip-
zig,1864, Waltham, Mass., 1948; W. H. S. Jones, Philos-
ophy and Method in Ancient Greece (Bull, of the History
of Medicine, Suppl. viii), Baltimore, 1946; S. Killermann,
Die Vogelkunde des Albertus Magnus 1270-80, Regens-
y
burg, 1910, 'Das Tierbuch des Petrus Candidus, 1460/

Zoologische Annalen, vi (1914); E. O. von Lippmann,
Urzeugung und Lebenskraft, Berlin, 1933; G. Loisel, His-
toire desmenageries de Uantiquitd ci nos jours, Paris, 1913,
i;T. E. Lones, Aristotle's Researches into Natural Science,
London, 1912; E. MMe, L'Art religieux du 13 6 si&cle en
France, 3 e ed., Paris, 1910 (English trans, by D. Nussy,
BIBLIOGRAPHY 265
London, 1913); E. H. F. Meyer, Geschichte der Botanik,
Konigsberg, 1857, iv; L. L. F. Moncourier, L'Bcole medicate
(TAIexandrie, Bordeaux, 1931; Claus Nissen, Die botanische
Buchillustration. Ihre Geschichte und Bibliographic, Stutt-
gart, 1951-52, 2 vols., Die Illustrierten Vogelbucher, Stutt-
gart, 1953; H. Ostlender (editor), Studia Mbertina {Beitr.
Ges. Philos. MittelalL, Supplementband iv); N. Pevsner,
The Leaves of Southwell, London, 1945; A. Piatt, 'Aris-
totle on the heart/ in Studies in the History and Method
of Science, ed. Singer, Oxford, 1921, ii; E. S. Russell,
Form and Function, London, 1916; G. Senn, Die Ent-
wicklung der biologischen Forschungsmethode in der
Antike und ihre grundsatzliche Forderung durch Theo-
phrast yon Eresos, Aarau, 1933 —
very important; C. Singer,
Greek Biology and Greek Medicine, Oxford, 1922, 'Greek
biology and its relation to the rise of modern biology/ in
Studies in the History and Method of Science, ii, The
Evolution of Anatomy, London, 1925 (reprinted as A
Short History of Anatomy and Physiology from the Greeks
to Harvey, New York, 1957); F. Strunz, Mbertus
Magnus, Vienna and Leipzig, 1926; K. Sudhoff, Ein
Beitrag zur Geschichte der Anatomie im Mitteldter, spe-
ziell der anatomischen Graphik, nach Handschriften des
9. bis 15. Jahrhundert (Studien zur Geschichte der Medi-
zin, iv), Leipzig, 1908, illustrated articles on medieval
anatomy and embryology in Archiv fur Geschichte der
Medizin, iv (1910), vii (1913); W. Sudhoff, "Die Lehre
von den Hirnventrikeln in textlicher und graphischer Tra-
dition des Altertums und Mittelalter/ ibid, vii (1913);
H. O. Taylor, Greek Biology and Medicine, London, 1923;
Sir D'Arcy W. Thompson, On Aristotle as a Biologist,
Oxford, 1913; L. Thorndike and F. S. Benjamin (editors),
The Herbal of Rufinus, Chicago, 1945; G. Verbeke, L'Evo-
lution de la doctrine du pneuma du stoicisme d. St. Augus-
tin, Paris, Walsh, 'Galen's writings and influences
1945; J.
inspiring of Medical History, vi (1934), vii
them/ Annals
(1935), viii (1936), ix (1937); Lynn White, jr.,
'Natural
science and naturalistic art in the middle ages/ American

Historical Review, lii (1947); T. H. White, The Book of
266 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Beasts, New —
York, 1954 English translation of a 12th-
century bestiary; E. Wickersheimer, 'L'"Anatomie" de
Guido da Vigevano/ Archiv fur Geschichte de Medizin,
vii (1913), Anatomies de Mondino dei Luzzi et de Guido
de Vigevano, Paris, 1926, with illustrations; J.

Wimmer,
Deutsche Pflanzenkunde nach Albertus Magnus, Halle
a/S., 1908; C. A. Wood and M. F. Fyfe, The Art of Fal-
conry ... 0/ Frederick II, Stanford, 1943; Conway Zirkle,
'The inheritance of acquired characters and the provisional
hypothesis of pangenesis/ American Naturalist, lxix
(1935), lxx (1936), The early history of the idea of the

inheritance of acquired characters of pangenesis/ Trans-
actions of the American Philosophical Society, xxxv (1946).
CHAPTER IV
General: A. E. Berriman, Historical Metrology, A new anal-

ysis of the archaeological and historical evidence relating
to weights and measures, New York, 1953; M. Bloch, 'Les
"inventions" m^dievales/ Annales d'histoire economique
et sociale, vii (1935); P. Boissonade, he Travail dans
V Europe chritienne au moyen dge {$ e-i$ e si&cles), Paris,

1921, Life and Work in Medieval Europe, trans, by Eileen
Power, London, 1927; }. Delevsky, 'Involution des sci-
ences et les techniques industrielles/ Revue d'histoire
economique et sociale, XXV (1939); F. M. Feldhaus, Die
Technik der Vorzeit, der geschichtlichen Zeit und der
Naturvolker, Leipzig and Berlin, 1914, Die Technik der
Antike und des Mitteldters, Potsdam, 1931; R. J. Forbes,
Man the Maker, New York, 1950; A. T. Geoghegan, The
Attitude towards Labor in Early Christianity and Ancient
Culture, {Catholic University of American Studies in
Christian Antiquity, No. 6), Washington, D. C., 1945;
Bertrand Gille, 'Les d^veloppements technologiques en
Europe de 1100 k 1400/ Cahiers d'histoire mondiale, iii
(1956); W. Hallock and H. T. Wade, Outlines of the
Evolution of Weights and Measures and the Metric Sys-
tem, New York, 1906; Lefebvre des Noettes, 'La "nuit"
BIBLIOGRAPHY 267
du moyen age et son inventaire/ Mercure de France, ccxxxv
(1932); L. Mumford, Technics and Civilization, London,
1934; J. U. Nef, War and Human Progress. An essay on
the rise of industrial civilization, London, 1950; A. Neu-
burger, The Technical Arts and Sciences of the Ancients,
London, 1930; L. F. Salzman, English Life in the Middle
Ages, Oxford, 1926; C. Singer, E. J.
Holmyard, A. R. Hall,
and T. I. Williams (editors), A History of Technology,
Oxford, 1954- , 5 vols. — the basic work; A. Uccelli et alii,
'La Storia della Tecnica/ in Enciclopedia Storica delle
Scienze e delle low Applicazione, Milan, 1944, ii; A. P.
Usher, AHistory of Mechanical Inventions, 2nd ed., Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1954; James C. Webster, The Labors of the
Months in Antique and Mediaeval Art to the End of the
Twelfth Century, Evanston, 1938; Lynn White, jr., Tech-
nology and invention in the Middle Ages/ Speculum, xv
(1940) —
with an excellent bibliography.
Education and technology: Cf. the works of Clerval,

Crombie, Grabmann (1909-11), Hunt, d'Irsay, Pafe et
alii, Gonzalez Palencia, Rashdall, Sharp (1934), listed
under Chapters I, II, III; also, R. Baron, 'Sur Tintro-
duction en Occident des termes "geometria theorica et
7
practica," Revue d histoire des sciences, viii (1955);
'
G. Beaujouan, U
interdependence entre la science scolas-
tique et les techniques utilitaires (xii e , xiii e, et xiv6 si&cles)
(Conference du Palais de D6couverte) Paris, 1957;
la
B. Gille, Esprit et civilisation technique au moyen dge
(Conference du Palais de la D£couverte) Paris, 1952;
Theophilus the Presbyter, Diversarum Artium Schedula,
Latin text and English trans, by R. Hendrie, London, 1847
(French trans, by C. de TEscalopier, Paris, 1843).
Music: Willi Apel, 'Early history of the organ/ Specu-

lum, xxiii (1948); R. d'Erlanger, La musique arabe, Paris,
1930-39, 4 vols.; H. E. Farmer, The Influence of Music:
From Arabic Sources, London, 1926, History of Arabian
Music to the Thirteenth Century, London, 1929, Histori-
cal Facts for the Arabian Musical Influence, London, 1930,
268 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Al-Farabi's Arabic-Latin Writings on Music (A Collection
of Oriental Writers on Music, ii), Glasgow, 1934; G. Reese,
Music in the Middle Ages, London, 1941; K. Schlesinger,
Oxford History of Music, Oxford, 1929.
Agriculture and stock breeding: D. Bois, Les plantes

alimentaires chez tous les peuples et h trovers les Ages,
Paris, 1927-28, 2 vols.; Sir F. Crisp, Medieval Gardens,
London, 1924; H. C. Darby, The Medieval Fenland, Cam-
bridge, 1940; Lord Ernie, English Farming, Past and Pres-
ent, 5th edition, edited by Sir A. D. Hall, London, 1936;
M. L. Gothein, A History of Garden Art, trans, by Mrs.
Archer-Hind, London, 1928; N. B. S. Gras, A.History of
Agriculture in Europe and America, New York, 1925;
Lefebvre des Noettes, UAttelage, cheval de selle &
le
Moul6, Histoire de
trovers les dges, Paris, 1931, 2 vols.; L.
la medecine v&tirinaire, Paris, 1891-1911,
4 parts; Eileen
Power, The Wool Trade in English Medieval History,
Oxford, 1941; Sir F. Smith, The Early History of Veteri-
nary Literature, London, 1919, i.
Building, printing, machines and instruments: Most in-

formative isUsher, History of Mechanical Inventions; cf.
Vol. II under Chapter II; in addition there are A. S.
Blum, La route du papier, Grenoble, 1946; Pierce Butler,
The Invention of Printing in Europe, Chicago, 1940; T. F.
Carter,The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread
Westwards, 3rd ed., revised by L. Carrington Goodrich,
New York, 1955; E. M. Carus-Wilson, 'An industrial revo-
lution in the 1 3th century/ Economic History Review, xii
(1941); M. Destrez, La Pecia, Paris, 1936; B. Gille, 'La
machinisme au moyen Sge/ Actes du VI e Congr&s interna-
tional d'Histoire des Sciences, Amsterdam, 1950, Paris,
1953; D. Hunter, Papermaking, 2nd ed., London, 1947;
D. Knoop and G. P. Jones, The Mediaeval Mason, Man-
chester, 1933; V. Mortet et P. Deschamps, Recueil de
textes relatifs & Vhistoire de V architecture, Paris, 1911-29,
2 vols.; Douglas C. McMurtrie, The Book. The Story of
Printing and Bookmaking, 3rd ed., New York, 1938;
BIBLIOGRAPHY 269
E. Panofsky, Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism, La-
Les debuts de Vimprimerie en
trobe, Pa., 1951; P. Pelliot,
Chine, Paris, 1953; A. Ruppel, Johannes Gutenberg. Sein
Leben und sein Werk, 2nd ed., Berlin, 1947; C. L. Sagui,
'La meunerie de Barbegal (France) et les roues hydrauli-
ques chez les anciens et au moyen age/ Isis, xxxviii (1948);
E. A. Thompson (ed. and trans.), A Roman Reformer and
Inventor. Being a new test of De rebus bellicis,
the Treatise
Oxford, 1952; Villard de Honnecourt, Kritische Gesamt-
ausgabe des Bauhuttenbuches, MS
fr. 19093 der Pariser
Nationdbibliothek, ed. H. R. Hahnloser, Vienna, 1935;

E. E. Viollet-Le-Duc, Dictionnaire raisonnd de Tarchitec-
ture frangaisedu XI 6 au XVI sikcle, Paris, 1854-68, 10
vols.; G. H. West, Gothic Architecture in England and
France, London, 1927; E. Zinner, 'Aus der Friihzeit der
Raderuhr. Von der Gewichtsuhr zur Federzugsuhr/ Ab-
handlungen deutsche Museum, xxii (1954).
Maps and geography: R. Almagia, 'Quelques questions

au sujet des cartes nautiques et des portulans d'apr£s les
recherches r£centes/ Actes du We Congrte international
d'Histoire des Sciences, Lausanne, 1947, Paris, 1948;
L. Bagrow, 'The origin of Ptolemy's Geographia,' Geo-
grafiska Annder, Stockholm, xxvii (1945), Geschichte der
Kartographie, Berlin, 1951; C. R. Beazley, The Dawn of
Modern Geography, London, 1897-1906, 3 vols.; Lloyd A.
Brown, The Story of Maps, London, 1951; A. Cortesao,
The Nautical Chart of 1424 and the Early Discovery and
Cartographical Representation of America, Coimbra, 1954;
M. Destombes, Cartes catalanes du XIV6 si&cle (Rapport
de la commission pour la bibliographic des cartes ancien-
nes, Fascicule i), Paris, 1952; D. B. Durand, 'The earliest
modern maps of Germany and Central Europe/ Isis, xix
(1933), The ViennorKlosterneuburg map corpus of the

fifteenth century. A study in the transition from medieval
to modern science, Leiden, 1952; Four Maps of Great
Britain by Matthew Paris, London, 1928; K. Kretschmer,
Die itdienischen Portolane des Mitteldters, Berlin, 1909;
D. J. Price, 'Medieval land surveying and topographical
270 BIBLIOGRAPHY
maps/ Geographical Journal, cxxi (1955); E. L. Stevenson,
Portolan Charts, their origin and characteristics. New York,
1911; R. V. Tooley, Maps and Map-Makers, London,
1949; R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris, Cambridge, 1958; J. K.
Wright, Geographical Lore at the Time of the Crusades,
New York, 1925.
Industrial chemistry, mining, metallurgy, firearms: Cf.

above under Chapter III; and G. Agricola, De Re Metal-
lica, English trans, by H. C. and L. H. Hoover, New York,
1950; Bergwerk- und Probierbiichlein, trans. A. E. Sisco

and C. S. Smith, New York, 1949— 16th-century works
on mining, geology and assaying; Vanoccio Biringuccio,
Pirotechnia, trans. C. S. Smith and M. Gnudi, New York,
1943; Lazarus Erker's Treatise on Ores and Assaying, trans,
from the German ed. of 1580 by A. E. Sisco and C. S.
Smith, Chicago, 1951; R. J. Forbes, Metallurgy in Antiq-
uity, Leiden, 1950, 'Metallurgy and technology in the
middle ages,' Centaurus, iii (1953); L. C. Goodrich and
Feng Chia-Sheng, 'The early development of firearms in
China/ Isis, xxxvi (1946); E. B. Haynes, Glass, London,
1948; H. W. L. Hime, The Origin of Artillery, London,
1915; J. B. Hurry, The Wood Plant and its Dye, Lon-
don, 1930; R. P. Johnson, 'Compositiones variae/ in Illinois
Studies in Language and Literature, xxiii (1939); J. U.
Nef, 'Mining and metallurgy in medieval civilisation/ in
The Cambridge Economic History, ii;
J.
R. Partington,
Origins and Development of Applied Chemistry, London,
1935; B. Rathgen, Das Geschiitz im Mitteldter, Berlin,
1928; T. A. Rickard, Man and Metals, New York, 1932,
2 vols.; E. Salin et A. France-Lanord, Le Feu d X&poque
merovingienne, Paris, 1943; L. F. Salzmann, English In-
dustries in the Middle Ages, Oxford, 1923; C. Singer, The
Earliest Chemical Industry, London, 1949; D. V. Thomp-
son, The Materials of Medieval Painting, London,
jr.,
1936; E. Turriere, 'Le d^veloppement de Tindustrie ver-

riere d'art depuis T£poque v^nitienne jusqu'a la fondation
des verreries d'optique/ Isis, vii (1925); Wang Ling, 'On
BIBLIOGRAPHY 271
the invention and use of gunpowder and firearms in

China/ Isis, xxxvii (1947).
Medicine: In addition to works listed under Chapter III,

Sir T. C. Allbutt, The Historical Relations of Medicine
and Surgery to the End of the Sixteenth Century, London,
1905; W. A
Short History of Some Com-
R. Bett (ed.),
mon Diseases, Oxford, 1934; E. Bock, Die Brille
und ihre Geschichte, Vienna, 1903; E. G. Browne, Ara-
bian Medicine, Cambridge, 1821; A. M. Campbell, The
Black Death -mid Men of Learning, New York, 1931;
D. Campbell, Arabian Medicine and its Influence on the
Middle Ages, London, 1926, 2 vols.; A. Castiglioni, History
of Medicine, trans, by E. B. Krumbhaar, 2nd ed., New
York, 1947— very useful; K. Chiu, 'The introduction of
spectacles into China/ Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, i
(1936) H. P. Cholmeley, John of Gaddesden and the Rosa
;
Medicinae, Oxford, 1912; C. Creighton, History of Epi-

demics in Great Britain, Cambridge, 1891-94, 2 vols.; P.
Diepgen, 'Die Bedeutung des Mittelalters fur den Fort-
schritt in der Medizin/ in Essays Presented to Karl Sudhoff,
ed. Singer and Sigerist, Oxford and Zurich, 1924, Ge-
schichte der Medizin, ... I. Band: Von den Anfangen der
Medizin bis zur Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts, Berlin, 1949;
Cyril Elgood, A Medical History of Persia and the Eastern
Caliphate, New York, 1951; P. L. Entralgo, Mind and
Body. Psychosomatic pathology: a short history of the evo-
lution of medical thought, London, 1955; Fielding H. Gar-
rison, An Introduction to the History of Medicine, 4th ed.,
Philadelphia, 1929 —with much bibliographical material;
J. Grier, A
History of Pharmacy, London, 1937; O. Cam-
eron Gruner, A Treatise on the Canon of Medicine of
Avicenna, incorporating a translation of the first book,
London, 1930; D. Guthrie, A History of Medicine, Edin-
burgh, 1945 —with a
useful bibliography; J. F. K. Hecker,
The Epidemics of the Middle Ages, trans, by Babington,
London, 1859; L. F. Hirst, The Conquest of Plague, Ox-
ford, 1953; T. Husemann, 'Die schlafschwamme und an-
dere Methoden der allgemeinen und ortlichen Anasthesie
272 BIBLIOGRAPHY
im Mittelalter/ Deutsche Zeitschrift fur Chirurgie, xlii
(i896)/WeitereBeitrage ,'
. ibid., liv (1900); S. d'lr-
. .
say, The Black Death and the mediaeval universities/

Annals of Medical History, vii (1925); E. Kremers and
G. Udang, History of Pharmacy, Philadelphia, 1940;
M. Laignel-Lavastine, Histoire generale de la mMecine, de
la pharmacie, de Vart dentaire et de Vart veterinaire, Paris,
1934-36, 2 vols.; R. A. Leonardo, A History of Surgery,
New York, 1942; D. P. Lockwood, Ugo Benzi, medieyal
philosopher and physician, 13J6-1439, Chicago, 1951;
E. R. Long, History of Pathology, Baltimore, 1928; C. A.
Merrier, Leper Houses and Mediaeval Hospitals, London,
1915; Maitre Henri de Mondeville, Chirurgie, traduction
frangaise avec des notes, une introduction et une bio-
graphie par E. Nicaise, Paris, 1893; M. Neuburger, History
of Medicine, trans, by E. Playfair, London, 1910-25, 2
vols.; Johannes Noll, The Black Death. A chronicle of the
plague, trans, by C. H. Clarke, London, 1926 (German ed.,
Potsdam, 1924); G. H. Oliver, History of the Invention
and Discovery of Spectacles, London, 1913; Petrus His-
panus, Die Ophthalmologic, ed. A. M. Berger, Munich,
1899; W. A. Pussey, The History and Epidemiology of
Syphilis, Baltimore, 1933; Rhazes, A Treatise on the Small-
pox and Measles, trans, by W. A. Greenhill, London, 1848
(ed. E. C. Kelly, New York, 1939); E. Rieseman, The
Story of Medicine in the Middle Ages, New York, 1935;
M. von Rohr, 'Aus der Geschichte der Brille/ Beitrage zur
Geschichte der Technik und Industrie, xvii (1927), xviii
(1928), 'Gedanken zur Geschichte der Brillenherstellung,'
Forschungen zur Geschichte der Optik (Beilagehefte zur
Zeitschriftfur Instrumentenkunde, Berlin), ii (1937);
E. Rosen, 'Did Roger Bacon invent eyeglasses?' Archives
r
internationdes d histoire des sciences, xxxiii (1954), 'The
invention of eyeglasses,' Journal of the History of Medicine,
xi (1956) —
an important critical study; E. Sachs, The
History and Development of Neurological Surgery, New
York, 1952; H. E. Sigerist, 'Die Geburt der abendland-
ischen Medizin/ in Essays Presented to Karl Sudhoff, ed.
Singer and Sigerist, Oxford and Zurich, 1924, 'On Hippoc-
BIBLIOGRAPHY 273
rates/ Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine,
ii (1934), 190-214, Civilisation and Disease, Cornell,
1943, A History of Medicine, New York, 1951- , i- ;
C. Singer, 'Steps leading to the invention of the first opti-
cal apparatus/ in Studies in the History and Method of
Science, ii, A Short History of Medicine, Oxford, 1928;
K. Sudhoff, Tradition und Naturbeobachtung in den Illus-
trationen medizinischer Handschriften und Friihdrucke
yornehmlich 15. Jahrhunderts, Leipzig, 1907, on the Trac-
tates pestilentiae, Archiv fur Geschichte und Medizin, v
(1912), Beitrage zur Geschichte der Chirurgie im Mit-
tehdter; graphische und textliche Untersuchungen in mit-
teldterlichen Handschriften (Studien zur Geschichte der
Medizin, x-xii) Leipzig, 1914-18, Testschriften aus den
ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des "schwarzen
Todes" 1348/ Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin, ix
(1916), xvii (1925); O. Temkin, The Falling Sickness.
A history of epilepsy from the Greeks to the beginnings of
modern neurology, Baltimore, 1945; C. J. S. Thompson,
The History and Evolution of Surgical Instruments, New
York, 1942; E. A. Underwood (editor), Science, Medicine
and History, Essays . in honour of Charles Singer,
. .
Oxford, 1953; R. Verrier, Etudes sur Arnold de Villeneuve,

Leiden, 1947; J. J. Walsh, Medieval Medicine, London,
1920; C. E. A. Winslow, Man and Epidemics, Princeton,
1952.
INDEX
Abacus, 179 Albucasis (10th century), 224
Abelard, Peter (1079-1142), Alchemy, 52, 129-39. See also
Chemistry
Acceleration, law of, 4 Alcherius, John, 176
Achillini, 172 Alcohol, 136-37
Acids, 137 Alcuin of York (735-804), 12,
''Active intellect," 57 13, 22
Adam of Cremona, 230 Alderotti, Taddeo (1223-1303),
Adaptation, 150 136, 169, 226
Adda River, 191 Aldhelm, Abbot of Malmes-
Adelard of Bath, 9, 13, 24, 25, bury, 22
26, 27, 30, 34, 50, 63, 150, Aldobrandrino of Siena, 230
176, 184; nephew of, 13, 15, Alexander V, Pope, 209
18, 26, jo, 32 Alexander of Aphrodisias (c.
Aeneas Sylvius, 208 l 93~ 21 7)>
4 6 > 124
Aesculapius, 235 Alexander the Great, 56
Aesop, 16 Alexander of Tralles, 23, 232
Aetius (6th century), 232 Alexander of Villedieu, 51
Agricola, 137, 178 Alexandria, 21, 91, 132
Agriculture, 11, 54-55 141, Alexandrian Gnostics, 130
175, 177, 178, 188, 189-96; Alexandrian mechanics, 116
block system, 190; crops, Alfarabi, 57, 74, 179, 184
192, 193; early Middle Ages, al-Fargani (9th century), 48
189; Roman, 189-90, 191; al-Farisi, Kamal al-din (d.c.
rotation, 192; specialization, 1320), 113
189-90; strip system, 190 Alfonsine Tables, 48, 96, 97
al Battani (d. 929), 48 Alfonso VI, 34
Alberti, Lea Battista, 177, 206 Alfonso X
of Castile, 211
Alberto de' Zancari, 171 Alfonso the Wise (d. 1284),
Albert Parvus (c. 1357), 128 48
Albert of Saxony (c. 1357), Alfred of Sareshel (the English-
128-29 man), 34, 147, 161
Albertus Magnus (1193/1206- Algebra, 49
80), 53, 62, 63, 125, 127, Algebra of Mohammed ben
134, 139,147,160,162,173, Musa The,
7 50
177, 192; agriculture, 141- al-Ghazzali, 73
42, 191; anatomy, 156; biol- "Algorism," 50
ogy, 1A2, 147-49; chemistry, Algorismi de Minutis et Inte-
134; classifications, 156-57; gris, 182
cosmogony, 149, ico, 151, Alhazen (c. 965-1039), 49,
152, 154-55; embryology, 101-2, 104, 107, 113, 181
154-55; g eol °gy> 125- 26 '
Ali ben Khalaf, 95
128; optics,110; observa- Ali ibn Ridwan, 223
tions, 154-56; zoology, 155- Alidade, 92
al-Jahiz, 150
al-Bitruji (12th century), 48 al-Khwarismi, 9, 48, 50, 51
276 INDEX
Alkindi (d.c. 873), 49, 52, 57, Apparatus, 176; chemical, 130,
ioi, 104 133, 134-37, 1 3&> scientific,
Almagest, 82 111, 221. See also Instru-
Almanacs, 51 ments
Almeria, 229 Apuleius Barbarus, 24
al-Nazzam, 150 Apuleius (pseudo-), 36, 145,
Alpetragius (12th century), 48, M7
79 Aquinas, St. Thomas (1225-
Alphanus, 223 74), 36, 61, 62, 63, 89, 90,
Alphonsine Tables, 182 152, 180
al-Shirazi, Qutb al-din (1236- Arabs and Arabic science, 6, 9,
1311), 113 33, 176, 188, 198; agricul-
Aluminibus et Salibus, De, 40 ture, 191; alchemy, 130, 132-
al-Zarqali (d.c. 1087), 48, 95, 34; astronomy, 48, 91; biol-
97 ogy, 141; charts, 207-8;
Amalfi, 34 chemistry, 130; clocks, 210-
Amiens, 205 11; dentistry, 234; glass-
Amodio, Andrea, 145 making, 220; horse breeding,
Anaesthesia, 225, 233 194-95; hospitals, 235; in-
Analytics, 36 vasion by, 12; medicine, 48-
Anatomia, 169-70 49, 224; ophthalmology, 224,
Anatomia Porci, 168, 224 230-31; optics, 221; spec-
Anatomia Ricardi, 168, 224 tacles, 232; surgery, 232
Anatomia Vivorum, 162 Arber, Agnes, 149
Anatomy, 156, 234; avian, 143; Arches, 203-5
of eye, 102, 104; human, Archimedes, 116, 175, 187
162-72, 181 Architectura, De, 38
Anaxagoras (5th century B.C.), Architecture, 143-44, 203-6
28 n., 30, 126 Architettura, 206
Anaximander, 149 Arderne, John (1307-77), 158,
Angels, 19 *7 2 > 2 34
Anima, De, 101 Aretino, Spinello (c. 1333-
Animalibus, De, 36, 142, 151, 1410), 145
154, 161, 181 Aristarchus of Samos, 5, 82,
Animals, 16, 17, 23, 29; classifi- 88 n., 90
cation of, 1 56-57, 1 59; illus- Aristotle and Aristotelianism,
trations, 142. See also Hus- 11, 36, 55, 80, 86, 87, 89,
bandry 105, 111, 113, 140, 147, 148,
Ansonius, 197 161, 174, 181; anatomy, 162;
Anthropology, 11 astronomy, 79-81, 86, 89-
Antidotarium Nicolai, 122, 225 90; biology, 139—40, 161;
Antiseptics, 232-33 causation, 69-" 2, 122: chem-
Ants, 156 istry, 130-32; Christian the-
Antwerp, 202 ology, 56-64; classifications,
Apennines, 127 156-57, 178, 179; contra-
Aphorisms, 42 dictions, 65; cosmology, 56-
Apollodorus, 175 58, 75-78; criticism, 6, 73,
Apollonius, 100 81-82, 90, 115; embryology,
INDEX 277
Aristotle (cont'd) 95; construction of, 92; in
1 53-54; generation, 151-55 Middle Ages, 91-92
159; geology, 123, 128; in Astrolabum catholicum, 95
duction, 67-68; infinity, 73 Astrology, 17, 18, 52, 57,
99,
influence, 48; logic, 223 126, 127; plagues, 227
mathematics, 68-69, 10° Astronomical Tables, 37
mechanics, 114-16; medi Astronomy, 11, 12, 22, 24-25,
cine, 226; meteorology, 98: 48, 60, 68, 78-98, 176, 182,
mineralogy, 133; optics, 98, 187, 212; of Arabs, 90-91,
100, 101, 102; physics and 94-95; in Assyria, 5; in
metaphysics, 68-75; physiol- Babylon, 5; measurements,
ogy, 163-65, 170-71; schools 96; observation, 89; Ptol-
of thought, 62-64
emaic, 31, 48; semi-helio-
centric system, 90; of West-
Aristotle (pseudo), 123, 124,
ern Christendom, 90-91
M 1
' 147 Asylums, 236
Arithmetic, 181
Athenaeus, 175
Arithmetic, 11, 24, 49, 177,
Atomism, 28 n.-29 n., 31, 133
179, 187 Atoms, 28 n., 29, 69
Armati, Salvino degl' (d. 1317),
Auroras, 98
*77 Averroes (1126-98), 57, 63,
Armillary sphere, 96
65, 73, 101, 102; biology,
Arms, 178. See also Weapons
141, 161; colours, 111; mag-
Arnald of Villanova (c. 1235- netism, 122
1311), 137, 139, 225, 226, Averroists, 62, 174
230 Avicebron, Rabbi, 73
V Bishop of, 191
,
Avicenna (980-1037), 49, 57,
Ars Cantus Mensurabilis, 184, 65, 73, 101, 102, 123, 151,
186 160; anatomy, 162; botany,
Art of the Black Land, 130 152; biology, 141, 161;
Art of Falconry, 142 chemistry, 130-31; geology,
Art of Medicine, 223 124-25; medicine, 223, 224
Arteries, 164-67 Avignon, 96, 143, 202, 211,
Arte Venandi cum Avibus, De, 227, 220
M2 Axial gradients, 153-54
Artillery, 217. See also Canons Axiom of Aristotle, 116
Arts, classification of, 178-82; Axiom of Jordanus, 116, 119
fine, 11; liberal, 11, 13, 74; Azimuths, 208
mechanical, 179; seven lib-
eral, 178, 181 Babylonia, 5
Aryabhata (b.
476), 49 Bacon, Francis, 15, 151
Asia, 33, 142, 204, 208 Bacon, Roger (71214-92), 31,
Aspectibus; De Umbris et de 36, 53-56, 62, 96, 99, 100,
Diversitate Aspectuum, De, 111, 139, 173, 177, 178;
39 chemistry, 130; classification
Assyria, of science, 179; flight, 207;
5
Astrolabe, 25, 105, 111, 176, geography, 208; geology, 127;
182, 209, 216; Arabic, 94- gunpowder, 218; Ophthalmol-
2
278 INDEX
Bacon, Roger (cont'd) Biology, 78, 139-74
ogy, 231; optics, 104-5; ram " Birds, 142-43
bow, 105 Biringuccio, V., 138, 177, 215;
Bacillus Jacobi, 96-97 chemistry, 137; boring ma-
Baer, C. E. von, 154 chine, 219
Baghdad, 33, 236 Biscay, 213
Balance, 36, 138-39 Black Death, 169, 189, 226-28,
Baltic Sea, 194, 198 229, 234, 235
Barbarian invasions, 1 Black Death and Men of Learn-
Barbary, 51 ing, 228
Barbers, as surgeons, 235 Blacksmiths, 212
Ban, 34 Blasius of Parma, 1 20
Barley, 190 Bloch, Marc, 3
Barnacle geese, 142-43, 155 Bloc land system, 190
Bartholomew the Englishman Bloodstream, 164-67
(c. 1230-40), 130, 143, 147 Bloom, 214, 215
Bartolommeo da Varignana, Boccaccio, Giovanni (1313-
169
Bary, Rene' (c. 1671 ), 237 Bodleian Library, 169, 208
Basques, 194 Body, principal organs of, 164-
Bayeux tapestry, 195 67
Beans, 190, 192 Boethius (6th century), 11,
Bede, 13, 19, 20, 21-22, 24, 12 n., 13, 25, 36, 181; classi-
176, 178; cosmology of, 19- fication, 178
20; dating of Easter, 21; ob- Bohemia, 213, 215
servation, 21; tides, 22 Boke of St. Albans, 160
Bedlam hospital, 237 Bologna, 147, 169, 171, 181,
Beer, 137 192, 209, 226, 227, 232
Bees, 192, 194 Bologna University, 63, 192,
Belleval, Firmin de, 96 235; medical school, 224
Bellifortis, 177 Book of Histories, 6
Bells, 216-17 Book production, 202-3
Benedictine monasteries, 176, Borgognoni, Hugh (d. 1252-
223 58), 225, 232
Benzi,Ugo (15th century), 226 Borgognoni, Theodoric (1205-
Bernard of Gordon, 226, 231, 98), 225, 232
2 33 Boring, 219
Bernard of Verdun, 89 Boring machines, 209
Berthelot, 136 Botanical garden, 158
Bertruccio, Niccold, 171, 172 Botanical iconography, 144-47
Berwick, 217 Botany, 11, 140, 146; meaieval,
Besson, J., 210 36
Bestiaries,
15 Bow-drill, 209
Bhaskara (b. 1114), 49 Brace, 210
Bianco, Andrea, 209 Bradwardine, Thomas (d. 1 349),
Bible, 52, 126, 229; commen- 97
tary on, 16; study of, 27 Brahmagupta (b. 598), 49
Bile, 163 Brain, 163, 167
INDEX 279
Breeding, 194-95 Camera obscura, 113
Brewing, 221-22 Campanus of Novara, John (d.
Britain, 21, 22 after 1292),
95
Brothers of the Holy Ghost, Campbell, A. M., 228
236 Canals, 207
Bruges (city), 126 Cancer, tropic of, 92, 93
Bruno, Giordano, 151 Canistris, Opicinus de (d.
Bruno of Longoburgo (13th 1352), 208
century), 172, 232 Cannons, 217, 218-19
Brunschwig, Hieronymus, 137 Canon, 151
Buck der Nature, Das, 129, 160 Canones Azarchelis (Toledan
Buckwheat, 193 Tables), 48
Bugia, 51 Canon of Medicine, 162, 224
Buildings, 203-6 Canterbury, 211
Burgos, 219 Canterbury, Archbishop of, 64
Burgundio of Pisa, 34, 160 Canterbury Tales, 17 n., 49 n.
Burgundy, 203 Canute, 25
Buridan, Jean (d. after 1358), Capella,Martianus(c. 600 B.C.),
90, 128, 161 13, 14,90
Burley, Walter, 161 Capricorn, tropic of, 92, 93
Bury St. Edmunds, 145 Cardano, Hieronymo, 129
Buttresses, 204-$ Carolingian period, 189, 223
Byzantine empire, 33 Carolingian renaissance, 22
Byzantine learning, 1 88 Carpathians, 215
Byzantines, 218, 234 Carte Pisane, 207
Byzantium, 35, 194, 201, 208, Carthusians, 189
209, 232, 235; capture in Cartography, 183, 207-9; Ma-
1204, 36; glass, 220; nu- jorcan school, 208-9
merals, 51 Case-histories, 226
Cassiodorus (c. 490-580?), 11,
Cselo, De, 36, 87, 181 13, 18, 223
Cairo, 234 Cast iron, 215
Calabria, 193 Catalania, 208
Calais, 217 Catapults, 196
Calendar, 19, 20-21, 22, 24, Categories, 11
51, 56, 182; Christian, 20, Catelan Mappemonde, 208
22; Gregorian, 22, 91; He- Cathedrals, 203-5, 212
brew, 20; Julian, 20; Omar Cathedral schools, 22, 24
Khayyam, 90-91; reform of, Cato the Elder, 160, 175, 189
06 Causality, 71, 100
Caliphs, 33 Causis Proprietatum Elemen-
Callippus (4th century B.C.), torum, De, 125
Celsus, Aurelius, 19, 234
75> 79
Cambrai, 217 Cennini, Cennino, 176
Cambrensis, Giraldus (c. 1147- Cereals, 189, 190, 192
1223), 16 Cesalpino, Andrea, 148

Cambridge University, 205 Chabres school, 31
Camerarius, R. (1694), 152 Chalcidius (4th century), 14
J.
280 INDEX
Changes, 28, 69-70 Clocks: astronomical, 98; me-
Chants, 183-86 chanical, 182, 210-13, 216
Chaos, 27, 28 Clock towers, 212
Chapel of King's College, 205 Clockwatches, 212
Charcoal, 213, 214, 220 Cloth industry, 178, 199-200
Charlemagne, 13, 22, 189, 190, Clouds, 98
194 Coal, 213-14, 220
Charles V, Emperor, 160, 220; Codex Aniciae lulianx, 145
coronation, 185 Colours, 105-6, 110, 111-13,
Charles V, of Fnmce, 208, 213 preservation
129, 134; of,
Charles of Anjou, 120
144
Chartres, 61, 181, 205; Plato-
Columbus, Christopher, 128,
nists of, 30; school of, 14, 27,
208
223 Columella, 175
Chaucer, Geoffrey, 17 n., 49 n.,
Combustion, 98
92, 176, 182
Comets, 98-99
Chauliac, Guy de. See Guy de
Commerce, 177, 179, 182, 183
Chauliac
Chemeia, 130
Communia Naturalium, 54
Chemistry, 129-39, 176, 177;
Compass, 95, 120, 177, 207,
208
industrial, 213-22; quanti-
tative, 216. See also Al- Com pass -charts, 120, 207
chemy Compositiones ad Tigenda, 176
Chess, 194 Composizione del Mondo, La,
Chimie au Moyen Age, La, 136 127
China, 5, 194, 195, 201, 202,
Computi, 22
208, 217, 218, 232 Computists, 24
Chiniac churches, 204 Computus, 20
Chirurgia Magna, 169, 170, Concerning Stones, 123
172, 227, 233 Concrete, 203
Christendom. See Western Confessions, 59
Christendom Conies, 100
Christian theology, 60, 61 Conrad von Megenburg ( 1 309-
Christianity, 5-6, 7, 20; and 74), 129, 160
Aristotelian system, 56-57; Consilia, 226, 229
Latin, 13 Consolatione Philosophise, De,
Chronica Majora, 144 12 n.
Churches, construction of, 203- Constance, council of, 96
Constantine, Emperor, 235
Church music, 184 Constantine the African, 34,
Cinnabar, 133 22 3
Circa Instans, 146 Constantinople, 218, 226
Cistercians, 189 Construction, 203-6
Classification, 144, 178-80; Contagion, 229
animals, 153; plants, 147, Contractus, Hermann (the
148, 149; zoology, 156-57 Lame), 92
Clement VI, Pope, 96 Copernicus, Nicholas, 82, 183
Clepsydra, 210 Copho of Salerno, 168, 224
3
INDEX 28l
Corde, De, 161 Didascalicon de Studio

he-
Corporeal form, 100 gendi, 178
Cosmogony, 30 Dietrich or Freiberg (d. 1311),
Cosmology, 11, 13, 19, 30; of 110
Aristotle, 76; Greek, 59; He- Dimsdale, John, 161
brew, 59; of reason, 60; of Dinis Lavrador, King, 191
revelation, 60 Dino del Garbo (d. 1327), 161
Cosmos, 75. See also Universe Diodes (2nd century B.C.),
Cosmos, On the, 123, 125 101
Cotton, John, 185 Dioscorides (1st century), 16,
Council of Constance, 96 19, 36, 145, 146; biology,
Crank, 196 145, 146, 147; medicine, 223,
Cratevas (1st century B.C.),
Diseases, 23, 224, 225-30;
Creation, 27, 29-30 transmission, 228-30
Crecy, 217 Dissection, 163, 167, 168-72,
Crescenzi, Peter of, 158, 160 224
Crombie, A. C, 111 n. Distillation, 133, 134-37, x 7^
Crops, 190, 192, 193; legu- 221, 222
minous, 189; root, 192; rota- Diversarum Artium Schedula,
tion of, 190; spring, 190 176
Crossbow, 217 Divisione Philosophise, De, 179
Crusades, 198, 230, 236; Domesday Book, 197
Fourth, 35—36 Dominicans, 62, 231
Ctesibus of Alexandria, 175 Don Quixote, 198
Cupellation, 134 Double seed theory, 161
Curcurbite, 134-35, 137 Dover Castle clock, 212
Currency, 183 Drills, 209
Curriculum, 1 2th century, 1 Drugs, 137, 158, 225
Cybo of Hyeres, 144, 160 Dudley, Dud, 214
Duhem, Pierre, 64, 82, 118,
Dalmatia, 230 119, 120
Damascus, 33, 214; Sultan of, Dunes, 191
98 Dunstable, John, 185
Dams, 191 Diirer, Albrecht, 145-46
Dante, A. (1265-1321), 128, Dyeing, 130, 190, 222
161 Dykes, 191
Dean, forest of, 213
Democritus, 28 n. Earth, 20, 27, 29, 75, 76, 82,
Dentistry, 234 90; gravity, 30; magnetism,
Derbyshire, 213 121; shape, 19; size, 12 n.
Descartes, Ren6, 4, 110, 113, Easter, dating, 20-21, 24, 51,
116 90, 176
Determinism, 57, 62, 174; con- Ecology, 148
demnation of, 63-64 Edinburgh Castle, 218
Devon, 215 Education, 178, 180
Devonshire, 219 Edward I, 219
Didacticism, 141 Edward II, 219
3 2
282 INDEX
Edward III, 218 Europe: colonisation of, 189;
Efficient causation, 100 invasions, 1
Egypt, 5, 130, 187, 201 Evolutionists, 18th century,

Elementis, De, 123, 124, 125 151
,
Elements, 20, 28, 31, 76, 78, Evreux, 96
90, 98; four, 27, 28 n., 57, Exeter Cathedral, 205
74>78 Experimental method, 6, 66,
Elements, 181
9, 100, 102, 112, 161-62, 176, 222;
Elixirs, 138 on lodestones, 121; in Middle
J2,
Embryology, 151, 153, 161; Ages, 110; zoology, 167-68
experimental, 162 Extramission, theory of, 101,
Emerald Table, 134 102
Empedocles, 28 n., 101, 131; Eyes, 101, 102
cosmogony, 150
Empiricism, 6, 64, 129, 176, Faith, 6, 58, 59, 60, 63
187, 203, 216-17, 22 3> 22 5~ Falconry, 142, 143/ 160
26, 237 Faraday, M., 123
Encyclopaedias, 49, 141, 144, Farm animals, 192. See also
147, 177; chemistry, 134; under name
medical, 34; Norwegian, 127, Faustus, Dr., 129
142 Fertilizing, met nods of, 192
Encyclopaedists, 10, 13, 14, 15 Feuerwerksbuch, 177
Engelberg, 202 Fevers, 224
England, 10, 25, 63, 91, 99, Fibonacci of Pisa, Leonardo
105, 158, 160, 161, 173, 189, (d. after 1240), 34, 51, 177
191,193,197,199,201,205, Fire, 20, 27, 28 n., 29, 75, 76,
208, 214, 218, 220, 234, 236; 78,98
Anglo-Saxon, 22, 223; astron- Firearms, 210, 217
omy, 97 Fishing, 142, 192, 194
Epicureans, 15 Fitzherbert, Sir Anthony, 191
Epilepsy, 172 Flanders, 145, 218
Epistola de Magnete, 120 Flax, 190
Epistola de Secretis Operibus, Flight, 207
Florence, 216, 230
Equatonum, 97 Flowers, 192, 193
Erasistratus (3rd century B.C.), Flying buttresses, 205
163, 167; anatomy, 165, 168 Foliage, 143-44
Erigena, John Scot (d. 877), Folk-medicine, 223. See also
14. 3°> 73 Medicine
Erfurth, University of 1 ,
1
Fontana, Giovanni de', 177
Essences, 14, 29 n., 58 Forge hammers, 198
Ether, 19 Formatione Corporis Humani
Etymologies, 11-12 in Utero, De, 161
Euclid, 6, 9, 11, 36, 49, 97, Forms, 14, 29 n., 67, 68, 70,
100, 101, 181, 182 131. See also Substance
Euclid (pseudo-), 36 Fossils,123, 124, 125, 127,
Eudoxus, 75, 79, 80 128, 129
Eugenio of Palermo, 34 Four elements, 131-32
INDEX 283
Four humours, 162, 163, 225 Geometry, 5, 6, 49, 68, 69, 74,
France, 51, 61, 63, 96-97, 171, 100, 180, 187, 203. See also
219, 220, 229; northern, Mathematics
145, 192, 199; southern, 202 Geometry of Boethius, 11
Franciscans, 62 Geoponica, 160
Franco of Cologne, 184 Gerard of Cremona, 34, 51, 91
Frederick II, Emperor, 97-98, Gerbert, 25, 92, 176, 211
142-A3, 160, 180, 195, 230 Germany, 128-29, 142, 156,
Freewill, 17, 57,63, 174 173, 176, 182, 188, 189,
Frescobaldi, 219 195, 218, 223
Frisius, Gemma, 95 Gersdorff, Hans von, 234
Froissart, 217 Ghent, 218
Frontinus, 175 Ghiberti, Lorenzo, 216
Fruit trees, 192, 193 Giacomo d'Angelo, 209
Fuels, 213-14 Gilbert, William, 120, 223
Fuggers, nouse of, 219-20 Gilbert the Englishman, 229,
Furnaces, 213-15 2 33
Furness, 213 Giles of Rome 1247-1316),
(c.
89, 161, 177, 180

Gaddesden, John of (d. 1361), Giotto (c. 1276-1336), 145
2 34 Giovanni de' Doudi (b. 1318),
Galen (129-200), 19, 34, 36, 127-28
49,56,63,65,151,170,175, Giovanni de San Gimignano
223; anatomy, 162-69; biol- (d. 1323), 177
ogy, 140, 141, 161; botany, Giraffes, 143
152; medicine, 223, 224, 220, Giraldus Cambrensis, 126
232, 233; physiology, 163-67 Glass, 130, 213, 220-21, 231
Galileo, 4, 6, 18, 59, 60, 110, Glossary, Latin-Arabic, 34
119; architecture, 206; medi- Gnostics, Alexandrian, 130
cine, 223 Gold, 130, 134, 215
Gariopontus, 223 Gordon, Bernard of (d.c.
Gaston de Foix, 160 1320), 171-72
Gears, 196, 197 Gothic architecture, 203-6;
Geber, 137. See also Jabir ibn iconography, 143-44
Hayyan Gough map, 208
Geminus, 87, 89 Grafting, 1 50, 192
Generatione Animalium, De, Grain, 190
Granada, 229
Genesi ad Litteram, De, 59, 60 Grassus, Benvenutus, 231
Genesis, 6, 27, 30 Gravity and specific gravity, 30,
Genoa, 34, 226 36, 117, 119, 128, 134
Gentile de Foligno (14th cen- Greek fire, 218
tury), 161, 171, 226, 227, Greek grammar, 36
22 9> 2 33 Greeks and Greek science, 4-
Geographia, 209 6, 10-12, 15, 23, 28 n.-29 n.,
Geography, 11. See also Cartog- 33-36, 48, 65, 91, 130-32,
raphy 175, 184, 186, 195, 197, 210,
Geology, 123-29 223-25, 228, 235
284 INDEX
Gregory IX, Pope, 61 Henri de Vick, 212
Gregory XII, Pope, 209 Henry I (1100-1135), 10
Grindstones, 196, 198 Henry of Hesse (1325-97),
Grosseteste, Robert (c. 1168-
12 53)> 5 6 62 6 3> 9 6 99>
> > >
Henry the Navigator, Prince,
106, 110, 173, 221; calendar, 209
177; on geology, 126-27; Heraclides of Pontus, 88, 90
medicine, 223; optics, 99- Herbal (Anglo-Saxon), 147
100, 102-3; sound, 103 Herbal (Rufinus), 146
Grosseteste ( pseudo- ) 1 1 o, 1 27
, Herbals, 24, 36, 49, 144-47,
Guido d'Arezzo, 184 158; arrangement, 147; ico-
Guido da Vigevano, 171 nography, 146
Guilds, 180, 215-16, 231 Herbals (Dr. Agnes Arber),
Guillaume de Machaut, 185, H9
186 Herbarium, 19, 24, 145
Gundissalinus, Dominicus, 34, Herbis et Curis, De, 19
74; classification of sciences, Herbs, 23, 141, 224-25; medi-
179; music, 184 cal use of, 18-19
Gunnery, 218-19 Herman of Carinthia, 34
Gunpowder, 217-18 Hero of Alexandria, 36, 49, 119,
Gutenberg, J., 202 175, 187, 188
Guy de Chauliac, 227, 229; Herophilus, 163, 167
biology, 140; dissection, 170, Herrings, 142
172; medicine, 233; spec- Hieronymus Brunschwig, 178
tacles, 231 Hildegarde of Bingen (12th
century), 18, 141, 223
Hail, 08 Hindus, 49-50, 214
Halley s comet, 99 Hipparchus (2nd century B.C.),
Halos, 98, 106 81, 91, 97
Haly Abbas (d. 994), 34, 49, Hippocrates, 19, 34, 76, 49, 63,
223, 224, 229 153, 223, 224, 228
Hammers, 198, 215 Hippocratic corpus, 175
Harmony, 185-86 Hippocratic method, 224
Harnesses, 194, 195 Hippocratic theory, 152
Harold, Earl, 25 Historia Animalium, 140
Haroun al Raschid, 194 Historic Naturalis, 38. See also
Harrows, 191 Natural History
Harvey, William, 4, 18, 163, History of Animals, 151
164, 165, 167 Holmyard, E. J., 132
Harz Mountains, 213 Holy Ghost hospitals, 236
Hausbuch, Mittelalterliches, Holywood, John (Sacrobosco),
177 51
Heart, 163, 164-67 Honnecourt, Villard de, 144
Heavens, 12, 82, 98; seven, 18- Hooke, R., 206
19; size, 12 n. Horoscopes, 17
Heliocentric system, 90 Horses, 191, 194-95
Helperic, 24 Horticulture, 11
Hemp, 190 Hosebondrie, 191
1
INDEX 285
235-36
Hospitals, optical, 221; precision, 213,
Hrabanus Maunis (776-856), 216; surgical, 233, 234. See
12 also Apparatus
Hucbald, 185 Inter pretatione, De, 1
Hugh of St. Victor (d. 1141), Inventions, prehistoric, 186-87
74, 178, 179 Ireland, 13, 21, 197
Humidity, 99 Iride, De, 102
Humours, 18, 163 Iride et Radialibus Impres-
Hunain ibn Ishaq, 224 sionibus, De, 110
Hungary, 193, 194, 219 Iron working, 213-15
Hunting, 142, 160, 178, 192 Irrigation, 191, 196
Husbandry, 141, 193-95. See Isaac Israeli, 224
also Animals Isidore of Seville (560-636),
Hussite wars, 177 11-12, 13, 17, 19, 20, 223
Hydrodynamics, 119 Islam, 33, 34, 35, 36, 184, 185,
Hydrostatics, 187 202, 211, 231
Hygiene, military, 230 Isolation, 230
Hypotheses of the Planets, 85, Italy, 24, 31, 25, 51, 91, 99,
86 127-28, 145, 158, 173, 183,
191,193,195,199,201,214,
Ibn al-Khatib, 229 235; northern, 103, 208;
Ibn Khatima, 229 southern, 34, 192
Iceland, 51
Iconography, 142-46 Jabir ibn Hayyan (8th century),
Ideas, eternal, 14,
27
He de France, 204, 205 Jacob ben Makir, 96-97
Illustrations,144, 160; of dis- James of Venice, 34
sections, 171, i72;inherbals, Jarrow, 21
158 Jean de Jandum (d. 1328), 161
Immortality, 57 Jean de Linieres, 96, 182
Incidence, angle of, 101, 102, Jean de Murs, 186
109 Jehan de Brie, 160
India, 5, 225, 226 Jerusalem, 236
Induction, 67, 105, 223 John of Burgundy, 228
Industry, 190; mechanization, John of Gailand, 184
196-213 John of Milano, 158
Infections, 228-30 John of Rupescissa (d. after
Infinity, i35 6 )^37
73
Infirmaries, 18, 236 John of St. Amand, 122
Ink, 222 John of Salisbury (c. 1115-80),
Innocent III, Pope, 36, 236 48
Inquiry into Plants, 149 John of Seville, 34
Insect pests, 192 Jordanus Nemorarius, 115,

Institutio Divinarum Litte- 116-19, 203
rarum, 18 Jordanus Saxo, 115
Instruments: astronomical, 95, Josquin des Pres, 185
182. See also Astrolabe; den- Journal of the History of Med-
tistry, 234; musical, 185-86; icine, 231
286 INDEX
Jumieges, 199 Liber Astronomiae, 41, 79
Jundishapur, 33 Liber Charostonis, 39
Jung, J., 148 Liber de Coloribus Faciendis,
Jupiter, 30, 75 176
Liber de Compositione Alche-
Kant, Immanuel, 7 mic, 130
Kegs, 194 Liber Continens, 40
Kent, 22, 213, 214 Liber Euclidis de Ponderoso et
Kepler, John, 89 Levi, 116
Khayyam, Omar, 90-91 Liber Ignium, 218
Khem, 130 Liber de Investigation Perjec-
Kilwardby, Robert (d. 1279), tionis, 1 37
74, 180 Liber de Plantis, 36
Kinematics, 115, 196 Liber de Simplicibus, 1 58
Kitab d-Shifa, 120
Liber de Vegetabilibus, 36
Konungs Skuggsja, 127, 142
Libero Arbitrio, De, 14
Korea, 202
Liber Ysagogarum Alchorismi,
Kyeser, Konrad, 177, 207
Libri naturales, 36
Laboratories, 130
Liege, 213
Lake Maggiore, 191
Light, 99, 100-14
Lanfranchi (d. before 1306),
Lightning, 98
169, 232-33
Langres, 204
Limoges, 202
Languages, 33-34; glossary, 24; Linen, 193
new words, 35; vernacular, Linnaeus, Carolus, 146
Lipari Islands, 127
3°-37
Laon, 13; cathedral of, 205; Liver, 167
school of, 14 Livestock, 192, 193-94. See
Lapidary, 16 also Animals
Laths, 210 Lock gates, 207
Latin Averroists, 58, 61 Lodestones, 120-22
Latitudes, 91, 209 Logic, 11, 33
Lead, 215 Logica nova, 36
Leech Books, 23, 223 LogLca vetus, 36
Legumes, 192 Logs, 208
Leibnitz, Gottfried Wilhelm Loire River, 190
von, 151 London, 91, 211, 214, 236, 237
Le Mans cathedral, 236 Longbow, 217
Lenses, 101-13, 231 Longitudes, 91, 209
Leprosy, 229, 236 Looms, 200-1, 209
Letters to Posterity, 232 Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, 113
Leucippus, 28 n. Lotharingia, 25
Lever, 36 Louis VIII, of France, 236
Levi ben Gerson (1288-1344), Low Countries, 188, 213
96-97, 113 Lucca, 230
Liber Abaci, 42, 51 Lucera, 120
Liber Almansoris, 40 Lucidator Astronomiae, 90
.
INDEX 287
Lucretius, 31, 161; cosmogony, Materia prima, 57, 72-73, 130,
150 131, 132, 133
Lull, Raymond (c. 1232- Mathematicall Magick,
53
Mathematics, 11, 14, 27, 68-
Lunar month, 20, 21 69, 75, 109, 114, 181-83,
Lungs, 164-67 187; Arabic, 34, 49; Indian,
49-50; in mechanics, 114;
Macer Floridus, 146 use of, 6, 66, 73-74, 100; in
Machinery, 187-88; automatic, Western Christendom, 50.
210 See also Algebra; Arithmetic;
Machine tools, 209-10 Geometry
Macrobius, 14, 90 Matter, 28, 31, 70; Neoplatonic
Macrocosm, 18. See also Uni- theory of, 73
verse Mattocks, 191
Maddison, F. R.^95 n. Maudith, John (c. 1310), 97
"Mad Meg," 218 Maxwell, James C, 122
Magdeburg, 211 Measurements, 182-83
Magic, 17, 52, 56, 126, 132, Mechanica (Hero of Alex-
*34> >39 andria), 119
Magnete, De, 177 Mechanica (Mechanical Prob-
Magnetism, 120-22 lems), 114, 116, 117, 118,
Mainz, 202 187
Majorcan school of cartog- Mechanical clocks. See under
raphers, 208-9 Clocks
Makers of Chemistry, 132 Mechanics, 114-19, 179, 206;
Man, nature of, 172-74 classification of, 178-79
Mandrel lathe, 210 Medicina, De, 19
Mania, 236 Medicine, 11-12, 18-19, 22 ~~
Manorial system, 190, 199 24, 33, 48-49, 54, 63, 172,
Manures, 192 176, 178, 180-81, 187, 188,
Manuscripts, illustrations of, 222-37. $ee also Surgery
144-47 Mediterranean, 12, 34, 120,
Mappse Clavicula, 137, 176 197, 226
Mappae Mundi, 183, 208 Megenburg, Conrad von
Maps, 183, 207-9, 211; por- (1309-74), 129
tolan, 120. See also Cartog- Melancholia, 236
raphy Menageries, 143
Marbode, Bishop of Rennes Mental disorders, 236-37
(12th century), 16, 126 Mercuric sulphide, 133
Marc Antonio de Dominis, 113 Mercury, 30, 75, 90, 133
Marc the Greek, 218 Meridians, 209
Maricourt, 120 Merlee, William, 99
Mars, 30, 75, 99 Mesopotamia, 35, 187
Marseilles,230 Messina, 35
Martianus Capella, 14 Metallica, De Re, 178
Mass, 115, 129, 139, 185, 186 Metallurgy, 130, 178, 214-20
Masts, 206 Metals, 123, 209, 210, 213-
Materia medica, 130, 224 16, 219, 220
,
288 INDEX
Metaphysics, 68 1326), 223; on dissection,
Metaphysics, 36 169-70; physiology, 170-71
Meteorologica ( Aristotle's ) Mongols, 35, 218
98, 101, 105, 123, 124, 125, "Mons Meg," 218
181 Monte Cassino, 13, 18, 34
Meteorologica (Posidonius') Montpellier, 95, 96, 171, 172,
87 236; university of, 18, 141,
Meteorology, 9, 98-99 224, 227
Metier aVhistorien, 3 Moon, 15, 20, 29, 30, 57,
Meyronnes, Francois de, 90 75, 76, 98; eclipses, 91; tides,
Miasma, 228 22
Microcosm, 18 Morality, 15
Micrologns de Disciplina Artis Morphology, 148
Musicse, 184 Mortar, 203
Midwives, 223 Mosaics, 145
Milan, 211, 230 Motion, 68-69, 76-78, 100,
Military technology, 177. See 114-15, 117
also Warfare; Weapons Motor car, 55
Mills, 197-99, 201 Motors, 77
Millstones, 196-97, 198, 199 Motu Animalium, De, 161
Mineral acids, 216 Motu Cordis, De, 161
Mineralibus,De, 123, 124, 133, Motu et Tempore, De, 46
*34 Mountains, 123, 124, 125, 128
Mineralibus et Rebus MetaUicis, Movement. See Motion
De, 125 Multiplication of species, 100,
Mineralogy, 11, 126 122, 220
Minerals, 17, 123, 219, 220, Mumfora, Lewis, 182, 207,
225 213, 221
Mining, 130, 219 Mural quadrant, 95
Mirfeld, John (d. 1407), 234 Music, 11, 68, 183-86; scales,
Miroir de Phoebus, Le, 160 183-86
Mist, 98 Mutation, 150-51
Mittelalterliches Hausbuch,
177 Nantwich, 222
Mock suns, 98, 106 Naples, 34, 147, 226
Mohammedan invasions, 12 Natural causes, 26
Mohammedanism, 57. See also Natural Faculties, On The, 165
Islam Natural History, 11, 19, 141
Monasteries, 13, 176, 182, 202, Naturalibus Facultatibus, De,
211, 212, 236; Benedictine, 165
145, 223; Monte Cassino, Natural philosophy, 48
*3> l8 > 34 Natural science, 5, 52, 63, 66-
Monch, Philip, 219 68
Mondeville, Henry of (d.c. Natura Rerum, De, 142, 155
1325), 51, 168, 232-33; on Nature, 99 n.
dissection, 171; medicine, Naturis Rerum, De, 16, 120,
2 35 141
Mondino of Luzzi (c. 1275- Navigation, 120, 178, 207
INDEX 289
Naviglio Grande, 191 Occult science, 52, 130
Nazareth church, 237 Oceans, 123, 128, 208
Neckam, Alexander ( 1
1 57- Odo of Meung, 146
1217), 16, 120, 141, 177, Oglio River, 191
21 3 Oliver of Malmesbury, flight,
Nemesius, 223
207
Neolithic period, 209 Olives, 189
Neoplatonism, 13, 15, 52, 57, Olympus, 19
73> 77> 99> *3° Ophthalmology, 230-32
Neptunism, 124
Opicinus de Canistris (d. 1352),
Nervous system, 163, 171-72
208
Nestorian Christians, 33
Optica, 182
Netherlands, 192, 193, 199, Optics, 49, 68, 98-99, 101-2.
202
See also Spectacles
Newton, Isaac, 4, 106
Opus Majiis, 218, 231
Nicholas of Cusa (1401-64),
Opus Tertium, 54, 218
209
Order of St. John, 236
Nicholas of Damascus (1st
Ordinall of Alchimy, The, 139
century B.C.), 36
Nicomachus, 11 Oresme, Nicole (14th century),
Nifo, Agostino, 161 17, 90, 183
Nile River, 180 Origen, 15
Norman architecture, 205 Origines de la Statique, 118,
Norse long ship, 206
Norsemen, 13, 217 Orosius, 189
North Sea, 194 Ortu Scientiarum, De, 180
North Star, 121 Oxen, 190, 195, 197
Northumbria, 13, 20, 21, 22 Oxford University, 62, 91, 97,
Norton, Thomas, 139 173, 181, 183-84; astronomy,
Norway, 197 97; Bodleian Library, 169,
Notes, musical, 184-86 208; Merton College, 97,
Numbers, 14, 49-52, 130, 179; 182; St. Frideswide's, 141;
Hindu, 177 weather records, 99
Nutritive soul, 1 39 Oysters, 194
Oats, 190 Paddle-wheelers, 207

Observations, 19, 59, 63, 66, Padua, 64, 161, 211; medical
67, 160, 187, 211; in anat- school, 224; University of,
omy, 167-68; in astronomy, 18, 63
90-91, 96; in biology, 140- Painting, 114, 130, 145, 222
42, 147; in botany, 148-49; Paints, 222
clinical, 23; in embryology, Palestrina, 185
154-56; empirical, 176; in Palissy, Bernard, 129
geology, 126-27; on magnets, 206
Palladio, A.,
121; in medicine, 49, 225- Pandects, 146
26; of the particular, 25; in Pangenesis, 153, 154
surgery, 232; on weather, 99; Pantheon, 203
in zoology, 155-56 Paper, 193, 202
290 INDEX
Pappus of Alexandria, 175, Pfolspeundt, Heinrich von,
197 2 34
Papyrus, 202 Pharmacy, 146
Paracelsus, 134 Philip Augustus, 36
209
Parallels, Philippe de Vitri (1291-1361),
Parchments, 202 186
Par6, Ambrose (16th century), Philippe le Bel, 219
Philosopher's Stone, 52, 132
234
Paris, 36, 61, 89, 128, 169, 205, Physica, 181
211, 213; Palais de Justice, Physica Elementa, 47
21 2; Palais Royal, 212; school Physics, 36, 87, 114
Physiologus, 16
of astronomy, 96; University
Physiology, 11, 163-68, 170-
of, 62, 172, 173, 181, 224
Paris, Bishop of,
71, 226
64
Physique divisd en twis tomes,
Paris, Matthew: cartography,
208; zoology, 144
Picardy, 120
Parmenides (5th century B.C.),
Pier Candido Decembrio
28 n.
(1399-1477), 160-61
Particles, 27, 28 n., 31. See
Pierre d'Ailly (15th century),
also Atoms
17, 96, 208
Parts of Animals, 151 Piers Plowman, 200
Passover, dating of, 20 Pietro d'Abano, 90, 223
Paul of Aegina (7th century), Pillars, 204, 206
232, 236 Pirotechnica, 219
Paulo Nicoletti (d. 1429), 128 Pisa, 34, 231
Pavia, 171 Pisano, Andrea, 216
Peas, 190, 192 Pistoia,230
Peasants' Revolt, 199, 200 Plagues, 227-28
Pecham (d. 1292), 64, 100, Plain Chants, 184-85
110, 173 Planeteria, 98, 99, 182, 211
Peregrinus, Petrus, 53, 120-22, Planets, 12, 20, 29, 30,
75, 76,
1
™ 79 Sl
'.
L
r, .ZZ ,
Pengord, 217 Plantis, De, 141, 147
Perpetuum mobile, 122 Plastic surgery, 2
34
Persia, 33, 35, 198, 201 Platearius, Matthaeus, 146
Perspectiva, 181 Plato and Platonism, 6, 13, 14,
Perspective, 49, 113, 183 27, 29 n., 31, 58, 67, 69, 70,
Perugia, 230 75, 76, 79, 101, 126
Perugia, University of, 227 Platonicus, 24
Peter of Crescenzi (c. 1306), Plato of Tivoli,
34
150; agriculture, 171, 191- Pleurisy, 23
92; horses, 195; husbandry, Pliny (23-79), 11, *3> 16, 17,
141, 142 19, 20, 22, 141, 145, 152,
Peter of Saint Omer, 176 160, 197
Petrarch, 232 Plotinus (c. 203-70), 13
Petrocellus, 24, 223 Ploughs, 190, 191, 195
Petrus Hispanus, 223, 231 Plummer, H. C, 99 n.
INDEX 291
Plutonic theory, 124-25 82-86, 90; cartography, 209;
Pneumatica, 36 optics, 101, 102; star cata-
Poetry, 48 logue, 96
Poissy, 205 Public health, 230
Poland, 193, 219 Pumps, 196, 220
Pole-lathes, 210 Puy-Guillaume, 217
Pole Star, 92, 94 Pyrotechnics, 130
Polo, Marco, 142 Pythagoras, 180
Ponderoso et Levi, De, 36 Pythagoreanism, 13, 28 n.-
Popes, 143. See also under 29 n.
Names
Po River, 191 Qibla, 94-95
Porree, Gilbert de la (c. 1076- Quadrant, 95, 182
"S4)» 2 7 Quadrivium, 27, 178, 183
m
Portolan maps, iao, 207, 208 Quaestiones de Casio et
Portugal, 191 Mundo, 128
Posidonius (b£. 135 b.c.)> 87, Quaestiones Naturdles, o, 16,
89, 126 26
Posterior Analytics, 103 Qualea, Leonardo (c. 1470),
Post mortem examinations, 128
169, 235 Quarantine, 229, 230
Pottery, 222
Poultry, 193-94 Rabbi ben Ezra, 51
Power: animal, 191, 194-95, Radolf of Lieê, 92
196, 197; mechanical, 190; Ragusa, 230
steam, 220; transmission of, Rain, 98
196, 197; wind, 206 Rainbows, 98, 102, 103, 105,
Practica, 24, 223 110; colours of, 111-13
Practica Chirurgica, 232 Raindrops, 111-12
Prague, 158 Rakes, 191
Premnon Fisicon, 223 Ramelli, A., 207
Presses, 196, 202, 209 Rationalism, 3-4, 5, 6, 58, 61,
Primum movens, 75, 77-78, 79, *74
"Rational soul," 140
81,85
Printing, 202-3 Ratione Ponderis, De, 118, 119
Probierbiichlein, 178 Ravenna, 145, 202
Proclus (410-85), 47 Rays, 101
Reality, 18; aspects of, 68;
Properties of Things, On the,
search for, 67
Elementorum, Reason, 6, 58, 59, 61, 63

Proprietatibus
Rectangulus, 97
De, 123
Provence, 97 Reflection, law of, 100
Prussia, Refraction, 101
193
Psychiatry,237
Rdgime du Corps, 230
Ptolemy and Ptolemaic system, Regimen Sanitatis Salernitan-
11, 12 n., 36, 56, 65, 87, um, 224
102, 106, 181, 182; astrolabe, Regimine Principum, De, 177
91; astronomy, 48-49, 79, Regiomontanus, }. M., 113
292 INDEX
Renaissance, Carolingian, 22 Rudders, 206, 207
Reproduction, 151—55 Rufinus, 53, 146, 147
Rerum Natura, ue, 19, 160 Rufus of Ephesus, 102
Reservoirs, 191 Ruralia Commoda, 191, 192
Rete, 92 Russia, 158, 198, 226
Retort, 137 Rye, 190
Retrogradations, 79
Revelation, 58, 59, 63 Sacrobosco (John Holywood),
Rhazes (d.c. 924), 49, 49 n.,
102; chemistry, 133, 134; Saffron, 193
medicine, 224 Sagres, 209
Rhine River, 191, 215 Sails, 199, 206
Rhinoceros indomitus, 2 5 St. monks of, 199
Albans, 211;
Rh6ne River, 191 St. Ambrose, 16, 19
Rhumb-lines, 208 St. Augustine and Augustini-
Richard I, 183 anism (354-430), 5, 13, 14,
Richard of Wallingford (c. 15, 17, 19, 25, 27, 29, 59-
1292-1235), 07, 98, 182 60, 62, 63, 73, 09, 150, 161
Richard of Wenaover, 161 St. Bartholomew's hospital, 236
Rinio, Benedetto, 146, 158 St. Basilthe Great, 19
Ristoro d'Arezzo, 127 St. Benedict, 13,18
Rivers, 122, 126, 129 St. Clement of Alexandria, 15
Road building, 207 St. Cloud, Guillaume de, 96
Robert of Chester, 34, 130 Sainte Chapelle, La, 205
Robert of Cricklade (c. 1141- St. Francis of Assisi, 173
7 1 ), M
1
Robert Gwsseteste, 111 n.
St. Germain des Pres, 205
Gregory the Great, 19
St.
Roger II, King of Sicily, 180 St. Jerome, 59
Roger of Salerno, 224, 232 St. John the Baptist, 184
Roland of Parma (13th cen- St. Louis of France, 207
tury), 224, 232 St. Malo, 217
Romans and Roman science, 7, St. Thomas hospital, 236
9, 21, 145, 188-80, 201, 213, St. Vitus' dance, 229
217, 223; agriculture, 188- Salamanca University, 182-84
89, 191; architecture, 203; Salerno, 17, 63, 158, 225; Arch-
contributions to science, 10; bishop of, 223; medical
glass, 220; hospitals, 235; school, 24, 141, 168, 180,
overshot wheels, 197; salt- 223, 224
making, 222; ships, 206; Saltmaking, 222
technology, 187-88 Sanatio, 133
Roman wall, 21, 208 Sanitation, 230
Roofs, 203-5 Saphaea Arzachelis, 95
Roscelinus (11th century), 25 "Saracen corn," 193
Rotary lathe, 210 Saturn, 30, 75
Rotation, 192, 193; scientific, Savonarola, Michael (1384-
19 1464), 137
?
Royal Bethlehem hospital, 237 Sawmills, 198
Royal Society, 53 Saws, 197
INDEX
293
Saxony, 213 Silesia, 158
Scales, musical, 183-86 Silk, 190, 193, 200, 201
Scandinavia, 207 Simon of Genoa, 146
Scholasticism, 70, 72, 75, 134 Simplicius (6th century), 87
Schools: cathedral, 15, 22, 24; Singing, 183-86
at Chartres, 14, 61; at Laon, Slavery, 195-96
13. See also Monasteries; Soapmaking, 221
Universities Soils, 191, 192
Science, 12, 15, 48, 53, 61, 65, Solar year, 20, 21
67, 74-75, 174; ancient Soranus (2nd century), 223
sources of, 37-47; applied, Souls, 71, 77, 139-40
53; classification, 178-80; Sound, 103
development, 175; empirical, Space, 19, 27, 31, 69
6; history, 1-2, 6-7; hydrau- Spain, 21, 34, 35, 36, 48, 91,
lic, 191; andl sports, 160; 99, 184, 189, 191, 198, 202,
theory of, 66 214, 219, 220
Scientific Revolution, 6, 7, 66, Spectacles, 103, 177, 221, 231-
Scientific rotation, of crops, Spectrum, 110, 111

*93 Speculum, 237
Scot, Michael, 34, 79, 127, 151, Speculum Doctrinale, 142
180, 225 Speculum Majus, 173
Scotland, 213 Speculum Regale, 127
Screw, 175, 196 Spina, Alessandro della (d.
Screw-cutting lathe, 210
Scripture, 59, 60 Spinning wheels, 209
Sea coal, 213 Spirits, 137
Seafood, 194 Sponge iron process, 214
Seeds of disease, 229 Sports, 160-61
Seine River, 36 Spring crop, 190
Semi-heliocentric system, 90 Stadler, H., i54n.
"Seminal causes," 30, 1 50 Stained-glass windows, 221
Seneca (1st century), 16 Standardisation, 216, 219
Sens, 205 Star-maps, 211
Sense organs, 14 Stars, 12, 20, 29, 76, 90, 91, 92,
Senses, 67-68 211, 212; catalogue of, 96;
"Sensitive soul," 140 fixed, 75, 79, 81; North Star,
Septem Diebus Sex Operum
et 121; Pole Star, 92, 94; shoot-
Distinctionibus, De, 27 ing, 98
Shakespeare, William, 143 Statics, 115
Sheep, 192, 193 Steam, 196
Shipbuilding, 206-7 Steam engine, 195
Ships, 209 Steelmaking, 214
Shuttle, 200, 201 Steel wire, 216
Sicily, 34, 52, 189, 193, 223 Stellar Rays, On, 52
Siena, 113 Stills, 134-37
Siger of Brabant, 62 Stock breeding. See Breeding

Signatures, doctrine of, 17 Stoicism, 15, 18, 30, 101, 151
294 INDEX
Strata (c. 288 b.c.), 119 Temporum Ratione, De, 22
Strip land system, 190 Textile processes, 199-201; raw
Styria,219 materials for, 192
Submarines, 55, 207 Thabit ibn Qurra, 85
Substance, conception of, 67- Thales, 120
72, 76, 78, 131-32. See also Thames River, 207
Forms Theatre, 178-79, 211
Substantial form. See Substance Themon Judaei, 113
Sudhoff, Karl, 224 Theodoric, optics, 110-13. See
Sugar cane, 193 also Dietrich of Freiberg
Sulphur, 133, 138 Theodoric the Great, 1 89
Sumeria, 196 Theophilus the Priest (7th cen-
Summa Perfectionis, 137-38 tury), 170, 176, 224; bells,
Summa Philosophise, 110, 127 216; glass, 220; paints, 222
Summa Theologica 89 t
Theophrastus (c. 372-288 B.C.),
Sun, 20, 30, 75, 90, 91; mock 16, 123, 123 n., 141, 148;
suns, 98, 106 botany, 149, 1 52; cosmogony,
Sundial, 95 150; mutation, 150
Surgery, 23-24, 168-72, 176, Theory of the Magic Art, The,
181, 224, 233-34 S
2
Sussex, 213, 214, 215 Therapeutics, 19, 223
Sweden, 194, 215 Thierry d'Hirecon (d. 1328),
Sydenham, Thomas, 237 191
Sylvaticus, Matthaeus, 146, 158 Thierry of Chartres (d.c. 1155),
Symbolism, 25 27, 29-30, 181
Symbols, 16, 52, 130 Thomas of Cantimpre* (c.
Synesius, 130 1228-44), 142, 147, 151,
Synod of Whitby, 21 155, 160
Syracuse, 35 Thomas of Sarepta, 158
Syria, 34 Thomdike, L., 122 n., 146
Three -field system, 190
Taccola, Jacopo Mariano, ships, Three spirits, 163
207 Thrust, 203-6
Talisman, 52 Thunder, 98
Tanning, 221 Thunderbolts, 98
Tartaglia, 119, 177 Tidal tables, 22
Tears, cause of, 10 Tides, 22, 126-27
Teasdale, John (Dimsdale), Timseus, 14, 18, 27, 29 n., 30,
161 31, 130
Technology, 66; in ancient Timber, 214
civilizations, 5; development Time: calculation of, 92; con-
of, 174; fields of, 65; Greek, tinuum, 69; measurement,
187-88; Latin writers on, 182, 212-13
176-78; military, 177; pre- Tin, 215
historic, 187 Toledan Tables (Canon Azarc-
Teleology, 140 helis), 48
Tempier, Etienne, 64 Toledo, 31, 34, 52, 91, 95;
Temporibus, De, 21 meridian of, 48
INDEX 295
Toledo steel, 214 31. See also Cosmos; Mac-
Toledo Tables, 97 rocosm
Tools, agricultural, 190-91 Universities: curriculum, 180-
Torrigiano, Pietro, 171 82; of Erfurth, 113; medicine
Toulouse University, 61 in, 222-23; °* Perugia, 227;
Trade, 34 surgery, 235; of Toulouse, 61
Trajectory, 117-18; oblique, Utrecht Psalter, 196
116
Transformation, 78, 130-32 Vallicrosa, Millas,
95
Translations, 33-36, 48, 176; Vandals, 13
collections of, 65 Van Eyck, 222
Transmutations, 53, 134, 138 Varro (1st century B.C.), 13,
Transport, 207 160, 175; agriculture, 189
Transylvania, 219 Vaud, 158
Treadle hammer, 198 Vaults, 203-6
Treatise on the Astrolabe, 92 Veins, 164-67
Treatise on the Epidemic Sick- Vegetabilibus, De, 55
ness, 228 Vegetabilibus et Plantis, De,
Treatments: mental disorders, 141-42, 147
237; wounds, 232 Vegetables, 193. See also under
Treatyse of Fysshynge with an name
Angle, 160 Vehicles, 207, 209
Trebuchets, 217 Velocipede, 207
Trentina, 230 Velocity, 114-20
Trigonometry, 48, 97 Venerable Bede (673-735), 12
Trip hammers, 198 Venetian glass, 231
Trutf etter of Eisenach, Jodocus, Venice, 34, 145, 158, 230, 231;
J1 3 artillery school, 219; glass,
Tunis, 207 220
Tuscany, 219 Ventricles, 164-67
Two-field system, 190 Venus, 30, 75, 90
Tyler, Wat, 199 Vesalius, A., 167, 169, 170;
Type, 202 anatomy, 171, 172
Tyrol, 219 Vetches, 190
Tzetzes, John (12th century), Veterinary, 194, 195
6 Vezelay, 204
Vick's clock, 212, 213
Universals, 25, 29 n., 67 Vienna, 172
Universe, 18, 19, 21, 29, 30, Vikings, 194
57, 74, 75, 81, 130; age, 12;
Villard de Honnecourt: arch-
Arabic system, 57; Aris- itecture, 206; clocks, 211;
totelian system, 56; atomic, sawmills, 198; statics, 203
28 n.; centre of, 76; duration, Vincent of Beauvais, 147, 173;
72; in 8th century, 19-20; agriculture, 142; chemistry,
elements of, 27; essence of, 130
14; movement in, 31; Neo- Vinci, Leonardo da, 120, 161-
platonic, 14; Platonic system, 62, 207; architecture, 206;
14, 30-31; size, 12; and void,

boring machine, 219; on dis-
296 INDEX
Vinci, Leonardo da (cont'd) Whales, 142, 194
section, 172; geology, 129; Wheat, 190
iconography, 145; lathes, Wheelbarrow, 207
210; military engineering, Wheels, 196
177; textile machinery, 200- Whitby, synod of, 21
1 White, Lynn, 237
Vines, 189, 192 Wilkins, Bishop, 53
Virtual displacements, 117, 118 William of Auvergne (c. 1180-
Vitruvius (1st century B.C.), 1249), 53,81
129, 175; architecture, 206; William of Conches, 31
waterwneel, 197 William the Conqueror, 25
Viville, 199 William of Moerbeke, 34, 36,
Void, 79, 115; conception of, 62
69 William of Ockham, 61
Voltaire, 3, 61 William of Rubruck, biology,
1A2
Wagons, 207 William of Saliceto (13th cen-
Walcher of Malvern, 91 tury), 169, 233
Walter of Henley (c. 1250), Wind, 15, 98; and tides, 22
agriculture,177, 191; hus- Windmills, 196, 198, 209
bandry, 141 Wines, 137
Walter de Milemete, 218 Wire, 214, 216
Walter of Odington, 186; bells, Witelo (1230 b.c), 100, 181;
217 optics, 106-10
Warfare, 177, 194 Wood, 209-10, 213
Water, 20, 27, 28 n., 29, 75, Woodstock, 143
78, 123-29 Wool, 190, 193
Water clocks, 210, 211 Word of Power, 52
Watermills, 196-98, 209 Wounds, treatment of, 232-34
Waterwheels, 196-98 Wound surgeons, 232
Weald of Kent, 213, 214 Wren, Christopher (1632-
Weald of Sussex, 213, 214, 1-23), 206
Wrought-iron, 214, 218
Weapons, 217-19. See also
under name
Xenophanes, 150
Weather records, 99
Weaving, 201
Weights, 183 Yperman, Jan, 233
Wessex, 22
Western Christendom, 5, 7, 9,
12,15, 17, 18, 31, 36,48,49, Zeno, 28 n.
53, 56, 57, 86, 115, 129-30, Zonca, V., 201
134-39, 188-89; ancient sci- Zoological gardens, 143
ence sources, 37-47 (Table Zoology, 11, 63, 140, 142, 143
1) Zosimus, 130, 134
MEDIEVAL AND EARLY
MODERN SCIENCE
Volume I
A. C. Crombie
The introduction of Arabic science and the rediscovery

of the works of Aristotle, Ptolemy, and Galen in the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries did much to under-
mine early Medieval science, which consisted largely
of the search for moral symbols in nature and for
explanations of natural phenomena in terms of magic
and astrology. The new empiricism soon invaded every
area of Medieval life, producing the same kinds of
changes and dislocations that were to occur on a larger
scale in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Pro-
fessor Crombie provides a fascinating survey of the
great advances in industry, chemistry, agriculture, and
medicine; he also discusses such practical activities as
spinning, weaving, and shipbuilding, and describes the
discovery of harmony and counterpoint, the evolution
of the Gothic vaulted arch in architecture, and the
production of Medieval stained glass. But along with
the discussion of these momentous accomplishments
there are delightful accounts of some of the less well-
guided efforts of Medieval scientists, as, for example,
the attempt to predict the weather on the basis of the
activity of fleas. This volume supplies a rich background
for understanding the modern Scientific Revolution
which is covered in Volume II, and is a distinguished
work of historical literature in its own right.
A DOUBLEDAY ANCHOR BOOK

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$1.

Science in the Middle Acres:

REVISED SECOMD EDITION

1954, 1957) and Robert Grosseteste and the Origins

Science in the Middle Ages:

DOUBLED AY ANCHOR BOOKS

GARDEN CITY, NEW YORK

Medieval and Early Modern Science, Vol-

of the first four chapters of Augustine to

Galileo: the history of science a.d. 400-

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 59-6472

Acknowledgements are made to the following for supplying

Michael Hoskin for reading the proofs and suggesting a

One most remarkable developments in the world of

has long been a matter of curiosity to know something of

in antiquity and in modern times have been told more

between. My purpose in writing this book has been to fill

century, Paul Tannery, Pierre Duhem, Charles Homer

scholars, especially of Lynn Thorndike, Alexandre Koyr6

in ever increasing numbers. I have tried to incorporate into

Oxford, 6 January 1958

LIST OF PLATES xix

I SCIENCE IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM

II THE RECEPTION OF GRECO-ARABIC

The transmission of science from the Greeks

HI THE SYSTEM OF SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT

(l) EXPLANATION OF CHANGE AND CONCEPTION

(2) COSMOLOGY AND ASTRONOMY 75

(3) METEOROLOGY AND OPTICS 98

(4) MECHANICS AND MAGNETISM 114

(5) GEOLOGY 123

(6) CHEMISTRY 129

alchemy and chemistry; the Geber tradition

(7) BIOLOGY 139

IV TECHNICS AND SCIENCE IN THE MID-

(1) TECHNICS AND EDUCATION 175

(2) AGRICULTURE 189

(3) THE MECHANISATION OF INDUSTRY 196

(4) INDUSTRIAL CHEMISTRY 213

cannons, gunpowder (215-19). Mining (219-

(5) medicine 222

35). Hospitals, mental disorders (235-38).

NOTES TO ILLUSTRATIONS 239

Volume II, Science in the Later Middle Ages and

I SCIENTIFIC METHOD AND DEVELOPMENTS IN

1 Aristotle's Cosmology. From Petrus Apianus, Cos-

vi Roger Bacon's geometrical diagrams showing the

viii Drawing from Theodoric of Freiberg, De hide,

x Diagram published in Jodocus Trutfetter, Totius

xii Drawing of an ant's nest among wheat. From

xiii A page from the Emperor Frederick II, De Arte

Benedetto Rinio, Liber de Simplicibus, MS Mar-

tomia, showing, respectively, a surgeon beginning

xxiv Harnessing with collar and lateral traces, and shoe-

xxxi Water-driven silk mill. From V. Zonca, Novo