Egypt Exploration Society

The Adoption Papyrus in Social Context

Author(s): C. J. Eyre
Source: The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 78 (1992), pp. 207-221
Published by: Egypt Exploration Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3822073
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 207

THE ADOPTION PAPYRUS IN SOCIALCONT11EXT

By C.J.EYRE

The social context of the Adoption Papyrus is discussed. It is argued that the motivation behind the text was
to ensure the material security and social position of a childless woman, first through a 'non-divorce' settle-
ment, and then through control of succession to the role of head of the family. This is related to issues of
family solidarity, marriage strategies, and the administration of property rights. These are discussed in the
context of norms of social behaviour in the Near East, and in particular through comparison with Aramaic
documents from Elephantine and with more modern village life in Egypt.

THE so-called Adoption Papyrus1 has been the subject of extensive discussion, for the
text is a primary source of the first importance for Egyptian family law. Yet despite recent
attention, a series of questions remain unanswered, for the Adoption Papyrus exemplifies
in a particularly acute way the difficulty of reconstructing and explaining social behaviour
on the basis of legal documents.2 As with letters, such texts were not written for an
external audience. They were private documents, kept in family archives, and not official
court records. The background events were well known to the parties involved, and the
scribe wasted little effort on explanatory narrative. He simply transcribed the necessary
detail, and in particular the formal declarations of consent, in the form of a partial proces
verbal. This was enough if the matter were later subject to challenge. The holder of the
document had a record of the occasion, and of the normal declarations by which the
business had been solemnized and publicized before witnesses.3 Yet, to describe social
behaviour it is important to analyse motivation, and not simply the actions listed in the
text. Although such analysis may often seem subjective and speculative, and the
argumentation circular, it is not entirely
it so, and it can be the only way to put an isolated
legal text into its wider context.
Briefly, the Adoption Papyrus is a single document, written at one sitting, although it
contains two formally distinct memoranda. The first carries the date of the coronation of
Ramesses XI. The Chantress of Seth Nanefer tells how on this day her husband, the
stablemaster Nebnefer, made a document for her. He formally adopted her, his wife, as
his child, having no other children. He gave her, by deed, rights to his matrimonial
property-'all profit I have made with her'4-to the exclusion of his blood relatives. She

'P. Ashmolean Museum I 945.96; A. H. Gardiner, JEA 26 (1940), 23-9; A. Th6odorides, RIDA 12 (1965),
79-142; S. Allam, Hieratische OstrakaundPapyriausderRamessidenzeit (Tiibingen, 1973), 258-67, no. 261; S.
Groll, in F. Junge (ed.), Studien zu Sprache und Religion Agyptens (Gottingen, 1984), I, 41-61; E. Cruz-Uribe,
JEA 74 (1 988), 220-3; Allam, YEA 76 (1 990), 189-9 1.
2Gardiner, op. cit. 28-9; Allam, YEA 76, 189.
3Cf .J. Cerny, YEA 31 (I 945), 42; B. Menu, YEA 74 (1 988), i 66-8; Theodorides, RIDA 17 (1 970), esp.
134-5, I 38-9, 204-5, 214; A. G. McDowell, Jurisdictionin the workmen'scommunityof Deir el-Medina (Leiden,
990), 3-8.
For such formulaic definition cf. P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt
(Leiden, 1961), I115-28, 153.

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208 C. J. EYRE YEA78
quotes verbatim her husband's formal declaration: the words of the gift and the exclusion
clause. She also lists the witnesses.
The second memorandum is dated to yearI8 of the same king. It begins with a joint
declaration by Nebnefer and his wife, whose name is now spelt Rennefer,5 that they have
together bought a slave-girl. This woman has given birth to three children: a boy and two
girls. At this point, the declaration switches abruptly to a first person narrative in the
singular. It is evidently the wife speaking. She says that she has taken the children and
brought them up, being otherwise childless; that the children have behaved properly
towards her; that her younger brother Padiu (another stablemaster) has entered her
household; that with her consent he has married the older of the two girls; and that 'he is
with her today'. Of the children, she declares 'I have made them freemen of the land of
Pharaoh'. The younger offspring are to be with their elder sister in the 'house' of her
husband; and 'I am making him my child today just like them'.
So far the text is essentially explanatory. The legal substance follows, in the oath before
witnesses by which Rennefer formalized her arrangements: 'I am making these people,
which I have sphr-ed,6 as freemen of the land of Pharaoh'. She bars any claim on them
from the families 'of their mother or their father', except the claim of Padiu to act as the
head of their household: 'They are not with him as slaves any longer; they are with him as
younger siblings'. All her property, including fields in the countryside and movables of
different kinds, are assigned as shares to the four children. This is entrusted to Padiu,
'this child of mine, who shall have treated7 me well, in my widowhood, my husband being
dead'.
The best understanding of the document as a whole is that it transcribes the key parts
of the 'case', with its supporting evidence, as presented by the woman to the 'court' of
witnesses in order to 'notarize' her arrangement through publicity. The text is simply the
abbreviated and partial proces verbal of her statement in year I8.8 The specific occasion

5 For an etymological resolution see Groll, op. cit. 61. The spelling change occurs at line I o, the last line of
the first memorandum. This change might imply the first memorandum was copied from an earlier text
written by a different hand, a conclusion that would be of particular procedural and compositional interest.
The current text does not make clear who the scribe was.
6 sphr need mean no more than 'publicize', and cannot be taken to prove a formal registration in writing of
the free population. Gardiner, op. cit. 24 translates 'put on record'-in general the term need mean nothing
more technical than 'copy out', 'write down' (Wb. IV, 106-7). However, for registration, cf. D. Valbelle,
CRIPEL 7 (i985), 75-87, and 9 (I987), 33-49; for specific exx. cf., e.g., Urk. I, 2I1, 5-I I; 293-5; 295-6; Urk.
IV,I006-7; 1820-I; P. Kah. pls. ix-xi; An. I I I, 8-I2, 6; Ani 3, I-9.
Theodorides, RIDA I 2, 88 n. 24 and Allam, Hierat. Ostr. u. Pap., 26I n. 29, prefer to emend sphr to shpr,
'bring up'.
7
The natural tense for the participle is past, 'who has treated me well'. This does not necessarily define the
whole narrative as past, and will not do so unless we assume that the arrangement is a death-bed will. The
relative past translation (English future perfect) is admissible, and the good treatment in widowhood is at
least expected to continue, and may be entirely in the future, as presumably would be any actual division of
the interests in her property; see also below, n. 37. Cruz-Uribe, op. cit. 22I n. 2, attempts to read jr.t(w), a
'non-initial prospective sdm=f', but the spelling is against it and the emendation unnecessary.
x Cruz-Uribe's attempt (loc. cit.) to place part of the declaration in the mouth of the husband is conclu-
sively dismissed by Allam, JEA 76, 90o, on orthographic grounds. This removes Cruz-Uribe's assumption
that the beneficiary Padiu was the brother of the husband, but not his assumption that the husband was still
alive. The joint statement of purchase of the slave is apparently dated to year I 8, but unless this is taken to be
the actual date of purchase, the statement is simply an undated internal quotation (perhaps 'quoted' from
undated oral memory rather than a written text). It is necessary to Rennefer's statement, forms part of it, is
not a separate declaration, and is therefore not independent evidence in the matter.

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I992 THE ADOPTION PAPYRUSIN SOCIALCONTEXT 209

for the document is not revealed, and can only be guessed at from its purpose, which is to
define the succession to matrimonial property, and to connect that succession directly to
provision and security for the widowed Rennefer.The very existence of the document
probably implies that the arrangement falls outside the self-evident line of succession, so
that special measures were required to obviate challenge from interested parties. Since
the writing of a document was the exception ratherthan the rule, analysis should work
from the assumption that either the agreement was in some way exceptional, or that its
terms were irksome, or that some party might wish to avoid or skimp their performance,
and therefore an extra written support would be helpful. The underlying irregularity here
is evidently that Rennefer's marriage had no direct issue. Marriage is a contract, and its
end the procreation of children.9 Without children the remedy is divorce, which is
socially disastrous for the woman. Indeed, at a rather later date, the maxims of
Ankhsheshonq stress that a woman who was barren should not be divorced.?1Such a
divorce involves return to her (and her family) of the property she brought into the
marriage.11Rennefer's husband was a man of some means, a stablemaster.She came
from the same stratumof society-her brotherPadiu was also a stablemaster-and she
will have broughtsubstantialresources into the maritalhousehold.12
The first of these memorandais a preamblein which Rennefer explains the arrange-
ment her husband had made for her long ago. This was formalized, in writing, before
many witnesses, during celebrationsfor the accession of Ramesses XI, an occasion that
would give them the maximum of publicity.This deed has in it the elements of both a
marriagesettlementand a will, althoughthe device is thatof adoption.The circumstances
can only be guessed at:
i. The opportunityof the special occasion may have been takento make and publicize
a propertysettlement,thatwas in itself simply an expression of unusualaffection.

It may seem more likely that the husband was dead by year I8 from the way Rennefer refers to her
widowhood (Allam, loc. cit.), but the Egyptian text is not unambiguous. Nebnefer himself had referred to his
future death (rt. 6), when defining provision for his wife's (future) widowhood. Such potentially ill-omened
references are part and parcel of testamentary arrangements-and indeed a common reason why people
hesitate to make their wills: cf. Bezalel Porten, Archivesfrom Elephantine (Berkeley and Los Angeles, I968),
I85.
Similarly, it seems to have been the wife, and not, as expected, the husband, who accepted Padiu as suitor
(rt. 21), but this also is not evidence of independent value. It was her independent property rights-in her
role as 'eldest son' (see below)-which were passed on, and not those of the husband. Judgement of when the
husband died depends entirely on judgement as to the purpose of the text.
9Allam, JEA 67 (1981), 116-35, provides the most perceptive description of the realities of Egyptian
marriage. For extensive discussions of the material see also Allam, LA I, 1162-81; Theodorides, RIDA 23
(1976), 15-55; R. Tanner, Klio 49 (I967), 5-37. Cf. W. S. Blackman, The Fellahin of UpperEgypt (London,
I927/1968), chs. V-VI; R. T. Antoun, 'Litigant strategies in an Islamic court in Jordan', in D. H. Dwyer, Law
and Islam in the Middle East (New York, Westport and London, I990), 35-60, for material of particular
comparative interest for issues of marital dispute, property rights, the conflict of consanguine vs. conjugal
relationships, and the woman's right to maintenance.
On adoption see Allam, ZDMG Suppl II = XVII. Deutscher Orientalistentag (I974), I-7; Tanner, LA 1,
66-7.
10 I 4, 16: 'Do not divorce a woman of your household who does not conceive a child'. Cf. also Antoun, op.
cit. 54-5, on the status of the undivorced woman when another wife is taken.
I Allam,
JEA 67, I I8-2I; id., Or.An. I6 (1977), 89-97.
12
Cf. Allam, Hierat. Ostr. u. Pap., 262. Her bequest to Padiu includes agricultural land.

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210 C.J. EYRE JEA 78
2.This might be the occasion of the marriage itself,13 and the declaration was a(n
unusual?) form of marriage settlement.
3. The settlement might be a will. The point of the adoption was explicitly to provide
security for the wife in the matrimonial property after the future death of the
husband.
4. The text might be a non-divorce settlement; that is to say, an agreement to
guarantee the financial security of the barren woman without divorce, and thereby
obtain her agreement to an additional and lower status second marriage for the sake
of producing issue.
A written contract was not a necessary part of an Egyptian marriage settlement.
Documents that do record marriage settlements were not necessarily, nor even typically,
written on the occasion of the marriage, nor do they record all the terms of the 'contract'.
The normal terms were generally understood. Thy went without remark, and oral agree-
ments to the negotiated detail obviously sufficed. Marriage documents were only written
because, in some way and at some time, the social context irquiredsome specific detail
of the property settlement to be formally asserted and publicized.14 A will is a guarantee
of family provision, written in advance, in which case the context and immediate motiva-
tion for its composition may be as interesting
as as the specific terms of the settlement. It
may be written at any stage in a relationship, from the moment of its formation or even
beforehand in the case of an entail for unborn children. It may be formalized or altered at
any time until the death of the testator. Indeed, it is possible to visualize circumstances in
which it might actually be written out post mortem, if there were a desire to keep it as
evidence, and to use it as a public assertion that the settlement of property accorded with
the deceased's known wishes. Such documents, of their nature, are merely witnessed
procesverbal, and it is typical of Egyptian documents that a 'will' is virtually indistinguish-
able from any other class of property transfer.'5
The suggestion that this text is a non-divorce settlement makes it a cross between a
marriage settlement, a property settlement, and a will, or rather a mixture of all three.
Although the text does not state explicitly who the father of the children was, the text
seems fairly clearly to represent an arrangement well attested elsewhere among the
propertied classes in the ancient Near East. Where a wife is unable (or unwilling) to
provide a legitimate heir, her social and economic status as a married woman can be
protected by provision of a surrogate mother, typically a slave-woman bought for the
purpose."6The actual status of such a woman, and that of her children, is a complex one,

i3On the publicizing function of marriage ceremonies, Theodorides, RIDA 23, I9-21; C. J. Eyre, JEA 70
(1984), Ioi, for references; cf. Blackman, op. cit. 92-5; Hamed Ammar, Growing up in an Egyptian Village
(London, 954), I 97; Middle Assyrian Laws ??40- I = ANET3, I 83.
4Allam, JEA 67, esp. 117-19, 122, 132; E. Luddeckens, LA i, 1181-3; id., Agyptische Ehevertrdge
(Wiesbaden, 1960); Pestman, Marriage, esp. 24-32. The occasional stress in Mesopotamian law codes on a
sealed document as proof of the full status of a marriage is probably to be associated with a different attitude
to the means of publicizing, and a wider use of documentary procedures at an earlier date in Mesopotamia. It
was, however, an ideal, and the use of such documents was in reality as special and irregular as in Egypt:
when property arrangements required some special confirmation, cf. S. Greengus, 7AOS 89 (1969), 505-32;
M. T. Roth, Babylonian MarriageAgreements,7th.-3rd. CenturiesB.C. (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1989), I 7-18, 25-8;
Porten, op. cit. 207-12.
15Theodorides, RIDA 17, 117-216; K. B. Godecken, LA III, 141-5.
16Cf. de Zulueta, in Gardiner, op. cit. 28; Allam, Hierat. Ostr. u. Pap., 264-5. For the most accessible
examples see Laws of Hammurapi ??141-9 (esp. ??I45-6)=ANET, 172; Laws of Lipit-Ishtar

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I992 THE ADOPTION PAPYRUSIN SOCIALCONTEXT 211

since any rights they received potentially diminished those of the wife proper. It is typical
in such arrangementsthatthe statusof this woman is expressly and markedlysubordinate
to the main wife, although it is essentially respectable and to a degree privileged.17At
minimum she seems to have an assured right to provision,the same as that of any other
wife or family member (cf. below, n. 53). In the end, however, the position of such a
woman and her childrenmight depend on the formalityof the arrangementmade for her
(cf. below, n. 74). There is a spectrumof possible circumstances,not easily identifiablein
the documentation.The fathermay provide for 'bastards'.He may recognize a 'bastard'
as heir in the absence of a child of the marriage.Or he may deliberatelyprocure a
'bastard'as heir, which seems to be the casin the current document. In general the
status of the children from such a relationship-slave or free-will depend on the father's
choice whetheror not to recognize them.18The rights of such childrento the role of heir,
even potentially above later 'legitimate'children, will depend on the formality of the
arrangementbetween husband and wife that allowed and accepted their procreation.
Such arrangements are only feasible in practice with the agreement of all interested
parties, which include the natural residuary heirs on both sides of the marriage. The
current document records the formal satisfaction of these criteria. The key declaration by
Nebnefer contains typical exclusion clauses against his brothers and sisters, made
effective by the list of witnesses, and in particular by the presence of his sister Huirimu at
the 'handingover (swd) to the fact that Nebnefer's
family had accepted the alienation of property to his wife.19The status of Rennefer was
protected, as was the social and property alliance between her family and that of
Nebnefer, which lay behind the original marriage.
We are unlikely to find much further evidence to show how typical the role of this
is
slave-girl and her children was in Egypt
Egypt. clar that such complex formality in the
It issuch
arrangement was only meaningful, and was only likely to be written down, when the
families were well-off, substantial resources were at issue, and where there was no
legitimate offspring or other heir acceptable to both sides. This is a situation in which,
and for which, polygamy may be justified in modern Egypt, where monogamy is the

??25-7 = ANET3, 60; an Old Assyrian marriage contract, H. Hirsch, Or. 35 (I966), 279-80 ANET3, 543,
which specifies that the wife will provide a slave-girl for this purpose if a child is not forthcoming within two
years; Roth, op. cit. 13, 15-16, 41-3 no. 3, for the property arrangements in a second marriage specifically to
obtain children; cf. R. Westbrook, Old Babylonian MarriageLaw (Horn, 1988), 107-9.
17Cf, e.g., Genesis I 6: I -6; Proverbs 30: 21-3; Laws of Hammurapi ?? I I 9; I 45-7 = ANET3, 171-2; Laws
of Ur-Nammu B ??29-30 =ANET3, 525; Laws of Lipit-Ishtar ??27-8=ANET3, I60.
'8Note that Naunakhte, when discussing whether her children have earned recognition as her heirs by
their behaviour, refers to them as bik: P. Ash. Mus. 1945.27, 2, 2; Cerny, JEA 3I, 45; Allam, Hierat. Ostr. u.
Pap., 270, n. 6. Cf., e.g., Laws of Hammurapi ??I 70-2=ANET3, 173. The status of such children remains,
however, subordinate to children of the main wife, on the basic premise that the children of any second
marriage cannot impinge on or reduce the rights of children of a first marriage: cf., e.g., Genesis 21 : 8-10; 25:
5-18; Laws of Lipit-Ishtar ??24-6 = ANET3, I 60; Hammurapi ?? 167;I 73-4; I 77 = ANET3, 173-4; Deut. 2 1:
15-17; Roth, op. cit. I6, 30 and 33-4 (=Neo-Babylonian Laws ??8 and I5). For the status of the slave-
woman and her children, and the patterns of inheritance, cf. also E. W. Lane, An Account of the Manners and
Customsof the Modern Egyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), 111-12, 115- I 8, 193-7 (reprinted The Hague,
London and Cairo, 1978/ I 981 , 102-3, 106-9, 184-8).
19Cf. esp. P. Turin 2021= Allam, Hierat Ostr. u. Pap., no. 280; Theodorides, RIDA I 2, 100-4; Allam,
Or.An. i6,93-5.
20For possible exx. cf. W. A. Ward, GM 71 (1984), 5 I -9; D. Franke, AltdgyptischeVerwandtschaftsbezeich-
nungenimMittlerenReich(Hamburg, 1983), 266-7.

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212 C.J. EYRE YEA78
social norm.21If correct, this interpretation of the Adoption Papyrus throws light on the
vexed question of polygamy in pharaonic Egypt.22 It causes us to focus on a series of
related social issues, so common and self-evident to the native Egyptian that they are
rarely commented on in literature or documents, but nevertheless vital to all women and
family social security. Polygamy, like marriage itself, is an economic contract and not
simply a licence to extra sensuality.
The real issue is not whether a man has more than one wife, or concubines,23 or sexual
relations with his slave-girl(s),24 or uses prostitutes. Much more important is a definition
of the social pecking-order within the household, and of the respective property rights of
the children of such relationships. For instance, the term hbsyt certainly does sometimes
mean 'concubine' in the generally accepted sense of the term. Thus one of the Oracular
Amuletic Decrees of the Third Intermediate Period promises 'I shall make fruitful his
concubines, to bear male and female children as seed which has come forth from his
body'.25Yet it sometimes seems to be merely a homonym to the normal word hmt, 'wife',
and the terms interchangeable.26 The best guess seems to be that hbsyt refers to a
perfectly respectable but secondary relationship,27whether a remarriage or concubinage.
Whether or not the first wife is still living, the hbsyt would be a cohabitant of lower
property status, whose property rights would be secondary to, and restricted by, those
arising from the original marriage. The rights of any children she might bear would be
restricted in the same way.28
The first deed of the Adoption Papyrus served as preamble and context for the second,
18 years later. Indeed, on the view taken here, all the parties concerned would hope and
intend from the beginning that an arrangement of this sort might follow after a proper
interval. Again a variety of circumstances can be envisaged for Rennefer's final formaliza-
tion of the arrangements:
i. The occasion was the marriage of Padiu to the elder step-daughter, and the declara-
tion represents a marriage settlement. If we assume that the slave-wife was
purchased at the time of the earlier deed, the daughter should indeed have reached
marriageable age by the time of the second. The marriage is said to be a fact as of

21Ammar, op. cit. 20I (quoting the Pocket Census of I948, p. I 2), notes that in I937 96.86% of Egyptian
marriage was monogamous. Cf. Blackman, op. cit. 37. For the sorts of dispute over rights that arise with
a second marriage, cf. the cases quoted by Antoun, op. cit. 44-9.
22Allam, LAI, 1166-7; A. Spalinger, RdE 32 (I980), 98, I09; Allam JEA 67, I23 n. 43, with collections of
references. More recently Franke, op. cit. 61-2, 340-3; W. A. Ward, Essays on Feminine Titles of the Middle
Kingdom and Related Subjects(Beirut, I 986), 57-9.
23Allam, LA II, io6; Ward, Berytus 31
(I983), 67-74; id., GM 7I, 5I-9.
24Cf. Urk. Iv I409, I I - I 3 = Gardiner, ZAS 47 (1 90), 92-5, Tf. I, 5: the High Priest of Amon, Amenemhet,
portraying himself as a model son in respect to his father: 'I did not know a slave-woman of his house; I did
not get a servant-girl of his pregnant'.
251. E. S. Edwards, OracularAmuleticDecreesof the Late New Kingdom, HPBM,
4th Series (London, 1960), i,
48=BM 10730, 38-40 (L7). The hbsyt are specifically plural, although admittedly the decree is for a royal
prince.
26P. BM I0052, 3, 8-9; I5, 4-7; P. Turin 202I, 3, I; Edwards, op. cit. Io03, n. 5; Pestman, Marriage,
9-I
I0-I I.
27
Ward, Berytus 3 I, 73; id., Essays on Feminine Titles, 65-9; Tanner, Klio 49, 8-9.
28Cf. below, n. 74. One does not expect to find the term 'mistress of the house' associated with the term
hbsyt.Ward, Berytus 3I, 73, asserts that examples occur, but quotes no apposite references. For an example
of two apparently consecutive wives entitled nbtpr, see B. G. Ockinga and Y. al-Masri, Two Ramesside Tombs
at El Mashayikh (Sydney, 1988), -I 2, 16.

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I992 THE ADOPTION PAPYRUSIN SOCIALCONTEXT 213
'today', but it is not explicit whether it was formalized 'today' or had been in exist-
ence some time.
2. The document was a will, perhaps to come into effect later, in which case the reason
and the time of its formalization are of interest.29
3. The document was a cross between a marriage settlement and a will: a sort of trust.
4. The occasion was the recognition of Padiu as presumptive heir, in which case both
Rennefer and Nebnefer may have been alive.
5. The death of Nebnefer might have brought on the need for a formal settlement, to
recognize Padiu as the new and actual head of the household, in which case Padiu's
marriage might have been occasioned by the death of Nebnefer.
The family archive of Padiu seems the most likely deposit for the finished document.30
Rennefer's declaration is completed by the formulation 'As for all the words which I have
said (n; mdtjdd=j), they are conveyed (swd) to Padiu'.31Similarly her husband's formal
declaration was 'See, I have conveyed (jrj-j swd) (this) to Rennefer, my wife, on this day,
in the presence of Huirimu, my sister'.32This swd before witnesses forms the key act.
Although normally taken in a abstract sense to mean the transfer of ownership,33 it is
likely here also to refer to the physical and symbolic conveyance of the written text.
Rennefer keeps the text she has received from her husband, after transcribing the
relevant section into the current document, which is formally conveyed to Padiu on this
occasion.
Much of the content of the Adoption Papyrus is difficult to parallel from native sources
of the pharaonic period. This is not to say that the arrangements would have seemed in
any way odd or foreign to an Egyptian of the late New Kingdom. The most instructive
parallels are, nevertheless, to be found in the Aramaic documents from Elephantine,
recording the family affairs of members of the Jewish colony during the Persian period,
some five hundred years later. This is not the place to discuss the relationship between
the legal forms and social practice of the native and immigrant populations, or the extent
to which Egyptian documentary forms and practices that developed in the Third Inter-
mediate Period may have borrowed from Assyrian and general Near Eastern habits.34
Assessment of the Aramaic documents as evidence for native Egyptian practice (and vice
versa) must be tentative, but the similarities are more striking than the differences, and
the detailed arrangements of interest here belong to a very mixed native-immigrant
milieu.
The texts of immediate relevance come from the private archive associated with the
name of Anani, son of Azariah.35They record Anani's relationship through marriage to
29Whether or not this text is to be classed as a will, there are necessary comparisons to be made with the
will of Naunakhte and its associated documents: Cerny, JEA 31, 29-53; Allam, Hierat. Ostr. u. Pap., 268-74,
no. 262. Naunakhte was aged, and cannot have lived long after her will was written out, but writing a will is
not of itself an indication that death is near; cf. J. J. Janssen and Pestman, JESHO 1I (1968), 151 -2.
30Th6odorides, RIDA 12, I 36, n. 226; Allam, Hierat. Ostr. u. Pap., 263.
31 VS. I0.
32rt. I I-I 3.
33For refs. see T. Mrsich, LA I, 1252, n. 32.
34The relevant data has not been collected or analyzed in a sufficiently systematic way to allow conclu-
sions to be drawn readily about the extent to which similarities represent specific borrowings or merely
similarities in practice and social custom across the whole of the ancient Near East.
35Porten, op. cit. 203-13, 219-34; Porten and Ada Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documentsfrom Ancient
Egypt, 2 Contracts(Winona Lake, I989), 53-99.

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2I4 C. J. EYRE JEA 78
the family of Meshullam and his son Zakkur. Anani applied to Meshullam, and received
in marriage Meshullam's slave-girl Ta(pa)met, apparently of native origin. The original
draft of the marriage contract gave Meshullam rights over Tamet's half share of the
matrimonial property, although this was then crossed out. She remained his slave. In
essence the procedure seems to have been similar to the marriage of a daughter, although
a dowry of substance is not provided. Tamet remained the slave of Meshullam, but his
rights over her son Pilti are discounted in favour of Anani.36 Whatever the detailed
history, Anani has obtained a male heir from his marriage. He also later obtained a
daughter, Jehoishma.
Many years later,37Meshullam declared to Tamet: 'I thought of you in my lifetime. I
released you as a free (person) at my death and I released Jeh(o)ishma by name your
daughter whom you bore me'. In return the two women declared 'We shall serve you as a
son or daughter supports his father, in your lifetime.38And at your death we shall support
Zakkur your son, like a son who supports his father, as we shall have been doing for you
in your lifetime'. They promise high monetary compensation if they fail to do so, a
normal Aramaic contractual penalty. The text appears to be a will, providing for
manumission on the eventual death of Meshullam, although there is no reason to associ-
ate it with the time of his death. Seven years later the son Zakkur accepted a suitor for the
hand of his 'sister' Jehoishma, providing her with a respectable dowry and an extensive
marriage contract.39This provides explicitly that if the pair have no children, the surviv-
ing partner shall inherit without challenge. It also bars both parties from taking other
marriage partners.40A few months earlier Jehoishma's real father Anani had given her a
house,41 and he later gave her other property, making her in effect his heir.42He also sold
property to her husband.43 The husband, Anani, son of Haggai, son of Meshullam, was
apparently the nephew of Zakkur,44and so the family property was reconsolidated and
not dispersed by this marriage. It is possible that in the typically endogamous society of
Egypt, this immigrant community had difficulty in obtaining wives of propertied status
from the indigenous community.45 These texts seem to illustrate the way in which the

36Porten and Yardeni, op. cit., B3.3, dated 449. For a discussion of the background see also Porten, op. cit.
207-I2.
37Portenand Yardeni,op. cit.,B3.6= ANET3,548, dated427.
38Forthe phraseology,placing the wife in the role of child as the basis for a will/matrimonialproperty
settlement,see Th6odorides,RIDA12, 103-4, and see also P. Turin 202I, II, 3-4, 7-8.
39Porten and Yardeni, op. cit., B3.6 = ANET3, 548-9, dated October 420.
40Such clauses may have been standard in the community at Elephantine, cf. Porten and Yardeni, op. cit.,
B2.6; B3.3. Similarly, the earliest Greek document from Egypt, from Elephantine, is a marriage contract in
Greek mercenary families, guaranteeing monogamy, no other wife, and no children by other women: P.
Eleph. i =A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar, Select Papyri, I (London, I932), no. i, discussed by Porten, op. cit.
297-8 and by J. Modrzejewski in P. Dimakis (ed.), SymposionI979 (Cologne, I983), 63-7.
The Aramaic documents (Porten and Yardeni, op. cit., B2.3 and B2.4) provide an interesting variation, the
father making an irrevocable grant of a building plot, limiting his son-in-law's rights to usufruct, and creating
an entail to their joint children, for which cf. B3.5, B3.7. Clauses of this type lie outside the expected pattern
of inheritance. They probably belong to the 'negotiable' options of a marriage settlement, although the family
context of the marriage may also be important. The underlying purpose, with its stress on lifetime security
for the woman, is not however outside the context of contemporary Egyptian practice, cf. below n. 80.
41Porten and Yardeni, op. cit., B3.7, dated July 420.
42Porten and Yardeni, op. cit., B3. i o, B3.I .
43Op. cit., B3. I 2. These last three texts all date to 402, the first to March, the last two in December.
44Porten, op. cit. 225; Porten and Yardeni, op. cit. B3.13, B3.8, 45.
45
Although for this particular community Jewish religious suspicion of intermarriage may have compli-
cated the situation more than for other immigrant groups: see Porten, op. cit. 248-52 and cf. I48-9, I 74, I 78.

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I992 THE ADOPTION PAPYRUSIN SOCIALCONTEXT 2I5

purchase and, in effect, adoption of slave-girls and their children,46and their marriage
arrangements, then helped establish normal family, marriage and property alliances
within the immigrant community. Although the social situation of this community may
have been special, the forms of adoption and marriage they undertook to provide heirs
are unlikelyto have been outside the norms of the country.
Many of the circumstances behind the Adoption Papyrus will, and must, remain
obscure forever.The specific events that led to these legal formalizationscannot now be
fully defined, but a degree of speculation is permissible. A likely scenario would be the
moment at which the stablemaster Padiu was formally recognized as the head (or the
prospective head) of the family. Padiu is 'adopted' with the children, but it is clear that he
is to be head of the household, responsible for the step-childrenand perhaps also for his
sister, the widowed step-mother and matriarch of the family. One should not lose sight of
the fact that adoption does not just provide for the upbringing of children and a line of
inheritance, but looks to provide social security in age or infirmity for the parents and
'protection'for the female members of the family. This appears very clearly in the
comparablecase of Tuthmosis III'sbarber,Sibastet.47He freed his slave, obtainedwhen
on campaign with the king. Evidently being himself childless, and perhaps lacking close
male relatives, he married this ex-slave to his niece, and made him co-heir to his
property, along with his wife and his sister. He seems also to have passed on to him the
(hereditary) function of royal barber. The consolidation of property and social security
for the women is the same as achievedby the marriageand adoptionof Padiu.
It seems probablethatthe formalrecognitionof heirs was always importantin Egypt;48
firstly of the leading heir, the 'eldest son', and then of the other children with rights to a
share. The role of 'heir' (jwrw) is central, since he is successor to the position and
function of the father. It is his duty not only to serve and provide for his father during his
lifetime,but also explicitlyafterhis death to bury and maintainthe cult of his father,from
his heritage.49Ideologically, structurally, and so far as possible in fact, this was the role of
the 'eldest son', who is single successor to the father50in the role of patriarchalhead of
the family.51This is a role of particularimportancewhere, as often seems the case, family
46Cf. Porten, op. cit. 203, and note Porten and Yardeni, op. cit.,
B3.9, apparently the adoption of a 'slave'
child.
47J.de Linage,BIFAO38 (I939), 217-34; Allam,Hierat.Ostr.u. Pap., 265-6.
48Cf. Genesis 25:29-34: 27, and see above n. I8; Pestman, Marriage, I36-9; Hermopolis code VIII, 3 -IX,
8; Eyre, in S. Allam (ed), Grund und Boden in Altigypten (Tiibingen, in press), after n. 37. The formulae
referring to good treatment by children has the appearance of a formal declaration of recognition. In practice
the function of a 'will' is to recognize the heir(s), as, e.g., the 'will' of Kebi, P. Kah. pl. xi; Th6odorides, RIDA
I7, 125-36; E. Blumenthal, in J. Osing and G. Dreyer (eds.), Form und Mass. Festschriftfir GerhardFecht
(Wiesbaden, I987), 85-6, where the father revokes an earlier 'will' in favour of the mother, in order to
confirm the son in succession to office as his 'staff of old age'; or the assertion by Harkhuf that 'My father
made for me a will (jmyt-pr). I was an excellent [.. .], one loved by my father; praised by my mother; whom
all my siblings loved', Urk. I, 122, I-5.
49Mrsich, LA I, I235-60, esp. I248-9; Janssen and Pestman, JESHO Ii, esp. I67-9; Allam, RIDA 30
(1983), 29, 35.
"5Eg. Helck, LAI, I48, 228-9; Mrsich, LA , I235-60, esp. 1238-42; Allam, LAII, I08; G6decken, LA iI,
I43; Helck, LA v, 1054; Tanner, Klio 49, 29-30; Liiddeckens, op. cit. 279-83; Allam, RIDA 30, 30; P.
Posener-Kri6ger, CRIPEL 13 (I 99 ), 107-12.
51For the implications in a landed family, cf., e.g., Allam, LA n,
ii 105-7; Franke, op. cit. 263-5, 268-76; the
letters of Hekanakhte, discussed by Eyre, in Grund und Boden, at n. I7; or the Kahun household registers, P.
Kah. pls. ix-xi, xxi, discussed in Valbelle, CRIPEL 7, 77; B. J. Kemp, Ancient Egypt:Anatomy of a Civilization
(London, 1989), I 56-8 and cf. 305-8; cf. also the career of Nekhebu, D. Dunham, YEA 24 (1938), I-8; Eyre,
in M. A. Powell (ed.), Labor in theAncientNearEast (New Haven, 1987), 38-9.

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2I6 C. J. EYRE JEA 78
property and land were not divided, but worked as a joint enterprise under the super-
vision of the family head or representative (rwdw). It was also important where there was
need to deal with business that impinged on the rights of the family as a whole, or where
there was a social need to marshalfamily support.This means that there was a single
direct line of succession-the 'heir' or 'eldest son'-but at the same time a right of all
children to provision and sustenance from the family resources, by a share in the
inheritance.52Indeed,the centralobligationtaken on by the husbandat marriage,and the
core subject of so-called 'marriagecontracts'from Egypt, was his obligationto provide
house and subsistence for the wife during her life, and provision for their children after
his death,the precise level of this provision naturallybeing the subjectof negotiation,and
dependent on the economic status of the families involved, and the resources (dowry)
contributedby the wife and her family.53
The best description of the legal role of head of the family is found in those sections of
the Demotic 'Legal Code' that define the functions of the 'eldest son'. There is no reason
to doubt that these provisions can, by and large, be projectedback to earlierperiods. In
generalterms the relevantpassages54imply that undividedpropertyadministeredby the
'eldest son' is the naturalsuccession, unless the fatherhas made special arrangementsfor
favouredchildrenby means of a 'documentof division'(sh n dnj).55The younger children
may then demandthat their shares be assigned, and the eldest son will be responsiblefor
making the division, choice among the shares falling according to order of seniority.56
However, the 'eldest son' retains all documents relatingto the property;57if any of the
siblings die without issue, their share reverts to the 'eldest son'; he retains the family
house undivided, so long as he does not sell it, but if he does sell the sum realized is
subject to the normal division among the siblings;58 and it is only the 'eldest son' who is
able to prove ownership by claiming that property had belonged to his father.59The

52Liiddeckens, op. cit. 276-86, and cf., for example, the Inscription of Nikaankh, discussed by P. Der
Manuelian, JNES 45 (i 986), 1-18; Th6odorides, RIDA I 7, I40-5.
On the non-division of shared family property see Allam, Or.An.I6, 97; Janssen and Pestman, JESHO I I,
I69; Th6odorides, RIDA 24 (I977), 21-64; Eyre, in GrundundBoden, esp. at nn. 24-6, 39-40, 73-6. Cf. also
D. W. Hobson, in N. Lewis (ed.), Yale ClassicalStudies 28 Papyrology(Cambridge, I985), 220-5, for Roman
Egypt, and Ammar, op. cit. 23-4, 42-4, on more recent Egypt. The issue here is vital in respect of farming
land, important for buildings, but irrelevant to movable household property.
53Pestman, Marriage; Liiddeckens, Ehevertrdge;Allam, JEA 67, 119-20; S. Grunert, Das Altertum 2i
(I975), 87-91; A. F. Shore, in J. Baines et al. (eds.), Pyramid Studies and Other Essays Presented to L E. S.
Edwards (London, I988), 20i; Girgis Mattha and G. R. Hughes, The Demotic Legal Code of Hermopolis West
(Cairo, I975), 92; K. Baer, ZAS 93 (I966), 6-7; Hobson, TAPA I 13 (I983), 311-2I; see below, n. 77; and cf.
Antoun, op. cit.
54Col. VIII, 30-X, o0;Mattha and
Hughes, op. cit.; K. Donker van Heel, The Legal Manual of Hermopolis
(Leiden, I990), 92, who quotes a study of these passages by Pestman, in Studia Demotica, vi (in press). Cf.
also Pestman, in S. P. Vleeming (ed.), Aspectsof DemoticLexicography(Louvain, I987), 6 I-2.
55Cf. Janssen and Pestman, JESHO
I I, I67.
56
Seniority is by sex, then age. A girl can be 'eldest son', but only if there is no boy. This in practice was
the role envisaged for Rennefer/Nanefer through the original deed of adoption. On the shares cf. Allam,
RIDA 30, 36-8, for New Kingdom Deir el Medina, and Hobson, TAPA 113, 31 6-21 I for Roman Egypt.
57VIII,33-IX, i. Cf. Pestman,Marriage,83-5.
IX, 4; 23-6. Cerny, in Studi in onore di Aristide Calderini e Roberto Paribeni, ii (Milan, I 957), 5 I -5,
5
basing his argument on the limitations of kinship terminology, overestimates the fragmentation of the
Egyptian family into independent nuclear families: a fragmentation that is accurate in the sense that the nuc-
lear families live in separate houses and not a large communal dwelling, but inaccurate in relation to the
socio-economic ties that bound the larger family together.
59IX, 32-X, 3.

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I992 THE ADOPTION PAPYRUSIN SOCIALCONTEXT 2 I7

practical situation is one of considerable subordination to the head of the family, from
whose claims it would be difficult wholly to separate even divided property. It seems to
illustrate clearly the reality of the formula of succession 'son to son, heir to heir', that runs
through earlier legal documents.60
In the first document of the Adoption Papyrus, the husband had sought to avoid
divorcing his wife, while providing the means of obtaining direct issue through a slave-
girl. At this stage any residual heirs on Nebnefer's side of the family had reasonably been
excluded from succession. Indeed, once Nebnefer recognized the three children as his, it
is likely that they would have a direct claim to his property superior to that of his
brothers and sisters.61 It is quite clear from the regular use of exclusion clauses in
Egyptian legal documents, of the type whereby Nebnefer excluded his brothers and
sisters, that collateral relatives maintained rights and a potential interest in family
property that obstructed its disposal without their consent.62
The preferential rights of these children to the property of Rennefer may have been
less self-evident, even though se stresses the that the slave-girl was a joint purchase.63 Her
family will have claimed an interest, whether in the family investment she originally
brought into the marriage in the form of her dowry, or her share of the common
matrimonial property: the 'profits' of the marriage partnership. It is for this reason that
the wording of her declaration must switch from the first person plural to the singular. It
concerns the transmission of her personal property rights, in a way that impinged on her
collateral relatives.64 In the absence of a son, the wife's property should revert to her
brother;65to her family and not to that of her husband.66 The second deed parallels the

6
Mrsich, LA , I 255, n. 74-6, and Eyre, in GrundundBoden, nn. 24-6 for references.
61
Cf. above, n. I8. On the legitimacy of slave children in Egypt, cf. the critical assessment by Theodorides,
RIDA 23, 24-8 of Strabo 17, 2, 5.
62 For the type of clause, cf. Pestman, Marriage, 136-42; Allam, Enchoria I 3
(i985), I-5; Menu, JEA 74,
I 65-8 I; Franke, op. cit. 220-2. For the significance, cf. Mrsich, LA I, I 250- I . 'Brother' is not a narrow limita-
tion, but potentially includes all collateral relatives, cf. Franke, op. cit. 67, I 58-66, 344-6; Eyre, in Grundund
Boden, n. 43.
63
On some of the issues involved see Allam, Hierat. Ostr. u. Pap., 263-4, 266-7.
64Cf. Theodorides, RIDA I 2,
104-6. Of itself, this says nothing about whether the husband was still alive
or not.
65
Specifically here vs. 6-7, the husband fears that at his death his family members will demand 'Let me be
given the share of my brother.' Cf. also vs. 3-4; Hermopolis Code (above); Janssen and Pestman, JESHO I I,
I64-7; Th6odorides, RIDA 23, 35-44, on the dispute revealed in the Cairo Letter to the Dead (=A. H.
Gardiner and K. Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead (London, 1928), pl. i). In the story of Horus and Seth (P.
Ch.B. I) the claims made by the parties stress that the expected lines of inheritance for the role of heir are: I)
Elder brother has preference over younger (8, 7); 2) Son inherits from father, and the rights cannot be
diminished by mother's remarriage (6, 8-I2; 7, 6- I); 3) Son takes preference over mother's brother (4,
6-8); but 4) The woman is expected to show loyalty to her collateral family-her brother-at least as much
as to her husband and child (9, 4-7). On the role of the mother's collateral relations see below, n. 90; Franke,
op. cit. 34, 94, 104-6, and cf. Blackman, op. cit. 38-9; Ammar, op. cit. 54-6.
66On family claims to property of childless women, Janssen and Pestman, op. cit. I64-6; Mrsich, LA I,
I250; and cf., e.g., Laws of Hammurapi ??I63-4; 178-83= ANET3, I73-4; Neo-Babylonian Laws
?Io= Roth, op. cit. 3I. Porten, op. cit. 225, notes that the granting of full rights of inheritance to marriage
partners in the Aramaic texts quoted above may reflect special arrangements similar to those of our
Adoption Papyrus, rather than a 'foreign' norm in the Jewish community.
On the family duty to finance marriage compare the Will of Naunakhte (P. Ash. Mus. I945.27, 2, 3; Allam,
Hierat. Ostr. u. Pap., 270 n. 7) with the Laws of Hammurapi ??I65-6; I84=ANET3, I72, I74. For terms of
marriage as governed by family negotiation cf. Roth, JESHO 31 (I988), esp. I89-92, 205; for a circumstan-
tial account of the necessary social role of the family in arranging marriage cf. Ammar, op. cit. 190.

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218 C. J. EYRE JEA 78
first, by consolidating the wife's matrimonial property into the adoptive line. However,
the socially preferred solution is also seen here: to re-consolidate the family property by
further intermarriage.67It is not often that we can trace very clearly the relationship
between marriage partners in pharaonic Egypt, although there are indications that it was
every bit as endogamous a society as mediaeval and early-modern Egypt.68 The
preference for marriage between cousins, so marked in Moslem Egypt, would not have
been unfamiliar to their pharaonic ancestors,69 and for the same reasons: to preserve
family property, and consolidate social relations within a tightly knit local community.
Such marriage is not merely a private matter, but one of necessary social relations within
the community.70
Of the two 'adoptions' of this papyrus, the first seems to secure the position of
Rennefer during the lifetime of her husband; to avoid relegating her to the inferior status
of divorced woman. The second set of 'adoptions' is concerned to ensure that her
position as widow is the happy one of matriarch, and not the inferior status of
unprotected destitute; by this date she could hardly look to remarry.71Where women
marry young, often to much older husbands, and death in child-birth is common,
widowhood and remarriage are the norm rather than the exception,72 and property
conflicts are predictable.73 In the family alliance formed at a first marriage-especially
where families of substance are involved-a better deal can typically be made than at a
subsequent marriage where there are already children. All resources, on both sides, can
be committed towards the prospective offspring, to the potential exclusion of future
marriages and their offspring.74Such a wife is recognized as the 'Mistress of the House'
(nbt pr).75In principle, it is clear that at the death of the head of the household the main

67For a circumstantial example see Blackman, op. cit. 38-9.

68Most explicit, Ankhsheshonq I5, I5; Janssen, GM 48 (198I), 63-6; Allam, LAI, 1164-5; II, 568-70;
Pestman, Marriage, 4. Cf. also the New Kingdom Dream Book, P. Ch.B. III, 3, 7-8: 'If a man sees himself in a
dream, copulating with his mother ..., good; [his?] clansmen will cleave fast to him. If a man sees himself in a
dream, copulating with his sister, good; it means the bequeathing of something to him.' Psychologically the
interpretations of these dreams seem most plausibly to fit an essentially endogamous social context, with a
great stress on the maintenance of family property and alliances.
Franke, op. cit. 340-3 expresses doubts, stressing the rarity of proved cases of cousin marriage. Con-
versely, one may stress the lack of evidence for marked exogamous practice; the tendency to refer to the wife
as 'sister' (=collateral relative), op. cit. 3I0, 343; the use of direct kinship terminology in preference to a
special vocabulary for reference to in-laws, op. cit. I48-52, 167-8; the typically bilateral pattern of inheri-
tance, in which all children take a share from both parents, which would otherwise lead inexorably to the dis-
integration of family property and of family solidarity; and the basic realities of life in the naturally closed
community of the Egyptian village. Family and neighbours provide the marriage partner, cf. Ammar, op. cit.
2I-2, 7 1-3, 83.
6'9For circumstantial accounts see Ammar, op. cit. 193, 196; Blackman, op. cit. 38, 92.
70Cf. Ammar, op. cit. 62-6.
71 Cf.
Franke, LA vi, 1279-82.
72For the difficulty of assessing the data see Franke, op. cit. 15, 35, 40-2, 6I-2, 68, 104-6, 340-3. The
problem is particularly acute for the remarriage of women, although there is no reason to suspect that this
was unusual.
73Cf. Ammar, op. cit.
42-5, 53-4.
74See Mrsich, LA I, 1242, no. I, and cf. the demands of Tabubu in the Setna Romance, not just that Setna's
previous family be divorced and disinherited. Her position will not be secure until they are killed, and she is
of too high status to be willing to accept a secondary role; Setna I, 4, 38-5, 36; cf. Eyre, JEA 70, 95 n. 30, I03
n. 99.
75Tanner, Klio 49, 26-9, and cf. above nn. 27-8. Cf. Roth, JESHO 3I, I86-206, making the same point,
that the Akkadian term assatu, 'wife', carries with it similar advantages of property and status, and corre-
sponding obligations as to behaviour.

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1992 THE ADOPTION PAPYRUSIN SOCIALCONTEXT 2I9

inheritancepassed to the children,and the role of family head to the eldest son. The wife
merely retained her rights to a lifetime interest in her dowry and her share (1/3) of the
matrimonialproperty.76Reality was evidently more complex. The social unit was the
family group rather than the individual,77and specific shares in an inheritance only
become fully significantwhen there is an actualdivision, which of itself implies a degree
of disintegration in the family.78It is also likely that the wife's expectation of a lifetime
interest in undivided matrimonialproperty has generally been underestimated.79For
instance, the Middle Kingdom will of Wah guaranteedhis widow a lifetime interest in
propertyhe had received from his brother,before it should pass to their children.80The
will of Naunakhte (see above) shows that she not only retained property from her
(childless) first marriage,81but apparentlyalso lifetimecontrol of the property,or at least
the household property, of her second marriage: the division appears to come after her
death. Such arrangementswill not have been wholly exceptional. She had at least a
continuingright to provision.The norm will have been for the motherto continue to live
undisturbed in the family house-in practice to rule the family home-in view of the
honour due to her from the heir, her son,82who was the new head and occupant of the
house.83 Normal social pressure protects the widow. Only where there is no heir, or
the heir is not her natural son, as in a case like this, does it make good sense to give the
woman explicit protection against family conflict that would be potentially disastrous to
her position and security.
The 'contradictions' between the role of 'heir' as head of the family, and the personal
property rights of each individualfamily member-male and female-lie at the heart of
some of the most interesting and difficult legal texts from Egypt.84Property disputes
arising from the disintegration of a family, and the resulting division of its property, are
always likely to be the bitterest,and the potential consequences of enduring bitterness
provide a good motivation for seeking the extra security of a written record. It is only by
investigating the social context in a way such as this, that the reality of women's property
rights can be properlyunderstood.The rights of women individuallyto hold propertyare
extensively and clearly documented.85It is clear that such holdings did not, by and large,
76Mrsich, LA I, I243, no. 4; Allam, LA I, 1 I72-3; Franke, LA VI, 1279-82 n. 2I-3; Janssen and Pestman,
JESHO I I, I 64-7.
77Allam, LA II, 104-I3; on family property rights, solidarity, and the duty of support, see Franke, op. cit.
I83-4, 228, 244, 27I, 320; Allam, RIDA 30, I7-39; id., Hierat. Ostr. u. Pap., nos. 233 (==0. Petrie I8), 249
(= 0. Prague 1826); T. G. H. James, The HekanakhtePapers and OtherEarly Middle Kingdom Documents (New
York, 1962), pl. 2, 14.
78Cf. Eyre, in Grundund Boden, at nn. 39-45.
79Cf. Allam, JEA 67, I20; Pestman, Marriage, 83, I 15-42; id., in Vleeming, Aspects,60; Allam, LA i, I I73.
80P. Kah. pls. II11-13; Th6odorid&s, RIDA 7 (I961), 41-76; id., RIDA 8, 24, 32-7; R. B. Parkinson, Voices
from Ancient Egypt (London, 1991 ), 10o8-I o, and cf. above n. 48 on the will of Kebi.
sl Possibly her first husband had no other residual heirs, but there is also room for comparison with the
Aramaic document quoted above, n. 40.
82E. Feucht, LA Iv, 255; Allam, LA II, I07; note esp. Ani 7, I7-8,I; Ankhsheshonq 13, I6-22; Blackman,
op. cit. 37-8, 45; Ammar, op. cit. 53, 137-8.
83Cf. Franke, op. cit. 263-5; Allam, LA II, 105-6; G6decken, LA'iI, I43; Valbelle, CRIPEL 7, 77. Cf. also
above nn. 5 I -3.
84As, for
example, P. Berlin 3047, or the Inscription of Mose, discussed in this light by Eyre, in Grund und
Boden, at n. 36-46.
85 Allam, in B. S. Lesko (ed.), Women'sEarliest Recordsfrom Ancient Egypt and WesternAsia (Atlanta, I 989),
I23-35; id., JESHO 32 (I989), I-34; cf. id., RIDA 30 (I983), I7-39; and note additionally W. Brunsch, ZAS
I117 (1990), I1-20. Cf. also Hobson, Yale Classical Studies 28, 224-6; id., TAPA 113, 311-21, on the Roman
period.

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220 C.J. EYRE JEA 78
arise from property acquisitions made by women personally in business. They came
through inheritance, from well defined rights to share in family property, and a claim to
provision from family resources on a par with their brothers. This provision may appear
as a dowry or as an inheritance; the dowry naturally counts as (or as part of) the girl's
share. Such property rights are always well defined, and recognized within family or
matrimonial property. Women regularly appear in the documents dealing with property
transfer, whether that transfer is by sale, inheritance, or even lease. Such evidence makes
clear that the woman's individual participation and formal consent was required when
her material interests were at stake: her personal consent was required, not that of a
manager or guardian, such as the Greek kurios.
The extent to which such texts can serve as evidence for women acting as their own
business manager, especially in the crucial farming sector, is more questionable. Unless a
property was very small and local, it would be difficult for the woman to manage it
personally, and it must always have been quite exceptional for a woman to have
personally supervised farming work. For instance, the Inscription of Mose arises from a
case in which the widow was unable to enforce her claim to administration of the land
that her husband hadhadhe ontrolled. It fesonll
controlled. fel hertoson to regain the role of rwdw. The rights
and the practicalities of the matter are not necessarily identical. That a woman is not
technically restricted from exercising her property rights freely does not mean that in
practice she did not need a man-husband, brother/cousin or son-to maintain those
rights. These rights can serve primarily to define the economic status of the woman
within the family, in relation to her husband, brothers/cousins, and children. They define
her rights to provision and proper treatment, protecting her against divorce or abuse
through economic ties, rather than expressing her right to deal or dispose of property
outside the family.
Such rights for women87 lie behind the tendency to endogamy in Islamic Egypt, where
cross-cousin marriage has been the normal means to consolidate family property and
social solidarity. In the village context this often means that the woman-matriarch, wife,
widow-has considerable economic power within the family, and may effectively hold the
purse-strings. Her male relatives are constrained by the fact that they work lands
belonging to her, or over which she has property rights. In public, however, the society is
overtly patriarchal. The family needs a male head. The woman can in practice only marry
within a limited circle, and she can only delegate (or lease) the management of her lands
within her family, unless she is willing to risk a breakdown in family solidarity that would
endanger the family support that is socially necessary to her. The widow may have rather
more room for manoeuvre than the wife or unmarried woman, but she still needs to work
through an agent she can trust, and preferably a relative.

8 Cf. Allam, JEA 75 (1989), 103-12; Eyre, in Grund undBoden, nn. 37-8. One might compare the attempt
by Seth to exclude Isis from the court in P. Ch. B. I, 5, 2-5, and so exclude her infant son from inheritance.
Cf. also Antoun, op. cit. 53-8, and L. Rosen, The Anthropologyof Justice (Cambridge, 1989), 7-10, for the
practicality of women's rights to act and speak on their own behalf.
87 The woman under Islamic and modern
Egyptian law should have a half, not a full, share compared to
her brother, but in other respects her rights are similar to his. In practice, among the modern Egyptian
peasantry, there is widespread avoidance of the letter if not the spirit of the law. Families will often try to
exclude daughters from a freehold share in the farmland, since this risks the transfer of its management to a
husband's family, if not its complete aliention through sale; cf. the remarks of Hobson, Yale ClassicalStudies
28, 32I.

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I992 THE ADOPTION PAPYRUSIN SOCIALCONTEXT 221

Such a context can give a plausible interpretative frame for the ancient data. For
instance, a New Kingdom letter88tells how a husband had given orders not to continue
the lease on a plot of land, but when he informed his wife, she in effect overruled him, and
had him return the plot on lease to the previous cultivator. Her interest in the land is
likely to have been more than merely giving good advice to her husband.In anothercase,
an abnormalhieratic stela89records the deposition of a shoemaker Peniunu:'The lady
Shedese, a servantof mine, came to me saying "Providefor me while I am alive, and you
shall control this field of mine. Do not make me give it to another, who is an outsider
(drdr)",90and she gave me 1/4 rod of land'. Such transactions would be familiar in a
modern village, and are likely to represent the ways in which the management of
women's land was normally transacted. The widow or divorced woman needed a
'husband',a 'brother'or a 'son' to stand up for her rights. Rennefer, of the Adoption
Papyrus, apparently needed Padiu for the role of son and heir in the same way that
Mose's mother needed him to grow up and reclaim the property, or Sibastet's sister and
niece required a man to take over their uncle's office and manage their joint inheritance.
At first sight the terms of the Adoption Papyrus seem eccentric. At least they seem to
show the device of 'adoption' being used as a 'legal fiction' to enable property to be
transferred out of the normal line of succession. However, the real issue is not one of legal
technicality, but of custom and social behaviour. If these arrangements are considered in
the light of the endogamic realities of Egyptian village life, or indeed, if the text is treated
as evidence for the continuity of social custom, the motivation behind the 'legal' devices
becomes clearer. Indeed, the text can serve to illustrate essential similarities in the
working of ancient society across the whole of the ancient Near East, that do not derive
from simple direct borrowings, but from a more extensive cultural and social community.

xxP. Berlin 8523; W. Spiegelberg, ZAS 53 (191 7), 107- I i; Allam, HIierat.Ostr. u. Pap., no. 263.
" Cairo T.
27.6.24.3., 2= A. M. Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt (Cairo, 1952), pis. 2-4, quoted in Cerny,
JEA 3 I, 33, n.g.
90The term drdr, normally translated 'stranger' does seem to carry the quasi-technical sense of a person
who is 'not kin' or 'not family', even in this sense including a woman's husband in contrast to her collateral
relatives: cf. above, n. 65, on the Story of Horus and Seth where (P. Ch. B. I, 9, 6 = P. Sall. IV, rt. 3, 2 = Bakir,
The Cairo CalendarNo. 86637, rt. VII, i i-VIII, i) Seth makes the appeal to collateral obligation over conjugal,
and where (P. Ch. B. I, 6, 10- I 2 and 7, 5-9) Seth is tricked into defining the role of property administrator,
probably the role of second husband to the widow (and incidentally defining himself) as s drdr, 'not-kin'. On
the issues involved cf. Antoun, op. cit. 36-8; E. Leach, RAIN I5 (1976), 19-2 I.

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