DYNAMICS BETWEEN THE PHILOSOPHY

AND
PRACTICE IN LAKULISA-PASUPATA ORDER

A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO
THE MAHARAJA SAYAJIRAO UNIVERSITY
OF
BARODA FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN ART HISTORY

Guide: Investigator:
Dr. Deepak Kannal Geetika Kaw Kher

DEPARTMENT OF ART HISTORY AND AESTHETICS

FACULTY OF FINE ARTS
THE MAHARAJA SAYAJIRAO UNIVERSITY OF BARODA,
VADODARA
Sep 2012 
 DYNAMICS BETWEEN THE PHILOSOPHY
AND
PRACTICE IN LAKULISA-PASUPATA ORDER

A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO
THE MAHARAJA SAYAJIRAO UNIVERSITY
OF
BARODA FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN ART HISTORY

Dr. Deepak Kannal Geetika Kaw Kher

Guiding Teacher Investigator

Head of the Department Dean

 CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the Ph.D. thesis titled, “Dynamics between

the philosophy and practice in Lakulisa-Pasupata order”

submitted by Geetika Kaw Kher for the Degree of Doctor of

Philosophy in Art History , incorporates the results of

independent investigation carried out by the candidate herself.

All sources used by her have been acknowledged in the

footnotes.

Dr. Deepak Kannal Geetika Kaw Kher

Guiding Teacher Investigator
 CONTENTS

Sr. Page
Topics
No. No.
1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
2 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
3 INTRODUCTION 1-32
Prologue
Purpose of the Study
Brief Review of Scholarship
Overall Structure and Methodological Concerns 33-84
4 CHAPTER – 1 : THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT
Forethought: A Brief History of Saivism
Pasupata History
History of Lakulisa-Pasupata order
CHAPTER – 2 : THE SPREAD AND TRANSITION OF 85-143
5
LAKULISA-PASUPATA ORDER
Kusika and Ascetic Aspirants
Rise of Tantric Elements in Lakulisa-Pasupata order
The Nexus between Pasupata ascetics and Royalty
An Insight into the Mystical and Esoteric Aspects of LP order
Kapalikas and the cult of Body
Kalamukhas and Virasaivism
6 CHAPTER – 3 : THE RITUALISTIC CONTEXT 144-177
Ritual and Symbolism
Locating the Lakulisa-Pasupata rites in the world of Saivite rituals
An Insight into Asceticism
Diksa (Initiation)
Guru: The divine preceptor
Vidhis
7 CHAPTER – 4 : THE PHILOSOPHICAL CONTEXT 178-202
Introducing Lakulisa-Pasupata Philosophy
Philosophical Nature of PS and PABh
Classification of system as an Atimargika one
Apparent Monotheism
8 CHAPTER – 5 : MYTHOLOGICAL BRIDGE 203-219
Skanda Purana: Providing the building blocks for Saiva mythology
Iconographical Explanation
Summing up
9 CHAPTER – 6 : SIVA-LINGA: AN ICONOLOGICAL STUDY 220-252
Sivalinga and its symbolism
Historicity
Mukhalingas and Esoteric Meaning
10 EPILOGUE 253-254
11 Appendix 1 255-260
12 Appendix 2 261-267
13 Bibliography 268-277
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am and will always remain indebted to the entire Art History and Aesthetics Department
of M.S.U for their continuous support since the time I joined this family as an
undergraduate student.

My sincere thanks to Dr. Deepak Kannal for being my teacher and guide in the true
sense. It would not have been possible to investigate and come up with ‘weird’ sounding
ideas without his helpful and encouraging nature. Many a times when I thought I had hit
a dead end, he was always there motivating me and coaxing me to go further. His
approval of the ideas I was proposing gave me strength to go forward and delve in areas
which probably otherwise I would not have ventured into. My heartfelt gratitude goes to
Mrs.Uma Kannal for her warmth and hospitality always.

Special thanks to Dr, Vijayanti Shette for her interest in my study and for devoting her
time to study the cryptic passages from various Sankrit sources.

Oriental Institute, M.S.U has a wealth of information and I thank the friendly staff of the
institute for their cooperation during my long reading sessions there. Especially I am
grateful to Dr.Siddhartha Wakankar who right in the outset introduced me to the major
studies on Pasupata philosophy and theology and introduced me to a great amateur
scholar of Pasupata studies Mr.R.K. Purohit.

I feel tremendous gratitude towards Mr. R.K. Purohit who gave me a totally new insight
in the philosophy of Lakulisa-Pasupata order and made me interested in their worship
patterns. His extensive documentation of the Lakulisa images from Rajasthan and his
forty year experience have proved beneficial for formation of my own thoughts about the
system.
Back in Delhi I have been a regular visitor to the library at IGNCA and have benefited
from their extensive collection. Thanks are due to Dr. Advaitvadini Kaul with whom I
have discussed my work many a times and who helped me in procuring books needed for
my study. My interactions with Dr. Shashi Shekhar Toshkani, who is more like a father
figure to me made me, see Saivism in a holistic perspective, especially adding to my
knowledge about Kashmir Saivism in particular.

I sincerely thank Dr. Krishna of Archeology and Ancient History Dept, M.S.U for asking
me to write a paper on Vajrayana Buddhism and its connections to Nath Sampradaya.
This enquiry into Buddhism helped me a lot in understanding some features of later
Saivism.

I thank my colleague at Amity School of Fine Arts, Mr.Gautam Dutta for helping me in
designing the much needed flow chart for explaining the intricacies of Lakulisa-Pasupata
order and its impact.

I can’t express in words my gratitude towards Dr. Priyanka Kacker of Dept. of

Psychology, M.S.U for her understanding and support. Her motivating words and care
have been instrumental in the process of finalizing this study.

Family is a pillar that provides us the unconditional and everlasting support and I am
grateful to God for having bestowed a wonderful family to me . I am what I am today
because of my father who right from my early years inculcated a questing nature in me.
Himself an extremely scholarly person he has been my ideal role model as an eternal
student. The loving care of both set of parents and their blessings motivate me always.
Heartfelt thanks are due to my husband, who has been more of a friend, critique and a
guide and of course to a little bundle of joy, my daughter Tarini who grew up seeing her
mother vanish time and again for her work yet remained most cooperative and
understanding.
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1 Proto Siva, Indus Valley, 2500 BCE, National Museum , Delhi

2 Gundestrup Cauldron, 1st BCE, Denmark
3 Kiratarjuniya, Pallava, 8th CE, Kailashnath temple, Kanchipuram, Tamil Nadu
Early Form of Siva with a danda and kamaldalu depicted on a coin from Ujjain,
4
M.P,200BCE
5 Audumbara coin showing a Sivasthala and the composite emblem, 1st BCE.
6 Early form of Siva on the coin of Gondophares, Parthian, 1st CE
7 Ithyphallic Siva seen on Wema Kadphises coin, Kusana, 2nd CE
8 Guddimallam Linga,Parasuramesvara Temple, Andhra Pradesh, 3rd BCE
9 Lakulisa, 7th -8th CE, Karvan, Gujarat
10 Lakulisa, 6th CE, Sindhavaimata Temple, Karvan, Gujarat
11 Ithyphallic Siva , Rishikesh,Uttarakhand, 2nd -1st BCE
12 Ithyphallic Siva, 1st -2nd CE, Musanagar Pillar, Muktadevin Temple
13 Siva Ardhnarisvara, Kusana, 1st -2nd CE,
14 Srikantha , Brahmesvara Temple, Karvan, Baroda Dist, Gujarat, 1972
15 Lakulisa with four arms, 7th CE, Chittorgarh, Rajasthan, National Musem, Delhi
16 Bhagvana Danda (inscribed), Mathura Pillar, 380 CE,Mathura Govt.Museum
17 Lakulisa,Mathura 5th -6th CE ,State Museum Lucknow
18 Lakulisa with two disciples, Svamighat Mathura 5th CE, ASI
19 Lakulisa, Jogesvari, Kalacuri, 6th CE, Maharashtra
20 Mahesvara Cave,Takale Dhokesvara, Prob. Kalacuri, 6th-7th CE, Maharashtra
21 Lakulisa above sukanasi, Parasurmesvara temple, 7th CE, Bhubaneshwar, Orissa
22 Lakulisa, Mohangiri, 8th CE, Orissa
23 Lakulisa,Vaital deul, mid 8thCE,Bhubaneswar,Orissa
24 Lakulisa,SangamesvaraTemple Chalukya,Mahakut,Karnataka, 6th CE
25 Lakulisa on a Pillar, Badami cave,Chalukyan , 6th CE, Karnataka
26 Lakulisa with his disciples, Payar temple, 7th CE, Kashmir
27 Naked Ascetics seen sitting in Kakasana, Harwan , 3rd –4th CE, Kashmir
28 Temple dedicated to Lomas Rishi, Rewalsar, Mandi , Himachal Pradesh
29 Lakulisa, Jagesvara, Probably Katyuri dynasty, Almora Dist,Uttarakhand, 7th-8th CE
30 Lakulisa, Jagesvara, Probably Katyuri dynasty, Almora Dist,Uttarakhand, 7th-8th CE
31 Panel inside Draupadi Ratha, , Mahabalipuram, 6th CE, Pallava, Tamil Nadu
32 Siva as Daksinamurti, Kailashnath, Kanchipuram, Pallava, 8th CE
33 Kalyanasundaramurti, Cave 21, Ellora, Kalacuri, 6th CE
34 Gandhadhar Siva with Parvati and Bringhi, Ravan Phadi , Aihole, Karnataka,6th CE
35 Gangadhar Siva with Parvati, Cave 1, Elephanta, Kalacuri, 6th CE
36 Gangavtarana Panel, Mahabalipuram, Pallava, 7th CE, Tamil Nadu
37 Nataraja Siva along with Kalyanasundaramurti, Mandapesvara Cave,Kalacuri, 6th CE
38 Nataraja Siva, Cave 1, Elephanta, Kalacuri, 6th CE
39 Ravananugrhamurti, Cave 21, Ellora, Kalacuri, 6th CE
40 Ravananugrhamuti, Angkor Wat, Cambodia,12th CE
41 Andhakasuravadha, Cave 14, Ellora, Kalacuri, 6th CE
42 Andhakasuravadha, Cave 29, Ellora, Kalacuri, 6th CE
43 Siva and Parvati playing chausar, Cave 14,Ellora, Kalacuri, 6th CE
44 Siva and Parvati playing chausar, Cave 1, Elephanta, Kalacuri, 6th CE
45 Rajarajesvara linga , Karvan village temple, Gujarat (a late copy)
46 Worship of a linga, Early Kusana, 1st -2nd CE, Mathura Museum
47 Gudimallam Linga, Parasurmesvara Temple, Andhra Pradesh, 3rd BCE
48 Free standing Siva Linga,Pre Kusana, Kankali tila, Mathura 1st BCE
49 Manusi Linga from Bhita, 1st BCE, Lucknow Museum
50 Ekamukhalinga, Pre Kusana, 1st BCE , Mathura
51 Ekamukhalinga, Pre Kusana, Aghapur, U.P (Govt. Museum Bharatpur)
52 Ekamukhalinga, Mon-Dvaravati Period, 8th CE, Thailand
53 Nand Linga, Kusana, 2nd -3rd CE, Rajasthan
54 Saiva heptad, Candikadevi Temple, Barh Mata, Parel (Bombay), Maharashtra, 6th CE
55 Ekamukhalinga, Mrgasthali, Nepal, 6th CE
 INTRODUCTION

Prologue:

Saivism has been intriguing and interesting scholars since a long time and there have
been several attempts at tracing its history. Classic studies such as Bhandarkar‟s or
more recent explorations by Gonda, Jash and Siddhantashastree as Muller-Ortega1
observes provide only “the thinnest outlines of the history of Saivism”. There are just
too many lacunae in the sequence that leads from the Mohenjo-Daro so called Proto
Siva to the Vedic Rudra, the Yajurvedic Satarudriya, the Rudra-Siva of the
Svetasvatara Upanisad, the Pancavaktramurti and Ashtmurti of Puranic Siva. This
lengthy process of historical development and the antecedent history of Saivism that
leads to a scholar and unifier of ideas like Lakulisa and continues beyond him are
extremely complicated. One often comes face to face with theological intricacies, the
dense rituals with terribly cryptic written material if found any and the yogic and
tantric complexities which add to the confusion. What one can glean through all the
material scattered across time and space is the rise in the popularity of Siva, not
simply as one of the deities of pantheon but as a divinity around whose worship
developed various sectarian groups who in return projected their beliefs and customs
on the image of the deity. This wonderful give and take has given rise to plentitude of
Saivite sects which many a time on looking at superficially seem to have nothing in
common with each other but the central deity.

Art history as a discipline has opened up gradually to include various branches of

learning in it. No longer is the focus only on the art objects and its form and style.
Various questions pertaining to patronage, politics of representation and the purpose
of creation are taken into consideration. An interdisciplinary approach and
questioning the earlier works leads to formation of new hypothesis which can
tremendously increase the scope and importance of any art-historical work. Efforts
have been made by scholars to contextualize the art-works, and to study them as a part
of broader philosophical, historical, political and last but definitely not the least the
theological discourse along with the usual formalistic and iconographical studies.

1
Muller-Ortega Paul E,‟ The Triadic Heart of Siva‟,Delhi, 1997, p 26

1
Such an approach demands a thorough and critical study of the texts, images, myths
and whatever archeological evidences are available to go beyond the apparent literal
meaning. The importance of such an approach for religious studies is deftly explained
by Kapila Vatsyayan2 in these words,

“While the myths constitute the kernel of philosophic schools, the speculative thought
provides the basis for the emergence of iconic forms and symbols and a complex
system of rites and rituals”.

Hence it is the magical coalescing of mythical, philosophical ritualistic and the

artistic expressions each complementing and enriching the other which gives meaning
to any religious system and which again needs to be looked into as a whole for a
better understanding.

The limitations of a linear approach was felt by Bhartrhari as he said that , the
process of deriving meaning is not a logical one and more so when one is dealing
with religious art and philosophy. Vakya Padiyam II.130 succinctly differentiates
between the language used in common parlance and language used in a sastra (a
codified text) where in the latter the language is visualized as both word and meaning
but the actual essence depends on whatever is the intention of the codifier.. The
apparent literal meaning often leaves more to be desired and leads the query to
unknown waters where many a times the researcher finds himself/herself completely
at loss. So there is a necessity to go beyond the literal and seemingly „correct‟
meaning and that can only be achieved if one delves deep without a pre-conceived
notion.

Purpose of the Study:

Keeping all this in mind the present project aims at looking at the dynamics/
relationship between the philosophical expositions mentioned in the texts and the
ritual practices to be followed by the aspirants of the Lakulisa-Pasupata order. It
employs a thorough and critical reading of seminal texts like Pasupata Sutra with its
various translations, Ganakarika, Vayu Purana, Nakulisa-Pasupatadarsan of Acarya
Madhava, Eklingamahatmaya and Visvamitri Mahatmaya in considerable detail along
with iconographical and iconological schema of various sites and temples dedicated to
this order.

2
Vatsyayan Kapila ,Saivism and Vaisnavism , in „The Variegated Plumage: Encounters with Indian
Philosophy „Ed by N.B Patil and Mrinal Kaul, Delhi, 2003 ,p 121

2
The genesis of the present study goes back to the first year of college study tour when
among other sites we were taken to the cave temples of Elephanta and Jogesvari.
While introducing us to the art and architecture of these caves we were given some
insight into Pasupata Saivism and at Jogesvari were told about Lakulisa, the 28th
incarnation of Siva. Being completely over-awed by the larger than life sized
sculpture panels at Elephanta and fascinated by multiple images of Lakulisa at
Jogesvari the desire to know more about the order responsible for excavation of these
caves was felt by me. The fact that the extremely important theory of Vibhavavada
(incarnation theory) of Vaisnavism, highly responsible for its later popularity, finds an
interesting parallel in Saivism was a fascinating revealation to me 3. During my
college years I visited various Saivite cave temples of Ellora, Badami Aihole,
Pattadakkal etc. which added to my knowledge of Saivism and meanwhile also got
introduced to the various philosophical texts and realized their richness and cryptic
nature. I came across descriptions of Pasupata-Sutra one of the seminal texts of
Lakulisa-Pasupata order ,attributed to Lakulisa , in various books on Saivism and I
was baffled to read about the curious ritual practices (vidhi) suggested for the ascetic
aspirant of the order. There seemed to be a total disconnect between the highly
evolved philosophy and such apparently absurd looking ritual practices viz. laughing
without reason, acting like a madman, making loud noises trembling and so on which
provided the central enquiry of this project and has since then been the focal interest
of this study.

My idea here is not to enumerate the number of Lakulisa figures, chalk out each one
of them and suggest their find place. That I think has been done by various scholars
on regional as well as national level. The problem that intrigues me is the discrepancy
that one sees in highly evolved philosophy of the system and the ritual practices
followed by the aspirants of this order. To see and find out links between Lakulisa-
Pasupata darsana and Vidhis prescribed for its aspirants is my prime concern. The
other part of enquiry which is actually nothing but trying to figure out the position of
this order among various other Saivite orders plus to see in what all forms was it later
propagated and if its vestiges can be presently seen in what form they are.

3
The Periodic Incarnation Doctrine of Pasupata Saivism according to Linga Purana, 1.24, from
Visvarupa by Maxwell, T.L pp 206-207

3
After a general survey of the material and data available limitation of studying
Lakulisa and the regional iconographical trends in isolation was realized and also such
an isolated and linear approach could not prove helpful for the nature of my query.
The need to look elsewhere was felt instantaneously and I delved deep in the texts,
originals wherever I could find them and translations by various scholars and in
various languages. For the purpose of the present project, I found it extremely
productive to contextualize the system in the larger Saivite scenario and find its
connections with earlier and later cults and orders. Rather than treating the system as
a frigid and self sufficient one I have tried to study it as a construct, a living breathing
phenomenon, constantly in a state of flux studying the iconographical developments
and the themes preferred by the order, the mythologies they favored at various sites
from all over the subcontinent and in many cases beyond the Indian border also helps
in better understanding of the system.

Muller-Ortega4 rightly observes:

“Within this heterogeneous mass, various forms have coalesced from time to time into
actual group, sects and movements. In tracing the appearance of various Shaiva
groups, we do not encounter a linear, evolutionary progression”

Under such circumstances talking about historicity of Lakulisa seems to be a daunting

job but nevertheless scholars have tried to reason out, give proofs and suggest various
historical possibilities which will be studied in detail in the next section.

Brief Review of Scholarship :

Important Primary Sources: The first Sanskrit sources on the Pasupata system to be
noticed by the scholars were the brief passages in the Brahmsutra commentaries , and
the „Pasupata vow‟ of the Atharvasiras Upanisad. In 1940 R.A.Sastri published the
newly discovered Pasupata Sutra, the central scripture of the Lakulisa-Pasupata
school attributed to Lakulisa himself. The five chapters of this sutra derive their name
from five mantras of Taitiriya Aranyaka viz.

Sadyojita, Vamadeva, Aghora, Tatpurusa, Isana

4
Ortega Paul E,‟ The Triadic Heart of Siva‟,Delhi, 1997, p 27

4
In 1st CE Kaundinya wrote a commentary on the Sutra which is called
Pancarthabhasya. Tantraloka of Abhinavagupta dated to 10th CAD also talks in detail
about the philosophy and tantrik aspect of the said system.

The extremely well articulated and researched articles by Peter Bisschop on „The
Sutrapath of Pasupatasutra‟ and „Pancarthabhasya on Pasupata Sutra 1.37-39,
recovered from a newly identified manuscript‟ opened up new vistas for research in
this rather untouched field. His studies on the importance of Skanda Purana and
Atharvaveda helped in understanding the early Saivite religion and mythology to
quite some extent.

Ganakarika, is the only available ancient text of Lakulisa-Pasupatas. Though it

consists of only eight karikas (verses) it puts forth succinctly the mystic theology of
the said system.The Ratnatika (commentary) on it not only explains and elaborates
the points mentioned in the text but also describes all the main principles and
doctrines of the system. Dalal who edited the text attributes the work to a 10 th C.AD
scholar Bhasarvajna but scholars like Hara who has worked extensively on Pasupata
philosophy believe that the above mentioned author has written the commentary while
the text itself has been authored by one Haradatta who lived much earlier.

The Karvanmahatmaya appended to Vayu Purana relates the story of birth of Siva as
Lakulisa and also describes some important rituals and pilgrimages.

Perhaps the most important and significant step forward in the brief modern day
scholarship on Lakulisa was the contribution made by Bhandarkar, father and son
duo. Dr. D.R.Bhandarkar has described in a startling manner the discovery of
„Karvanmahatmaya‟ (a text dealing with the origin and genesis of Lakulisa-Pasupata
system), which may have been lost but for his persistent efforts. Only after convincing
the villagers at Karvan that the document would be used for scholarly purpose he was
given access to one of the two existing copies of this valuable manuscript which was
later translated in Gujarati by Hirabhai Shyamalbhai Patel in 1963.

5
D.R. Bhandarkar in his article in Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India
(1906-07) has tried to reconstruct the entire story of Lakulisa-Pasupata order from
literature, epigraphs and historical data available to him. He also participated in the
debate regarding the date of Lakulisa and also pleaded for latter‟s human origin. After
him his son R.G Bhandarkar in his informative and chronologically researched work
„Vaisnavism, Saivism and minor Religious systems‟ (first published in 1913) talks at
some length about the Pasupata order. He brought to attention another figure,
Srikanthacarya who has been mentioned in Mahabharata and is considered as the
founder figure of the Pasupata system. Such connections with earlier and later
traditions help us to see Lakulisa-Pasupata system in a certain chronological context.
Another very important work which throws considerable light on the connection
between various Saivite orders and sects is a thorough work by V.S Pathak „History
of Saiva cults in Northern India, from Inscriptions (700 CE to 1200 CE).The
inscriptional data presented in his work draws our attention to both doctrinal and
practical aspects of Saivism as practiced in medieval period.

It is rather difficult to determine the exact date of Lakulisa. All the scholars
mentioned above after establishing him as a human teacher entered this intriguing
debate. On the other hand based on epigraphic records and their analysis D.R
Bhandarkar attributes 1st-2nd CE to Lakulisa. While R.G Bhandarkar ,on the basis of
his being mentioned as contemporary of Vasudeva Krsna in seminal text like Linga
Purana, Vayu Purana and Kurma Purana believed Pancratra that traditionally the
system was intended to take the same place in the Rudra Siva cult that the did in the
Vasudeva Krsna cult, hence placing Lakulisa a century after Panchratra system i.e. 2nd
BCE. This earlier date is also agreed upon by V.S Pathak and he counters senior
Bhandarkar‟s contentions by providing the alternative reading of the Epigraphic
evidence from Mathura Pilaster.

Karvanmahatmaya found as an appendix to Vayu Purana and Siva Purana narrates

the story of birth of Lakulisa and in the process reveals various interesting rituals and
beliefs of the order.

6
That the system was popular in medieval times too is proved by inclusion of
„Nakulisapasupata darsan‟ by Sayana Madhavacarya in his „Sarva Darshan
Samgrha‟ compiled in 14th CE. This medieval text also refers to „Ganakarika‟ a
cryptic document filled with mystic theology belonging to Lakulisa-Pasupata system.
S.P Dasgupta‟s work on philosophy succinctly captures the essence of „Nakulisa
Pasupata darshanam‟.

Thus we see that the difficult beginnings of modern scholarship on this tradition
appears quite fragmentary and self contained. Unfortunately it hardly points outside or
wherever it does it just stops there.

In various cases while dealing with the texts the critical edition is missing. This fact is
lamented by the poignant scholar of Pasupata philosophy, Minoru Hara in his
extensive work „Pasupata studies‟. Hara has pointed out loopholes in translations of
Pasupatasuta by H. Chakraborty and comparing and contrasting the sutras from P.S
with the ones in Ganakarika has given a variant translation of the verses.

Fortunately there is a thorough hindi translation of the P.S the seminal text of
Lakulisa Pasupata order done by Alokmani Tripathi. Comparing and contrasting all
the three translations has proved to be a rewarding exercise. Both Chakraborty and
Shastri have also translated the Pancartha Bhasya of Acarya Kaundinya (the
commentary on P.S.) without which the sutras would have hardly made any sense to
the people uninitiated or outside the pale of the order.

Tripathi‟s well researched and comprehensive work also includes the commentary on
Ganakarika by Acarya Bhasarvajna, Vayu Samhita of Siva Purana,
Brahmasutrashankarabhasya, Sankardigvijaya and Nakulisapasupatadarsan section
of Sarvadarsansamgrha of Madhavacarya. All these textual references help in a
better understanding of this order and the focus of the work is to find the
philosophical position of the Lakulisa-Pasupata system in the complex and vast world
of Saivite philosophy.

The importance of Linga worship in the said system is beyond doubt. A detailed study
of linga worship, types of lingas, chronological development of this symbol its
manifestations and its presence in material art has not only been crucial to the entire
study but has also tend to become the main focal interest of the study too. „Discourses

7
on Siva‟ edited by Michael Meister with its multitude of well researched articles is a
very good reference source for Saivism in general. The edition includes essays
dealing with Lakulisa-Pasupata order and the ones with linga worship. The essence of
the papers in this edition is best described in Meister‟s own words, “Papers in this
volume deal synchronically as well as diachronically with the problem of divine form;
the struggle to give divinity a manifest image is both historical and ever present in
India”

The first paper in the volume by Stella Kramrisch titled „The great cave temple of
Siva in Elephanta: Levels of meaning and their form‟ completely justifies Meister‟s
claim. While on one hand the paper delves on various philosophical issues pertaining
the manifestation of Siva in the cave, on the other it helps in understanding the
architecture and sculptural design of Elephanta, a hugely important Pasupata site. She
draws an interesting parallel between the esoteric concept of Mantra manifesting into
an image and the image of „Sada Siva „being the embodiment of five such mantras
(Brahmamantras as given in Taitirriya Aranyaka‟)

The concept of linga and its manifestation in art form the subject of two interesting
papers by Mitterwallner and Srinivasan. „Evolution of the linga‟ by Mitterwallner lays
an archeological ground for discussion of Saiva images. For her „aniconic linga‟ is a
symbol of cosmic creativity which has been given an explicit sexual interpretation.
Moreover she compares this symbol of Siva with other pillar forms like Axis Mundi
and so on.

A detailed study on „Significance and scope of Pre-Kusana Saivite Iconography‟ by

Doris Meth Srinivasan explores the meaning of linga right from Vedic sources. She
elaborates on important early Saivite images and has some interesting observations
about mukhalingas as “Human parturition”.

N.P Joshi known for his excellent knowledge of Indian iconography in his „Early
forms of Siva‟ examines early representations of Siva on coins, seals and sealings as
well as in stone and terracotta. He studies all this visual material in the light of
religious texts and Sanskrit literary texts.

All these three papers together offer a thorough understanding of Early Saivite
iconography in general and evolution of linga form in particular.

8
A completely novel philosophical interpretation of Mukhalingas involving the process
of parturition is given by T.X. Maxwell in his „Nand, Parel, Kalyanpur: Siva images
as meditational constructs‟ . He suggests the use of such imagery as “ meditational
constructs” helping in raising the worshipper‟s consciousness from the temporal to
the transcendental.

The concept of Lakulisa as a Saivite teacher who was soon deified by his followers
and ultimately recognized as an incarnation of Siva himself is dealt with directly in
two papers in this valuable volume. The first one titled „Lakulisa, Saivite saint‟ by
U.P Shah follows both the literary references and studies the various images and
icons of Lakulisa.

The second one by Debala Mitra surveys the presence of Lakulisa images on temples
in Orissa, an early Pasupata stronghold.

Both these papers help considerably in understanding the development of the

iconography of Lakulisa.

Among the recent studies on the subject three works stand out and have been
extremely useful for my study.

„Lakulisa in Indian Art and Culture‟ by M.C Choubey is a thorough compilation of

Lakulisa images almost from every part of the country. It also delves into the history
and chronology of Lakulisa. Though it touches upon various intriguing and important
issues like ritual, philosophy etc it doesn‟t go beyond the factual compilation.

On the other hand a breakthrough research article by Alexis Sanderson, a renowned

Saivite scholar titled „Laakulas: New Evidence‟ raised novel questions about who
were Lakulas or the later followers of Lakulisa. An interesting and thorough
investigation of various Sanskrit texts is undertaken by Sanderson to explain this
enigma. Connection is drawn with later Kalamukha sect who has helped a lot in
substantiating few of my contentions.

The extensive survey by Charles Dillard Collins titled „The Iconography and Ritual of
Siva at Elephanta‟ surveys the pertinent Vedic, Epic and early Puranic literature as
well as the contributions of Kalidasa for interpretation of the sculptural panels found
at Elephanta caves. By alluding to various passages from P.S and GKK and trying to

9
decipher the ritual worship mentioned there in he suggests that the caves were used by
adherents of Lakulisa-Pasupata order. He focuses extensively on the
counterclockwise circumambulation, an unusual practice but one which was practiced
by followers of LP order and which also according to him seems to explain the
position of various larger than life size sculptural panels.

Not underestimating the value of works done in hindi I must specially allude to
Premlata Sharma‟s hindi translation of „Ekalingamahatmaya‟, a Puranic text which
sheds quite some light on history as well as rituals followed by Lakulisa-Pasupatas.
This text also helps in identifying the Saivite myths which were particularly focused
on by the adherents of this order. The area is known to have been a stronghold of L.P
order as the inscription found at Eklingji suggests so this text assumes considerably an
important position in my study.

A thorough introduction to Agamas and Tantras is mandatory for understanding the

Saivite thought and mythology in a proper perspective. N.N Bhattacharya‟s „History
of the Tantric Religion‟ is one such book which provided an entry point for me in
such a complex and intriguing subject. This work studies the different aspects of
Tantricism , its vastness and intricacies and also its heterogeneous and contradictory
elements and last but not the least gives a historical perspective to the conglomeration
of ideas and practices throughout Indian history.

„Saivagamas: A study in the socio-economic ideas and institutions of Kashmir‟ by

V.N. Drabu discusses important facets of ritualism like initiation, position of a guru,
and son on in considerable detail. The book in general examines the philosophy
behind the doctrines of Saivagama, a well organized body of thought with its own
logic and rationale.

During the course of my research it was a pure pleasure to get acquainted with
poignant writings of Pt. Gopinath Kaviraj, a stalwart of Indian religion and
philosophy. His work „Tantrik Sadhana aur Siddhant‟ talks about his mastery on the
said subject. He has written elaborately on Saiva, Shakta and Buddhist tantras in this
valuable volume. His work has been extremely important in helping me draw
connections between various sects and orders of Saivism. His extensive work on
„Siddha tradition‟ also has proved to be a very important reference to the sect. The
article „Some aspects of the history and doctrine of the Nathas‟ in short provide a
thorough introduction to this obscure cult and its practices.

10
Apart from these very crucial references, I have refered to various general books and
articles on Saivism, Iconography, Aesthetics and Philosphy. I would be quoting them
in my footnotes as and when necessary. To name a few important works, „The
Variegated Plumage:Encounters with Indian Philosophy Ed by N.B Patil and Mrinal
Kaul”, „Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis‟ by G.W Briggs, „The Triadic Heart of
Siva‟ by Paul Muller Orgeta, „Elements of Hindu Iconography‟ by T.A Gopinath Rao,
„Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of Siva‟ by W.O‟Flaherty.

Overall Structure and Methodological considerations:

Before embarking on a chapter wise detail it is necessary to mention how the outlook
of the study changed within the course of my research .Though the initial intention of
this thesis was to study the dichotomy between ritual and philosophy but the
examination of varied data led to interesting revelations which prove that the
dichotomy is only apparent and does not really exist. On closer observation one finds
that this idea of dichotomy with which I started emerges out of ignorance and lack of
understanding of the system. The so called „wild and horrid practices‟ possess a logic
of their own and are not „Pre Aryan‟ aberrations as many scholars would like us to
believe. As I tracked the antiquity of such practices interestingly while on one hand I
was directed to various tantric texts it also led to various Vedic texts too. Same is true
also for the inquiry into the nature of Siva-linga which again lead to Vedic precedents.
This knowledge has greatly contributed to my understanding of the said system and
also opened up various novel possibilities of looking into the system with renewed
interest.

The section on „The Historical Context‟ largely employs text-historical method

comprising of textual, iconographical and archeological analysis. In the first
subsection titled „Re-reading the history of Saivism‟ an effort is made to reread and
re-interpret the history of Saivism as presented in important textual and visual
sources. The data is presented in a chronological manner with a focus on the
development of the concept of bhakti or to be precise jnanottar-bhakti which finds
favor in seminal texts like Svetasvatara Upanisad and in later text like Atharvasiras
Upanisad. The contention that it is this concept of Bhakti which paved a way for the
popularization of Saivism and transformed it from an order of ascetic aspirants to
religion of a common man , or which changed the nature of „Ati-Marga‟ , esoteric
form of Saivism to a more acceptable religion is discussed in detail.

11
Forging of close links with the institution of kingship and thereby with the main
source of patronage did a great deal in popularizing the order in the subcontinent and
beyond. By occupying the position of a Raja-guru (royal preceptor) and giving Saiva
diksa (Saiva initiation) to the king followed by a specially modified version of the
Saiva consecration ritual (abhisekah) as an empowerment to rule, the Saivite ascetics
assumed a very powerful and economically viable position in the society y by
medieval times . These Saiva officiants assumed the power to legitimize a dynasty by
various rites and rituals and then by constructing Siva temples and installing a
Sivalinga bearing the name of the ruler as its first half.Now this practice of installing a
Sivalinga reminds one of the Acarya Udita‟s(Lakulisa-pasupata lineage) establishing
of two Sivalingas in the honor of his teacher Upamita and teacher‟s teacher Kapila
bearing the name of Upamitesvara and Kapilesvara5. This same practice was
extended to the royalty. Apart from being the royal teachers and priests these
officiants also performed various protective, therapeutic and aggressive rites
bordering on black magic , hypnosis and witch craft. Such practices made their
presence formidable to a kingdom and this added to their power and indispensible
nature. These priests were given big chunks of land on which they could collect taxes
thus forming a parallel government in the system.

Though Svetasvatara Upanisad does not have any overt sectarian connotations it does
contain the germs of the doctrine of later Pasupata school as the most elevated
concept of Rudra-Siva is established here.Gonda6 dates the text around 5th -6th B.C.E.
The theory of monotheism and that of the impersonal Brahman of the earlier
Upanisads are blended together in Rudra-Siva and the deity is considered one without
a second. This sort of philosophical thought paves way for Bhakti i.e. Individual
devotion to one god. The second chapter of SU reveals the process of Yoga which
purifies the nature of the individual soul and unites it with the supreme soul. Rudra
here is seen possessing the threefold power to create, protect and destroy everything.
It is interesting to note that Rudra has been eulogized as the only God, and by
knowing whom one is freed of all bondages .
5
Mathura Pillar Inscription of Chandragupta II, E.I, XIX,
6
Gonda, J.,Visnuism and Saivism, A Comparision, New Delhi, 1976

12
The expression:

Jnatva Devam muchyate sarva-pasaih

is repeated many a times thus pointing at the importance of this text in development
of later Pasupata order.The work overall lays stress on meditation and Yoga.
7
Bhandarkar rightly observes:

“The Svetasvatara Upanisad, therefore stands at the door of the Bhakti cult and pours
out its loving adoration on Rudra-Siva instead of Vasudeva-Krsna as the Bhagavad-
Gita did in later times when the Bhakti doctrine was in full swing”.

In this context it is quite interesting to see that Linga Purana mentions Lakulisa the
28th avatara of Siva to be contemporaneous to Vasudeva Krsna and we do come
across the reference to Siva Bhagvatas as early as in Patanjali‟s Mahabhasya.. As the
study progressed it was realized that the concepts of Incarnation (Avtaravada) and
Bhakti, both generally associated with Vaisnavism were intrinsic to Saivite thought
and probably their seeds were sown in Saivite literature. The contention is
substantiated by Bhandarkar‟s observation that when Vasudeva-Krsna emerged as an
important deity, his human character appealed to people and thus the germs of bhakti
were speedily developed and transferred from Rudra-Siva to Krsna.

The development will be further traced in Epic and Puranic literature and enough
evidences furnished to present another hypothesis that the earlier form of Saivism
mentioned in these important texts seems to be of Pasupata nature. Probably one can
go further and suggest that the Pasupata Saivism was the beginning of Saivite thought.
These speculations will be looked into in detail in appropriate chapters. Here it would
suffice to mention that the major early textual references that one finds for Saivism
have a strong tilt towards Pasupata philosophy and practice.

The hypothesis is further substantiated with early archeological, numismatic and

artistic evidences.

The next section is titled as „Locating Lakulisa in the context of Pasupata History‟.
Various textual and visual evidences will be furnished to prove that Lakulisa was a
human being and an acarya who systematized a certain existing system and his
disciples and followers were responsible for its later propagation and popularity in
various forms.
7
Bhandarkar R.G „Vaisnavism and Saivism and Minor Religious Systems‟,Poona, 1928, p 110

13
Pre Lakulisa Pasupata developments:

Before one starts to ask questions about Lakulisa and the order founded by him one
needs to look into any possible precedents of Pasupata thought. Embarking on this
journey one encounters an intriguing character „Srikantha‟, who is considered as the
original founder of Pasupata school. In later traditions he is completely deified that
his having been human being has been questioned by various scholars. We should
remember it is the same tradition which has deified Lakulisa to an extent that scholars
had to go to great lengths to assert his humanity.

R.G.Bhandarkar who along with D.R Bhandarkar played a great role in bringing the
Lakulisa-Pasupata school to forefront and pleaded that Lakulisa was a human teacher
,somehow for whatever reasons best known to him downplayed the humanity of
Srikantha. He rather considered him an incarnation of Lord Siva and only one of the
nomenclatures used for the Lord in Lakulisa-Pasupata system.He remarks8:

“Lakula was the general name by which the Saiva sects were called …this general
name has for its basis the historical fact that a person of the name of Lakulin or
Lakulisa founded a Saiva system corresponding to the Pancharatra system which the
Vayu and Linga Puranas consider to be contemporaneous with it”.

But the tradition preserved in authoritarian texts9 like Tantraloka ,Sivadrishti, the
Brihadyamala, Pingalamata and Siva Purana have a different story to tell. Tantraloka
mentions Srikantha and Lakulisa as only two authorities on Siva Sasana and Srikantha
as a unique teacher on the earth. Further it mentions a text „Mangalya Sastra‟ in which
Srikantha discussed the nature of Sakti and Saktiman.

Hence to assert that the Pasupata order existed before Lakulisa, I have dedicated a
small section to Srikanthacarya who comes across as a great authority on Siva Sasana.

For my enquiry this section is of tremendous importance because it roots Lakulisa in

an existing tradition and provided important insights in its connection with Tantrik
and Siddha tradition which will be thoroughly explored in the second chapter. All
these examples go on to prove that the seeds of Pasupata thought or order were
already sown probably much before Lakulisa emerged. Yet the importance that the

8
Ibid, p 115
9
Pathak V.S, „History of Saiva cults in Northern India from Inscriptions, Varanasi, 1960, p 5-6

14
latter got in the system points at him as being a very influential and unificatory factor,
a systematize of sorts, someone who managed to create a theology, philosophy and
practices which had its own separate body of literature. His significance lies in
providing a framework to what appears to have been a complex and scattered system
and this is clear by the didactic and strict approach that the aphorisms of the Pasupata
Sutra employ for the aspirants. It seems that some practices followed earlier were not
favored by the author and he wanted his disciples and followers to get rid of them.

After this the next section will deal with the „Historicity of Lakulisa’

From the list of the periodic doctrine of Pasupata Saivism as given in Linga Purana
1.24 we can glean that Lakuli was the 28th incarnation of Siva , incarnated in 28th
cycle Dwapar/Kali Yuga in the Varaha Kalpa. That doesn‟t talk much about the
historicity of the figure but the fact that the list includes incarnations like Sveta
(twice), Atri, Somasarman who have been known as the important sages responsible
for creation of various texts or starting a spiritual lineage, points towards the fact that
Lakulisa was a human teacher, a great sage later deified by his followers. Moreover
traditions mentioned in Tantraloka and various other tantric texts strengthen this
contention.

Vayu Purana with its lower limit dated to 5th BCE by Dikshitar10 contains the earliest
textual reference to the Lakulisa-Pasupatas.

According to the catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts in the library of India Office (Pt.
V.ed by Julius Eggling ,1896) there are a good number of mahatmyas which profess
to the part of the Vayu Purana and among these we have The first chapter of
Mahatmaya of Karvan or Kayavarohana which gives the story of birth of Lakulisa .

The other three chapters of the Mahatmaya are included in Siva Purana.

Vayu Purana interestingly preaches the „path of yoga‟ to realize the oneness of
Isvara, Mahesvara, Narayana ,AdiBrahma and so on. It moreover alerts the reader
that the Siddhas or yogins wander in different disguises in the world and the man of
wisdom must take care to offer puja to them whenever they come to them. Virtually
three chapters are devoted to the elucidation of Pasupata yoga.

10
Dikshitar V.V.R, „Some Aspects of the Vayu Purana‟, Bulletins of the Dept. of Indian History and
Archeology No. 1, Ed. By Nilakantha Sastri, University of Madras,1933

15
Regarding the Lakulisa-Pasupata system the Purana says that in the 25th mahayuga
when Visnu incarnates himself as Vasudeva on the earth, Siva takes the incarnation of
Lakuli by Yogamaya and enters a certain dead body in the burial ground of
Kayavarohana, a Siddha Ksetra. The mention of the area as Siddha Ksetra points that
there was yogic activity already being taking place before the emergence of Lakulisa.
The interesting query here would be what set Lakulisa apart from the other siddhas
whose name got lost in oblivion while the former became an important aspect of early
Saivism. Further the text informs us about the four pupils of Lakulisa viz.
Kausika,Gargya, Mitraka and Rusta who will be initiated into what is known as
Mahesvara Yoga and who will ultimately find solace in Rudralokam. With some
slight difference the story is mentioned in Linga Purana and Kurma Purana too. The
story finds mention in the late Nakulesvara-Mahatmaya section of 17th CEtext
Vishwamitri Mahatmaya professing to be a part of Skanda Purana thus pointing at a
continued tradition.

From there on a section is dedicated to the dating of Lakulisa and opinion given by
various scholars and reasons furnished for considering 2nd BCE as the probable date
for emergence of Lakulisa. Various inscriptional, textual and iconographic evidences
will be furnished to strengthen the contention.

Iconographical study of Lakulisa:

This subsection will discuss the visual representations of Lakulisa found from various
places and also it will trace the antiquity of the icon as well as the attributes associated
will the help of numismatic and artistic sources.

A manuscript of the Visvakarma Vastusastram11 in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research

Institute, Poona gives a prescription for the form of a Lakulisa image,according to
which Lakulisa should be represented with urdhvamedhra (ithyphallic),either resting
on a lotus seat or in padmasana and holding a citron in his right hand and staff in the
left. It also indicates that the Matulinga (citron), an attribute of Lakulisa represents
many atoms of the universe. Such figures are common in Orissa, especially in
Parasuramesvara temple and seem to be later.

11
Choubey M.C, Lakulisa in Indian Art and Culture, Delhi, 1997, p.116

16
The early iconography of Lakulisa did not show the matulinga and the earliest known
images of Lakulisa with matulinga do not appear before 6th C AD.-7th C.AD. That the
earlier images of Lakulisa showed the Danda and the Kalasa or a rosary in both his
hands can be inferred from the images at Jogesvari, Ellora and the like; the two hands
could also be seen in Vyakhyana mudra with the danda supported in the crook of one
elbow which stressed the image of Lakulisa as that of a Yogacarya. Formalistic
Iconographical similarity with Buddha and Jina images is unmistakable.

Special attention will be paid to two Lakulisa murtis attached to the linga found at
Karvan near Baroda and antiquity of such images emerging out of or merging in the
linga will be traced right from Guddimallam linga. The philosophical, ritualistic and
mythological importance of such figures will be studied in detail in the chapter of
Siva-linga. Here only formalistic and iconographical analysis will be done.

The next section „The Spread and Transition of the Lakulisa-Pasupata order‟ is
broadly based on the chart prepared to show various links and connections between
different cults and orders and analyzing the different lineages which mention Lakulisa
in it. Studying the essential similarities and differences between these systems of
thought is inspired by Structuralism methodology though it does not follow any one in
particular and has been presented in this format for the sake of convenience and easier
understanding of complex data available from various sources. This section has
majorly benefited by enlightened works on religion and Tantricism by Pt. Gopinath
Kaviraj.

The methodology followed will be based on step by step analysis of the chart and
studying the visual and verbal data available in the light of various traditions
mentioned. Puranas also talk about the four disciples of Lakulisa viz. Kusika, Garga,
Maitreya and Kaurusya who were responsible for establishing four schools of
Lakulisa-Pasupata system The statement as found in the Puranas is corroborated by a
stone slab inscription dated to 1274-96 AD which originally belonged to Somnath
temple in Kathiawar but is now in Portugal at Cintra. Whether all these four
immediate disciples started a lineage or a gotra of their own is difficult to say as all
four of them feature in the same lineage started from Lakulisa .What one can
definitely say is that the Kusika lineage carried on at least till 5th CE when Rasikara
(Acarya Kaundinya wrote his commentary on Pasupata Sutra) and this lineage can be
considered as the primary one emerging from Lakulisa tradition as Kusika is
mentioned to have interacted with Lakulisa and got the diksa right from him.

17
This chapter will focus also on Siddha Yogesvari tradition, Kaula tradition and
Natha-Siddha tradition and the impetus they have given to the development of art
and iconography. The connection with obscure cults like that of Ajivikas and highly
esoteric ones like Vajrayana Buddhism will be presented in detail. Both sections will
largely draw from data collected and arguments presented in my two research papers12
on Harwan monuments and its possible Ajivika leanings and Role of Buddhist
Siddhacaryas in developing Vajrayana iconography.

„The Ritualistic Context largely draws from Mircea Eliade‟s idea of a„homo
religiosus‟, an imaginary religious person and describes how this homo religious
would view the world. This does not mean that all religious practitioners actually
think and act like homo religiosus. Instead, it means that religious behavior "says
through its own language" that the world is as homo religiosus would see it, whether
or not the real-life participants in religious behavior are aware of it.

With respect to religious studies rituals can be described as time-honored patterns of

sacred activity rooted in the psycho -cultural consciousness of a people, wanting to
link the mundane or natural reality with the divine or transnatural. By invoking the
sacred and transcendent with a series of mental, physical and verbal actions these acts
tend to achieve a symbolic character which confer a completely novel significance
and implication to them.As Krishna13 has pointed out :

“rituals transform the biological cycles which is the most fundamental of all cycles
into a cultural cycle. That is why in all cultures birth and death are not just biological
phenomenon but profound cultural events associated with a lot of ritual and
ceremonies which transform the biological into the cultural.”

The rites and ceremonial processes which are responsible for this transformation of
the natural or the casual into the cultural are closely allied to the attitude of the
practitioners to time and space and to the symbolism extant in the order which they
follow

12
An enquiry into the sectarian affiliation of the ruins at Harwan: Published Proceedings of
the seminar organized by IGNCA in „Heritage of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh‟, ed by G.L
Badam and K.K Chakravarty, Research India Press, New Delhi, 2010
Vajrayana Art and the role of Buddhist Siddhacharyas: presented in the International
Seminar on “Buddhist Heritage” organized by MSU and Government of Gujarat, Jan 2010,
publication awaited
13
Daya Krishna, Prolegomena to Any Future Historiography of Cultures and
Civilizations,Delhi,PHISC Series,p.8

18
The next section deals with locating the Lakulisa-Pasupata rites in the world of
Saivite rituals. The extremely important body of literature which can throw major
light on the ritualistic practices and modes of worship in Saivism are the Saivagmas
with their threefold categorization viz. dualistic, dualistic cum monistic and
monistic.This Agamic literature, deriving its essence from practitioners of Saiva
Sadhana comprises of a well organized body of thought with its own intrinsic logic
and rationale

They talk about various pooja paddhatis (methods of worship) and also throw major
light on the temple building and temple art. Rather than standing for any particular
book or treatise they stood for a system of thought and a body of practices which were
verbally transmitted from guru to his disciple and commited to the memory. Thus here
the knowledge seems to have been essentially a confidential affair between the
initiated practitioner and his master. Later when these Tantric and Agamic texts were
penned down then took the language used was so cryptic and symbolic that one had to
be in the lineage of the disciples to understand the actual meaning of the text. Literal
reading of such texts can be an extremely futile and many a times misleading exercise
and in Drabu‟s14 words,

“They are written in a language which can be read by all but understood by few”.

The actual import of these words was understood by me when I started going through
the text of PS considered and emphasized as a Tantra by Kaundinya. It made
absolutely no sense in the beginning and I realized if we didn‟t have access to
Kaundinya Bhasya which contextualize these sutras these aphorisms would be totally
obscure. Following the same order as Lakulisa the commentator had access to the
verbal injunctions that go with the sutras and hence he could throw light on the
discussions which were accompanied while transmitting these sutras.

The reference of Agamic tradition can be found as early as in Atharvaveda and its
ancillary tract known as Atharvaveda parisista is filled with mention of Saiva
practices.Ucchusmakalpa (Parisista 36) which talks in detail about the fire sacrifice to
achieve supernatural ends that invoke Ucchusma Rudras with esoteric Saivite mantras

14
Drabu, B.N, „Saivagamas, A study in the Socio-Economic Ideas and Institutions of Kashmir, New
Delhi 1990, p 58-59

19
Major importance here is paid to the Pasupata vow to which a whole Parisista is
dedicated (Parisista 40: Pasupatavrata). The literature of the Agamic Saivas is
dominated by the prescription of rituals through which the Saivas initiated candidates
into their religious discipline (Diksa), consecrated successors to office (Abhisekah),
installed images and other objects of worship (Pratistha) and performed the repeated
services of worship (yagah) and propitiation (Mantrasadhana)15.

By studying such literature related to Lakulisa-Pasupata system, which extends from

spiritual texts claiming the authority of divine revealation e.g. PS to commentaries
and treatises on these texts e.g.(Pacarthabhasya) to manuals (Paddhatih) of both
transregional and local reach e.g. (Ganakarika, Eklingamahatmaya, Visvamitri
mahatmaya) we can make out a detailed picture of comparative analysis arrive at
some understanding to how these model rituals changed overtime , were adapted in
different regions and were related to those of the similar systems of ritual seen in the
literature of Pancaratrika Vaisnavas , Mantrayan or Vajrayana Buddhist and ascetic
sects like Ajivikas.

The next section titled „An Insight into Asceticism‟ traces the antiquity of asceticism
and importance of penance in various philosophical and mythological texts. It will
trace evidences right from Kesi Sukta of Rg Veda to Epic-Puranic mythology thus
finding a continuity and intrinsic logic. . Epics and Puranas are full of stories which
suggest the power of tapas.Indra got rid of Brahma-hatya by meditating upon
Pasupati and performing severe austerities for thousand years. Ravana is known to
have worshipped Siva in the most difficult ascetic methods and received the boon of
invulnerability in return.Visvamitra the Ksatriya compelled the gods to grant him the
birth and rights of a Brahmin by performing severe austerities. Importance of
asceticism in Lakulisa-Pasupata tradition will be studied in detail and the injunctions
given to the aspirant to follow harsh practices will be analyzed in proper context. The
panel depicting Parvati Panchagni Tapas depicted in Ellora cave 21 (Ramesvara
cave) will be analyzed in detail.

15
Sanderson Alexis, The Lakulas: New Evidence of a system intermediate between Pancharthika
Pasupatism and Agamic Saivism. Sanderson Website

20
This will be followed by a section on Initiation Rites (Diksa)

The teaching of Pasupata system is for the total annihilation of all kinds of sorrow and
this teaching can only be communicated to proper disciples. When the disciple
follows the ascetic practices recommended by the lord he attains liberation through
His grace. So the most important step is to get initiated in the system which is termed
as Diksa.

Diksa: Diksa is defined as a process of imparting real knowledge (jnana) and a

perceptorial instruction which removes the karma-vasana (acts- latencies) of a pasu
as mentioned in Tantraloka, Ahnika I . Guided by the guru a Sadhaka applies himself
to passing successively beyond the behavior patterns and values meant for pasu (the
bonded soul). In order words the social and moral rules which apply to a layman on
longer apply to the aspirant. Infact diksa is a process which witnesses a transformation
to another mode of being who strives towards a spiritual upliftment by following the
rules and rites of the order in which the person is initiated. It is supposed to „kill the
pasu‟ in jiva and to lead him to moksa. It creates so to say a new body, „a mystical
body‟ which enables the aspirant to enter the transcendent mode of being. The
incarnation of Siva as Lakulisa by entering a corpse is probably the best mythical
example of this rite. One has to be dead to the world to rise as Siva.

Broadly speaking the diksa for the ascetic aspirants of this order comes under the
heading „Jnana diksa „which aims at the purification of an aspirants karna rooted in
his consciousness (samvit) and thus emancipating jiva from its animality (pasutva).
To reach such a stage the ascetic has to undergo vigorous practices and do exactly the
opposite of what human nature normally forces one to do. The vidhis or the rites
mentioned in PS will be understood better if seen in the light of these speculations,
rather than studying them independently as some aberration and irrational behavior.
From here the antiquity of such harsh rites will be traced to Ajivikas and the same will
be compared and contrasted with the rites of Kanphata Yogis who trace their lineage
to Gorakhnath.

21
The nature of a Guru in Lakulisa-Pasupata tradition will be explored in the next
section titled, The divine preceptor. Siva in his form as a teacher of yoga, music and
other sciences is known by the name of Daksinamurti. He is called so because he is
believed to have imparted the knowledge of yoga to rishis while facing the south.
Pasupata Sutra 1.9 says: “Mahadevasya Daksinamurteh” and to explain
Kaundinya16 writes:

Here daksina is in the sense of a quarter or direction. The Sun divides the
quarters.The quarters again divide the image. The image here means that form which
the Sadhaka, seated near on the right side of the Lord with his face turned north
realizes and which is characterized as Vrsa-dvaja (the bull symboled) as Sulapani
(with trident in his hand) as Mahakala and as Urdhava-linga(with penic raised
up)etc. Or the people go the temple of Mahadeva and so there the Sadhaka should
worship. The Daksinamurti being taken, the images on the east, north and west are
to be discarded.

The last line clearly suggests the importance of Daksinamurti, i.e. Siva in form of a
teacher in the Lakulisa-Pasupata order. Vidya, knowledge being of prime importance
for a Lakulisa-Pasupata aspirant, the guru automatically assumes a significant
position and is identified with Siva himself. The merger with Siva is what a guru is
supposed to achieve after he leaves his mortal frame. The Daksinamurti Upanisad and
the Suta-Samhita give the esoteric meaning of this icon.

We don‟t find direct reference to Initiation rites in Lakulisa-Pasupata system but the
commentary on Pasupata Sutra does furnish information about the discussion
between Lakulisa and his immediate disciple Kausika which throws considerable light
on the nature of such an initiation. R A Sastri elaborating on PS (p11) notes that
Lakulisa went to Ujjain and taught a Brahmin called Kusika who had come from
Brahmavarta country (near Cawnpore) to receive formers blessings17. The teaching he
further suggests were in the form of present sutras hence connecting them directly to
the initiation process. All the five sections of the Sutras are devoted to instruct
students how to pray to God and to reach the lord Rudra (Rudra Sayujya) hereafter.

16
Chakraborti Haripada, „Pasupata Sutram with Panchartha Bhasya of Kaundinya,1969, Calcutta, p
61-62
17
R.A Sastri ed. ,Pasupata Sutra p11

22
From here the chapter moves on to the analysis of various ritual practices „Vidhi‟.
According to Kaundinya, Vidhi or behavior constitute those activities which bring
about merit (dharma). That is to say that yoga cannot be attained only by gaining
knowledge but a certain course of action has to be followed by the aspirant to make
him realize the fruits of yoga. Vidhi is of two orders, the principal comprising of
direct religious practices „carya‟ and the subsidiary one comprising of purificatory
rites.

Use of Ashes: Meanings and Metaphors :

Lakulisa-Pasupata‟s had invented a new set of Niyamas in which they included rites
and practices related to ashes in a big way. Hara believes that ashes were used by the
ascetics of this order primarily for cleansing and purification purposes. Kaundinya too
suggests the importance of this concept in his commentary on PS 1.2,1.3 and 1.4)18

The fact that bathing with ashes is classified along with purity of mind by removing
desires and purity of soul by courting dishonor points at its importance as a major
purificatory rite. This triple division of purity is also seen in the Ratnatika on
Ganakarika by Bhasarvajna though he uses the words kaya sauca, antahkarana sauca
and atman sauca instead of the ones used in PS. This purificatory device is taken to a
metaphysical and mystical level becomes evident by this passage again cited from
PBh which quotes from scriptures from other orders and traditions.

The section will be followed by smaller sub-sections on daily practices, and unusual
behavior shown by the aspirants of this system. The concepts such as feigning sleep,
acting mad and nudity will be studied here

The fourth chapter „The Philosophical Context‟ critically looks at the philosophical
material provided in the important texts like Pasupata Sutra and Ganakarika. The
thought is compared and contrasted with thoughts from other Saiva and non Saiva
system. A special attention is paid to the concept of „Ati-Marga Saivism‟ and a
certain form of Monotheism propagated by this order

18
Chakraborti Haripada, „Pasupata Sutram with Panchartha Bhasya of Kaundinya,1969, Calcutta, p
56-58

23
The only way to reconstruct the theology and ritual of the Lakulisa-Pasupatas , the
highly diffused sect of early Saivism, is to resort to their basic texts, the Pasupata
sutras (PS), along with its commentary, the Pancharthabhasya (PABh) by Kaundinya
(Trivandrum Sanskrit Series (TSS) 143 (1940) and Ganakarika (GK) with the
ratnatika (RT) by Bhasarvajna. Gaekwad‟s Oriental Series (GOS) 15 (1920).

Philosophical data gleaned through Pasupata Sutra:

Kaundinya in the beginning of his bhasya offers adoration to Pasupati who has
created the whole world beginning from the Brahman for the good of all. He says that
the five subjects of discussion in the Pasupata system are

Karya (effect)

Karana (cause)

Yoga (meditaion)

Vidhi (behavior)

Dukhanta (cessation of sorrows)

The teaching of Pasupata system is for the total annihilation of all kinds of sorrow
and this teaching can only be communicated to proper disciples. When the disciple
follows the ascetic practices recommended by the lord he attains liberation through
His grace.

Reading PS and PABh in the light of other schools of Indian philosophy one is struck
by the similarities in various concepts and terminologies with Samkhya philosophy.
As for the main text PS , it comes across as a manual of rituals pertaining to Pasupata
Saivism and the main philosophical discussions are presented in the commentary.
Sutras as we shall see were small formulas, holding a wealth of knowledge in them
but only for the pupils who could manage to decode and expand the meaning.
Reading Sutras without its commentary can prove to be an entirely futile attempt
because meaning is quite cryptic. Unless one knows the context and the verbal
instructions that are supplied along with these formulas one is at complete loss in
making out any sense out of these aphorisms.

24
PS is divided into five chapters and the nomenclature of this chapter is based on five
mantras from Taitirriya Aranyaka viz.

Sadyojata

Tatpurusha

Isana

Vamdev

Aghora

Hara19 suggests that Kaundinya took advantage of the philosophy for the formation of
his own doctrine Realizing that his system would look similar to Samkhya and Yoga
system, the author right in the beginning starts to differentiate between them and his
own doctrine. Hence both these systems become object of his harsh criticism while
the Pasupata claims its superiority.

PABh has been written in a question answer format i.e. the author asks a question and
goes on answering the same. It sort of reminds us of FAQ sections in various books
and websites that we come across. Probably the questions were the doublets that arose
in the minds of the disciples undergoing the rigorous training. The urgent need to set
Pasupata system as a separate and superior to others comes across in the following
quasi-dialogue. Taking the dialogue further the Pasupata aspirant is supposed to have
true knowledge while the ones released according to Samkhya and Yoga are here
mocked as those who are in a swoon (sammurchitavat)- as they lack knowledge of
themselves or anyone else and hence are misled.

He goes on as far as stating that the aspirants who claim to have been released and to
have attained peace through these systems are wrong. It is like seeing of two moons
by a dharana man with astigmatism. The correct view is that he (who is united) is
simply united and not (yet) released (Summarized from PABh p115 line4-13).

19
Hara Minoru, „Pasupata Studies‟ed by Jun Takashima, Vienna, 2002, p18-19

25
The next section goes on to explore the concept of Siddhi in Pasupata Sutra and
compares and contrasts it with the same concept elaborated in Yoga Sutras of
Patanjali. According to Jacobi as the Samkhya ideas formed the scaffolding of the
Pasupata doctrinal edifice, so also the yoga ideas constituted a similar scaffolding of
its practical (ascetic and meditative edifice). The text, PS is replete with the Yogic
terms of self control and meditation. Terms such as yama, niyama, pranayama,
ahimsa, sauca, tapas, and others repeatedly appear throughout the Text, though the
semantic content is not always the same as in YS of Patanjali

As mentioned earlier the word „yoga‟ has different connotation in PS and is not
similar to the ones in YS. It is broadly explained as „union‟ between pasu and pati and
is one of the five fundamental concepts „pancarthas) of Pasupata theology.

Here the aspirant approaches the god through his religious practices (PABh p41 line
12, SDS line 79)

While the god approaches him by codana etc (PABh p6 line 10)

Hence Pasupata yoga means a sort of communion for it is said that by virtue of this
yoga the pasupata aspirant partakes of the attributes of the god Mahesvara (PABh
p41 line 17-18)

The aspirant who practice the pasupata yoga vidhi diligently attains ashtsiddhi and
also eightfold siddhi-laksana appear to him. But at the same time PABh warns the
ascetic not to get too excited by attainment of such miraculous powers because it is
not the ultimate goal and indulgence in them might even prove dangerous.

Hence in a nutshell it is by avoiding the dosa of harsa (delight) by apramada

(intoxication) and being protected by the guna of Mahatmya that aspirant can advance
further. Such aspirants attain the infinite power as much as Siva and their position is
distinctly mentioned by Kaundinya when he says that Pasupati is the lord of all pasus
except the Siddhesvaras and the liberated soul is beyond the jurisdiction of Pasupati.

PS V.47 karanadhikara-ivrtti)

and he possesses the excellence of Mahesvara.

(PS V.40 tatha vartamanena Mahesvaramaisvaryam praptam

It is also stated that he becomes the master of all powers of Siva, except that of
creation.

26
The use of prefix ati and classifiction of the system as an Ati-margika one:

The height of asceticism practiced in the system becomes clear by studying the
concepts of ati-dana, ati-yajana and ati-tapas in detail. After warning the aspirants of
the hazardous nature of siddhi the text proceeds to explain the means (upaya) to attain
the highest goal.

In answer to the question of there is any qualification concerning giving „dana‟ PABh
says

“The dana or gifting of material objects is worthless and scripturally it is considered

as wrong path (PS4.18) The actual and true dana is the transcendent giving (ati-dana)
and it is nothing but offering of oneself (atma-pradana) This leads an aspirant to
Rudra( rudrasamipa) finally and absolutely as it brings about the final non-return
(anavrtti) to the cycle of transmigration.

The last and important section of this chapter will discuss the „Apparent
Monotheism‟ seen in Lakulisa-Pasupata system.

Now the question arises how exactly the Pasupata system is different from other
schools if it preaches almost the same concepts. The difference as far as I have
understood lies in the total theistic flavor of the system as opposed to full or partial
philosophical nature of other systems

Trying to put the history of Indian theism in a simple perspective Swami

Hiranmayananda observes that Vedic polytheism soon developed into sort of
Henotheism, where each god was elevated to a supreme position by his devotees. In
the due course this led to a kind of Monotheism which on further philosophical
speculations culminated in Monism. One can probably place Lakulisa pasupata
system somewhere in the transition period between monotheism to monism as its
philosophy is neither completely dualistic nor monistic. It has been classified by
scholars as „dual cum non dual Saiva system‟

According to Lakulisa Pasupata system God is seed cause, the instrumental cause of
the entire world and his will is at the root of all activities of this pasu world. Siva is
also considered to be the absolute cause and the actions of the pasus (individuals) are
effective only insofar as they are in conformity with the will of Siva. Hence theory of

27
Karma so important in later Indian thought is not given any importance in this system.
The pasus are but His manifestations, all effects of the same God who is omnipotent
and omniscient. He grants liberation to all who properly undergo the Pasupata
discipline. The final dukkhanta‟ (final deliverance from sorrow) is attained only
when the pasupata ascetic passes through the different stages of sadhana and reaches
Rudra. What is „mukti‟ to other systems is “Sayujya‟ to the pasupata.The liberated
souls do not get merged in God, as the Vedantins aim but become united i.e. eternally
associated with Siva. They remain by their mental steadiness, in perpetual contact
with Siva and they never return to the cycle of birth and death.

It is important to note that the pasupata system of the PS hardly considers the
importance of prakrti (the female principal) as energy (sakti), as we find in Puranic
pasupata system. None of the categories of Samkhya appear to be of any relevance
regarding the creation of the world.Even the concept of yoga in PS is different from
the Puranic concept or Yoga-sutra of Patanjali. Here in PS as we have seen the word
yoga itself has been used in the sense of continuous contact with the almighty while in
the Patanjali yoga-sutras it is taken as suppression of all mental states (citta-vrtti-
nirodha) which precedes Kaivalya. The Yogasutras of Patanjali do not try to establish
Isvara of God but only accepted it as one of its necessary postulates.Rather
interestingly none of the Indian philosophical systems have tried to establish God by
any logical means except Naiyayikas who according to tradition are Saivas. Hence
such an overarching importance given to the supreme deity in the pasupata system
comes across as an interesting point for speculation.

The overarching role of Pasupati the protector of all is envisaged in Kaundinya‟s

remark that the liberation from sorrow i.e. dukkhanta cannot be attained by
knowledge (jnana) , disinclination or total renunciation (vairagya), virtue (dharma)
and giving up of one‟s miraculous powers (aishvarya tyaga) but only by the grace
(prasada) alone. While on one hand such a statement points at complete monotheistic
nature of the sect on the other it covertly criticizes the other ascetic systems like Jains
and Buddhists. This ultimate image of Pasupati reminds one of the so called Pasupati
seals from Indus valley where we see various animals flanking a horned human figure
,in some cases an ithyphallic figure identified by scholars as Proto Siva. Are the
animals symbolic of Pasus (the fettered soul) aspiring for the divine grace which
would lead them to final redemption from all kinds of sorrow is worth asking?

28
„The Mythological Bridge‟ delves into important mythological narratives which
provide an interesting link between the philosophical expositions and the ritual
practices. The mythological stories narrated in important texts like Karvan
Mahatmaya,Skanda Purana, Eklinga Mahatmaya, Visvamitri Mahatmaya ,Vayu
Purana and Linga Purana will be analyzed in detail and connection will be drawn
with available artistic depictions found at various sites. A section on the panels found
at Elephanta caves and parallels found at other sites will be studied at length. The
mythological explanation will be sought for existence of various rituals and
iconographical depictions.

„Siva-linga, an iconological study‟ forms a seminal part of the entire thesis and will
utilize material from earlier chapters to formulate new hypothesis. Dealing with a
topic which aims at understanding the dynamics between ritual and philosophy in the
Lakulisa-Pasupata order the interdisciplinary study of history, philosophical meanings
and the ritual practices related to this potent symbol have proved to be very useful.
The idea that this practice was simply a fertility rite followed by” less civilized and
barbaric people” has long been rejected. The more scholars have worked on the levels
of meanings it conveys, more they have been convinced of dangers of too simplistic
or literal a reading .Now this does not go to say that all phallic symbolism associated
with it is just a farce. On the contrary the visual representation is definitely phallic
but its meaning is not limited to fertility and reproduction. Man creates symbols
according to his ideas. The idea of creativity and procreation is associated with sexual
organs. Here one is reminded again of Upamanyu‟s discourse with Krsna (from
Mahabharata) where he categorically specifies that it is Siva and Devi that are the true
gods because we all humans are marked by their symbols, rather born with them
while you don‟t see a child born with a conch or a chakra. That is to say the most
fundamental characteristic that we as humans share with the supreme reality is the
process of creation and hence anything which is responsible for such a similitude
becomes worth worshipping sheer by the law of synecdoche and assumes
automatically assumes a mystical and awe-inspiring aspect.

29
Unfortunately the sexual symbolism here has selectively been associated with
eroticism and its other more important function as the creative principle has not been
given much thought by early scholars of Indian Art and culture. The apologetic Indian
scholars too joined the gang and openly disowned this disturbing symbol and blamed
it on so called „Non Aryan‟ people who were untouched by highly philosophical
expositions of Veda‟s. They elaborately quote from Rg Veda‟s mention of Sisna deva
the only example but repeated again and again to emphasize the otherness of Linga
worship.Sayana in his commentary has clearly explained Sisna devas ,as licentious
people and not as people who worship linga.

I have tried in this section to compile all that I have seen, read and to analyzed as it
has strong links with the developmental stage of Saivism i.e. Lakulisa-Pasupata order.
Siva linga being the main object of veneration for the aspirants of this order its
esoteric meaning has been delved deeply in their literature. Moreover in this tradition
Siva as well as Lakulisa himself are shown as Ithyphallic, a concept which will be
looked into in detail.

Coming to the word „linga‟, we need to historically contextualize it before pondering

about its ritual and philosophical meanings. Przyluski who on basis on a linguistic
study suggests that the terms like Linga, Langula etc. were originally Austric words
and the „Aryans‟ borrowed them from pre-Aryan population of India has also lost its
currency as the term has been used extensively and meaningfully in early Vedic
literature and does not come across some haphazard word borrowed from another
civilization.

Interestingly it is in Epic Mythology, to be precise in castration myth narrated in

Sauptika Parvan of Mahabharata (10.17) that the word linga is associated with Siva‟s
organ for the first time. When Brahma asked Mahadeva to create but the latter
preferred to do tapas in water instead. Failing to convince Mahadeva Brahma created
Prajapati and asked him to create, whence he created creatures of various species.
When Siva arose from his meditation and saw the beings were already created he tore
his „linga in anger and placed it on the ground and again went to perform austerities.
It is interesting to see how a myth functions to create links between an object and a
symbol which probably earlier had nothing to do with the object. By an imaginative
approach the character of „golden phallus‟ from Samhita literature is attributed to Siva
and thus he automatically gets transformed into the omnipresent and omnipotent
creator.

30
This is further substantiated by a rather long but thought provoking passage by
Srinivasan20 in which she asks the fundamental question and answers it by quoting
various texts:,

“If linga expresses the theological belief in the immanence of the transcendental in
nature, in a subtle form, why does that form take the shape of a realistic phallus?”

And she answers:

“An instructive Vedic passage indicates that already in the Samhitas,the phallus is the
sign symbolizing the Creator‟s capacity for unlimited productionThe passage occurs
in the Atharva Veda,hymn 10.7, a hymn to Skambha. (lit.prop,support,pillar)
Skambha is the cosmic generative force whence the entire material world originates.
However Skambha is not postulated as the active demiurge who gives rise to
phenomenality. Rather Skambha is the cause which gives rise to the agent who in turn
takes over the creative process. As such, Skambha generates Prajapati. It is thus of
more than passing interest that a vetasa-hiranyaya (a golden phallus) standing in the
water represents the hidden (guhya)Prajapati. Indeed what is being said is that the
first evolute of cosmic creative energy is a hidden, or unperceivable progenitor
symbolized by a golden phallus in water.”

Hence it provides the distinct use of phallic symbolism in Vedic literature thus at once
providing a paradigm shift in the study of Saivism. Moreover sexual symbolism was
not a taboo in Vedic literature as we were given to believe and Dange21 has profusely
quoted from various Vedic texts like Satapatha Brahmana, Aitareya Brahmana etc. to
substantiate his point. Here I would cite a few examples occurring in the ritual
context:

“In the new moon and full moon sacrifice the after offerings are three sisna , in the
Caturmasya , the kraidina oblation is the male organ, in Pravargya, the cauldron is
the penis and the two handles are the testicles, in the preparation of the Ahavaniya in
the Agnicayana, the pestle is the sisna , the mortar the yoni…Upon close analysis, the
union between male and female, mithuna, is allegorically described throughout the
Vedas.”

20
Srinivasan Doris Meth, „Significance and Scope of Pre-Kusana Saivite Iconography, in „Discourses
on Siva‟ Ed by Michael W Meister, p 40-41
21
Dange S.A, „Sexual Symbolism from the Vedic ritual, Delhi ,1979 p 88

31
An interesting passage narrated in Mahabharata throws light on the worship of Siva
in both anthropomorphic form and linga form. Here Vyasadeva explains to
Asvatthama that he faced defeat by Krsna-Arjuna because they worshipped Siva in
the potent form of linga while he paid his homage to Siva‟s image. (Tabhyam
Linge‟archito Deva-s-tvaya‟rchayam yuge yuge ..)This clearly points at some kind of
superiority attached to linga worship. The next two verses further elaborate that one
who is spiritually advanced and can realize Siva in all forms and see linga as the
source of all creation is only entitled to worship the linga.

Sarva-bhuta-bhavam jnatva Lingam-archati yah prabhoh

This passage hints at the highly esoteric and subtle meanings associated with linga
worship which probably was not meant for lay folks who needed an image to
concentrate. (Lainge sukshma-sarire archayam pratimayam) (Mbh 7.200.92)
suggesting that linga is the subtle body or form while the image (pratima) is the
„archa‟.

A detailed chronological analysis of Lingas found from various parts of the country
will be done with a focus on development and changes occurring in the form and its
importance in Lakulisa-Pasupata system. The emergence and development of
„Mukhalingas‟ will be studied in detail both its philosophical and mythological
aspect. The concept of Pancamukha-linga’ will be analyzed at length and its esoteric
relevance will be studied.

32
 CHAPTER- 1
THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Forethought: A brief history of Saivism with a focus on Pasupati aspect:

Before dealing with the history of Pasupata system we need to briefly look into the
concept of Siva itself. Even on the cost of repetition one cannot reject the seals found
from Indus valley with the so called „Proto Siva‟ figure etched on them.The horned figure
seated in possible Kurmasana and surrounded by animals has been considered as a very
crucial find .Chakraborti 1 finds it of particular interest because of the yogic posture and
the possible Ithyphallic aspect which connects very well in general with the yogic
practices associated with Siva and in particular to the descriptions and images of
Lakulisa. Moreover the central figure here is shown flanked by animals which again have
led scholars to read the antecedents of future Pasupati Siva in it.

Illus1. Protosiva, Indus valley, 2500BCE

1
Chakraborti Haripada, ‘Pasupata Sutra with Pancarthabhasya of Kaundinya, Translated with an
Intoduction on the history of Saivism in India, Calcutta , 1969

33
Considering the extremely scanty and scattered material from Indus valley I would like to
restrain from reading too much into one particular visual representation.The seal I could
see preserved in the National Musuem ,Delhi at the most can lead one to form
contentions. The enthusiasm with which scholars like Chakraborti try to link it with
Lakulisa-Pasupata order though tempting requires further research in the nature of
religion in Indus Valley civilization

Interestingly Daneilou2,a French scholar compares the content of the seal with a scene
ethched on the Gundestrup cauldron, a richly decorated silver vessel dated to C.1st BCE
from Denmark. The scene in question depicts a horned male deity in somewhat
crosslegged position holding what seems to be a rosary in one hand and a snake in the
other. This central figure is flanked by animals on both sides. To the left is a stag with
antlers very similar to the deity and there is a dog-like figure on the right.(coincidently
both elements of later Siva and Bhairava iconography)

Illus2. Gundestrup cauldron 1st BCE,Denmark

2
Daneilou A, ‘Gods of Love and Ecstasy: The tradition of Siva and Dionysus’, Inner Traditions Bear &
Company, 1992

34
Compositionally the comparision seems to be justified and the fact that the vessel was
used for ritualistic purposes establishes the religio-ritualistic importance of the central
figure usually identified with Cernnunos3, a Celtic deity. Moreover in his 1928 book
Buddhism in Pre-Christian India, Donald Alexander Mackenzie4 proposed the figure was
related to depictions of the Buddha as Virupaksha which has again connections with Siva
thus stressing on a common stock for all the three icons.

Here it would suffice to say that certain ancient rituals and practices are not initially
associated with a particular religion. Some forms, iconographies, rituals as well as
folklore associated with them have parallel in various parts of the world. Though these
may be known by different names in different places the practices, the esotericism and to
quite some extent the visual depictions on closer examination reveal a common reserve
maybe pointing at a very distant common past which all individuals must have shared. To
be precise some aspects preserved in „Collective Unconcious‟, a term taken from Carl
Jung. While explaining the concept Jung5 says:

“ in addition to our immediate consciousness, which is of a thoroughly personal nature

and which we believe to be the only empirical psyche, there exists a second psychic
system of a collective, universal, and impersonal nature which is identical in all
individuals. This collective unconscious does not develop individually but is inherited.
It consists of pre-existent forms, the archetypes, which can only become conscious
secondarily and which give definite form to certain psychic contents.”

Coming back to the figure on Indus seal the „urdhavalinga’ or the erect phallus is not
clear enough and even if for a moment we believe it exists then its symbolic meaning
again raises further questions like , Is it the virile symbol of male energy ready for
creation or is it the male trying to retain the semen and channelize it in other form of
energy viz: mental, spiritual or psychical. Here I am reminded of the Freudian idea of

3
Cernnunos: A Celtic deity
4
Mackenzie D.A, ‘Buddhism in Pre-Christian India’, 1928
5
Jung C.J., The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious (London 1996) p. 43)

35
libidinal energy6 which according to him is the actual vital energy,the ultimate life force
which is stored in Id in form of sexual energy and can be channalezed into various
energies.
O‟Flaherty‟s excellent work „Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of Siva‟7
explains this dichotomy in a very comprehensive and acceptable manner. To begin with
she talks about the western scholars of Saivism who had access to very limited translated
material and who found the sexual ambiguity in the nature of Siva as a result of his ‘Non-
Aryan’antecendents (a term used,abused and misused by various scholars ).The
derogatory references to the „Sisna devas’ in Rg Veda8 was directly read as references to
linga worshippers.However,Sayana9 explains the term Sisna-deva in a different way to
mean wanton and sensual people.A simple example like this should wary us of too literal
a translation of highly complex texts like Vedas.

Flaherty10 states:

The Siva of Brahmin philosophy is predominantly ascetic; the Siva of Tantric cult is
predominantly sexual.But even in each of these elements of the contrasting nature are
present, and in the myths which form a bridge between rational philosophy and
irrational cult-Siva appears far more often in his dual aspect than in either one or the
other

She then painstakingly refers to various Vedic, Vedantic and Epic texts to bring out this
ambiguous sexual nature of Siva and suggests that :

The ambiguity of ithyphallicism is possible because, although the erect phallus is of

course a sign of priapism, in Indian culture it is symbol of chastity as well”11

6
Freud Sigmund, ‘The Unconcious’ ,Penguin Classics ,2005
7
Wendy O’Flaherty’‘Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of Siva,Delhi,1975
8
Rgveda-Samhita (text in Devanagari) English Translation, Notes and Indices by H.H Wilson, Ed. W.F
Webster, Nag Publisher, Delhi, 1990, Hymn vii 21:5, x 99:3
9
Rgveda-Samhita Srimat Sayanacharya virchita bhasya-sameksa Ed. by N.S Sontakke, Published by
Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala, Pune, 1972,Hymn vii 21:5, x 99:3
10
Wendy O’Flaherty’‘Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of Siva pg 6

36
Early Textual References:

Vedic Sources: Coming to the Vedic texts we have Rg Vedic12 Rudra, the mighty power
behind the dreadful and destructive phenomenon of nature like storms,thunderbolts, wild
fire and the epidemics, a malignant deity constantly in a need to be appeased. On being
propitiated by prayers and offering the same fearful deity becomes Siva. The term ‘Siva’
(auspicious) here is used as an adjective to qualify the noun Rudra. On being duly
appeased the wrathful god become Pasupa (literally the protector of cattle but if taken in
a more philosophical sense then it can be read as the protector of the individual soul).

The concept is further developed in Satarudriya13section of Krishnayajurveda Taittiriya

Samhita where the hundred names of Rudra manifestboth his benign and terrible aspects
hence attributing a dual character to the deity. The names like Sambhu, Sankara and Siva
which occur at the end of the list show his benevolent aspect. Here he is called the son of
Usas and Prajapati conferred eight names on him. Out of these eight names seven are
same as the ones given in Athravaveda viz., Rudra, Sarva,Ugra,Bhava, Pasupati,
Mahadeva and Isana.The eighth one is Asani (the thunderbolt). Sivaramamurti14 sees the
section as one justifying the Visvarupa of Siva and traces all later Saivite iconography to
this section.

Regarding the development of the concept of Rudra-Siva Bhandarkar observes:

“Thus the terrible and the destructive God became,when he was propitiated by men in
a variety of ways , a benignanat God and attained to the whole majesty of he godhead
by the time of the YV and AV.”15

It is on this majestic form of the god that the theosophic speculations of Svetasvatara
Upanisad16,are based. Svetasvatara Upanisad which does not have any overt sectarian
connotations does contain the germs of the doctrine of later Pasupata school as the most

11
Ibid pg 10
12
Rgveda-Samhita (text in Devanagari) English Translation, Notes and Indices by H.H Wilson, Ed. W.F
Webster, Nag Publisher, Delhi, 1990, Various hymns from book 1
13
C.Sivaramamurti ,Satarudriya, Vibhuti or Siva’s Iconography, New Delhi, 1976 pg 3
14
C.Sivaramamurti ,Satarudriya, Vibhuti or Siva’s Iconography, New Delhi 1976 pg 3
15
R.G Bhandarkar, ’Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor religious systems’ ,New Delhi, 1983, p.43
16
Svetasvatara Upanisad, Venkatesvara Press, Bombay, 1910

37
elevated concept of Rudra-Siva is established here. Gonda17 dates the text around 5th -6th
BCE. The theory of monotheism and that of the impersonal Brahman of the earlier
Upanisads are blended together in Rudra-Siva and the deity is considered one without a
second. This sort of philosophical thought paves way for Bhakti ie. individual devotion to
one god. The second chapter of SU reveals the process of Yoga which purifies the nature
of the individual soul and unites it with the supreme soul. Rudra here is seen possessing
the threefold power to create, protect and destroy everything. It is interesting to note that
Rudra has been eulogized as the only God, and by knowing whom one is freed of all
bondages .

The expression:

Jnatva Devam muchyate sarva-pasaih18

(By knowing this Lord one is freed of all bondages)

is repeated many a times thus pointing at the importance of this text in development of
later Pasupata order which focuses on the aspect of pasa.and release from it. The work
overall lays stress on meditation and Yoga..

Bhandarkar rightly observes

The Svetasvatara Upanisad, therefore stands at the door of the Bhakti cult and pours
out its loving adoration on Rudra-Siva instead of Vasudeva-Krsna as the Bhagavad-
Gita did in later times when the Bhakti doctrine was in full swing.19

Thus this important treatise contains the theistic ideas of Upanisad in quite a mature form
and concocts an idea of a distinctly personal god to whom the devotee surrenders
completely ,which is further elaborated in Epic and Puranic texts.

The writings of Panini20 and Patanjali21 also furnish additional information about Rudra-
Siva. Panini refers to him as Rudra,Bhava,Sarva and Mrda (iv,1,49), the names we come

17
Gonda, J. Visnuism and Sivaism: A Comparison. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1976
18
Svetasvatara Upanisad, Venkatesvara Press, Bombay, 1910, 1.11
19
Bhandarkar ’Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor religious systems’ ,New Delhi, 1983 pg 110

38
across also in Vedic literature. He mentions the name „Siva‟ in a Sutra (4,1,112) which
starts with words „Sivadibhyo….‟suggesting the presence of Siva worshippers as early as
5th B.C.E.. Patanjali mentions both Rudra and Siva and has refered to an animal sacrifice
in connection to Rudra. Reference to Rudra‟s medicines which are found highly effective
is also found in Mahabhasya.He further mentions Siva as an important god and refers to
the images of Siva seen along with those of Skanda and Vishaka usually made of
precious metals being worshipped.

Interestingly Siva is also mentioned in the contemporary Buddhist literature. The

Chullavagga and the Samyukta Nikaya mention Siva as Deva or Deva-putta. Isana is
also mentioned along with Vehnu in Digha Nikaya. „Deva‟ mentioned in a list of
divinities in Niddesa in all probablility seems to be the Mahadeva, an epithet of Siva..

A Saiva sect known as „Siva-bhagavatas’ covering their bodies with animal skin and
carrying in hand an iron lance as an emblem of the deity is also distinctly mentioned in
the Mahabhasya .Moreover Sivapura, Udichya grama or Saivapura are mentioned by
Patanjali as a village of the northern country. Thus we can envisage a group of followers,
and most probably ascetic followers who were solely dedicated to the worship of Siva
and who were his bhaktas, pointing at the one point devotion to a personal god. The fact
that the aspect of Bhakti which became a very important concept in later Vaisnavism and
gave a real boost to its propagation was initially seen in the ascetic followers of
Siva.Chakraborti22 is of the opinion that these ascetic followers belong to the Pasupata
order mainly because of their carrying a danda which can be identified with Siva‟s staff
seen on various coins found from Ujjain and Taksasila belonging to 3rd -2nd BCE. This
staff is variously designated as Brahmadanda, Bilwadanda and Kaladanda and is an
important component in Lakulisa’s iconography and till present day occupies a very
important place in rituals followed by Dandin Swami order.

20
Chakraborti Haripada, ‘Pasupata Sutra with Pancarthabhasya of Kaundinya, Translated with an
Intoduction on the history of Saivism in India, Calcutta , 1969,p.4
21
Ibid ,p.4
22
Ibid. p.6

39
The sectarian aspect becomes absolutely clear in Atharvasiras Upanisad , a late but
highly important text.Here we can see Rudra being identified with Vedic gods like
Brahma, Prajapati, Indra,Agni,Soma,Varuna etc on one hand and on the other with
Puranic deities like Skanda, Vinayak etc.

The text says:

”He who is Rudra, is Bhagavat, and also is Brahmadeva, a bow to him”

The commentary by Samkarananda elaborates on the Pasupata vow (vrata) mentioned in

detail in the text and hence making it extremely crucial for our study.

For the knowledge of Rudra one should use moderate food, devote himself to reading

(Sravana), thinking (Manana)etc. become a Paramahamsa or a single minded devotee

and spend his time thus. One should undertake the Pasupata vow which is of the

following nature.Greed and anger should be given up. Forgiveness should be realized.

The muttering of Om should be practiced and meditation resulting in Avagati,or

perception should be resorted to…..Then follows a guideline to besmear the body with

ashes by repeating the words:

“The ash is fire, the ash is water, the ash is earth, everything is ash, the ether is ash,

the mind ,the eyes and other senses are ash”

This is the Pasupata vow (vrata) enjoined for removal of the noose with which the Pasu

or the individual soul is tied.The expression „ Pasupasavimoksana‟ which means the

loosening of the noose tied round the necks of beings is achieved when one is blessed by

Pasupati himself.

Epic Sources: Among the Epics, Mahabharata sheds quite some light on the worship of

Siva and carries the seeds of development for later Saivite mythology .The story of

„Kirata Arjuna‟ in the Vanaparvana narrates the fight between Arjuna and Siva in form

40
of a Kirata (hunter)23. On being vanquished Arjuna builds an altar,puts flowers on it and

prays to Siva. After sometime he sees the offering of flowers on Kirata‟s head and

recognizes his rival as Siva and completely surrenders to him.Siva thus propitiated asks

him for a boon and he asks for the weapon presided over by Pasupati (pasupatastra)

which possess the power of destroying all dreadful enemies.

Illus 3. Kiratarjuniya, Pallava, 8th CE, Kailashnath temple, Kanchipuram

This story suggests both the prevalence and importance of Pasupata order.The
importance of Pasupatastra can be gauged by another myth in the Dronaparvan24 where
again the attainment of the Pasupatastra (this time mentioned as a bow and arrow) by
Arjuna is narrated. In this story there is no fight between Siva and Arjuna instead Krsna
and Arjuna are seen bowing down to Samkara to propitiate him and ask him for the
Pasupatastra whence they are directed to a lake where they see two venomous serpents
which assume the form of he desired bow and arrow.

23
Mahabharata, Book III Vanaparvan, Kirataparva, Section XXXIX
24
Mahabharata, Drona Parvan, KirataArjuniya

41
In Sauptikaparvan25 (chap 7) Asvatthaman is mentioned to have propitiated Samkara and
obtained a sword from him with which he managed to create havoc in the Pandava camp.
The text mentions that Siva himself entered the body of Asvatthaman and attributed him
great strength and invincibility.The Castration myth occurring in the same chapter
provides a great impetus for development of later Saiva mythology especially the myths
related with linga worship which I have elaborated on in Ch 4.

Story of castration was narrated by Krsna on being asked by Yudhisthira the secret of
Asvatthaman’s strength. The story goes on as follows:

Once Brahmadeva asked Siva to stop his creation and so he hid under water for years to
meditate. When again the need for creation was felt Brahmadeva created Prajapati who
in turn created a large number of beings. On seeing this new creation Samkara got angry
and cut off his phallus and stuck it into the ground and went away to perform austerities.
What is of interest to us here is the fact that similar incident is repeated in Vayu Purana
(chapter 10). In the latter text after stopping creation it is mentioned that Siva performed
hard austerities and resorted to Pasupata yoga. The incident seems to be an interesting
link between the beginning of linga worship and its connection to Pasupata order which
will be discussed in detail in a separate section.It seems whenever creation ceases the
yogic austerities begin ,probably this can explain the naked celibate Pasupata aspirant
who were advised to shun women.Hence both creative and yogic aspects are like two
sides of the same coin.

It is in the same chapter that we can see the preliminary aspects of myth of Daksa
yagna26 which establishes the supremacy of Siva on other godheads and also which
assumes a very important position in later Saiva mythology. But it is the myth of
Upamanyu27 narrated in Anusasanaparvan (ch 14) which truly ascertains the importance
of Siva and hints at significance of linga worship.

25
Mahabharata, Sauptika Parvan, ch. vii
26
Mahabharata, Sauptikaparvan,
27
Anusasanaparvan

42
Krsna tells Yudhisthira that when god created the rite of sacrifice and assigned no
oblation to Rudra, the latter was full of wrath and destroyed the sacrifice; whereupon the
gods assigned him a portion.

In the Anusasanaparvan (chapter 14) Krsna is again seen narrating the glories of
Mahadeva. Desiring to have an efficient son by his wife Jambavati he went to
Himalayas. On the way he met Upamanyu, a great devotee of Lord Siva and entered into
a long discourse with him on benignant nature of Siva once he is propitiated by austere
practices.Even a Daitiya Sakalya was granted a boon to be a great author and his son was
blessed to be a composer of Sutras. Hence Siva appears here in a role of a knowledge
giver deity which fits well with the tradition of Pasupatas.Interestingly it is mentioned
that Upamanyu started his austerities on the behest of his mother.When Siva came to him
in disguise of Indra and offered him boons,he refused to accept them and boldly declared
that he would have boons from Samkara alone and that he would become a worm or a
butterfly at the command of Samkara but did not desire even the sovereignity of the three
worlds given by Indra. In the course of his narrative , Upamanyu says that Mahadeva was
the only god whose organ of generation (linga) is worshipped by men.He and Uma were
the real creators of animals,as these bear the marks of the two, and not discus or the
conch-shell or marks of any other god.Hence this discourse with Upamanyu clearly
seems to be valorizing Siva as well as justifying and ennobling the linga worship which
must surely have been prevalent at that time. Here Krsna , one of the main protagonists
also is seen deep in meditation and practicing harsh austerities to gain boon from Siva.
Thus here Siva comes across as a powerful yet generous deity who can go to any length
to fulfill the desire of a true bhakta who propitiates him with meditations and austereties,
a quality which till present day is associated with the deity and the name „Bholenath‟
(easily pleased lord) being a common epithet for him.

One thing we can glean from all these stories in the fact that the kind of Saivism and
Saivite practices which are mentioned in the Epic are of Pasupata nature. Or probably
one can go further and suggest that the Pasupata Saivism was the beginning of Saivite
thought. These speculations will be looked into in detail in appropriate chapters. Here it
would suffice to mention that the major early textual references that one finds for Saivism
have a strong tilt towards Pasupata philosophy and practice, which is the core hypothesis
of my study.

43
Early Evidences from Art, Archeology and History:

The earliest historical record which mention the worship of Siva is that of Megasthenes28,
the Greek ambassador to the court of Pataliputra in 4th BCE.He describes two Indian
deities under the name of Dionysus and Heracles commonly identified with Siva and
Krsna respectively. We learn of these worshippers of Siva existing in Punjab about a
century after Panini from the Greek records. The people termed as Sibae or Siboi living
during the time of invasion of India by Alexander are mentioned in the treatises of Greek
historians like R.Curtus,Deodorus29 and others. The Siboi as described by these classical
writers appears to be devotees of Siva because their descriptions agree partly with the
descriptions of the Saivas in the Mahabhasya and interestingly they are mentioned as
carrying clubs and wearing animal hides.

Numismatic records: One of the earliest numismatic data in connection with the worship
of Siva is found in the device of some silver punch marked coins which as a class typify
the most ancient forms of Indian currency.It shows a human figure schematically
represented holding a staff and a water vessel (danda and kamandalu)in his hands.On the
basis of its similarity with several die-struck coins hailing from Ujjain and
Taksasila,belonging to 3rd CE to 2nd CE Banerjea30 identifies the figure as that of Siva.

Illus 4.Early Form of Siva with a danda and kamaldalu depicted

on a coin from Ujjain, 200BCE

28
Sastri K.A Neelkantha Ed. A Comprehensive History of India, New Delhi,1987, p.394
29
Sastri K.A Neelkantha Ed. A Comprehensive History of India, New Delhi,1987, p.395
30
Banerjea J.N, ‘The development of Hindu Iconography’ New Delhi, 1985, p 45

44
Tradition associates Ujjain with the worship of Siva as Mahakala, and some coins found
there contain the anthropomorphic , theriomorphic and phallic forms of the deity as their
devices.The human form is sometimes three headed,emphasizing the panchvaktra form of
Siva (two faces one on the back and one on the top being invisible in this two dimentional
representation).The staff and water vessel in the above image connects it to Lakulisa very
strongly as all early imges of Lakulisa are seen haloding a staff and a water vessel. Here
it would be interesting to note that Rasikara (Kaundinya)31 states that Lakulisa preached
his first sermon at Ujjain thus drawing a very strong Lakulisa-Pasupata connection with
the region. Not only Ujjain a good number of coins are found at Vidisha, Pawaya and
Kutwar which depict Siva holding a danda and a kalasa.

Such representations of Siva can also be found on other ancient coins of indigenous and
foreign chiefs and kings who ruled in parts of northern India from 1st BCE to 2nd CE. The
coins of many Indo-Greek rulers bear the figue of a bull on one side and scholars believe
this bull to be the early theriomorphic reprentation of Siva which was one of the tutelary
divinities of Puskalavati,the old capital of Gandhara. This coin depicts the figure of a bull
with the legend „Tauros‟ inscribed in Greek and „Usabhe‟ in Kharoshti script.

On the obverse of a few silver coins of the Audumbara chief Dharaghosha, two armed
Siva is shown holding a trident battleaxe in his right hand and a lion‟s skin in his left. On
their reverse are found the Saiva emblem, trident battle-axe on a pedestal and a tree
within railing. Many a copper coins of Dharaghosha and two other chiefs of the tribe,
Rudradasa and Sivadasa, have a clear representation of a two tiered Saiva shrine with the
same composite emblem before it32.

31
Chakraborti Haripada, ‘Pasupata Sutra with Pancarthabhasya of Kaundinya, Translated with an
Intoduction on the history of Saivism in India, Calcutta , 1969,p.24
32
Encyclopaedia of Saivism, Compiled by Swami Parmeshwaranand, Delhi,2004 ,Audumbara

45
 Illus 5. Audumbara Coin showing a Sivasthala and the composite emblem, 1st BCE

Numismatic considerations tend to place the Audumbaras in the period extending from
2nd BCE-1st CE. An interesting connection is drawn between the famous sage Visvamitra
and the audumbara tree (fig tree). Swami Parmeshwarananda33 observes that:

The evidences furnished by the Brahmanda-Purana regarding the tribe are identical
with those of the Vayu Purana and thus these two Puranas assign the Audumbaras to
the Kusika or Kausika gotra and so to the family of the celebrated sage named
Visvamitra who belongs to the same gotra.

Kalika Purana believed to have been composed between 7th -10th CE further establishes
the association of Visvamitra’s birth with Audumbara tree (fig tree)34.The fact that
Audumbara Brahmans of Gujarat even at present belong to the gotra of Visvamitra
furthers this contention35

33
Ibid.
34
Ibid.
35
Gupta Parmanand, ‘ Geography from Ancient Indian coins and seals’ ,Concept Publishing
Company,1989 p.19-20

46
Maues, who ruled over north- western India from 1st BCE had the image of Siva inscribed
on many of his coins. Of particular interest are some of the square copper coins on which
can be seen a two armed standing figure holding in his right hand a club and a trident in
his right hand. On comparing these coins with an inscribed bronze seal found at Sirkap by
Marshall, Banerjea36 proved that the figure stood for Siva. The Prakrit legends on the
Sirkap seal written in two scripts (Brahmi and Kharoshti) on either side of the club and
trident bearing standing figure read „Sivarakshitasa‟ (belonging to one protected by
Siva)and might have been the image of the patron deity of the owner.

There is another seal of about the same period found at Taxila which is of quite some
interest to us. The device in this case consists of a two-armed standing human being with
one foot placed on a bull shaped figure. It was described by both Marshall and Konow37
as „Herakles trampling down a bull-shaped dragon’.Konow read the inscription inscribed
as „Badusa Vispamitrasa‟ (of the young Brahmin Vispamitra) which Konow belives can
be read as „Visvamitra‟ , considering the phonetics of Kharoshthi languge.The words
„Vispamitra‟ is written in Kharoshthi across the body of Siva on the silver coin of
Dharaghosha noted above too. Thus it probably talks about the association of Sage
Visvamitra with Siva which is further strenghted by the evidences supplied in Vishvamitri
Mahatmaya.

These evidences go on to prove that the early form of Siva was that of Pasupati Siva, an
ascetic yogi ,associated with austere meditation and esoteric practices.

From the archeological evidence we find a section of the foreign immigrants adopting
Siva worship as well as Indian names. Gondophares, the Indo-Parthian ruler 1st CE very
often describes himself in his coin legends as Devavrata or „Sudevavrata’ meaning one
vowed to Deva or Sudeva, an epithet used for Siva.The suffix „vrata‟ could possibly refer
to „Mahavratas‟ , later Kalamukhas and important sub-sect of Lakulisa-Pasupatas38.

36
Banerjea J.N., ‘The development of Hindu Iconography’ New Delhi, 1985, p.121
37
Konow Sten, ‘The religions of India’, G.E.C Gad Publisher, 1949, p.12
38
Sastri,K.A. Nilakantha (Ed.), ‘A Comprehensive History of India, Vol II, New Delhi,1957,p401

47
 Illus 6. Early form of Siva on the coin of Gondophares, Parthian, 1 st CE

In several passages from Hiuen Tsang‟s „Si-Yu-Ki39 it is stated that ,

“Outside the western gates of Pushkalavati was a Deva temple and a marvelous
looking image of the Deva”.

While on one hand such early descriptions talks of prevalence of Siva worship on the
other it talks of images of the deity being made and worshipped in the temple.
The profuse depiction of Siva in anthropomorphic form can be seen on the coins of
Kusana emperor Wema Kadphises and to also to some extent on the coins of his
successors Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva.The fact that no other deity or his emblem
appears on Wema‟s coins proves his whole hearted allegiance to Saivism. The reverse
device of most of his coins depict two armed Siva holding his various
attributes.Moreover the epithet „Mahesvara‟ in the reverse legend singals him out as a
devotee of Siva. The example given below is of special interest to us because it shows
Siva in his ithyphallic form, an aspect which links to the later ascetic forms of Siva and
especially to Lakulisa who is always shown with an erect phallus.

39
Sastri,K.A. Nilakantha (Ed.), ‘A Comprehensive History of India, Vol II, New Delhi,1957,p403

48
 Illus 7. Ithyphallic Siva seen on Wema Kadphises coin, Kusana, 2 nd CE

The coins of later Kusana kings show the development in iconography of Siva where the
deity is shown as two/four armed holding in his hands two/four of the following
attributes –thunderbolt,water vessel, antelope , elephant goad,trident, noose ,spear, club
etcAround this time as Konow40 mentions we come across a Kharoshthi inscription
discovered at Panjtar or Salimpur in the region of ancient Gandhara (Peshawar district)
and bearing the date 122 of an unspecified date refering to construction of a Saiva
sanctuary (Sivasthala) by someone named Moika , the Urumuja Scion..

The fact that well developed Sivasthala existed as early as Audumbara times points
towards the rising popularity of this godhead among the dynasties of North India.

Sculptural Evidence:

The discovery of Guddimallam linga in 1903 , a significant archeological find from

Chitoor District, Andhra Pradesh came as a major breakthrough in Saiva studies. The
earliest Saiva sculpture that we come across is the one carved on the face of Gudimallam
linga housed in the Parasuramesvara temple.It had been dated to 2nd BCE on the basis of
similarities shared with Bharut and Sanchi Yakshas but digging within the temple‟s
garbhagrha revealed that this linga of hard igneous stone and dark brown color belongs to
the temple‟s earliest phase, that is 3rd BCE thus revealing a well developed Saivite
artistic and iconographic tradition as early as that in South India

40
Konow Sten, ‘The religions of India’, G.E.C Gad Publisher, 1949, p.41

49
 Illus 7. Guddimallam Linga,Parasuramesvara Temple, Andhra Pradesh, 3rd BCE

The sheer height (5feet) of the image and absence of a yoni pitha points at a time in
history when linga was worshipped independently as a potent symbol rather than a
symbol of union of male and female. This again connects perfectly with Lakulisa-
Pasupata tradition where the feminine force is completely absent and focus is on retaining
the male energy for higher creation. Rather it is storing of precious energy than letting it
flow into the mundane channel of reproductive cycle, hence pointing at the extremely
esoteric and austere nature of the order.Two armed Siva,carved in high relief,standing on
a yaksa presupposes the form of later mukhalingas to some extent but seems to be a direct
prototype for the Lakulisa images seen at Karvan though iconographically there are some
differences. As the image is not ithyphallic one can read it as a Siva image, probably Pre-
Lakulisa image but with strong Pasupata leanings.

50
Illus 9. Lakulisa, 7th -8th CE, Karvan, Illus 10. Lakulisa, 6th CE, Sindhavaimata
Gujarat Temple, Karvan, Gujarat

Illus 11. Ithyphallic Siva , Rishikesh,Uttarakhand, 2nd -1st BCE

51
Pre Lakulisa ithyphallic image: That there was no dearth of such images can be gleaned
from the fact that we find ithyphallic Siva images right from 2nd BC.Siva in ithyphallic
form as seen on Wema Kadphises coin is also found in stone around this time in North
India , A staute of red mottled stone, typically a characteristic of Mathura school was
found at Rishikesh. Interestingly the height of the statue is 4‟9‟‟,almost similar to the
Gudimallam linga. It can be seen standing in abhaya mudra, with kamandalu in the left
hand and the characteristic draping of the dhoti and scarf .Being an ithyphallic
(urdhvareta) image at once separates in from other Yaksha ,Naga or Vasinavite vyuha
figures seen around this time and points at his being Siva and most probably, the ascetic
lord of Pasupata Saivites..

Two other extraordinary Saivite reliefs datable to 1st-2nd CE are found from Musanagar
pillar presently situated in the Mukta devi temple. In centre on one of the top panels a
two armed ithyphallic Siva figure crowned with Pre Kusana type of fluted turban is seen
seated in lalitasana,..Iconographically the most interesting features are the three auxiliary
male forms emerging from the central figure of Siva.Two arise from either side of his
shoulders; each is two-armed and wears headgear.The middle form emerges directly from
Siva‟s headdress. The other relief shows a standing Siva , associated with attributes
similar to the seated Siva. He is ithyphallic with right hand in abhaya, left hand holding a
jar near the waist.A lion and a yaksha flank him to the right and left respectively.

Illus 12.Ithyphallic Siva, 1st-2nd CE, Musanagar pillar, Muktadevi temple

52
In these early depictions Siva is shown alone, his female counterpart absolutely absent
again proving him to be a god of ascetics.

The early Ardhanarisvara images probably were perhaps the symbols of all creative and
generative aspect of Siva who was in no need for a female counterpart to create, a
precursor to the ideas of later Natha Siddhas who believed that both male and female
powers lie within us and its only by yogic, meditational and esoteric practices one can
gain access to the opposite sex in oneself and hence create without the need for the
other41.This concept is at the root of the images of Ardhanarisvara .Both male and
female are aspects of one and the same reality and are differentiated only when Siva
wants to create.This contention is substantiated with the fact that The Linga Purana states
that when Brahma discovered that beings created by his mental process failed to multiply
and thus to continue creation , he approached Bhava for help. Thereupon the lord caused
himself to be born from Brahma‟s forehead in the form of Ardhanarisvara and hence
continued the process of creation.

An early Ardhanarisvara image from Late Kusana period ,emerging from a linga very
much like Guddhimallam imgae points at popularity of this concept at least among some
Saivite orders and the fact that the image is ithyphallic again points at some ascetic order.

Illus 13. Siva Ardhnarisvara, Kusana, 1st -2nd CE,

41
Briggs G.W.Ed, ‘Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis’ Delhi, 2001 p201

53
Pasupata History:

An interesting passage quoted in Varaha Purana42 narrates the story of Sage Gautama
who had given refuge in his ashram to some rishis during a long famine. When the
famine was over these rishis desired to go to various pilgrimages but fearing Gautama‟s
refusal they cheated him and wrongly accused him of „go hatya’ (cow slaying) and so on
that pretext left his ashrama.To repent for his supposed sin Gautama went to Himalayas
and prayed to Siva for a hundred years and finally obtained from Lord‟s jatamandala ,
some gangajala to sprinkle on the dead cow.After reviving the cow this holy water
flowed in the form of Godavari. On realizing the cunning of the rishis Gautama cursed
them to be Vedabahyas or those outside the pale of vedic religion.On being appeased by
the apologetic rishis he mellowed down and granted that they could only rise to heaven
through bhakti. The fallen rishis went to Kailasa and prayed to Siva to grant them some
sastras which had a few vedic rites at least. Thence they were decreed to be born to the
Raudras , the lovers of spirituous liquors and flesh, who sprang up from the sweatdrops
which flowed from Siva while he was in the aspect of Bhairava and to these rishis he
gave the Pasupata Sastra. This last sentence sheds quite some light on the position of
Pasupatas .

Before one starts to ask questions about Lakulisa and the order founded by him one
needs to look into any possible precedents of Pasupata thought. Embarking on this
journey one encounters an intriguing character ‘Srikantha’ ,who is considered as the
original founder of Pasupata school. In later traditions as we will see he is completely
deified that his having been human being has been questioned by various scholars. We
should remember it is the same tradition which has deified Lakulisa to an extent that
scholars had to go to great lengths to assert his humanity.

42
Hazra, Rajendra Chandra (1987) [1940]. Studies in the Puranic Records on Hindu Rites and Customs.
Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 96–107.

54
Mahabharata mentions Pasupata as one of the five religious schools. It is supposed to
have been revealed by Srikantha, the consort of Uma(uma pati) and son of a Brahmin
(which has been translated as Brahma by V.S Pathak. ) 43but which clearly speaks of a
Brahmin parentage and does not claim Brahma to be the father44

The tradition recurs in several works belonging to various schools of Saivism and
composed in different parts of the country but it is rather difficult to ascribe any date for
the origin of this order.R.G.Bhandarkar who played a great role in bringing the Lakulisa-
Pasupata school to forefront somehow for whatever reasons best known to himself
downplayed the humanity of Srikantha. He rather considered him an incarnation of Lord
Siva and only one of the nomenclatures used for the Lord in Lakulisa-Pasupata order
..He remarks45

“Lakula was the general name by which the Saiva sects were called …this general
name has for its basis the historical fact that a person of the name of Lakulin or
Lakulisa founded a Saiva system corresponding to the Pancharatra system which the
Vayu and Linga Puranas consider to be contemporaneous with it.”

He further states that:

“The other general name Pasupata arose by dropping the name of the human
individual Lakulin and substituting that of the the god Pasupati, whose incarnation he
was believed to be”

But the tradition preserved in authoritarian texts like Tantraloka46 (Kashmir Shaivism ,pp
5-6, Tantraloka, I,p27),Sivadrishti47, the Brihadyamala48, Pingalamata49 and Siva
Purana50 have a different story to tell.

43
Pathak V.S, ‘History of Saiva cults in Northern India from Inscriptions, (700AD -1200AD) , Varanasi,
1960, p.6
44
Mahabharata, Santiparvan, 349
45
Bhandarkar R.G ’Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor religious systems’ ,New Delhi, 1983 ‘(pg 171-172)
46
Pathak, V.S. History of Saiva Cults in Northern India (from inscriptions 700 AD to 1200 AD). Varanasi:
Tara Printing Works ,1960 p.5
47
Ibid p.5
48
Ibid p.5
49
Ibid p.5

55
Tantraloka mentions Srikantha and Lakulisa as only two authorities on Siva Sasana and
Srikantha as a unique teacher on the earth. Further it mentions a text „Mangalya Sastra’
in which Srikantha discussed the nature of Sakti and Saktiman.

Interestingly a commentary on the Saradatilaka51 begins with a salutation to Srikantha,

who is considered the first teacher of the doctrine which was later followed by
Vasumanta, Vasugupta,Somananda, Utpaladeva, Laxmanacharya ,Abhinavagupta and by
Kshmeraj.In this tradition Srikantha is considered as a Vidyesvara who gave instructions
to three disciple Trayambaka, Amardaka and Srinatha to descend and teach the Saiva
doctrines of non-duality (tantric), duality and dual cum non duality respectively52. Now
Trayambaka’s daughter is supposed to have founded a fourth school, ‘Ardhatrayambaka’
which can be identified as the Kaula tradition. What comes across is the sure shot
connection between the Pasupata school of thought and later Kaula school which will be
discussed in detail in the next chapter.

The colophon of a manuscript of the Tantrasara deposited in the Nepal Darbar Library
mentions Sriknathnatha, (another form of Pasupati) , the great Pasupata teacher as the
writer of the book53.

Moreover there is a manuscript in the Nepal Darbar Library which seems to be a

compilation of the 8th CE. In the first Patala of the work called Aksara vidhana, the Isvara
relates the origin of the Tantras54. He says that he worshipped the lord Srikantha
devotedly for thousands of years and Srikantha , being thus propitiated, communicated to
him the great store of spiritual knowledge in a versified language. Now this knowledge is
represented by Sada-Siva himself and was communicated in 125 thousand verses by
Amrita to others , and through generations to Srikantha who communicated it to others in
amplified versions in crores of Slokas.

50
Ibid. p.5
51
Ibid p.5
52
Muller-Ortega P, ‘The Traidic Heart of Siva’,Delhi, 1997 p.15
53
Bagchi P.C. Studies in the Tantras, Part I, Calcutta, 1975 p 6-8
54
Ibid.

56
The denomination of this Tantric text is Pingalamata and it follows Pratisthakalpa called

Jayadratha (yamala) belonging to the Brahmayamala and was composed for goddess

Pingala by Bhagvan Srikantha comprising of 8000 verses.

Moreover Srinatha, one of the mind born sons of Srikantha is mentioned as the originator

of Kapalika school in Sabara tantra55 where his name finds mention in the list of twelve

Kapalikacharyas. They are Adinatha, Anadi,Kala,Atikalika (Vaikalika), Karala,

Vikarala, Mahakala, Kalabhairavnatha, Batuka,Bhutanatha,Viranatha and Srikantha56.

Interestingly there is a passage in Varaha Purana which narrates that the Pasupata

doctrine was originally given to Kapalikas thus drawing an interesting connection which

will be discussed in detail in the later part of the study.

Srikantha in the Saiva pantheon:

Like many other Saiva teachers like Goraksa , Lakulisa ,Ananta etc. Srikantha is also

recognized as a god in the Saiva pantheon.He is mentioned as a deity in various positions

in Trika school. He is often equated with SadaSiva in his panchmukha form ,probably

because he revealed the doctrine having five sources (panchsrotarupa). He is also

considered as guardian protector of Siddhis and by that logic an important deity for

Siddhas.

A mention about the Pasupata school founded by Srikantha is found in a Malkapram

Inscription57 of a Kakatiya king Rudradeva where it is described as five-fold ,as having

five sources (panchsrotarupa) and all other Saiva schools are described to have

originated from it.

55
Dowman Keith, Master of Mahamudra,2004
56
Lorenzen David, ‘The Kapalikas and Kalamukhas, Two lost Saivite sects’, Delhi, 1972 p.37
57
Pathak, V.S. History of Saiva Cults in Northern India (from inscriptions 700 AD to 1200 AD). Varanasi:
Tara Printing Works ,1960 p.8-9

57
Unlike Lakulisa whose images are virtually found from all parts of the country no images
of Srikantha are found though the form of Srikantha with five faces was accepted in the
Lakulisa order also. Interestingly during my field visits in Kayavarohan I came across the
image of Srikantha on the outer wall of the renovated temple of Bhagwan Lakulisa .The
iconography of this modern day sculpture agrees with the pen picture of him found in
Rupamandana where Srikantha is described as clad in embroidered clothes and
ornaments with Yajnopavita of super workmanship. He has four arms and only one face.
He is carrying khadaga, dhanusa, bana and khetaka. In another description Srikantha has
four arms,in two of which he carries the sula and the tanka and holds the others in abhaya
and varada mudra. He is standing on a padamapitha and is draped in red garments.58

Illus 14. Srikantha from Temple of Brahmesvara Karvan, Baroda Dist, Gujarat, 1972

In the above image Srikantha is shown holding a khetaka (shield), bana (arrow) ,dhanusa
(bow) and a tanka.The lower right hand holding the bow is also seen in Varada mudra
hence completely following both the descriptions of Srikantha given in Rupamandana.

58
Ibid p.10

58
The Cintra Prasasti59 clearly mentions a temple was built for Srikantha-panchmukha by
Ganda Tripurantaka. The Bilhari stone inscription of the time of Yuvarajadeva II records
that he dedicated his whole empire to Saiva Siddhanta preceptor who was engaged in the
worship of Srikantha.60

The following verses (40-46) inform us that Tripurantaka built five temples dedicated
five statues and erected a torana supported by two pillars –a sort of a triumphal arch.

The five temples were situated according to verse 40 to the north of the mandapa or hall
of the temple of somesvara close to the splendid old water clock (ghatikalaya and on the
site of srikantha panchmukha

Note: this may mean either that the 5 temples were built on the site of an ancient
decayed temple or that the site was sacred to the god mentioned

The Shorinarayan inscription of Jajalladeva ii pays obesience to Srikantha.The Ratanpur

stone inscription of Prthvideva ii mentions the construction of a temple of Srikantha at
Varelpur61.
Pathak believes that the tradition of Srikantha as a teacher of the Saiva religion occurring
in the works of various schools of Saivism from different parts of the country, the
mention of his name in the list of teachers, his description “as unique teacher on earth”
and lastly quotations from works attributed to him are very strong indications in favor of
his historicity62.

Though Bagchi63 has casually remarked that Lakulisa was Srikantha’s disciple and both
together were responsible for the foundation of the Pasupata religion ,it doesn‟t seem
quite probable.There are no evidence suggesting the above and the accounts of Srikantha
and Lakulisa available from literature and inscriptions do not represent them as teacher

59
The Cintra Prasasti of the reign of Sarangdeva B.G. Buhler EI vol 1 1888
60
V.V Mirashi ed. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol iv, Ootacamund (1955) p214
61
Pathak, V.S. History of Saiva Cults in Northern India (from inscriptions 700 AD to 1200 AD). Varanasi:
Tara Printing Works ,1960 p.9-10
62
Pathak, V.S. History of Saiva Cults in Northern India (from inscriptions 700 AD to 1200 AD). Varanasi:
Tara Printing Works ,1960
63
Bagchi P.C. Studies in the Tantras, Part I, Calcutta, 1975 p 6-8

59
and disciple while a tradition in Agama quoted by Abhinavagupta records the receiving
of the doctrine by Lakula from Swachhhanda,. plus there is a fundamental difference
between their approach to religion and philosophy. Tantraloka64 associates Lakulisa and
Srikantha and calls them as only two authorities on Siva Sasana and in the same text
Lakulisa along with other Saiva incarnations are presented as proclaimers of the glories
of Srikantha.This indirect yet very important connection will be explored in the next
chapter.

65
As Pathak observes like many other human teachers in Saivite tradition Srikantha has
also been deified and so are deified the important path breaking teachers like Lakulisa,
Goraksa etc.Srikantha has been mentioned as a very important deity in Trika school and
is sometimes regarded as identical with Sadasiva having 5 faces probably because he
revealed the doctrine having five sources (panchsrotorupa)(pg 8 note 5). The connection
of number 5 with 5 chapters of PS which have supposed to have been revealed by 5 faces
of Siva respectively is unmistakable.His connection with Siddhas too comes across
strongly by the epithet he has of guardian protector of siddhis. The fact that
Kayavarohana and area around it was called Siddhi Ksetra before the emergence of
Lakulisa might point at the followers of Srikantha to have been active there. So probably
before Lakulisa started his activities already a Pasupata school was flourishing .
Coincidently the form of Srikantha with 5 faces was accepted in Lakulisa school.
All these examples go on to prove that the seeds of Pasupata thought or order were
already sown probably much before Lakulisa emerged. Yet the importance that the latter
got in the system points at him as being a very influential and unificatory factor, a
systemitizer of sorts, some one who managed to create a theology, philosophy and
practices which had their own separate body of literature.

64
Tantraloka XII, p.396
65
Pathak, V.S. History of Saiva Cults in Northern India (from inscriptions 700 AD to 1200 AD). Varanasi,
Tara Printing Works ,1960, p.6

60
History of Lakulisa-Pasupata order :

A lot of debate has ensued regarding the date of Lakulisa .The dating varies from 11th
CE. To 2nd BCE. On the basis of two inscriptions mentioning „Lakutesvara Pandita’
Fleet66 dated Lakulisa to 11th C.AD.This dating was refuted by scholars like T.Gopinath
Rao67 on the basis of the mention of Lakulisvara in pre 11th C. literature.The date was
further pushed back to late 1st C.AD.with the finding and later publishing of the Mathura
Pillar Inscription of Chandragupta II dated to 380AD, by D.R. Bhandarkar.68 The
inscription records the erection of two images Kapilesvara and Upamitesvara in a
Guruvayatana by one Uditacharya, a Pasupata teacher.Moreover Acarya Udita is
described as tenth in apostolic succession from Kusika, the immediate disciple of
Lakulisa. Even this early date has been contested by some scholars who suggest an earlier
date.U.P shah69 feels that Lakulisa can be dated to 1st C.BC..According to him the cult
must have been popular in western India in early Christian era and Ksatrapas in that
region who called themselves Rudradaman and Rudrasimha possibly had come under the
influence of the said cult. R.G Bhandarkar70 suggests 2nd C BC. as the probable date on
the basis of the fact that Lakulisa’s rise had been represented by Puranas to be
contemporaneous with Vasudev-Krsna. Further he suggests that the Lakulisa-Pasupata
system was intended to take the same place in the Rudra-Siva cult that the Panchratra
did in the Vasudeva-Krsna cult.Agreeing to this early date Banerjee71 argues that the term
“kusika-dasamena” in the Mathura Pillar inscription should be taken in the sense of a
spiritual descent and not in that of generation,hence allotting twenty-five years to each
spiritual generation is nothing but a conjecture and cannot lead to any definite conclusion.
The contention is substantiated by some early coins found at Ujjain (kada coins 3rd -2nd C.
BC.),Vidisha,Pawaya and Kutwar depicting Siva holding a danda (staff) (lakula) and a
Kamandalu(water pitcher) which is the earliest form of iconography for Lakulisa.

66
Fleet J.F, Siva as Lakulisa, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland ,1907
p.419-426
67
Rao,T.Gopinath, ‘Elements of Hindu Iconography’, Delhi, 1971
68
Bhandarkar D.R.,ed and trans Mathura Pillar Inscription of Chandragupta II, G.E 61, EI XXI, 1931-32
69
Shah U.P, Lakulisa ;Saivite Saint in Meister, Michael W. Discourses on Siva. Philadelphia, Bombay
1984
70
Bhandarkar R.G ’Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor religious systems’ ,New Delhi, 1983 ‘(pg 171-172)
71
Banerjee P,’Early Indian Religions’,Delhi ,1973 p.57,58

61
A short history of Pasupata school and locating Lakulisa:

Pathak72 believes that the tradition of Srikantha as a teacher of the Saiva religion
occurring in the works of various schools of Saivism from different parts of the country,
the mention of his name in the list of teachers, his description “as unique teacher on
earth” and lastly quotations from works attributed to him are very strong indications in
favor of his historicity.

From the list of the periodic doctrine of Pasupata Saivism as given in linga purana 1.2473
we can glean that Lakuli was the 28th incarnatin of Siva , incarnated in 28th cycle
Dvapara/Kali Yuga in the Varaha Kalpa. That doesn‟t talk much about the historicity of
the figure but the fact that the list includes incarnations like Sveta (twice) ,Atri,
Somasarman who have been known as the important sages responsible for creation of
various texts or starting a spiritual lineage, points towards the fact that Lakulisa could
have been a human teacher, a great sage later deified by his followers.

Historicity of Lakulisa:

To establish the historicity of Lakulisa we get support from various evidences , three
main being:

Textual Evidences
Inscriptional Evidences
Archeological Evidences

Important textual sources:

Vayu Purana74 contains the earliest textual reference to the Lakulisa-Pasupatas and
chapter XXIII verses 217-225 talks about Lakulisa in Kayavarohan. The scene of this
Purana considered to be one of the earliest of the extant Puranas is laid in the
Naimisaranya forest where sages and learned Brahmanas were assembled for
participating in a sacrifice (yajna) of king Adhisimakrsna.

72
Pathak V.S, ‘History of Saiva cults in Northern India from Inscriptions, (700AD -1200AD) , Varanasi,
1960, p.6
73
Maxwell T.S, Visvarupa, Oxford University Press, 1988,p 206-207
74
Dikshitar V.R.R, ‘Some aspects of the Vayu Purana’, Bulletins of the Department of Indian History and
Archeology ,No. 1 ed by K.A Nilakantasastri, University of Madras, 1933

62
According to the catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts in the library of India Office (Pt. V.ed
by Julius Eggling ,1896) there are a good number of mahatmyas which profess to the part
of the Vayu Purana and among these we have The first chapter of Mahatmaya of Karvan
or Kayavarohana which is of special interest to this study.The other three chapters of the
Mahatmaya are included in Siva Purana hence the Mahatmaya seems like a later
interpolation and hence it becomes mandatory for us to figure out the upper limit for the
date for the Vayu Purana which is only possible by studying the text critically.

VayuPurana ch 27 talks about eight forms of Siva as (Neellohita, Rudra, Bhava,

Sarva, Pasupati,Isana,Bhim,and Mahadeba)..while ch 41 talks in detail about Mt.
Kailash, Ch 54 gives an account of Lingodbhava, an extremely important concept in
Lakulisa Pasupata system.

Now among the six schools of Hindu philosophy only three viz The Vedanta , The
Samkhya and The Yoga school are mentioned in this Purana and interesting as
Dikshitar75 observes

“while the Vedanta principles underlie the philosophic concept of the whole Purana the
Yoga seems to preponderate at first sight.The Purana came to narrate this ancient
tradition and it is probable that after the introduction of the Yoga school as such it’s
philosophical tenets were ushered in as supplementing in a manner the older tradition”

So one can assume the inclusion of the chapter on Karvanmahatmaya must have occurred
somewhere during the period when the importance of ancient knowledge of Yoga was
realized and moreover given an important place in the philosophical system of the
important texts. The fact that the eight limbs of Yoga (ashtanga yoga ) viz.Asanam
(Sitting Postures), Pravarodha (Supression of the breath), Pratyahara (Abstaining from
sense objects ), Dharani (Mental Concentration ) ,Dhyanam (Religious meditation),
Samadhi ( Ecstatic contemplation on the supreme soul) , Yama (Paramount duties) and
Niyama (Minor duties) received a detailed mention in one of the important chapters of the
text points to the raising popularity and acceptance of this ancient esoteric spiritual
practice.

75
Ibid,

63
The same eight limbs are mentioned in Yoga Sutras of Patanjali too (yama-niyamasana
76
pranayama pratyahara dharanadhyana samadhyostavangani) . Interestingly in the
slightly earlier Maitri Upanisad only 6 limbs of yoga are refered to and no mention of
yama and miyama can be seen

From this one can see the gradual development of the Yoga system and it is only later
that the Advaita school claimed a large number of adherents to its fold by incorporating
into it the salient features of both the Yoga and the Samkhya so that the general principles
of different schools became common and readily acceptable.

This metamorphosis took place it seems around the period of Upanishads which are
nothing but Vedantic treatises effecting a reconciliation with other schools of thought and
philosophy

Vayu Purana intrerestingly preaches the „path of yoga‟ to realize the oneness of Isvara ,
Mahesvara, Narayana ,AdiBrahma and so on. It moreover alerts the reader that the
Siddhas or yogins wander in different disguises in the world and the man of wisdom must
takecare to offer puja to them whenever they come to them. Virtually three chapters are
devoted to the elucidiation of pasupata yoga.

Another injunction of the Purana is that these siddhas and yatis (ascetics) must be fed on
the Sraddha occasion. A Sraddha performed with one yogin is said to be superior to a
Sraddha with a 1000 brahmins or brahmcarins.No clear mention of Tantricism which
entered the mainstream texts after 5th CE has been seen in the text hence pointing at the
antiquitey of the text. While talking of other systems there is no mention of Buddha or
Mahavira which prompts Dikshitar to date the lower limit of the text to pre 5th BCE.

Vayu Pu. is earlier to the time when Poet Bana flourished, as the latter refers to it twice in
his works. In Harshacharita he mentions Pavamana Prokta meaning uttered by
pavamana.In other renditions of the same text the term used in Pavana Prokta and in
commentaries Vayu Prokta is used hence equating all the three terms: Pavamana, Pavana

76
Yoga Sutra II, 29 (c. 1st C E)

64
and Vayu. In other work Kadambari, Bana uses the term Vayu Prokta . So we can say
Vayu Pu existed before Bana ie before first half of 7th CE. And the fact that it was
quoted shows it was well known and established by that time so it can go two centuries
back. Enlightning evidence in produced by the text itself while giving an account of the

royal dynasties which enjoyed the sovereignity of the earth. Bhandarkar77 opines:

“In this verse the Guptas are spoken of as the princes who according to the usual
prophetic tone of the Puranas, will hold Prayaga,Saketa and Magadha country along
Ganges before they become paramount sovereigns.”

Moreover we can deduce from both Allahabad and Eran inscriptions that the dominions
of Samudragupta had spread as far as the Western Indian and South Indian kingdoms
(refer the inscription). hence it can be deduced that the description of Gupta achievements
desctibed in Vayu Pu. refers to the time shortly before the reign of Samudragupta.Hence
early 4th CE tends to remain the earliest upper limit for dating Vayu Pu.

Regarding the Lakulisa-Pasupata system the Purana says that in the 25th mahayuga when
Visnu incarnates himself as Vasudeva on the earth, Siva takes the incarnation of Lakuli by
Yogamaya and enters a certain dead body in the burial ground of Kayavarohana, a siddha
ksetra. The mention of the area as Siddha ksetra points to the yogic activity already being
taking place before the coming of Lakulisa. The interesting query here would be what set
Lakulisa apart from the other siddhas whose name got lost in oblivion while the former
became an important aspect of early Saivism. Further the text informs us about the 4
pupils of Lakulisa viz. Kausika,Gargya, Mitraka and Rusta who will be initiated into
what is known as Mahesvara Yoga and who will ultimately find solace in Rudralokam.
Similar legend can be seen mentioned in Karvanmahatmya too.

77
Bhandarkar D.R, An Ekalingji Stone Inscription and the origin and history of Lakulisa sect, Journal of
the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1905-7 p

65
The story as given in Karvanmahatmya:

The text describes the 28th incarnation of Siva at Kayavarohana in Bhruguketra which is
identified with present day Karvan , a town in the Dabhoi Taluka,near Baroda in Gujarat.
The work starts with an obeisance to Maheshwar who incarnated in this world as Lakuta-
panisa. Further it relates the story of the birth of God Siva, as the son of a Brahmin in the
village of Ulkapuri and his manifestation at Karvan as Lakulisa and explains the methods
and merits of an important ritual „pattabandha‟ (worshipping and tying a silk cloth to the
image of the Lakulisa.)

My translation and notes from the original text78

The text starts with an obeisance to Sri Ganesa and Sri Lakutpani. It moves on to invoke
Mahadeva, Mahakala and Mahabahirava form of Siva which talks of its tantric aspect.

The text starts with Devi (Parvati )asking Ishvara the merits of the ritual of Pattabandha
in reply to which Ishwar narrates the story of birth of Lakulisa. Between Kali and
Dwapar yuga I incarnated in a form even hearing about which can liberate one
In the lineage of a devrishi Atri who has done mahatapas there emerged a meritorious
brahmin Visvarupa and his equally pious and beautiful wife Sudarshana in the village of
Ulkapuri.

On 14th of the bright moon of Chaitra month she gave birth to a healthy son with yellow
eyes, hair and golden colored body.

After performing the rites for the new born child the Brahmin had a desire to go for a
pilgrimage to Kurushetra to worship his ancestors and after explaining the rites of
agnihotra and other rituals to his wife he left for his pilgrimage
(here ends the ch 1 as given in Vayu Purana)

78
Patel, H.S., Ed.‘Shri Kayavarohan Tirth no Itihas’, Ahmedabad, 1964

66
(Ch 2 , Siva Purana)

After her husband left the lady preapared the material for all the rituals and rites
meticulously. One day as she went to fetch a bhramin to perform the rites and came back
to see the fire already kindled and rites of agnihotra performed. She was taken by
surprise and decided to find out the secret and night after night saw her six month old
child performing the rituals and offering homa to his ancestors,gods , rishis and
siddhas.After her husband returned from his pilgrimage she narrated the miraculous
incident to him. And both saw their son performing the rites.

(Ch 3,Siva Purana)

Out of love and compassion the parents inquired of their son whether he doesn’t feel
tired by performing such tiresome rites. Hearing this the child fell in a swoon and died.
Seeing her seven month old son dead sad Sudarshana immersed the body in a pool near
Devakhata.Once in water the child was carried by a tortoise to Jalesvara, the mahalinga
situated in the middle of the water.Listen O Devi to the secret of moksha..Brahmanas
were surprised to see the child playing in the water and enquired about his real identity
and started praising and paying obeisance to him by invoking him in the form of
Mahadeva, Mahesvara, Maharudra, Mahasiddha and finally as Lakutesvaram who can
relieve us of all our sins and lead towards moksha.

(Ch 4,Siva Purana)

The child then manifested his divine form with 3 eyes, matted hair and yagnopavit, girdle
and ashes .The child then becoming invisible ran away to the bank of Aurva river. The
parents and the Brahmanas entreatd him to return. The child refused and narrated the
merits of Ulka tirth .Then he came to Kayavarohana and asked his parents to stay
there.With a streak of the staff the child got River Ganga there. This place was called
Dirghika. Near the place lay the temple of Vrddhesvara whom the child requested for
temporary residence .The god replied that the temple was much congested and asked him
to go to Brahmesvara. Once there the child merged himself into the god . Hence with a
staff in the left hand and a citron in the right Lakulisa merged himself in the linga of
Brahmesvara.

67
Significantly the story finds mention in the late 17th CEtext Vishwamitri Mahatmaya79
too. The colophons of the VM clearly states that it is a part of the Skanda purana . It has
a section called Nakulesvara-mahatmya but the twist that the story takes is quite
interesting. Here in Naklesa is considered as a form of Vishnu and not Siva..The text is in
the usual form of dialogue, between the sage Vishwamitra and the king Trisanku. On
being asked by the king the importance of Kayavarohan (present day Karvan ) as the sin
destroying holy place and existence of crores of lingas (sahastra linga), sage answered
him thus:

In a prominent place Urdhvakhela (probably modern day Avakhal) a pious and penance
practicing yogi Yajnavalkya meditated on Siva and being propitiated Siva told him to ask
for a boon.The yogi asked to be able to establish a great place for Brahmanas.

After the boon was granted Yajnavalkya became a Brahman named Devasarman and
along with his pious wife he maintained all the Vedic rites including the sacred fire in
which oblations were offered daily. Somewhere the story talks about a yogi ,most
probably a non Brahmin getting accepted in the vedic system and getting all the rights to
perform various vedic sacrifices.Siva‟s grace was needed by this yogi to be able to
become a Brahman.Though it is a late text while narrating this story it alludes to the time
of great reconciliation and amalgamation.

As the pious couple grew old Lord Visnu was born as their son.and he was named as
‘Nakula’ by his father. Interestingly the text talks about Nakula as the incarnation of
Visnu rather than Siva but the most interesting part of the text is when it reconciles the
concept of both these god heads under one imagery.

Devasarman had to go to some other place for few days and he explained to his wife the
importance of all he rites and asked her to arrange for oblations and to call a Brahmin
everyday to perform the rites.

79
Thaker, Jayant, P., Ed. ‘Visvamitrimahatmyam’, Vadodara, 1997

68
On arriving back with a Brahman she found to her wonder that offering was duly made to
the five sacred fires as per scriptural injunctions.The other night as she was keeping vigil
she saw ehe child lying in the cradle took ahte form a boy consecrated with sacred thread
with the sacred staff in his hands, wearing a girdle of the munja grass and an antelope
hide took kusa grass in his hand and offered oblations to the sacred fir and instantly after
the deed was completed lied down again in his cradle.

In this way the child performed the ceremony daily and his mother observed him taking
the from of a celebat. When her husband came back she confided the same to him and
both spied on the child.Thinking the child might feel tired the parents held his hand at
which the child freed himself and ran away. His abashed parents followed him but the
child disappeared in he Vacchadeva-muni-ksetra and reappeared in the Kasyapa-muni-
ksetra. With his trident he created an oblong lake with 3 kundas sacred to god Brahma,
Visnu and Hara.His parents took ablutions in the lake and became Siddhas and by grace
of their son appeared as two lingas and to this day it is believed those who worship them
in this form attentively ,instantly gets freed from the debt that he owes to his parents and
goes to the abode of lord Siva..

Now comes the interesting part which quite poetically explains the existence of Lakulisa
images embedded in lingas found in Karvan.Thereafter Nakula entered the first linga and
became Nakulesa , having matted hair seated in padmasana posture and having two
hands.The text tells us that this image should be recognized as the union of Hari and
Hara along which crores of other self born lingas thrive.

As lord Visnu (Hari) in form of Nakula descended along his body (kayavarohanam
cakre) into the linga , that sacred place became famous among the people as
Kayavarohana. Thereon Lord Nakulesa remembered lord Vishvanatha of Kasi along with
his retinue and so all the emblems of Kasi appeared in Kayavarohana.Similarly lord
Kedareshvar along with mother goddess Gauri came to reside here and brought a croros
of lings called Kotilingas and similarly lot of holy places especially of Saivism were
remembered and summoned by Nakulesa to have a parallel in Kayavarohana. Hence the
place has become very important and pious .The text suggests that the religious merit of
worshipping lord Nakula here equals that of a hundred Aswamedha sacrifices , a 1000
Rajasuya sacrifices.and a 100,000 Vajapeya sacrifices.

69
Other Puranic texts having a clear Saivite leaning too talk about Lakulisa. Linga Purana80
talks about Lakulisa in Kayaavtar. The substances of the verses is briefly as follows:

In the 28th yuga when Visnu son of Parasara will incarnate himself as Dvaipayana-
Vyasa, Krsna will become incarnate as Vasudeva.At that time I (Siva) shall as
brahmchari (celibate) entere a dead body thrown in a cemetery without anybody to guard
it, by means of yogic power and shall bear the name of Lakuli.At that time Kayaavatara
will become famous as a sacred place and remain so till the earth endures. And there will
be born the ascetic pupils Kusika,Garga Mitra and Kaurushya and these Pasupatas will
repair to the Rudra loka from where they will not return

Kurma Purana81 gives the list of 28 incarnations of Siva known as Yogacharyas starting
from Svetacharya and ending with Nakulisa.Each of them had four pupils. Thus the total
number of Yogacharyas came to be 112. The last incarnation has been named as
Nakulesvara and his pupils are mentioned as : Kunika, Garga, Mitra and Ruru
(Rushya).Unlike Bhandarkar I don‟t think there is a need to jump to the conclusion that
the reading of „Ruru’ or ‘Rushya’ is corrupt. These texts are known to have devoted
various names to one god or personality. eg, would be the use of Lakuli,Lakulisa ,
Nakulisa ,Naklesvar all these names for Lakulisa and Karuka Sidhantin or Kalavaktra for
Kalamukha..Moreover we know Ruru as a Bhairava and there is also a Tantra by that
name .As such Kurma Pu. is a later text and does not help much than to suggest the
tradition was well preserved by medieval times.

Mathura Pillar Inscription and debate about the date of Lakulisa: R.G. Bhandarkar82
places the rise of the Pasupata school mentioned in the Narayaniya section of the
Mahabharata about a century after that of Panchratra system ie about 2nd BCE .The
reason for such dating seems to be the fact that he wanted to establish Lakulisa as the first
teacher of Pasupatism which was followed by the Siva-Bhagavatas as refered to in the
Mahabhasya. But D.R Bhandarkar suggested on the basis of he Mathura Pillar

80
Linga Purana, CH XXIV verses 124-133
81
Kurma Purana Ch LIII
82
Bhandarkar, R.G., ‘p.117

70
Inscription83 of the time of Chandragupta II that Lakulisa should be better placed in the
second quarter of the 2nd CE. This inscription records that Udita founded two Siva lingas
known as Upamitesvar and Kapilesvar in 61 Gupta Era (380CE) after the names of his
Guru Upamita and guru‟s guru Kapilacharya.This also records his (Udita‟s) position as
10th from Kusika in the chain of preceptors and disciples.D.R Bhandarkar takes this
Kusika as the immediate disciple of Lakulisa.Thus Udita stands eleventh from Lakulisa
and calculating 25 years for each generation as is the usual practice Lakulisa has been
ascribed to the second quarter of he 2nd CE.

Now if this view is accepted then Lakulisa cannot be regarded as the teacher of the
SivaBhagvatas of the period of Patanjali who is generally accepted as belonging to 2 nd
BCE.The practice of carrying staves (danda) by Siva Bhagvatas of Mahabhasya is found
to be continued by followers of Lakulisa-Pasupata order.

V.S Pathak84 contests D.R Bhandarkar‟s dating on the basis of Rajasekhara’s writings
(14th CE). The latter mentions 17 gurus from Lakulisa to Rasikara85 Pathak suggests that
this list and also a commentary on it by Gunaratna mention two Kusikas, the second guru
and the tenth one.On placing Rasikara in 4th CE. He further suggests if Rasikara was
seventh from KusikaII, Udita of the inscription of 381CE would be naturally tenth from
Kusika II and then if we repeat the process of backward dating by calculating 25 years for
each generation we get 2nd BCE date for Lakulisa which more or less agrees with R.G
Bhandarkar‟s ideas.Now this important suggestion gains weight as it is supported by an
Indonesian tradition86 which represents the four disciples of Lakulisa along with Patanjali
as the Pasupata pentad.

83
Bhandarkar, D.R. ‘EI, XXX,1ff
84
Pathak V.S, ‘History of Saiva cults in Northern India from Inscriptions, (700AD -1200AD) , Varanasi,
1960, p.9
85
List of Gurus according to Saddarsana Samucchaya of Rajasekhara
Nakulisa,Kausika,Gargya,Maitreya,Kaurusa,.Isana,Paragargya,Kapilanda,Manusyaka,Kusika, Atri,
Pingalaksa, Puspaka,Brhadarya, Agasti, Santana Kaundinya or Rasikara, Vidyaguru
86
Pathak V.S, ‘History of Saiva cults in Northern India from Inscriptions, (700AD -1200AD) , Varanasi,
1960, p.12

71
Another very important inscriptional source for understanding Lakulisa-Pasupata order is
Cintra Prasasti87 of the reign of Sarangdeva, originally from Somanath dated to 1294-96
CE. It was first published in Murphy‟s travels in Portugal (1798) together with a
translation by Sir Charles Wilkins. The inscription contains a prasasti composed in honor
of the consecration of five lingas which a saiva called Tripurantaka erected at
Somnathapattana or Devapattana or Prabhasa.

Verse 14- 39 Uluka devoted to the spiritual family of Tripuranaka the benefactor of the
tirtha of Somnatha and to an account of his virtues and his adventures

Verse 14- „the god who wears the infant moon on his head and who grants rewards for
the multitude of performances of austerities himself became incarnate in form of
Bhattaraka Sri Lakulisa ,in order to bestow favor on the universe‟

Verse 15-„and in order to favour the offspring of who long were deprived of sons in
consequence of a curse of their father , he came to and dwelt at Karohana the forehead as
it were of the earth , an ornament of the Lata country.‟

Verse 16-„in this (place) appeared in order to fulfill particular pasupata vows 4 pupils of
his ,kusika, gargya, kaurusha and maitreya

Verse 17- afterwards the race of these ascetics which grew up in 4 (branches) adorned the
earth that is bounded by the 4 oceans

On summarizing the relevant parts of the Prasasti the information derived is as follows

Siva became incarnate in the form of Bhattaraka Sri Lakulisa and came to and dwelt at
Kayavarohana in the Lata country, in order to favor the offspring of Uluka who were
deprived of sons in consequence of a curse of their father . Interestingly this Uluka can be
compared to the disciples of either Sahisnu or Somasarman two previous incarnations of
Siva (26th cycle and 27th cycle)88

87
Buhler, B.G. ‘The Cintra Prasasti of the reign of Sarangdeva’ EI, Vol 1,1888, p.211
88
Maxwell T.S, Visvarupa, Oxford University Press, 1988,p 206-207

72
One could assume that there was a break in tradition after Sahisnu and it was only
revived by Lakulisa later.Bhandarkar reads „putra‟s „ as „sisyas‟ (ie spiritual sons and not
biological ones).In this context the idea of curse and pining for a child I feel probably
talks about the break in tradition.

The Eklingji stone inscription throws considerable light on the history of Lakulisa sect. It
was first edited in the Bhavnagar Sanskrit and Prakrit Inscriptions but Bhandarkar89
realizing the importance of the information and being prompted by Pt. Gaurishankar
prepared a fresh estampage and reedited the entire inscription and prepared a fresh
translation.

The inscription is in the temple of Natha presently used as a store-room near the main
temple of Eklingji, 14 miles to the north of Udaipur. It is incised on a slab stuck up into
the proper right hand niche in the outside wall, facing the east, of the sabhamandapa of
the temple. It contains eighteen lines of writing in Devnagri characters of he 10th CE,
covering a space of 2‟ 91/2” broad by 1‟ 4 ¼” high.. The first line of the inscription is
almost destroyed and nearly half of it on the proper left side has peeled off.

The inscription opens with obeisance to Lakulisa .The first verse is completely lost and
the second probably invokes Saraswati.

The next two verses contain the mention and description of a city by the name Nagahrada
Verse 5 tells us that is this city there flourished a king named Sri Bappaka, the moon
amongst the princes of Guhila dynasty.

(Nagahrada is to be identified with Nagda ,14 miles to the north of Udaipur, whose ruins
stretch to the extent of a mile and half at the foot of the hill on which the temple of
Eklingji is situated.. The present sanskrit name of the place is Nagendra but in a Jain
temple called Padmavati amongst the ruins of Nagda I found two inscriptions were found
in one of which the place is called Nagahrada and in other as Nagadaha. Thus Nagda
appears to have been the old capital of Guhila dynasty and the temple of Eklingji was in
existence before 971CE.Moreover it lends credibility to the legend of Bappa Rawa ,
Harita rasi and explains how the Ranas of Udaipur came to have intimate connection with
the Eklingji temple as that of high priests in which capacity they still officiate.

89
Bhandarkar, D.R., ‘An Eklingji stone inscription and the origin and history of the Lakulisa Sect, 1905-7

73
The verse following probably mentioned the name of the king Allata,father of
Naravahana to whose reign the record refers itself and whose glory is described in verse
7 and 8.

The next three verses are incomplete but according to Bhandarkar are sufficiently
preserved to supply important information about Lakulisa cult.

The information gleaned through the verses can be summarized as such:

In the country of Bhrigukachchha (identified with modern day Bharuch in Gujarat),

through which the Narmada, daughter of Mekala flows the sage Bhrigu being cursed by
Murabhid (Visnu), propitiated the lord Siva.The latter in the presence of the hapless sage
incarnated himself with a club (lakula) in his hand.As Siva thus descended on earth in an
earthly frame the place where this occurred was called Kayavarohana.
This is followed by a short description of the place and it is told that by staying in
Kayavarohana, Siva forgot his Kailasa clearly hinting at the local sensibility of the
person responsible for the engraving of the inscription, who wanted to grant the holy
place of his cult no less stature than that of Mount Kailasa .

Following verse is not clear

The next verse suggests that there lived sages like Kusika and others who were
conversant with the Pasupata yoga and who resorted to the use of ashes, barks and had
matted hair.

From verses 14 and 15 we glean that certain ascetics whose fame had spread from the
Himalayas to Rama‟s bridge (Lanka) always worsipped the god Ekalinga as by them as
verse 16 suggests this Lakulisa temple on the mount Asvagrama was built
(There can be no doubt that they were connected with the temple of Ekalingaji.That the
priests of this temple were Pasupatas may be seen from an inscription90 in which
Haritarasi is called :

Sri-ekalinga Har-aradhana-pasupat-acharya

90
Journal of Bengal Asiatic Society,Vol LVpt.1 p.48

74
From the next two verses we learn that there was a celebrated dialectician called Sri

Vedanga muni who defeated in argument the proponents of Syadvada (Jainism) and

Saugata (Buddhism) and other sects, and his pupil was the poet Amra, son of Adityanaga

who composed the prasasti.

From verse19 we obtain the date of the inscription as 1028 VS i.e.971CE

The last verse is not complete and expresses the wish for permanence of either the

Prasasti or the temple (not clear which one)

Then follow the names of Karapakah( those responsible for building the temple) such as

Supujitarasi, Vinischitarasi and so on.whose obeisance is recorded. Hence they were the

Pasupata ascetics who erected the temple and dedicated to Lakulisa.

The figure above the door of the sabhamandapa of the temple of Natha where the

inscription was found is unfortunately a little defaced but on closer inspection it looks

like a Lakulisa image.Similar figute is found above the shrine door of the celebrated

temple of Sitalesvara Mahadeva at Jhalrapatan. (Bhandarkar pg 158)

That Lakulisa was known and worshipped at this place is clear from the inscription

incised on the pedestal of an image of Varaha in a chhatri not far from the temple: (pg

158 sans. Text)

Here the mason who sculptured the image of Varaha is called a servant of Isanajamu-

who is praised for his piety and is compared to Lakulisa.. He seems to have been the head

pujari of the temple no doubt of Lakulisa Pasupata tradition.This temple is dated to 7th

CE by Fergusson91

91
Fergusson James, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture,1899 p217

75
Interestingly all the sources ,Vayu Pu, Linga Pu ,Cintra Prasasti and Eklingji Prasasti
gives a different reason for the cause and manner in which Siva becomes incarnate as
Lakulisa. Mahatmya of Eklingji92 too furnishes valuable information about the order.
We find two versions of the Mahatmaya , first being the Puranic Eklingamahatmya (also
known as Ekling PU.)and second Poetic Eklingmahatmya.The latter was composed
during Kumbha‟s rule (15CE) as at various places it praises the king. Some passages
from Pu. Eklingamahatmya are seem in the poetic one hence proving the fact that the
former text is earlier to the latter. Thus the upper limit for Eklinga Pu. can be fixed at
15CE though lower limit is not sure.

Puranic Eklingamahatmya: The text falls in the category of SthalaPurana constantly

trying to link itself with Vayu Pu. It is interesting how every text dealing with any facet
of Pasupatism tries to connect itself with Vayu Pu. e.g Karvan Mahatmya.Time and again
we find the phrase like “as per the injunctions of Vayu PU….) so the credibility of any
argument is supported by reference to Vayu Pu hence proving the importance of the text
in the system.

The main orator of Vayu Pu. is Lomaharsana Suta and Vayu is only the second narrator
while in Puranic Eklingamahatmya the main orator is Vayu himself and Narada is the
second orator.

Eklingji is considered as the main deity of Suryavamshi royal family of Mewar.

Interestingly the kings ruling Mewar were known only as governer‟s and Eklingji was
considered the real king, hence Siva by this time had already assumed the royal
demeanor. The royal looking Lakulisa figures found from Rajasthan can probably be
explained in this context. Though Lakulisa maintains his teaching pose, he is shown with
a crown and jewelry befitting a king.

92
Sharma Premlata,Ed. ‘Ekling mandir ka sthal purana evam mewar ke raj-vansh ka itihas’,MLBD,Delhi,
1976

76
 Illus 15. Lakulisa with 4 arms ,7th CE, Chittorgarh, Rajasthan National Museum, Delhi

The temple of Eklingji is situated at 13miles north of Udaipur between two hills. The

name of the village is Kailashpuri. The temple is fortified. According to the local legends

the temple was constructed by Bappa Rawal and Maharana Mokkal (Maharana

Kumbha‟s father ) renovated it .Rana Raimal (15th CE) reconstructed the temple as we

can presently see it and also installed the chaturmukha linga which can be seen in the

main sanctum sanctorum of the temple. There are many small and big temples in the

same compound.

77
The entire contents of the32 chapters of the text can be divided into 5 parts
Ch 1 to 9- Puranic story of manifestation of Eklingji Ch 13-18- Important mahatmyas of
other regions which seems to have the same sectarian affiliation- Places being Lomas
ashram, Somnath, Mahendari, Shrireshvar, Gautam, Gautamesvar, Mahakala
Ch 19-21, ch 24-26-Bappa Rawal‟s mantra sadhana and geneology Ch 24, 29 ,30, 31
Manner of worship (Pooja paddhati) .Mainly tantric in nature Ch 10 to 12, 22,23,27, 28
and 32 deals with subjects related to pilgrimage, ways of doing it, nature of Kaliyug and
so on.

The Puranic text was first edited by referring to a manuscript in the collection of
Maharana of Udaipur Bhagvat Singh.This manuscript dated back to 1915 during the reign
of Maharana Shri Swaroop Singh,as mentioned in the manuscript itself.

The poetic text was edited on the basis of a manucscript found in Ancient Saraswati
Bhandar library which was dated to 1477.It is supposed to have been composed by
Maharana Kumbha himself.

To actually glean historical information from these texts is a difficult proposition.Except

for giving a dynastic order that too different in both and both different from the
inscriptional evidence don‟t shed much light. Ojha 93raises some interesting issues.He has
explained the concept of brahmkshtriya extremely important to understand the nature of
Guhila dynasty responsible for upkeep of Eklingji temple.He gives the example of
Suryavamshi kings Mandhata,Visnuvrudh and Harita and Chandravamshi kings like
Vishwamitr and Aristasen who were Ksatriyas by birth but became Brahmins later
on.Hence Bappa Rawal is called a suryavamshin and a vipra and dwija simultaneously in
the text.

The father of Guhila(Guhadutt) was killed leaving behind an expecting widow.After the
child was fifteen days old the queen deciding to become sati left the child in hands of a
Brahmin Vijayaditya who was praying in Kotesvara temple for having a son.Initially the
Brahmin was reluctant to bring up a Ksatriya child but the queen promised him that for
10 generations her family will follow the life and actions of a Brahmin.

93
Ojha, ‘Udaipur Ka Itihas’, Jaipur, 1923

78
Moreover the text tells us that Nandi was sent as Bashap (Bappa) on this earth by Parvati
to rule like Indra and then to go back to heaven. (This strongly is reminiscent of the
incident in Mrgendra Agama94 where Indra has to follow Pasupata yoga to get rid of
Brahmhatya he incurred on killing Vrtrasura.) Parvati informed him that his lineage will
continue on the earth but gradually generations to come will fall into the company of
those who reject Varna system and will forget vedic knowledge, their religion will get
corrupted and they will behave like Shudras as Kaliyuga has a form of Shudra itself.

After Kumbha‟s death ,possibly after ten generations the strife started in the kingdom.To
begin with Kumbha was killed by one of his sons..From there on the kings followed
„Shudrachar‟ according to the text and the kingdom faced major difficulties, including
Maleccha ( read as Islamic by Sharma)invasions which were kept under check till
Kumbha‟s rule.

After an intense fight the princes of this lineage came to Brahmin Vidhyacarya ,Harita
rasi’s disciple and asked for forgiveness and an independent kingdom. The Brahmin told
them to worship Siva and Eklingji according to the proper rites.These princes did perform
the worship but the text informs us it was done by Shudrachar meaning in a Shudra way
,yet the benevolent Eklingji listented to their prayers and summoned goddess Rashtrasena
to help them win the war. Thus they were reinstated in the kingdom of Chittor and since
then they adopted the ways of Kshatriyas. The text interestingly mentions whenever they
have forgetten their patron deity ,Eklingji their kingdom would be attacked by
Malecchas. A lot can be read in the above passage but what is most important for us here
is a certain break with the tradition.

Significance of the term „Medhpat‟ (present day Mewar): According to Ojha this place
was ruled by Medh or Mer people.A part of Mewar is still known as Mewal and he
believes till today Mer people live in Merwada area near Ajmer.Many a scholar consider
Mers as a branch of Hunas but Ojha believes that these people trace their roots back to
Iran and might have something to do with Mihira (the sun god). Moreover their being
Suryavamshi‟s lends credence to the assumption. He opines perhaps they were vassals or
a branch of Western Kshatrapas .The idea if proved can lead to interesting cross cultural
studies.

94
Mrgendragama (Karyapada et Caryapada) avec le commentaire de Bhatta Narayankantha,Ed. by
N.R.Bhatt, Pondicherry,1962

79
Manner of worship as given in Eklingajimahatmya(Pooja paddhati): On comparision
with the Pooja paddati mentioned in Linga Purana and Sharda Tilaka Tantra we realize
that the one discussed in Ek Pu. is totally different and thus not similar to popular
manners of worship.

Panchvaktra pooja described in ch 24 of purana is very important and throws

considerable light on the method so worship followed by the followers of the
system.Apart from Eklingji this kind of Panchvaktra pooja is mentioned in Nepali
tradition at Pasupatinatha temple.Some important elements of Nepalese form of worship
are given in Pasupati hradayam by Brahmrishi Devratta95. Sharma96 further writes that
the sectarian affiliation of the Eklingji can be clearly traced back to Lakulisa-Pasupata.
To substantiate the argument she quotes Ojha,

“On the south of Eklingji temple on some height the head of matha constructed a temple
of Lakulisa in 971CE. On some distance slightly below the temple is the temple of
Vindhyavasini. He further says that Bappa Rawal‟s guru Haritarasi was the Mahant of
Eklingji temple and it were his disciples who continued the tradition of worship there.
These disciples whom he terms as „naths‟ had their ancient math to the west of Eklingji
temple.It is further written that increasingly these Naths started to move away from
preached religion, started to keep women and enjoy the material pleasures of life.
Because of such reasons they were divested from power and the responsibility to look
after the temple was taken over by a celibate sect Gosai.

Mrgendra Agama too gives as an interesting Tantric glimpse in the Pasupata order and
its nature. Tantra is a term highly misinterpreted and misused. The great scholars like
Gopinath Kaviraj97 have thrown light on the system and his major contribution is the idea
that Tanra and Veda are not two mutual exclusive traditions.They often right from the
beginning overlap each other. This kind of insight will actually help us to understand the
traditions better than to segregate them and try to see‟influences‟ and „appropriations‟.He
considers Vedas as nigamas and tantras as agamas.(Athravaveda vi,81,2 xix,35,3) gives
the definition of agamas as derived from root „gam‟ and meaning to come near or
approach and would literally convey the sense of achievement or accomplishment.

95
Sharma Premlata,p.47
96
Ibid p.49
97
Kaviraj Gopinath, ‘Tantrik Sadhana Aur Siddhant’ trans by Pt. Hanskumar Tiwari, Patna, 1994

80
Taitirriya Aranyaka also gives an interesting description of the word as a class of works
teaching the highest yoga and mystical formulas (mostly in the form of dialogues
between Bhairava and Bhairavi). Now such vedic positive definitions of tantra are
somehow ignored by the writers who try to severe all ties of tantra with Vedas and try to
see it as a separate „subaltern‟ tradition. In my opinion it would be more fruitful if one
looks at it as a branch of esoteric wisdom meant only for the initiates and which right
from the beginning had a place in vedic texts. Law98 in his „laments the fact that the
writers of religious history pay scant attention to the Sadhana which forms the essence of
Indian religions.

On the basis of the classification of Tantras made by Abhinavagupta in Tantraloka the

Agamas are classified under heads heads-Siva,Rudra and Bhairava. The Mrgendra comes
under the category of the dualistic dvaita class called Rudragamas as against the
dvaitadvaitvada of Bhairava agamas.

According to the Pasupata system Mrgendra Agama , the relation between the creator
and the created is that of the sheep and the shepherd.The pasu when freed from its fetters
reaches the creator but is not merged with him.. The Mrgendra according to the Agamic
tradition is said to have streamed forth from the upper face of Svacchanda Bhairava from
whom according to Tantraloka, Lakulisa received his knowledge. This scripture offers
adoration to Pasupati as the universal consciousness under the name of Isa or Isana.

Interestingly in Mrgendragama we find an remarkable incident of a powerful Vedic deity

Indra narrating the story of discovery of this tantra. Siva emerges as eh founder of the
tantra and is accepted as the supreme deity by vedic exegesis.. Indra is only made an
agency for bringing the sacred knowledge to the world after direct contact with Siva
himself. V.N Drabu99 sees it as establishing the supremacy of tantra over the Vedas but I
find interesting is the reconciliation of Veda and tantra which seems to have been a
tradition in Lakulisa Pasupata system. The best example would be the use of five
mantras from Taitiriya Aranyaka for the title of his five chapters of Pasupata sutras.

98
Law N.N., ‘Studies in Indian History and Culture’ London, 1925
99
Drabu V.N., ‘Saivagamas: A Study in the Socio-Economic Ideas and Institutions of Kashmir, Delhi, 1990
p.20

81
The introduction to the text seems to be late compared to other sections; it‟s vocabulary is
rich and it abounds in poetic imagery.Similarly references to the frequent use of surgical
instruments in performing operations hints at this portion having been composed in the
age of Susruta,Caraka etc. (Pasulaksana-Prakarana,v.18).As Drabu (pg50) observes the
siva cult refered in the tantra reflects the view of life known in early centuries of he
Christian era .The evolution of the agama falls between the 1st-2nd CE to 5th -6th CE i.e.
when Srautas had to undergo a long struggle to rationalize the worship of the personified
deity. The tantra was written in the form of a dialogue between Harita and his disciples.

Mrgendra is an abridgement of the Kamika Tantra. Indra received the doctrine when he
was wearing the Narsimha kavaca given by Visnu.The long period of 1000 years
meditation of Indra indicates that purificatory rites must have been very arduous and
trying . It also points out to an order of ascetics whose worship of Pasupati in his natural
surroundings was most familiar. The Himalayan belt seems to have been dotted about by
the hermitages of these ascetics where the tantric sadhana and ritual was most popular.
The vedic god indra was initiated into the tantric lore only when he atoned for his
murderous act of killing the demon Vrtra. This would suggest that vedic practice had to
conform itself to tha tantric practices which had a firm stronghold in Kashmir, Nepal,
Bengal ,Assam etc.

It seems that the entire literature of Bhairava agama did not exist before 4thCE . On the
other hand it is probable that by the time of composition of Siva Sutras in 6th -7th CE most
of the Agamas had been composed.

I could lay my hands on this particular text which deals with kriyapada and caryapada of
Mrgendragama100 important for us.The version is edited by N.R.Bhatt and published by
French Institute of Indology in Pondicherry hence the introduction was in French which I
have translated and summarized. Bhatt writes:

100
Mrgendragama (Kriyapada et Caryapada) avec le commentaire de Bhatta Narayanakantha, edition
critique par N.R.Bhatt, Institut Francais d’Indologie, Pondichery 1969

82
“During our search for Agamic manuscripts and related literature we found with Sri G.
Svaminatha Sivacarya of TiruvatutuRai a text of Mrgendra which contained the
kriyapada and some portions of caryapada.At Perunkalur (Pudukottai dist) we recovered
another version with the commentary of Bhattanarayankantha. Unfortunately the
caryapada is incomplete and is bereft of 1st chapter.Soem idea of what it might have
contained can be gleaned through the text „Aghorasivacaryapaddhati‟ and some other
texts.”

Indra after killing Vrtrasura incurs brahmhatya and praised Visnu with 1000names
(visnu sahastra nama) along with various rites, recitations and rituals.Visnu gave him a
„Narsimha cavaca‟ and asked him to adore Siva in that attire.Here Indra takes up
Pasupata vows and adores Siva for thousands of years.

Now the Mulagama is Kamikagama and Mrgendra (Narsimha) being one of the three
Upagamas of kamikagama along with Vaktraragama and Bhairavottaragama.

The most interesting and important point for us here is the gurushishya parampara
mentioned herein and also the names of preceptors and their disciples who inherited the
knowledge of the tradition.

Haradindraye (From Hara (siva ) to Indra- From Indra to Bhardawaj-From Bhardawaj to

Harita…and in this order did gurushishya parampara continued

The text seems to be Shankara 8th CE as it quotes Brahmsutra of Badrayana and it talks
about various philosophical schools like Vedanta, Samkhya,Jain,Vaisesika but it is quiet
on Advaitvada of Sankara.

The tantra in its present form has come to us with the commentary of Narayanakantha
who was near contemporary of Utpaladeva 9th CE .He quotes a verse from the Isvara
Siddhi of Utpaladeva (stanza 55) which suggests he must have live in second quarter of
9th CE.

83
Drawing on various textual, numismatics, and sculptural evidences I have tried to locate
Lakulisa in a certain historical context. The aim has been to contextualize the Lakulisa-
Pasupata order in a certain historical perspective so that it‟s earlier precedents and later
branches can be studied in detail. The next section will deal with this enquiry and try to
find various branches and lineages which either mention Lakulisa as a great teacher or
consider him as an important god-head.

84
 CHAPTER- 2
THE SPREAD AND TRANSITION OF
LAKULISA-PASUPATA ORDER

Pasupatas as we saw in the last section come across as one of the most important and

archaic class of Saivas. Interestingly Ramanujacharya, a great critic of Saivism

considered Kalamukha, Kapalikas and all Agamanta Saivas as Pasupata, on the basis

that all of them use the terms Pasu, Pati , Parmatman and Jivatman in their

discourses. The contention by itself hardly holds any weight but it does throw light on

the importance and threat of Pasupata system in medieval times. Yamunacarya too

openly considers them a menace to his system of thought. The fact that Pasupata

thought existed and seems to have been flourishing well by this time points at well

developed schools which propagated the ancient thought ofcourse not without some

external changes.

Going back to Lakulisa, we are informed by various Puranic and Inscriptional sources

that he had four disciples and each of these propagated a branch of learning according

to their interpretation of the teacher‟s words. Thus four „gotras‟ or four different

lineages came into being from four main disciples of Lakulisa viz: Kusika, Garga ,

Kaurusa and Mitra. The fifth one Ananta lineage is also of equal importance though

he is not mentioned along with the other four in the above mentioned sources and is

generally discussed with respect to Siddhayogesvari mata.

Various lineages to which this order belonged or which derived out of this order have

been shown in the chart below and will be referred to as and when necessary.

85
Kusika and the Ascetic Aspirants: Early form of Lakulisa-
Pasupata order

Kusika, considered as the first disciple of Lakulisa finds mention in Pasupata

Sutra(PS)1 and Pancarthabhasya (Pbh)2. Both these texts talk about his getting
directly initiated by Lakulisa in Ujjain. The Mathura Pilaster Inscription ,(380CE)
published by Bhandarkar in 1933 threw considerable light on this lineage and on
some of their practices.The inscription talks about a Saivite teacher Uditacarya,
described as tenth in apostolic succession from Kusika, who established two lingas in
the memory of his teacher Upamitacarya and teacher‟s teacher Uditacarya in the
Guruayatana, the gallery where memorials were kept to commemorate various gurus
of the lineage. The place seems to have been something like a Kusana devakula and
the presence of such spaces to commemorate ancestors since ancient times is
corroborated by Bhasa‟s play „Pratima Nataka‟ based on Ramayana. Bhandarkar3
suggests that the term „gurupratimayuto‟(choubey 52) should be read in space
illegible after the term guru in the above mentioned inscription, and he further
contends

“apparently the representations showed as if Upamita and Kapila were standing

each with a Linga on the head”

Though Bhandarkar‟s suggestion about the missing words seems probable, after
discussion with some Sankritists I came to the conclusion that the word „yuto‟ only
means „along with‟ so the inscription suggests that the linga along with the
representation of the revered teachers was established in the sacred space with due
rites. I am tempted to see these lingas as „mukhalingas‟, as they also were called as
Upamitesvara and Kapilesvara respectively. Moreover this contention is further
supported by the presence of the Lakulisa images from Karvan. The concept of
Mukhlingas will be dealt in detail in the later section on Siva Lingas but one can
definitely see the importance of this philosophical concept right in early years of
Lakulisa-Pasupata order.

1
Chakraborti Haripada,trans. „Pasupata Sutra with Pancarthabhasya of Kaundinya with an
Introduction on the history of Saivism in India‟, Calcutta ,1969
2
Ibid
3
Bhandarkar, D.R „Mathura Pillar

86
To set up a lingam to represent a dead teacher was a practice followed by aspirants of
this order in various other places too. In the Bharati Matha of Bhubaneswar, the same
practice is still being followed. A Gurvayatana has sprung up within its compound as
a result of this practice.

As many as fifteen miniature temples of sand stone and literite are now there in the
compound, each of which contains a linga. In the open space and the niche, a number
of lingams are to be found also and most of these temples were constructed under
Bhauma rule, which started around 736CE and were great patrons of Pasupata
Saivism.

Many more temples are still buried in the kitchen garden according to the Mahanta of
the Matha. It can reasonably be concluded that the origin of the Matha goes to the
time of the earliest standing temples, since each of the lingas represents a generation
of teachers. In the seventh chapter of the Ekamra Purana it is clearly mentioned that
Pasupatas were highly responsible for constructing most of the temples in and around
Bhubaneswar and it mentions that Yama, gave a splendid matha to a Pasupatacharya
who lived in the close vicinity of the temple and who was also the builder of the
temple.

Interestingly Kusika is connected to the famous sage Visvamitra who is supposed to

have belonged to Kausika gotra.Yaska too subscribes to this and considers Kusika to
be the „father‟ of Visvamitra. Connected with Audumbaras on one hand and Kusika
on the other Visvamitra comes across as an important figure in Lakulisa-Pasupata
Saivism. The argument is supported by the fact that his image is given due importance
in the newly constructed temple at Karvan, hence pointing at his importance in this
tradition. Born a Ksatriya he was later converted into a Brahmin by his deeds which
was possible easily in Pasupata order as it was open for all castes.

The Udaipur Inscription of Naravahana (V.S 1028= 971CE) refers to Kusika and
records that ascetics who besmear their bodies with ashes and wear barks and have
matted hair, appeared in his line. This important disciple finds mention in
„Saddarsana Samuchchaya‟ of Haribhadra Suri and commentary on
Ganakarika(GKK) too. As comes across through all these descriptions the followers
of this order were usually ascetics and mendicants for whom probably the injunctions
of PS were written. The teaching and learning aspect seems to be of supreme
importance for them.

87
Haribhadra Suri4 mentions eighteen Tirthesas headed by Lakulisa and Kusika. The
same list is also enumerated by Bhava Sarvajna5 in his commentary on Ganakarika.In
this context of continous teacher-student lineage it would be interesting to look at the
figure on the Mathura Pillar inscribed in the year 61 of the Gupta era (AD 380)
sculpted with a trident. The base shows a potbellied standing figure , nude with two
hands, leaning on a staff and with a third eye. D.R.Bhandarkar believes the figure to
be Lakulisa but Agrawala points to the absence of the urdhvaretas and hence
disagrees with the above contention. U.P Shah suggests that the pillar inscription
invokes Bhagwan Danda which could very well have been a personification of an
attribute (ayudha purusa) „danda‟of Lakulisa and could have been used as a
metonymy for the saint-teacher.

Illus. 16. Bhagvana Danda (inscribed), Mathura Pillar, 380CE,Mathura Govt.Museum

Here I would like to stress that it need not be established as an image of Lakulisa in
particular but it might have been a portrait of a teacher from the same lineage. Though
the third eye clearly hints at superhuman aspect it could very well have been an image
of a guru who had attained Bhairavahood, a concept not alien to early forms of
Saivism. A dead teacher was visualized as having merged with Siva and in a way a
part of the Lord himself. In metaphysical terms he lost his human body only to
become part of a divine consciousness and attained Rudrahood.
4
Choubey,M C. Lakulisa in Indian Art and Culture. Delhi :Sharda Publishing House, 1997 p.78
5
Ganakarika of Acharya Bhasarvajna, Ed by Chimanlal D. Dalal, Oriental Institute, M.S.U, Baroda,
1966

88
The earliest images of Lakulisa from Mathura datable to 5th -6th CE show him seated
with two arms. Holding his club in the crook of his arms with a yogapatta on his
knees and a rosary which he is probably meditating with ,he appears very much like a
Saivite teacher with no signs of apparent divinity in him. Marked with a sign of third
eye and invested with a sacred thread, he appears calmly in state of teaching. Though
this early and interesting image is conspicuous because of its absence of erect phallus
, here we can see the danda itself has taken a form of a linga probably combining both
the aspects.

Illus 17. Lakulisa,Mathura 5th -6th CE ,State Museum Lucknow

89
 Illus 18. Lakulisa with two disciples, Svamighat Mathura 5thCE, ASI

These early images present him clearly as a teacher, many a times seen with his
disciples flanking him on both sides. Here Lakulisa maintains his human essence and
comes across as a guru rather than a deity. Another lineage of Lakulisa deeply
connected with this pure teaching-learning aspect is the Ananta lineage.

Rise of Tantric Elements in Lakulisa-Pasupata order

Ananta lineage: Siddhayogesvarimata and affiliation with the Kula cult of

Samskarikas:

Siddha yogesvarimata ,an Agamic tradition also comes across as one where Lakulisa
is mentioned as an important teacher The continuation of Lakula doctrine through his
disiciple Ananta is clearly indicated in Tantraloka6 and the ascetics of this line
belonged to Ananta gotra.(Refer Table). Hence this tradition traces the lineage of
Lakulisa to Swacchandanatha and back to Bhairavi and Bhairava like any other pure
Tantric tradition.Regarding the importance of Siddhayogesvari Tantra, Tantraloka
meantions that the original version of the Malinivijayottara seems to have been

6
(Jayaratha‟s commentary on TA (TA comm., xii,p383) Pathak V.S p.11
Bhairavadbhairvim praptam siddhayogesvari matam, Tatahswachhanddeven swachhandallakulen tu
Lakulisadnanten anantadaghanashipim.)

90
composed by a number of Siddhayogis of the Siddha-sampradyaya who explained
and elaborated the practices of yoga because of which it was called Siddha yogesvari
mata. The fact that Lakulisa was mentioned as an important personality in this lineage
points at the affiliation of LP order, atleast one branch of it (Ananta gotra) to the later
developments in monistic Saivism of Kashmir on one hand and the Siddha cult on the
other, both of considerable importance.

The Harsha Stone Inscription of Vigrahapala Chahamana7 V.S 1030 records the guru
Visvarupa who belonged to the Pancharthika order of the Lakulas in Ananta gotra to
have flourished in „the tradition of Kula‟ while his disciple‟s disciple Allata or
Bhavarakta (refer table) is described as originators of the Kula cult of the
Samsarikas.(Refer Chart). This information is of vital importance as it shows the
affiliation of Kula school with the Lakulas. The contention is further substantiated
with a passage given in Kularnava tantra8 which while talking about a Kula Yogi
suggests:

“A Kula yogi may dwell anywhere, disguised in any form, unknown to anybody. Such
yogins in diverse guises, intent on the welfare of men, walk the earth unrecognized by
others.They do not expend their self knowledge at once. In the midst of men they live
as if intoxicated, dumb, dull…..Adepts in Kaula yoga speak in the manner of the
uncivil, behave as if ignorant; appear like the lowly. They do so in order that men
may ignore them and not flock to them; they talk nothing at all…Such a yogi lives in a
way that this world of men may laugh, feel disgust, revile and seeing, pass at a
distance leaving him alone. He would go about in different guises, at times like one
worthy, at times like one fallen, at times like a ghost or a demon.”

Significantly these practices of Kula yogis are quite similar to injunctions given in PS
in third chapter dealing with subsidiary practices for an LP aspirant .It encourages the
ascetic aspirant to court dishonor and live with the insults and abuses showered on
him.It seems to be the test of the patience and humility that one can muster after
observing severe penance and is a manner of internal purification, cleansing of soul,
getting rid of the narrow „I‟.

7
The Harsha Stone Inscription of Vigrahapala Chahamana7 V.S 1030,EI Vol 1,p.122
Maharajavali chasau sambubhaktigunodaya,Shriharsah kuldevasyastasmadivyah kulakramah
Anantagocare srimanpanditautresvarah,Pancarthalakulamnaye visvarupobhavadguru
8
Kularnava Tantra, Introduction by Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffe), Readings M.P Pandit,
Sanskrit Text: Taranatha Vidyaratna, MLBD, Delhi1965.p.67-68

91
Avamatah (PS 3.3)

[Insulted]

…The wise Brahmana should not covet for praises as for ambrosia and should hate
praise like poison. The ascetic lies happily beign insulted and disconnected with all…

Paribhuyamana-s-charet (PS 3.5)

[He should wander while being assaulted]

It means that he should remain in the utterance of abuses, that is he is condemned in

the acquisition of dharma and in the performance of his duty.

The PABbh clearly suggests that the assault here is the physical assault with sticks
and fists. It means the yogi is supposed to encounter the wrath of the people, rather
ask for it and then bear it too, a sure shot method for testing ones physical endurance.
One has to remember that this stage comes after a long time and after attaining the
miraculous powers. Once such siddhis are accomplished the aspirant is warned to
keep his ego and false pride in check. Hence such situations are created so that one
can purify oneself of base feelings of pride and power.Real test of a yogi is to remain
calm and collected even on being insulted and assaulted by common people. It should
be understood as a sincere and serious step towards high form of self discipline.

Physical movements like trembling, swooning ,limping faking sleep, amorous

gestures too are prescribed in PS.(3.12-3.15)

Kratheta va (PS 3.12)

[Or he should pretend to be asleep while awake]

Spandeta va (PS 3.13)

[Or he should tremble]

Manteta va (PS 3.14)

[Or he should walk limping]

92
Sringareta va (PS 3.15)

[Or he should practice wooing]

And the result of all these practices well performed in public is given in sutra 3.19
which says:

Paribhuyamano hi Vidvan krtsna-tapa bhavati (PS 3.19)

[Being assaulted he becomes learned and a performer of all penances]

He is called learned who attains the senses of the words and who knows the measures
of gain and loss (of merit and demerit) by reasoning. The term „krtsnam‟ means
enough of the attainment of practices and not of that of delight due to miraculous
powers (harsa)

Svachchanda Tantra9, the authoritarian text of this tradition, clearly talks about two
types of worshippers, the first one who is always engaged in path of knowledge
recitation of mantras and meditation and the second one who follows the path of the
world and performs „Ista‟ and „Purtta‟ activities. While „Ista‟ activities consisted of
Vedic studies, agnihotra, asceticism, maintainance of guests and Vaisvadeva puja, the
latter Purtta activities were excavations of wells, tanks and other kind of water
reservoirs, the construction of temples and monasteries and the establishment of
charity homes and rest houses.

That these Purtta activities became very important by medieval times is proved by
the Tewar Stone Inscription of Gayakarna10 which clearly states that the final
deliverance of the ascetic is attained by Purtta which is Nivartaka activity and
knowledge. Bhavabrahma, a Saivite guru therefore desired salvation by building a
temple of Siva.

Now it is evident that the ascetic for whom PS was written was not supposed to have
access to the kind of wealth which would make such Purtta activities possible. This
aspirant was supposed to live majorly on alms given and live a frugal life. But
somewhere in the course of history these followers of Lakulisa‟s tenets had attained
wealth as well as power mainly due to their nexus with the royalty and that is what
changed the entire approach and outlook of the order in later times.

9
Swacchanda Tantra with commentary by Ksemaraja ,edited by Pandit Madhusudan Kaul Shastri,
Bombay 1921
10
Tewar Stone Inscription of Gayakarana, EI,

93
The dynastic patronage to early Lakulisa-Pasupatas can be seen clearly at cave
temples of Jogesvari, Elephanta, Manddapesvar and later at Ellora.These activities
points at the time when the followers of this order starting gaining favor with the
royalty and started indulging in Purtta activities. Probably it is here that one sees a
shift from a strict Ati Marga Saivism to much more widely accepted form of Saivism.

Western Indian Caves dedicated to Lakulisa-Pasupata order:

Jogesvari Cave Temple: In the light of above information we can locate the
Jogesvari Cave temple near Amboli in the lineage of Ananta gotra.The fact that the
cave is dedicated to Lakulisa and is of Pasupata origin has been established by
scholars. Earlier the cave was supposed to have been dedicated to a goddess
Yogesvari and Rau as Collins11 writes was of the opinion that there are footprints of
the goddess in natural stone but the fact that there are four images of Lakulisa
centered on the lintels above entry and shrine doors proves undoubtedly that it was a
Lakulisa-Pasupata site. As seen above the tradition itself „Siddha Yogesvari mata‟
came to be personified as a feminine deity.Evidence for such personification is
provided by a late copper jar discovered in a cistern in the west wing of Elephanta.
The dedicatory engraving says the jar was made in Samvat year 1143 (1086CE) in the
district of Sripuri of the goddess Jogesvari.

In 1967 Walter Spink12 published a chronological treatise, „Ajanta to Ellora‟ . Herein

he gave some cultural background for the Kalachuris and proposed that they were
responsible for creating the cave-temples at Jogesvari, Mandapesvara and Elephanta
between 520 CE to 550 CE .Mirashi too opines that Kalachuris are the most likely
patrons of these caves. On basis of comparision of Elephanta sculptural panels with
those found at Badami he dates the former to 550-600 CE. He suggests that Kalacuris
were fervent devotees of Mahesvara and were followers of Pasupata sect as seen by
their land grants and they seem to have been the only dynasty during that period
which could afford the carving of grand scale cave temples. Huntington13 too suggests
that these caves were excavated during the reign of Kalacuri kings in Western
Deccan. Breakthrough came with the discovery of some 31 coins of Kalacuri king

11
Collins, C.D, „The Iconography and Ritual of Siva at Elephanta‟p.13
12
Spink Walter, „Ajanta to Ellora‟ 1967
13
Huntington Susan, „Art of Ancient India‟p.75

94
Krsnaraja at Elephanta and Shobna Gokhale‟s contention that these low value coins
were probably distributed as wages for the workmen during the excavation of the
Elephanta cave.Similar coins were also found at Ellora cave 21 (Ramesvara )complex
and interestingly iconographically too one can draw parallels between Jogesvari,
Elephant and Ramesvara caves.

Spink mentions the composite nature of Jogesvari cave temple and its apparent
movement away from a Buddhist vihara prototype as found in Ajanta.Interestingly he
remarks on its peculiar „confusion of focus’ caused by a long, primary east-west axis
at odds with the brightly illuminated south façade wall, even though the main
enterance is in the east. This confusion was felt very much by me during my multiple
trips to the cave complex. The problem of axis seen also at Elephanta assumes a
humongous proportion here and leaves the visitor completely confused. Regarding
this confusion Kramrisch14 observes:

“The immediate antecedents of the great cave temple at Elephanta, the cave temples
of Yogesvari and Mandapesvar close to Bombay, both show tentative assemblages of
excavated space.The plan of the Yogesvari temple is ambitious in combining a
protracted east-west orientation with an emphatic north-south one, but fails to create
a unified interior space.”

This so called problem of axis can be studied as an architectural manifestation of

Lakulisa-Pasupata ritual of anti-clock wise circumambulation. The half pradiksina
too becomes a rule in this tradition hence demanding a structure which would allow
such complex rituals. Collins has done an indepth study of rituals conducted at
Elephanta caves and has explained the visual pun seen in sculptural panels there.

Hence in this context both the plan and the sculptural panels seen at Jogesvari can
give important information about the order. Unfortunately most of the sculptural
panels here are heavily damaged yet they reveal a well thought and probably a
ritualistically inclined set of narratives which find exact parallels in important Siva
cave temples. Descending a flight of stairs on the east, a panel depicting „Ravana

14
Kramrisch Stella, „The Great Cave of Siva in Elephanta: Levels of meaning and their form , DOS
Ed Meister p.1

95
shaking Kailasa‟ is seen above the first doorway leading into a gallery.Side chapels,
set off by rows of four columns, flank this east gallery, very much similar to
Elephanta east wing. On the right (north) wall in separate niches are the images of
Mahisasurmardini, Ganesa and Kartikkeya and facing these deities on the south wall
one can see a Matrka panel interestingly consisting of eight seated matrkas flanked by
Virabhadra and Ganesa.A second doorway leads into the apparently unfinished and
open east court, where one can only see a Natraja figure accompanied by ganas above
the doorway. The doorway leading to the main hall is highly sculpted and has figures
of dwarpalas and their attendants. On the lintel of this main doorway we find the
image of Lakulisa in the centre flanked by four disciples. On the upper right side are
Siva and Parvati on Mt. Kailasa and on the upper left is a panel depicting
Kalyanasundaramurti. Importance of Lakulisa in the entire iconographical schema
can be gleaned by the presence of a Lakulisa image on the lintel of both east and west
doors leading to the shrine in the main hall

Again another figure of Lakulisa can be seen depicted in the vestibule to the west side
of this main shrine accompanied by a Natraja figure in the adjacent shrine.The large
south wall of the hall becomes a façade with three doors and two windows. Above the
centre doors are figures in balconies with an ekamukhalinga in the center; above the
left window is a panel showing Andhakasuravadhamurti and a Durga.

The need for describing the position theme and placement of these panels is felt
because it is in this arrangement of space and themes that one can find the possible
order to which the religious heads of this cave belonged and also the themes which
were favored by them. Moreover by tracing these iconographical depictions in other
monuments I will try to ascertain the spread and influence of Lakulisa-Pasupata order.

The prominence given to Lakulisa figures here point at a Lakulisa-Pasupata lineage

beyond doubt but the somewhat haphazard and tentative placement of the sculptural
panels point at the novelty of the tradition and regarding them Spink15 observes;

“they appear in all shapes and sizes, with no apparent program as far as their
placement or even their purpose in concerned.”

15
Spink Walter, „Ajanta to Ellora‟,1967

96
This idea of having no apparent program can be easily contested. The repetation of
more or less the same themes at Elephanta, Ellora 21, Ellora 14, Ellora 29 and also
points at a definite purpose and an iconological sequence. Interestingly the lesser
known and explored Saiva caves at Takali Dhokesvar also depict same themes
pointing at importance of Lakulisa-Pasupata order at this site too.

Illus 19. Lakulisa, Jogesvari, Kalacuri, 6th CE, Maharashtra

During my visit to these sites I found extreme similarity between the iconographical
structure of Mahadeva cave at Takale Dhokesvara and Elephanta main cave.. Though
the sculpture has badly been eroded , yet one can see the remnants depicting similar
themes as that in Elephanta.

97
 Illus 20. Mahesvara Cave at Takale Dhokesvara, Maharashtra, Probably Kalacuri, 6 th -7th CE

A comparative study of these panels from various sites focusing on myths and style
will be undertaken in the next chapter. The table given below gives an idea about the
main themes which are seen repeated in each of these monuments and which are
closely connected to the philosophy of Lakulisa-Pasupata order.

Table 1
Important Scuptural Panels seen at Western Indian Lakulisa-Pasupata Caves

Ellora Ellora Takali

Jogeswari Mandapesvara Elephanta
21 29 Dhokesvara
Lakulisa P P P P P P
Kalyanasun
P P P P P P
Daramurti
Ravana shaking
P P P P P
Kailasa
Nataraja P P P P P P
Andhakavadha P P P
Saptmatrka P P P P

98
Regarding the ancillary deities and the possible pantheon of Lakulisa-Pasupata order
Shah16 observes

“The pantheon of this sect is not known from literature but can be inferred from
figures carved on temples such as the Parasuramesvara, the Sisiresvara and the
Rajarani at Bhubaneswar that probably belonged to the Lakulisa sect. Images of
Skanda Karttikeya, Aja-Ekapada and of Sapta or Astamatrkas were included from an
early stage in the pantheon. Parvati performing pancagni tapas believe that such
images may either have been introduced by this sect or a tleast were favorites.”

Significant information in this regard can be gleaned through the doctoral work by Dr
Judith Torzsok17 on Siddhayogesvarimata, a text which was popular among atleast
one of the branches of Lakulisa-Pasupata order.As the name itself suggests the focus
of the text is on feminine element and it advocates a certain Tantrik ritual
methodology to be followed by its adherents.

Interestingly it concludes that the cult of the three mantra goddesses includes elements
of archaic worship of the so called seven mothers or Saptamatrkas,. fusing it with
with cult of Saraswati, the goddess of learning. Sculptures of Sapta Matrkas are seen
in almost all the earlier Lakulisa-Pasupata sites.Their importance is gleaned through
the fact that usually a separate shrine is attributed to them, as is the case in Elephanta

The text while talking about Initiation focuses on these three points:

1. Rules of conduct to be observed by Initiates which have tremendous similarity

with the ones to folbe lowed by Lakulisa-Pasupata initiates.Torzsok says:
“this tradition teaches observances associated with the ancillary mantras to be
performed before starting a ritual to obtain super natural powers-The
observances are reminiscent of Pasupata and Lakula ones”
2. The manner in which a worshipper has to transform his body into the deity, points
towards its Tantric nature and focuses on the strict regimen of behavior, not unlike
the one prescribed in PS. Moreover Ch 31 explains the mantras are awakened by

16
Shah U.P „Lakulisa, Saivite Saint‟ in DOS Ed by Micheal Meister p.96
17
Torzsok Judith, „The Doctrine of Magic Female Spirits, A Critical edition of selected chapters of
the Siddhayogesvarimata (tantra) with annotated translation and analysis‟, 1999

99
 the laughter of Bhairava and thus they become effective. This again reminds one
of the mad loud laughter that a Pasupata aspirant in supposed to practice. The fact
that it is only the laughter of someone who has become a Bhairava which can
activate the mantras point at extreme esoteric importance of such rites on one
hand and connects the injunctions given in PS with this Tantric text.The
importance of Bhairavahood is hinted in various traditions. Abhinavagupta is
supposed to have attained to Bhairavahood after entering a cave in his last days on
this earth. As explained earlier also this was a stage very much within reach of the
practicing yogis.
3. The structure of universe whose different levels are governed by various groups of
goddesses like Mothers and hence she sees the representation of these female
deities as the personified representation of Macrocosm, somewhat like a later
Mandala.
Overall Torzsok studies the growth of importance of feminine aspects in various
systems and sees it as a significant step in popularizing a certain cult or order.
Thus this association with feminine deities close to people‟s heart played a major
role in popularizing the various cults and orders and significantly in making
Lakulisa-Pasupata order from an ascetic‟s faith to the faith of laity. She writes18

“As we ascend through these levels from Mantrapitha to the Yamala tantras and
thence to the Trika and the Kali cult , we find that feminine rises stage by stage
from subordination to complete autonomy.”

The Saiva mainstream was, as one might expect, focused on Siva. This is so in the
earliest forms of the religion, which later Saivas would call the Atimarga, practised by
such Saiva ascetics as the Pancarthikas, Lakulas, and Somasiddhantins, and it
continued to be so in the Siddhanta, the core tradition of the Mantramarga that
emerged out of the Atimarga from about the fifth century onwards, first in the corpus
of Nisvasa scriptures and then in a number of others Tantric sources.

It is this Tantrik form of Lakulisa-Pasupata order that we come across very strongly
from Eastern part of the country and maximum evidences can be seen from Orissa.

18
Ibid.

100
The Lakulisa-Pasupata activity in Orissa:

Orissa comes across as a very important site for Lakulisa-Pasupata order. According

to Panda19

“It is believed that Lakulisa-Pasupata cult was brought to Kosala and Kalinga in the

4th CE in the train of the military campaign of the Gupta monarch Samudragupta.”

Lakulisa images with Lakuta (club) in hand,seated in Yogasana posture and Dharma

Chakra Pravartana mudra (of Buddha) are found in the Parasuramesvara and

Bharatesvara temples of Bhubaneswar, which were built in 7th century A.D and the

last temple bearing the Lakulisa image in coastal Orissa is the Muktesvara temple of

Bhubanesvara which is believed to be architecturally marked by parting of ways

between the Bhaumakara and Somavamsi periods. Muktesvara temple is dated to the

second half of the 10th centuryA.D. Some of these temples like Parasuramesvara have

multiple depiction of Lakulisa, along with the representation of other Tantric deities.

A manuscript of the Visvakarma Vastusastram20 in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research

Institute ,Poona gives a prescription for the form of a Lakulisa image,according to

which Lakulisa should be represented with urdhvamedhra (ithyphallic),either resting

on a lotus seat or in padmasana and holding a citron in his right hand and staff in the

left. It also indicates that the Matulinga (citron) ,an attribute of Lakulisa represents

many atoms of the universe.Such figures are common in Orissa, especially in

Parasuramesvara temple.

19
Panda Sasanka S, „(Saivacharyas and Foot Print Worship‟ ,Orissa Review Jan 2005)
20
Visvakarma Vastusastram in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute ,Poona as quoted by
Chobey M.C.p.119

101
 Illus 21. Lakulisa above sukanasi, Parasurmesvara temple, Bhubaneshwar, Orissa,7th CE

Illus 22.Lakulisa, Mohangiri, 8th CE ,Orissa

An interesting variation can be seen from the upper Mahanadi valley of Orissa and to
be precise from Mohangiri. Though a late representation,8th CE, the focus in this icon
is completely on teaching-learning aspect. In the panel from Dhavalesvara at
Mohangiri,Lakulisa is seated in his usual sitting-posture,and to his left, seated figure
of a bearded Yogi in profile with folded-hands in obeisance to Lakulisa as well as the
figure of a bird seated and staring back are carved. The other yogi as scholars have
observed seems to be Kusika, the first and direct disciple of Lakulisa. The panel
reveals that the site was dedicated to Atimargika saints who probably believed in the
injunctions of PS because depicting Lakulisa with Kusika points at the transfer of
Sutras by word of mouth from Lakulisa to Kusika.
102
It appears from a study of the existing temples at Bhubaneswar that Pasupatism,

Tantrism, Saktism and Saivism all became inseparably mixed up. A strange amalgam

is formed in the early medieval period of the then Orissa due to this strange mix up.

In this context the images of Lakulisa seen at Vaital Deul opens up a new area of

study where probably one can find links of LP order with Kapalika one. Vaital Deul

bears images of Lakulisa and other Tantric deities while the presiding deity is

Chamunda. There we find Bhairava, Virabhadra, Amoghasidhi, Gajantakari and the

male deity with the head of a boar. Assigned to the Bhaumakara period, the adjacent

Siva temple of Sisireswar, bears on it the Tantrik images like Amoghasidhi,

Avalokitesvara and Kubera etc,which points at the overlap between Buddhism and

Saivism in this region. Particularly during the Bhauma period, a mixed form of

religion has been followed by the then Orissa. It appears that in the early medieval

period, Saivism cannot be extricated and treated separately. Sakta shrines on the four

sides of Bindusagar were established during this period only. They bear the influence

of Saivism as much as Saktism. It appears that Saivism took precedence over other

sects in the region, atleast during early medieval period upto 10th CE but the kind of

Saivism practiced there had a deep influence of Sakta cults.

Illus 23. Lakulisa,Vaital deul, mid 8thCE,Bhubaneswar,Orissa

103
Tantra had become inextricably mixed up when Somavansis started their rule about
931 A.D. in this region. As per Bhakti Bhagavata a Sanskrit work of Ganga Period,
the earth was submerged into the ocean of Tantras during the Bhauma period.

The Nexus between Pasupata ascetics and Royalty:

Nisvasasamhita and Saiva Initiation of the kings:

While exploring the tantric angle I came across a body of work tiltled under
Nisvasasamhita. This work which appears in all lists of the Saiddhantika Saiva
canon of scripture as one of the eighteen Raudra tantras, survives in a single palm leaf
manuscript preserved in the Nepalese National Archives in Kathmandu. Though it is
not dated its being written in Nepalese „Licchavi‟ script assigns it approximately to
850-900 CE. Sanderson21 has found an earlier version of one of the
texts‟Nisvasakarika‟ from South India and hence believes the work to be of an
earlier date and possibly one of the earliest Siva Sidhhanta scriptures belonging to a
formative period. Regarding this early corpus which he considers as an important
connecting link in the Saiva studies Sanderson writes:

“It shows a greater awareness of Pre Agamic Saivism than other texts of this
tradition; it contains a striking number of features that it shares with that Saivism and
it shows elements of non dualistic practice that suggest the dichotomy beween
Saiddhantika and Non Saiddhantika Agamic Saivism where the former is strictly
dualistic in this sense and the latter more or less non dualistic had yet to develop.”

He further writes:

“Perhaps it was for these very reasons that it soon fell into obscurity in India. By the
time of the first commentaries in the late 10th CE the text seems to have been no
longer in the front line. It was cited sparingly time to time but received no
commentary and was not taken as the basis of ritual, observance or doctrine.”

21
Sanderson A, Laakulas: New Evidence of a system intermediate between Pacarthika Pasupatism and
Agamic Saivism, Alexissanderson.com

104
Sanderson believes that two teachers of Siva Sasana as mentioned in TA by
Abhinavagupta as Srikantha and Lakulisa followed Agamic and Pancarthika Pasupata
systems respectively and regarding the position and nature of the order in the
intermediate period between appearance of these two masters he observes22:

“Given the very different characters of the two kinds of Saivism that are known to us
through surviving texts and the evidence that there might be as many as four or five
centuries separating their emergence, one is bound to wonder whether there were not
intermediate developments of which all evidence is lost or the evidence for which has
not yet been examined and correctly evaluated”

The importance of the text comes across as a passage of Varaha Purana equates the
appearance of the Siddhanta in the Kali Age with the revealation of Nisvasasamhita.
What is of tremendous importance to us is the fact that this corpus seems to have
served as the point of reference and source of various expositions taught by
Svacchanda Tantra, hence connecting it with Siddha Yogesvarimata.

Interestingly these authoritarian texts were in use by Khmers for Saiva Initiation ritual
from at least 10th CE. To quote an example an inscription of the reign of the Khmer
king Rajendravarman (944-968CE) tells us that a certain Sivacarya who was a‟hotar‟
not only of Rajendravarman himself but also of his royal predecessors had become a
celibate Saiva officiant through initiation into the Mandala of Siva taught in this
scripture.

The inscription of Sdok Kak Thom23 mentions the mystic cult of Devaraja alongwith
some tantrik texts used in Cambodia during the reign of king JayavarmanII who came
to the throne in 802CE .Jayavarman II came from Java to rule over Kambuja and a
new Saiva cult was introduced shortly after his ascent to the throne of Kambuja.
Interestingly it is the story of this Saiva cult that is told in this inscription. The
officiating high priest of Jayavarman was Siva Kaivalya, who inherited a piece of
land in the kingdom which was given by kings of Bhavapura who ruled 6th CE
onwards. Siva Kaivalya was the guardian priest of a Sivalinga called Devaraja
installed in a temple in the village. After coming to the throne Jayavarman got the

22
Ibid
23
The inscription of Sdok Kak Thom Pathak p. 23

105
temples of Devaraja built in his new capital Mahendra Parvata (Phnom Kulen) and
Siva Kaivalya was appointed the royal Chaplain. Interestingly the deity was moved to
the new capital Hariharalaya (late Angkor)when the capital was shifted which points
at its importance.

Devaraja is a Sanskrit word which could have different meanings such as "god-king"
or "king of the gods". In context of Khmer the term was used in the latter sense, but
occurs only in the Sanskrit portion of the inscription. It taught that the king was a
divine universal ruler, a manifestation of the god Śiva, whose divine essence was
represented by the linga (or lingam), a phallic idol housed in a special mountain
temple. The king was deified in an elaborate and mystical ceremony, The inscription
of Sdok Kak Thom of the eleventh century is an important record of the formation of
Angkor. Its description of the proceeding during the coronation of Jayavarman II,
allows us to have some insights about the cult of Devaraja itself. Performed by the
Angkorian chief priest of the same family descended from the Brahman Sivakaivalia,
the Devaraja's rituals proclaimed an Angkorian monarch as the protégé of a God
King. It became the crowning ceremony to be performed faithfully at the Angkorian
court. The inscription was erected by the last member of the family, during the reign
of king Udayavarman II. Besides providing a complete list of Devaraja kings, the
inscription provides other valuable information about how it was acquired and
performed during the coronation of a Cakravatin Monarch.

To reinstate the cult, Jayavarman II had to invite an Indian priest from abroad to
perform and teach the local priest Silvakaivalia to carry on the tradition. Inscription24
states:

“There was a Brahman named Hiranyadama, learned in the "siddhi" science, came
from Junapada at the king's invitation to perform a ritual designed to ensure that the
country of Kamboja would no longer be dependent on Java and that its sovereign
would become the only one cakravartin.”

The Brahman Hiranyadama who performed the rituals of Devaraja was quoted to be
from India, most likely from Magadha.

24
Ibid.

106
“This Bhraman performed the ceremony by Vinasikha, and finished by the Nayottara,
the Sammoha, and the Siraccheda. He showed from beginning to end in order to be
written down to Lord Sivakaivalia and ordained Lord Silvakaivalia to perform the
ritual of the Devaraja. The king and the Bhraman Hiranyadama took an oath to
assign the family of Lord Silvakaivalia, and not others, to conduct the tradition of the
Devaraja. The Lord Sivakaivalia, the chief priest, assigned all his relatives to the
task.”

After the ceremony, the crowned king became a protégé of the God King and
proceeded to fulfill his obligation as a Cakravartin Monarch. His earned merit and
prestige was used to enable him in becoming another god king after his death and
received a posthumous name. According to the concept of Devaraja, the posthumus
name was conceived to allow Brahmans to invoke his spirit, when needed. As a
divinity in Saiva folklore, the Devaraja kings may reincarnate among the line of their
descendants. Strict conformity of the tradition allows us with certainty to trace back
the ancestors of a Deva king from the identity of his lineage. For instance, the god
king Bhadrasvara was the common ancestor of all descendants from the first
Bhadravarman whom was identified as Kaundinya or Sivanandana which as the name
suggests might have been a Pasupata guru.

The close relationship between Saivism and royalty goes back to Kusana time.
Among the early rulers the Kusanas, Bharasaivas, Vakatakas and Kalacuri can be
considered as ardent patrons of Saivism and Saivite art. But it is in medieval times
that these Acaryas started to assume an extremely important position.

Significantly enough Copper Plates from Bagh25 which record the land grants given
by the kings of Valkahas, is one of the earliest explicit epigraphical reference to such
a close nexus between kings and the Saivite ascetics orders. At the same time they are
the earliest example of copper plate grant recording endowments for temple worship
mentioning Pasupatas as the recipient of this grant .The inscriptions are datable from
the mid 4th CE. Seven copper plates in total in this collection refer to Pasupatas as
recipients of grants for the performance of worship in temples (Nos. III, V, VI, IX, X,
25
Bagh

107
XII, XIV). What these grants show is that not all Pasupatas followed the rigorous
ascetic system of Kaundinya, but that there were others who served the needs of a
larger, lay Saiva community.

One of the grants (no. X) also records

“that a shrine to the Mothers (matrsthanadevakula) had been established by the

Pasupatacarya Lokodadhi in the village of Pincchikanaka.”

So it seems by 5th CE the order had made inroads in the society and the nexus
between royalty and Pasupata acaryas had started to form and interestingly this is the
time when we start witnessing a hoard of Lakulisa images simultaneously from all
parts of the country.

According to Sanderson26 four major aspects of the interaction of Saiva Gurus with
royalty evidenced in inscriptions and/or reflected in te Saiva literature.

These are

1. The Creation, Empowerment and Supervision of the royal temples

2. The performance of fire rites(agnikaryam homa) for Siddhis the accomplishment

of super natural results of protection, attraction, expulsion , weather control,
destruction and the like for the benefit of royal patrons wishing to secure the
prosperity of their realm and the confounding of their enemies.

3. Development of an apparatus of rituals enabling Saiva gurus to take over the

traditional role of a brahmanical royal chaplain (Rajapurohita)

4. The practice of giving Saiva Mandala initiation to the king as a key element in
the ceremonies that legimitated his office and added to his regal lu

That from the early 7th CE onwards in India and from 10th CE onwards among the
Khmers of mainland South East Asia royal Saiva initiation was a well established
conventions in those kingdoms the majority, in which Saivism was the principal
recipient of royal patronage.

26
Sanderson Alexis, „Initiating the Monarch: The Adaptation of a Saiva practice for the propagation
of Esoteric Buddhism in India, Inner Asia and Far East, Lecture Handout ,Dec 16 2004

108
That Royal initiation was conflated by the Saiva officiants with the Brahmanical royal

consecration ceremony (rajyabhiseka) so moving from the private is to the civic

domain

That in reference to it outside the technical literature it was cut adrift from its

theologically defined function to be openly promoted as a means of sanctifying royal

authority and enhancing royal power.

“The dominance of Saivism is also manifest in the fact that the other main bidders for

royal patronage, Buddhism, Pancaratrika Vaisnavism, and Jainism, as well as the

earlier forms of Saivism itself, were fundamentally revised or expanded along the

lines of the Saiva Mantramarga as they sought to maintain their hold on the sources

of patronage. As for the other two cults that held the allegiance of kings during this

period, those of the Goddess and the Sun-God, the former was progressively

subsumed within Saivism, and the latter, though once equipped with its own canon of

scriptures, suffered a similar fate."

In his article Sanderson argues from ample textual and epigraphic evidence that

Saivism rose to its position of dominance by expanding and adapting its repertoire to

contain a body of rituals and normative prescriptions that legitimated, empowered, or

promoted the key elements of the social, political and economic process that in its

various regional adaptations characterized the working of the state in the early

medieval period

In this form it was indeed a powerful means of propagating the religion. It was

rewarded through the daksina paid to the officiant who performed the ceremony with

a lavishness that enabled the Saiva monastic network to spread out into new regions

and raised the leading pontiffs to an authority that reached far beyond the confines of

a single kingdom. This nexus can be most strongly seen and studied in the relation

between kings and Kalamukha subsect of Lakulisa-Pasupata order.

109
Kalamukhas: The politically organized Saivite ascetics:

The Kalamukhas are said to have descended from the third disciple of Lakulisa ,

Kaurusa.or Karuka and they inhabited the Karnataka region mainly between 11th-13th

CE.Both Ramanuja and Kesava Kashmiri substitute Kalanana by Karuka Siddhanta.

Thus Bhandarkar27 rightly considers both to be identical and the contention is further

confirmed by an inscription dated 1177CE which claims that Kalananas were

professing Lakulagama Samaya.A stronger proof is provided by Ammaraja‟s

Tadikonda Inscription28 where the history of the Kalamukha saints is traced back to

Lakulisa.. It states that Ramesvara Pandita, the preceptor of the early Kakatiyas, was

the head of the Silamatha of the Kalamukhas of Srisailam and is described as the

master of the doctrine of Lakulisvara.

Judging from the large number of epigraphs recording donations to Kalamukha

temples and mathas these ascetics must have wielded considerable influence in the

region. These epigraphical evidences reveal the existence of at least two major

divisions of the Kalamukha order- the Sakti Parisad and the Simha-Parisad. Records

of the latter division have been found over a wide area including various parts of

Andhra Pradesh and Mysore.As Lorenzen29 observes(p 97), approximately 65

inscriptions from 18 Sakti-Parisad temples have been found and published and point

at their tremendous power and position in the State.That these ascetics had their own

land and armies further strengthen the contention that they were almost running a

parallel government and had kings completely in their sway.

Interestingly saint Lagasipu, the founder of the Simhaparisad at Bezwada had actually

„Pasupati‟ as the suffix to his name.

27
Bhandarkar R.G „Vaisnavism and Saivism and Minor Religious Systems‟,Poona, 1928, p.54
28
Ammaraja Tandikonda Inscription, EI, XXIII, p161-170
29
Lorenzen David N, The Kapalikas and Kalamukhas: Two lost Saivite sects, Delhi,
1972 p.97

110
Pre Kalamukha Lakulisa-Pasupata activity in South India:

Even before these Kalamukha ascetics assumed great power in the region, the area
had been a stronghold of Pasupata Saivism. Gudimallam linga and its formalistic
affinity with Karvan lingas prove the antiquity of the Pasupata thought in the region.
The 3rd -4th CE image found from Mukhalingam depicts a man with a club in his left
hand , usnisa on his head and wearing a yajnopavita is identified as an early form of
Lakulisa though the third eye and erect phallus are missing. From 7th CE onwards
standing figures of Lakulisa are seen from various places in Karnataka. The tradition
extends from the image at Sangamesvara temple at Kudavelly to the images on the
walls of the temples at Mahakut and Mallikarjuna temple at Pattadakkal. Interestingly
in such figures Lakulisa is represented like a Yaksa standing on the body of a dwarf,
very much like Guddimallam linga.

Illus 24. Lakulisa,SangamesvaraTemple Chalukya,Mahakut,Karnataka, 6th CE

111
An interesting four armed image of Lakulisa can be seen from Badami cave 1.

Ilus 25.Lakulisa on a Pillar, Badami, Chalukya, Karnataka, 6th CE

Sakti Parisasd: The most prominent division of Kalamukhas was centered in the
Kedaresvara temple at Belgave in Shimoga district. Almost 50 out of 65 epigraphs
refer to this line of ascetics. Most of the records found at this temple have been edited
and translated by B.L Rice in EC Vol VIII and collated by Lorenzen30. This line of
ascetics, who also controlled various other temples in the region has been studied
initially by J.F Fleet31(Inscriptions at Ablur, EI,VC 1898-99 213-65) and also by a
local scholar A. Venkata Subbiah32

30
Lorenzen Daved p.96-100
31
Fleet J.F. „Inscriptions at Ablur, EI,VC 1898-99,p. 213-65
32
Subbiah,A.Venkata „A twelth century University in Mysore, Quaterly Journal of the Mythic Society,
Bangalore, VIII (1917) p.157-96

112
The full name of the form of Siva who presided over the Belgave temple was
„Daksina Kedaresvara‟, alluding somewhere to the Kedar in North India and hinting
at the possible migration of this line of ascetics from North India. These ascetics were
33
considered as „an ornament to Lakula Samaya‟(doctrine) and the list of subjects
studied at the Matha in addition to all traditional Sanskrit texts included „Lakula
Siddhanta‟ and „Patanjali Yogasutra‟.

So while on one hand it links this very powerful group of ascetics to Lakulisa, on the
other it points at Kedarnath, the important pilgrimage spot in North India to be
considered as an important center of worship for them.

Several Kalamukha priests in Mysore bore the name „Kasmira Pandita‟and this fact
led Subbiah to assert that the Kalamukha sect originated in Kashmir. The contention
was further substantiated by an inscription from Muttagi in Bijapur district dated to
1147CE .The record eulogises a line of Saivite priests who had migrated from
Kashmir and had settled in Bijapur. The priesthood is clearly identified by Desai as a
Kalamukha one which has also been mentioned in a grant of 1074-75 found from
Bijapur itself34. (Ed and Trans. By J.F Fleet,). As comes across in the inscription, the
priests seem to belong to „Bhujangavali‟ another branch of Sakti Parisad and
interestingly two main ascetics of this branch are named as „Kasmira Pandita‟ and
„Lakulisvara‟.

Now the migration from Northern parts to South does not come as a surprise,
especially in 11th-12th CE when both Northern and Western parts of India was
continuously grappling with Islamic invasions. One only has to read the history of
Somanath temple in Gujarat and its repeated plundering to understand the gravity of
the issue, especially for the ascetics linked with various Mathas and temples. As
Lorenzen35 also observes:

“ Many parts of North-Western India were being rocked by the incursions of Mahmud
of Ghazni at about this time and this may also have been a factor in the move to the
South.”

33
Lorenzen David, p,98
34
Fleet J.F.,Ed and Trans. „Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, IA,X (1881) p. 126-131
35
Lorenzen David, 108

113
Significantly Lorenzen talks at length about the lineage of an Kalamukha Acarya ,
„Bhujanga‟ who migrated from Kashmir. This lineage comes across as very important
and mystic branch settled around Bijapur with many similarities with Nath Siddha
cult and many of its ascetics were supposed to possess various Siddhis. In 1074-
75CE, a governer of Somesvara II of Kalyana Calukyas built a temple dedicated to
lord „Sri Svayambhu Siddhesvara‟ for an ascetic Yogesvara and his pupils who hailed
from Bhujanga‟s lineage. Moreover it is recorded that some land too was dedicated to
these Acaryas for the upkeep of the temple. Apart from being experts in Vedic
knowledge these Acaryas were very well versed in Lakula shastra and their aim was
to attain „Bhairavahood‟, very much like Abhinavagupta and his followers.

These teachers were favored and held in high esteem by Kriyasaktis , a powerful
group of Kalamukha priests of Sakti Parisad, who are known to have been royal
preceptors of Vijaynagara kings and are given the titles of „Rajguru‟ and „Kulaguru‟.
Few sources imply the existence of a close relation between these Kriyasaktis and the
Advaita gurus of the famous Sringeri Matha founded by Samkaracarya after coming
back from Kashmir somewhere in 8th CE36.One of these Kriyasaktis is said to have
induced his disciple „Madhava-mantrin to give a village to eighty learned Brahmanas
from Kashmir. This alludes to the importance and growing power of these north
Indian ascetics in Southern kingdoms.

On trying to trace these ascetics to their roots in Kashmir and other places in north
India one is usually faced with paucity of verbal as well as visual evidence. Saivism in
Kashmir, especially post Abhinavagupta ,10th CE, became more philosophical and
gradually lost touch with rituals. Later on imbibing the Trika doctrine it became more
intellectual and present day Saivism is known for it‟s profound insight in philosophy
and psychology rather than the practice which took a back seat. . Unfortunately not
much has survived to suggest the importance and extent of Lakulisa order in Kashmir,
but the fact that Abhinavagupta, the 10th century AD philosophical giant, grants the
school a position next only to his highly evolved system, speaks of its importance.37

There are multiple clues to suggest that Kashmir was home to a more rustic and ritual
oriented Saivite thought which seem to have a strong Lakulisa-Pasupata origin.

36
Ibid p.132
37
Pandey K.C „Abhinavagupta, A historical and philosophical study,MLBD, Delhi, 2000

114
Traces of Lakulisa-Pasupata order in North India:

Saivism has a long history in Kashmir. Pre 5th CE foreign rulers like Kusanas and
Hunas were known as ardent Saivites and so were local dynasties like Utpala and
Loharas. Huna kings like Mihirakula,Baka, Gopaditya, Khinkhila and Tunjina
established the temples for Siva named as Mihiresvara, Bakesvara, Jyethesvara,
Narendraditya, Tungesvara respectively38.Tunjina PravarsenaI established a temple
called Pravaresvara together with a circle of mothers (Matrkacakram),already proved
as an important element in early Lakulisa-Pasupata order.

Tunjina Ranaditya is known to have established a Matha for Pasupata Saiva ascetics
while his wife AmritaPrabha and his son established temples dedicated to Siva. King
Jalauka built various Siva temples. His religious preceptor is said to have been the
Saiva Siddha Avadhuta, who Kalhana records vanquished various followers of
Buddha. His queen Isanadevi as Kalhana records got a Matrkacakra constructed. As
can be seen from these examples it is evident that Pasupatas enjoyed a position of
authority in early religious life of Kashmir and it is only after the coming of
Samkaracarya and later formulation of Trika philosophy that such raw forms of
religion were relegated to background. Regarding such early initiation and funerary
ritual which Sanderson39 wanted to study in Kashmir he writes:

“When I began work in Kashmir, I was told that this tradition had now died out and
that no Saiva initiation or funeral rites had been performed for about fifty years. What
had survived was the purely Gnostic Trika of Saivas whose ritual life was confined to
the Smarta level”

That the order was known in northernmost part of the country can be seen from the
representation of Lakulisa on temples of Payar, Pandrethan and Manasbal The Siva
temple at Payar depicts our major forms of Siva in four trefoiled niches above the
doorways. The niche on the eastern front gate depicts Lakulisa with his four disciples,
the southern niche Bhairava, the northern niche Siva-Trimurti and the western or back
niche represents six armed Nataraja.

38
Rajatarangini of Kalhana Ed. by M.A Stein,Delhi, 1961
39
Sanderson Alexis, „The History of Hinduism in Kashmir‟
Lecture at University of Hamburg April 2010, Lecture Handouts

115
 Illus 26.Lakulisa with his disciples, Pediment,Payar temple, Kashmir,7 th CE

Though Lakulisa images are also known from two other temples of Kashmir located
at Pandrethan and Manasbal lake but Payar temple distinguishes itself by having
Lakulisa image on the lalatabimb of the main doorway indicating without doubt that
it is a Lakulisa temple. Unfortunately because of major iconoclastic activity in
Kashmir hardly any temples survive from earlier periods but the fact that
Abhinavagupta mentions Lakulisa‟s system of thought second only to his, talks about
the importance of the system in Kashmir around 11th CE. The mention of Srikantha
strengthens the contention that the Pasupata system was quite popular in the valley
from early times. Kulacaryas of Kashmir who resorted to various occult and mystic
practices seem to have had close connection with Lakulisa, but somewhere they
assumed a back seat in Kashmir Saivite thought and were relegated to niches. Most
probably these were the Kashmiri-Pandit scholars who migrated to South India and
have been mentioned profusely in Kalamukha inscriptions.

116
An insight into Mystical and Esoteric Aspects of Lakulisa-Pasupatas

Evidence of Ajivika cult in Kashmir and its possible connection with

Lakulisa order:

Some early examples about the kind of cults and sects prevalent in Kashmir in early
centuries of Christian era can be seen at Harwan (identified as Shadarhadvana by
Stein40 (grove of six saints), a locality mentioned in Rajatarangini.

These days, strenuous efforts are being made to project Harwan as an unproblematic
Buddhist site and promote it as a destination for cultural tourism by linking it with the
great Central Asian tradition. In this effort, scholars have deliberately underplayed
facts and attributed all monuments found in the area to Buddhists, ignoring any other
cultic possibility.

Immediately around the Buddhist stupa is a narrow fringe of figured tile pavement.
Closer examination showed that nearly all pieces were fragmentary and no group of
adjacent pieces completed a motif. Such incoherence is usually seen in monuments
which are constructed using fragments of existing monuments, such as the Quwat-ul-
Islam mosque in the Qutb complex, made from the remains of 22 Jaina and Hindu
temples. Though iconoclasts in their zeal to ravage whatever is left of the past try their
best to eradicate proof of its existence, there are always some clues, some hints hidden
at deeper levels, and it is for the discerning eye and questing mind to locate them.

The tile pavement thus raises interesting questions regarding the original monument
to which the tiles belonged. Closer scrutiny of the hillside revealed that the ruins were
arranged in level terraces, on each of which stood several buildings. On the highest
terrace was excavated a large apsidal temple built in picturesque diaper-pebble style
masonry. The temple consists of a spacious rectangular antechamber with a circular
sanctum covered with a terracotta tiled floor with various motifs. The plan of the
temple is very similar to Lomas Rishi cave in Barabar hills (Bihar) and the early
chaitya at Kondivite near Bombay.

40
Stein M.A., „Kalhana‟s Rajatarangini,‟ Vol. II, p. 455 & Vol. I, Book I, p. 31, Delhi 1989

117
There is no trace of a stupa, while what remains at the site is a low section of the wall
and original floor of the courtyard, which were faced with stamped terracotta tiles.
The floor tiles were arranged to suggest the form of an enormous open lotus, possibly
representing the cosmic lotus. The lotus symbology pervades all Indian art, whether
Hindu, Buddhist or Jaina. Similarly, the motifs found on these floor tiles do not point
towards any sectarian affiliation. That these tiles occupied exactly the position they
were laid in by ancient workmen is borne but by the fact that each one bears a number
in Kharoshthi script, the order of the tiles in a series being in strict accordance with
their consecutive numeral order. The existence of Kharoshthi numerals also more or
less allows one to tentatively date the tiles. According to R.C. Kak, by the 5th century
AD Kharoshthi ceased to be the main language in the area and the fact that even a
common labourer was expected to know the language points to the time when the
language was at its peak popularity; hence he suggests 3rd-4th century as the date of
the structure.41

Most curious and interesting are the tiles running all around the temple, depicting
three naked ascetics in the central band with a row of geese holding half blown lotus
in their bill in the lower band.

The upper band portrays figures conversing above a railing. The division of space as
well as the conversing figures on the top band is very similar to Kusana Mathura
sculptures from 2nd CE . On the basis of the script and style, the tiles can be dated to
3rd-4th century AD. The facial features resemble faces found at Ushkur and Akhnur
regions.

Most interesting here is the posture and the nakedness of the ascetic figures – both
unseen in Buddhist representations. Hence one cannot club them together with the
stupa and vihara ruins. This shows that before the Buddhist monuments were
constructed, a part of the site or the whole site was dedicated to some other sect or
cult. The ascetics are shown seated in „kakasana‟ and seem to be in meditation.

41
Kak R.C „Ancient Monuments of Kashmir,‟ , Srinagar, Kashmir, 2002, p109-110

118
 Illus 27. Naked Ascetics seen sitting in Kakasana, Harwan , 3 rd –4th CE, Kashmir

Sastri42 in his work on Ajivikas states:

“…The Ajivikas covered their bodies with dust and ate ordure of a calf. Other
austerities they practiced were painful squatting on heels, swinging in the air like
bats, reclining on thorns and scorching themselves with five fire (panchagni tapas).
These mendicants roamed about the country propagating their mysterious themes…
Their love of solitude, disdain of comfort, even of decencies, performing penances
which almost broke their mortal frame attracted the society”

The possibility of the monument being dedicated to Ajivikas seems probable, because
the ascetic figure seems to fit the description of an Ajivika ascetic. Plan-wise also, it
has similarity with Lomas Rsi cave which along with Sudama cave have been
dedicated to Ajivika monks.

42
Sastri N., „Ajivikas (from Tamil Sources)‟, Journal of Sri Venkatesvara Rao Institute,1941, p. 419-
422

119
Unfortunately none of the original works of Ajivikas survives, though we know of
their existence through various Buddhist and Jaina sources. Asoka‟s Pillar Edict VII
mentions Ajivikas, and Barabar hills have a dedicatory inscription clearly mentioning
that the cave was dedicated to this sect.

It is believed the original Ajivika texts were written in an eastern Prakrit, perhaps
similar to the Jaina Prakrit Ardhamagadhi. Quotations and adaptations from these
texts appear to have been inserted into Jaina and Buddhist accounts of the Ajivikas.
Makkhali Gosala is regarded as the founder leader of the Ajivikas, and one source of
his teachings is the Buddhist Digha Nikaya.

Three Tamil texts, the Manimakalai of the Buddhists, the Nilakesi of the Jainas, and
the Sivajnanasiddhiyar of the Saivites, all contain outlines of Ajivika doctrine. The
stories of the origin of Ajivika leader Makkhali Gosala are to be found in the
Bhagwati Sutra and in Buddhaghosa‟s commentary on the Samanna-phala-sutta. As
Basham43 points out, both these texts clearly show dislike and scorn felt by both
Jainas and Buddhists for Makkhali Gosala

Bhagvati sutra states that Gosala was a slave who, while walking over a patch of
muddy ground holding a pot of oil, was hailed by his master with words „don‟t
stumble old fellow‟ (tata makhal iti). Despite the warning, he carelessly tripped and
spilt the oil. Fearing his master‟s anger, he tried to run away, but his master chased
him and managed to catch the edge of his robe. Leaving his garment behind, Gosala
escaped in the state of nudity and hence he became a naked mendicant and acquired
the name of Mankhali. These and several other such statements clearly point towards
an abhorrence of nudity, while on the other hand come across as fabrications of
people who want to put down another cult or sect.

Jainas and Buddhists, considering Ajivikas their most dangerous rivals, show how
popular the sect was, especially in the 5th -4th centuries BC when the different sects
were forming. Asoka in his Seventh Pillar Edict ranks Ajivikas third in importance
among the religious groups he patronized after Buddhists and Brahmans. They were
thus ahead of the Jainas. After this period the Ajivikas declined and the main
references to them are found only in Tamil literature; there is evidence they survived
in South India until the fourteenth century.

43
Basham A.L., „History and Doctrine of Ajivikas; a vanished Indian religion,‟ 1951

120
Gosala started his ascetic life as a mankha, an ancient class of mendicants, whose
symbol was the carrying of a bamboo staff. Scholars differ regarding the religious
leanings of Ajivikas. Kern considers them a sub-division of Vaisnavas, worshipping
Narayana. Bhandarkar44 opines that the Ajivikas or a section of them were the
predecessors of Lakulisa Pasupatas or even Sivabhagvatas of Patanjali.

This can be collated with the fact that Kalkacharya, a fifth century Jaina astrologer,
calls Ajivikas as bhagvatas. Danielou45 goes further and calls Lakulisa an Ajivika
ascetic.

“It was an Ajivika called Lakulisa, one of those wandering monks who maintained the
heritage of the ancient knowledge in an occult tradition, who judged the moment
opportune to reveal it, causing a great revolution in society. This corresponds to the
greatest period in Indian civilization, which was to last for more than a millennium.
Lakulisa (the name means "Club-bearing Lord") restored an extraordinary impetus to
Saivism, reestablished the pre-Aryan culture, and united, under the name of the
Pashupata(s) (followers of Pashupati, Lord of Animals), the different sects that had
survived in semi-secrecy for centuries.”

The similarities one comes across in the practices of Ajivika and Lakulisa-Pasupata

order are too many to be just coincidence. To start with, ascetics following both

orders carry a bamboo lance (danda), perform panchagni tapas, move around naked

and resort to song and dance as a medium to reach ultimate reality. During his last

years, Gosala observed a vow of silence (vacam pahaya) and lived in a state of trance.

He practiced dance and drunkenness and like certain Saivite saints pondered upon the

mysterious term „Halla‟, to invoke the Supreme Being during ecstatic dances. All

Ajivika(s) used music and dance as ecstatic media and knew the secret of the

technique of resuscitating the dead by the transfer of their own vital energy, one of the

44
Bhandarkar D.R., „Ajivikas,‟ Indian Antiquity,1912, p. 286-290
45
Daneilou A, „Gods of Love and Ecstasy: The tradition of Siva and Dionysus‟, Inner Traditions Bear
& Company, 1992 p.64

121
Siddhi(s) (powers) obtained through Yoga. This power was called pautta parihara by

the disciples of Gosala. Hence the connection of Ajivikas with Saivas seems quite

plausible. Utpala too in his commentary on Brhajjataka says „Ajivika cshaivdandi” So

Ajivikas are classified as nothing but danda holding Saivas, very much like Lakulisa..

If we go deeper in the history during the early centuries of Christian era we find that

one of the principle characteristic mark of the Siva Bhagvatas was the carrying of an

iron-lance.

Another very interesting proof is the the inscription from Barabar hills which clearly

suggests that the caves were excavated for ascetics of various sects and the caves

Lomas Rishi and Sudama were dedicated to Ajivika sect.

Interestingly Lomas Rishi is worshipped till today at Rewalsar in Mandi. He has

another temple at Pekhri in Banjar Tehsil where he is considered as a great Saivite

saint. According to locals it was at Rewalsar that Lomas Rishi propitiated Siva and

acquired seven islands from the latter in form of boons. Two other temples of

Bhutanath and Triloknath are also seen in its vicinity.

This Rishi has been mentioned in Ramayana in the episode where „Kakbhusandi‟

reveals to Garuda that he has heard the story of Rama from Lomas Rishi, who in

return had learnt it from Lord Siva. Padma Purana Uttara khand too praises this

ascetic and says that he has lots of hair (Lom) on his body. As one Kalp passes, one

hair of his body falls, that is why his name is Lomash. He knows all about past,

present and future and thus alludes to miraculous powers that the sage is supposed to

have. Moreover a better known Pasupata saint Parasara has two temples dedicated to

him at Mandi and Kulu district and Saura-panju in Bhadon and Kamandipor in Magh

ar two famous fairs which are till today held in his honor.

122
 Illus 28. Temple dedicated to Lomas Rishi, Rewalsar, Mandi , Himachal Pradesh

So Lomas Rishi so strongly connected with Siva on one hand and Ajivikas on the
other provides the important connection to link this lesser known cult with Saivism
This can be collated with the fact that Kalkacharya, a fifth century Jaina astrologer,
calls Ajivikas as bhagvatas..This link has been discussed by Daneilou also who goes
further and sees Lakulisa as nothing but an Ajivika ascetic

The major importance of this order in North Indian hills in Medieval times can be
seen in Jagesvara group of temples in Almora distric of present day Uttaranchal.
There is no definite proof about the construction of Jageshwar group of temples but
these are stated to belong to post-Gupta and pre-medieval era and are estimated to be
about 2500 years old.These temples range in the period from 8th century (early
Katyuri Dynasty to 18th century (Chand Dynasty).It is certain that these temples were
renovated during the reign of Katyuri King Shalivahandev. There is an inscription of
Malla Kings on the main temple premises indicating their devotion to Jageshwar.
Katyuri Kings also donated some villages to the temple for its maintenance. Chand
Kings of Kumaun were the great devotee and patron of Jageshwar temple.The local
belief suggests that Adi Shankaracharya visited this place and renovated and re-
established many temples before finally departing for Kedarnath.

123
Illus 29. Lakulisa, Jagesvara, Probably Katyuri dynasty, Almora Dist,Uttarakhand, 7th-8th CE

Illus 30. Lakulisa, Jagesvara, Almora Dist, 8th CE

124
Apart from being an important worship centre and a centre of Lakulisa-Pasupata
order, Jageshwar had been the cremation ground of Chand kings.The term‟Jagesvara‟
is nothing but a version of Siva Yogesvara. Apart from the Lakulisa images
mentioned by Nautiyal, I came across some other representations of the saint teacher
in various smaller shrines.Most of these shrines house a linga like any other Saiva
temple but the strategic location of a Lakulisa image on the lalatabimb clearly hints at
its Pasupata lineage. Moreover the other ancient complex, is known as Dandesvara
and hence points at Siva being worshipped there in form of a Danda holding teacher.
So indirectly this too points at its Lakulisa-Pasupata lineage though there is nothing
at site to prove it to be so.

The iconogrphical connection with Jain Tithankaras is also pointed out by many
scholars like Nautiyal and he suggests that the Jains wielded lot of power in the region
and lot of Jain remains can be found from the area. To me it is the teaching-learning
aspect which makes the iconographies of Jain tirthankaras,Buddha and Lakulisa seem
alike. All three of them are shown in sermon giving mode and the last two are often
depicted along with their desciples. The similarity in iconography rather than an
„influence‟ can be seen as iconography associated with a great teacher who had
tremendous impact on later followers.

Regarding the sudden disappearance of Lakulisa Pasupata order in Northern hills

Nautiyal46 observes:

“ The region of Kumaon abounds in Lakulisa sculptures. The reason for it may be that
the sect probably obtained enough hold over the entire area. During the early
medieval period and later it got itself absorbed with the “Kanphata” , class of Sadhus
in Kumaon.”

Hence according to Nautiyal most of the customs and traditions of early Lakulisa-
Pasupatas were carried on by later Kanphata yogis who trace their lineage back to
Goraksanahta and indirectly to Lakulisa himself.
46
Nautiyal N.K, Journal of Oriental Institute of Baroda, 23 (1974-75) pp54-58

125
Goraksanatha and Natha Sampradaya:

Regarding the importance of Gorakhnath in Natha Sampradaya Deshpande47 writes;

“Gorakhnath , the disciple of Matsyendranath , was a great organizer and by his

strict adherence to the path of sadhana he spread the Natha yogic order in almost all
parts of India. He is such a familiar saint in many parts of India that he is claimed to
have hailed from Punjab, Bengal and Maharashtra by the people of the respective
provinces.”

The philosophy of Natha Sampradaya can be traced to Sankhya philosophy and it

seeks to establish complete identity between pinda and brahmanda. And this total
identity can be intuitively experienced by a yogi in a state of Samadhi after his
kundalini is aroused and it reaches the highest cakra after passing through six cakras.
Very much like ascetic aspirants of Lakulisa-Pasupatas they too believed in strict
body regimen like (hathayoga) , breathing exercises (pranayama), meditation
(dhyana) etc.

Their major difference with early Lakulisa-Pasupatas is in the extreme importance

they pay to Sakti. According to them Sakti resides in Siva and likewise Siva in Sakti
and they are inseparable like the moon and moonlight. Moreover they consider all
classes and castes as equal.

Later various Mathas of Natha Sampradaya spread over in different parts of India
compiled their own list of Natha Siddhas. Among such lists, a short list of nine
Nathas became important in various parts of the country. These nine were viz:

Gorakhnath, Jalandharanath, Charpatinath, Adabanganath, Kanifnatha,

Matsyendranath, Chouranginath, Revananath and Bharthaharinath.

Shah48 brought to light an important Natha Sampradaya centre at Dabhoi in district

Vadodara and published his findings in Nagari Pracharini Sabha (62nd yr vol 2 and 3).
He noticed almost thirteen Natha Siddhas represented on one of the magnificiently
carved doorways(Mahudi or Champaner gate) of Dabhoi town datable to 13th CE.This
again hints at the continous importance of Siddha cult in and around Baroda.

47
Deshpande M.N, Natha Sampradaya: An Anthropological Approach,
48
Shah U.P as quoted by Deshpande

126
The interesting overlap between ,Buddhist Siddhacaryas teachers of Kapalika sect and
Nathas of Natha Sampradyay points at certain similarities between these highly
esoteric cults. The fact that the same Siddha is considered as a Natha and also as a
Kapalika teacher talks of a common spiritual tradition followed by these great masters
irrespective of the religion they followed or the religion with which they got
associated. It throws light on the mutually exclusive nature of spiritual lineages and
religion in India.Interestingly Natha Siddhas consider the five main Nathas to be
emanations of Adinatha very much like five Dhyani Buddhas are emanations of
AdiBuddha.

Table:2: Overlap between ,Buddhist Siddhacarya, Kapalika sect and Natha

Sampradaya

Buddhist Siddhacarya Natha Kapalika teacher acc. To Sabaratantra

Nagarjuna Nagarjuna
Luipa or Luhipada Matsyendranath Minanath
Goraksa Gorakhnath Goraksa
Carpati Carpti natha Carpata
Jaladhari pa Jalandhar natha Jalandhara
In this context the cave temples of Panhale-Kaji located in Konkan region in
Maharashtra come across as a very important site. Regarding the site Deshpande49
writes:

“Since Panhale lies in the Konkan region and was celebrated centre of Natha
sampradaya, one is tempted to suggest that Konkananatha, a name appearing in the
list of Navanathas according to Kadali matha may be a Nath yogi who popularized
the order in this region”

It is further interesting to note that according to Gode50 even in the 17th CE, Nathism
was practiced in the Konkan region. Now the fact that earlier caves at this very site
are dedicated to fierce Vajrayana deites like Mahacandarosana talks about it being
sacred to these Vajrayana followers too.Regarding the shift from Vajrayana to Natha
worship Deshpande51 observes:

49
Ibid.
50
Gode P.K., ABORI, vol 19,pp49-60
51
Deshpande M.N.above cited

127
“While the Vajrayana followers were entrenched at Panhale, Saivism seems to have
made its appearance on the scene with deities like Siva, Ganesha, Saraswati, Kali ,
Bhairava whose loose as well as fixed images have been found at Panhale.”

Cave 13 particularly occurs as an interesting case study. It seems that followers of

Natha Sampradaya took over this early Vajrayana cave and transformed it into one
dedicated to Goraksanatha. Similarly in others caves too later interpolated images of
various Nathas can be seen.

A brief insight in Vajrayana Buddhism:

The Saiva practice of royal Mandala initiation (Sivamandaladiksa) was among the
elements of Saivism that Indian Mahayana Buddhist chose to adopt when they
adopted Saiva ritual models to their own Buddhist purposes in constructing their way
of Mantras (Mantrayana or Vajrayana)

Sanderson52 suggests that such Vajrayana Initiation can hardly be seen in India but
we have abundant evidence its practice as means of propagating the Buddhist faith in
Tang China and later in Japan 9th CE onwards. Even in propagation of Tibetan
Buddhism it has played a major role

The Vajrayana school of Buddhism is believed to be a product of 3rd C.AD.

According to Taranath such tantrik ideas of a secret nature were as old as the time of
the great Buddhist teacher Nagarjuna. He further informs us that these teachings were
handed down from guru to his disciple secretly for almost 300 years and finally these
teachings got sufficient publicity during the middle of the 7th C AD. through the
teachings and mystic songs of the 84 Siddhas. It is also around this time that we see
the inclusion of Vajrayana deities in Indian art.

The fact that tantrik and mystic practices as described in Vajrayana literature were
prevalent from antiquity and were well known to Buddha himself can be corroborated
by the example from the Pag-Sam-Zan-Zang, a Tibetan text compiled in 1747 A.D.
and the Sadharmapundarika, another Buddhist scripture. Both these texts have
interesting references to Vajrayana Buddhism. According to them,Buddha had

52
Sanderson Alexis, „Initiating the Monarch: The Adaptation of a Saiva practice for the propagation of
Esoteric Buddhism in India, Inner Asia and Far East Dec 16 2004, Lecture Handout

128
assured Sariputta, one of his chief disciples, that after countless generations, Sariputta
would be reborn as Padmasambhava (the person who popularized Vajrayana
Buddhism in Tibet), and he would attain enlightenment at Budhhakshetra Uddiyana,
the place from where the Vajrayana sect is believed to have originated. Moreover in
Sannyasa Upanishad II.13 it is stated that though Buddha himself was well versed in
tantrik rituals, he did not permit the use of panchmakaras by his disciples. Hence even
during his lifetime many monks revolted against his injunctions and were thrown out
of the order

Probably this resulted into formation of secret conclaves called „Guhya-Samaja‟. The
followers of Guhya-Samaja introduced their doctrines into Buddhism by the
composition of a new Sangiti or collection of verses ,all of which interestingly were
supposed to have been delivered by Buddha himself in a secret
assembly.Bhattacarya53 dates the Guhyasamaja Tantra to 3rd C.AD. which agrees
with Taranath‟s account.

Mahasiddhas are famous for attaining direct realization of the Buddha‟s teachings
within a single lifetime, for their miraculous powers, and for giving impetus to tantrik
art in Buddhism. When Buddhism took root in Tibet, these Siddhas provided
important links between Indian and Tibetan Buddhism, giving life to lineages and art
forms which have continued in Tibet up to the present.Dowman54 describes siddhas as
the men who embodied the tantirc ethos and the aims and the ideals of Indian culture
between 8th -12th CE, as generators and directors of the creative energy that converted
the people and transformed society. According to him the number 84 of the siddhas is
more symbolic than actual as there is lot of discrepancy in their names in various
texts. Thus the 84 Mahasiddhas can be seen as archetypes representing the thousands
of adepts of the tantric way. However the most important names which one comes
across in almost all the texts as well as visual depictions is given in the table below:

53
Bhattacharya N.N; History of the Tantric Religion‟,Delhi, 1982, p.269-270
54
Dowman Keith, „The Eighty-Four Mahasiddhas and the path of Tantra‟,SUNY, 1984, p.2

129
 Table: 2: List of Buddhist Siddhacaryas

Taranath’s account Srichakrasambhara Sumpa’s account

Siddhas imparted knowledge during Saraha Saraha
Pala period. They were Nagarjuna Nagarjuna
Saraha/Rahulbhadra author of Siddhasabari Sabari
Buddhakapala tantra,born in a Luipada Lui
Brahmin family but ridiculed the Dombi pa Vajraghanta
caste system Tili (Tilopa) Kacchapa
Luipada author of Naro/Naropa Jalandhari
Yoginisamcharya Dombi junior Krsnacharya
Kambala and Padmavajra authors Kusalibhadra Guhya
of Hevajra tantra
Vijya
Krsna, author of Samputatilaka Tailo (Tilopa)
Lilavajra, author of Krsnayamari Naro (Naropa)
tantra
Gambhiravajra, author of
Vajraamrta
Kukkuri, author of Mahamaya
Pito, author of Kalachakra

The major distinction between these siddhas and other sanyasis was that the former
lived with people on the grassroot level. Many of them married and did not shun the
pleasures that life offers and taught more by examples and attitudes than sermonizing
and philosophizing. Infact their contempt for hairsplitting logic and complex
theological and philosophical debates can be seen in their various songs.Their
teachings were completely unconventional and had no regard for societal rules and
regulations.

The ultimate goal that they strived for was „Mahamudra siddhi‟ i.e. the mystical
experience of the oneness of all things and an ultimate feeling of emptiness „Sunyata‟
(Vacuity) symbolized esoterically by the Yab-Yum figures seen widely in Vajrayana
art.

130
Sahajayana and the point of overlap:

Siddhas were well known in literature of medieval Indian alchemy. Two main
offshoots of Vajrayana which have been popularized by the Mahasiddhas are ,
Kalachakrayana and Sahajayana.

Table : 3 Comparision: Kalchakrayana and Sahajayana

Kalachakrayana Sahajayana
The theory explained by Against the prescribed codes of
Abhinavagupta as wheel of time and study,discipline,conduct worship and
the process of keeping oneself above ritual
its vagaries Dohas and songs of siddhas as the
The process of controlling time main source of inspiratiom…time and
possible by controlling vital winds in again hinting on uselessness of purely
the nerves through yogic practices philosophical discussions and debates
followed by siddhas Everything lies in human
frame..denotes the easiest and most
natural way by which human nature
will itself lead the aspirant to the truth
Conception of an internal female
force in the navel region of a male
corresponding to „kula-kundalini‟
Sakti of the non Buddhist
tantras…similar to Natha tradition

In philosophy the term Sahaja denotes the ultimate inner nature of beings and
elements and in a spiritual sense it denotes the easiest or the most natural way by
which human nature itself can lead the aspirant to realize the truth. It believes that by
suppressing desires and thereby straining the human body with the prescribed codes
of study discipline conduct and worship and ritual truth can never be found.It
considers the human body itself as the seat of all human experience including that of
Sahaja-Mahasukha. According to the followers of Sahajayana everything, every
mystery, every answer lies in human frame; and the human body is in essence a
microcosm of the universe. All their effort is channelised at realizing the wonders of
ones own body and its immense power.The aim is to develop the hidden powers of
mind which when properly evolved were believed to be much more powerful than
material forces.

131
All these three traditions lay a great emphasis on two major points

The imperative necessity of making the body sufficiently strong and fit before
starting the Yogic practices

Conception of an internal feminine force in the Nirmana cakra (cakra around navel
region) corresponding to that of Kula-Kundilini of non Buddhisht tantras

The main aim of the Natha aspirants very much like a Sahajayana aspirant is to feel
within his own self the ideal of non-duality which is possible by attainment of
immortality and renovation of the body.55 According to the natha texts moon (soma)
is the drug of immortality (amrta) which resides in the Sahasrara or cerebral region of
the body. In a normal human being this amrta dropped from Soma is consumed by sun
which resides in the navel region through a serpent like channel.The face of this
channel from where the amrta is dropped is designated as 10th door. Now according to
these adepts the 10th door can be closed and hence amrta can be saved in the body
which ultimately leads to immortality. The feat can only be achieved through
vigorous „KayaSadhana‟ or disciplining of the body.iThese methods and processes of
Hatha Yoga have been explanined in detail by Briggs56, and are similar to ones
followed by Siddhacaryas. Hence it is the cult of body that connects all these three
esoteric sects

Kapalikas and the cult of body:

In Brhajjataka, Varahamihira, a famous astrologer enumerates the seven classes of

ascetics and the heavenly bodies under whose influence they are born. He classified
Vrddhas to have been born under the moon (Soma). Interestingly the 10th CE
commentator Utplala equaled Vrddhas with Kapalikas and identified them as
wandering ascetics who seek refuge with Mahesvara.. Kalkacarya, a Jain scholar
from 5th CE too connects moon with Kapalikas. Interestingly there is a mention of
Vrddhadeva in Karvanmahatmaya which could very well have been a Kapalika
Siddha hence suggesting that the area around Karvan was sacred to them. There is
also a mention of Lakulisa‟s temporarily staying with Vrddhadeva, which shows that
there was a definite connection between both systems of thought.

55
Bhattacharya N.N; History of the Tantric Religion‟,Delhi, 1982, p.269-270
56 56
Briggs G.W., „Gorakhnath and Kanphata Yogis‟,Calcutta, 1938

132
Literature as well as texts are full of fantastic stories about the Kapalika ascetics,
usually maligning them and showing them as some horrific, power crazy and
materially inclined savages. Hence Bana‟s sympathetic and detailed description of
these ascetics as highly religious and knowledgeable group in Harsacarita seems to
give a truer picture.He gives a detailed physical description of he sage Bhairavacarya
whom he sees as a powerful and highly knowledgable soul, though he is seen
performing „Sava puja‟in a cemetery to become a Vidhyadhara. This powerful spell
called Mahakala-hrdaya is not mentioned elsewhere in such a positive light. Other
works of literature like „Malati Madhava‟ and „Mattavilasa‟ etc portray them as wild,
pathetic souls usually having a petty materialistic motive. .

As Lorenzen57 has rightly observed the figure of a Kapalika is used in literary work to
arouse the feeling of Jugupsa , to produce Bhibatsa Rasa. All the paraphernalia
surrounding a Kapalika adept like human bones, flesh, blood, skulls , cemetery etc
hae immense capacity to produce disgust in a layman and this pen picture is evoked
not to give any genuine information about the sect but to produce Bhibatsa Rasa and I
would also add Bhayanaka Rasa to it. The fearsome aspect becomes a factor for
enjoyment in these works and hence the focus on all the gory details by the writers
who waned to create a hightened state in their readers. But for a researcher such
works can prove a deterant if taken as a proof. Hence there is a need to dig into other
sources which would give us a better picture of the sect.

The Epigraphical sources for Kapalikas are very few. Only two inscriptions, one from
Nasik district and another from Baroda district have been found which clearly register
donations to Mahavratin ascetics. However the term „Kapalika‟ does appear in three
Jain inscriptions from southern Mysore state.

Interestingly one of the most important Kapalika grant, a copper plate was found in
the bed of the Karmada at Tilakwada in Baroda district hence giving credence to the
contention that Karvan and areas nearby were a stronghold of Kapalikas at one time.
This grant registers the gift of a village named Viluhaja for a temple of Srighatesvara
and was issued from the temple of Manesvara at the confluence of he Mana and
Narmada rivers58. Dated too 1047CE, it was dedicated to a muni called „Dinakara
Mahavratadhara‟ who was like Kapalin Sankara in bodily form.

57
Lorenzen David p.28
58
Ibid p.29

133
We know that the Kapalikas continued to exist in Gujarat until at least 12th CE from

the „Moharajaparajaya‟ of Yasahpala.59This probably explains the iconography of the

all the stray images in Karvan which have been displayed at the site museum. The

tantric element is unmistakable in most of these images, though hardly any coherent

theory can be formed about them.

Connection between Lakulisa-Pasupatas and Kapalikas:

Prabhasa has been known as a sacred pilgrimage spot for Saivas since ancient times

and its merits have been enumerated in Mahabharata. From 10th CE we start getting

the inscriptions mentioning the importance of Somanatha temple at Prabhasa.

According to these inscriptions Soma to free himself from consumption founded the

city of Prabhasa and constructed a golden temple for the lord of Somanatha.

Interestingly there is a mention that the authority of the temple was given to the

Acaryas of Pasupata school by Soma after his own creed had gone out of vogue in the

Krta age by the curse of Parvati. The legend gives us an interesting lead in the

connection between SomaSiddhantins (Kapalikas) and Lakulisa-Pasupatas. To further

substantiate my contention, in Siva Purana and Vayu Purana Siva is told to have

incarnated himself at Prabhasa as Somanatha having four disciples viz. Aksapada,

Kanada, Uluka and Vatsa. Here it is significant how Cintra Prasasti of Sarangadeva

(1286CE) records how Siva came to Lata and dwelt at Karohana as Lakulisa in order

to bestow favor on the universe and also to favor the off-springs of Ulka who for long

were deprived of sons in consequence of a curse laid upon their father.

The taking up of the authority at Somanatha by Lakulisa-Pasupatas from early

Kapalikas somewhere points at the break in the earlier tradition. However the
exchange of authority seems to have been a peaceful process hence suggesting that
there was some close connection between in Kali Yuga was called Icchapuri in Krta
Yuga, in Treta as Mayapuri and Meghavati in Dvapara. Presently it is identified with

59
Ibid.p.30

134
the village Avakhal near Karvan. The incarnation in the first yuga was Isvara(Isana),
second Mahabala ,third Vrddhadeva and fourth as Lakulisa. Hence before Kaliyuga
Vrddhadeva, which seems to have been lord of Kapalikas was considered as an
important incarnation of Siva and predessesor of Lakulisa.

The famous Prasasti, originally from Somanatha discloses the existence of Gargya
gotra ascetics. It refers to the reign of Chalukya king Sarangadeva of Anhilvad Patan
in whose time it was composed mainly in honor of the consecration of the five lingas
in as many temples built by Saiva ascetic Tripurantaka at Devapattan in
Saurashtra.Tripurantaka is supposed to have visited all the holy places of Pasupata
Saivism and paid his homage to Mallinatha at Sriparvata in South India. This
incident throws light on a spiritual and religious connction between Kapalikas of
Sripartvata and ascetics of Gargya gotra in Gujarat.One understands the changing
hand of the spiritual authority between Kapalikas and Pasupatas better in this light.

Till today people from various parts of Gujarat come to Kayavarohana to get cured of
their diseases. While talking to some local pilgrims I was told that they had come
specially to get some medicine which could only be found there. Interestingly various
temples dedicated to Kapilesvara have been famous for such special power of healing.
An inscription from a temple of Kavalji (Kapalin) in Kotah (Rajasthan), dated to
1288CE records60:

“May the god Kapalisvara through compassion manifest that which is desired of by
men and destroy the pain of bodies spoilt by leprosy, elephantiasis and cutaneous
eruptions”

The most famous Kapalesvara temple located at Mylapore near Madras is also known
for such powers. 7th CE Saivite saint Tirunanasambandhar is said to have revived a
dead girl whose bones had been kept in a pot by her father in the temple.Curing,
healing and magical control over empirical knowledge all these things have played an
important role in popularizing such saints and sages all over the country. Regarding

60
Haldar R.R., „Inscriptions of the time of Hammir of Ranthambho‟r ,EI XIX 45-52

135
the Tantric influence in temples at Orissa, K.C Panigrahi61 argues that some of these
temples and especially Vaital Deul was originally a Kapalika shrine, as the main deity
in the shrine is ferocious looking Camunda. Moreover the other fierce deities
sculptured around the inner shrine and the panel of erotic couples all point at its
Tantrik lineage.The fact that one finds multiple images of Lakulisa in this temple
points at the connection between Lakulisa-Pasupatas and Kapalikas in this region too

Another important inscription focusing on the link is found at famous Pasupatinatha

temple in Nepal. This inscription written in Sanskrit and belonging to the reign of
King Jisnugupta (630CE) records a gift to „Varahasvamin, Dharma ….and to
Somakhaddukas (ascetics wearing moon bracelets (Kapalikas) in the congregation of
the Mundasrnkhalika (Pasupata acarya wearing a chain of heads) .62

Samkaracarya and Kapalikas:

A very violent and derogatory image of Kapalika has been created by hagiographical
works on Sri Samkaracarya by his disciples and followers. Three incidents which
mention Samkaracarya‟s interaction with Kapalikas Ugra Bhairava, Kracaca and
Unmatta Bhairava leave no stones unturned in mocking and ridiculing these ascetics
who are seen ultimately defeated by Samkara‟s knowledge of Vedanta. While going
through the insightful works of Pt. Gopinath Kaviraj I came across a totally different
version of Samkara‟s encounter with Ugra Bhairava in the writings of famous Natha
Siddha , Goraksanatha63 which on one hand connects Kapalikas with Natha Siddhas
and on the other shows the limitation of taking the written word at its face value.

Samkara‟s meeting with Ugra Bhairava seems to have occurred somewhere along the
Krishna river; Lorenzen contends perhaps at a spot near Sri Sailam (Sriparvata) a site
renowned since ancient times for Saivite worship. Madhavacarya in his Samkara
Digvijaya64 writes how Ugra Bhairava tries to persuade Sankara to sacrifice himself
by extolling great benefits of self sacrifice.

61
Panigrahi K.C , Sculptural Representations of Lakulisa and other Pasupata Teachers, Journal of
India History, Vol-38, April 1960, 635-640
62
Lorenzen David. P.94
63
Goraksa Siddhant Samgraha,Ed by Gopinath Kaviraj,
64
Lorenzen David, „p. 96

136
“In offering your head you will acquire wondrous fame in the world and I will acquire
Siddhi…You are indifferent to worldly desires and care nothing for the body…and so
on….Men like Dadhyanci who abandon their transient bodies for sake of others,
acquire an immutable body of fame (yasah sarira)”

It is further stated that Sankara to prove the greatness of Advaita Vedanta and illusory
nature of physical world agreed to abide by latters‟s decree. As Samkara assumed the
Siddhasana and was ready to sacrifice his body for the sake of his belief , his disciple
Padmapada realizing the fate of his guru assumed the form of Nrsimha and pounced
on the Kapalika ascetic and killed him.

“Running up with great speed he tore open with his claws the breast of Kapalika who
was striking with his trident”

This same incident is narrated in the Goraksa-Siddhanta-Samgraha belonging to the

Kanphata tradition.The similarity of various traditions in both Kanphata and Kapalika
is unmistakable. Here it is stated that god Sri Bhairava himself assumed the form of
Ugra Bhairava in order to bring Sankara to test. In this form former requested
Sankara‟s head as an offering to Bhairava by alluding to Advaita Vedanta concept of
Maya. Hereafter the GSS version follows the same narrative as SDV, till Ugra
Bhairava gets killed by Padmapada. After being stuck by Padmapada, Ugra Bhairava
manifests his true identity as Bhairava and declared in a thunderous voice:

“Sir this is defeat for advaita , what has become of that which you said about friend
and foe. As a wrestler causes his opponent to fall by falling himself , I have
accomplished the ruin of my opponent‟s doctrine through the loss of my body”65

Seeing his immanent defeat Samkara stood motionless and the Kapalika with the help
of yogic power , (yogamaya) cut off the heads of Samkara and his four disciples
which were afterwards revived and only from then onwards „true detachment arose‟.
Here the cutting of heads is a symbolic representation of cutting the pride and hence
suggesting the defeat of an idea rather than the physical assault.

65 65
Goraksa Siddhant Samgraha,Ed. Gopinath Kaviraj, Princess of Wales, Saraswati Bhavana Texts
No 18, Banaras,1925, p.17

137
The favorable attitude of Natha Sampradaya towards Kapalikas also comes across
through their belief that Kapalika doctrine was also revealed by Natha (Siva). The
overlap between Kapalikas and NathaSiddhas can be seen in various Tantrik texts
and according to Sabara Tantra66 Goraksa himself was a disciple of a Kapalika.While
explaining why Kapalika path was revealed, Goraksanatha narrates the story where
some avtaras of Visnu had become obsessed with pride and power and were creating a
havoc. To teach them a lesson Natha assumed the form of 24 Kapalikas who cut the
heads of these avtaras, indirectly cutting their pride.

Collating the information about the distribution and dates of Kapalikas from available
sources we find that they existed throughout most of Deccan plateau as early as 8th
CE. They are connected specifically with Kanci, parts of Mysore, western and central
Maharashtra, Ujjain ,Gwalior and Kurnool district in Andhra Pradesh. Some
evidences of their presence in Orissa as well as Gujarat can also be seen . According
to Bhavabhuti, Sriparvata in Kurnool district was a particularly important Kapalika
center in his time. Also the legend of the kings Vikramaditya Harsa, Pravarsena II and
Matrgupta narrated in Kalhana‟s Rajatarangini identify the Kapalikas with Pasupatas
and connect them both to Sriparvata. In one of these stories a Pasupata Siddha
Asvapada is the central character ad he himself declares that he belong to the Kapalin
sect. Lorenzen is of the opinion that this Kapalika sect was completely absorbed by
other Saivite tantric orders such as Kanphatas and Aghoris by 14th CE

Kapalikas and Natha Siddhas:

A direct connection between Kapalikas and Nathas can be seen in famous old Bengali
songs (carya gita) of Kanhapada (Kanu-pa), a Natha adept and also considered as a
Mahasiddha by Buddhists. Kanha calls himself a Kapali in various verses and in this
form (form of a Kapalin Yogi) he becomes the lover or husband of the Dombi
(washer woman) who in symbolic terms is he goddess Nairatmya (goddess of
Essencelessness, a Buddhist counterpart of Kula-Kundilini Sakti)

“Thou art the Dombi and I am the Kapali, for thee have I put on a garland of bones.
The Dombi destroys the lake and eats up the lotus stalk I shall kill thee, Dombi, and
take thy life”

66
Dowman Keith, Masters of Mahamudra,

138
Dasgupta67 translates this at first go sinister sounding verse as:

“ As the earthly Dombi should not be touched by the orthodox , so the divine Dombi is
inaccessible to them. She lives outside the city (the world of senses) . Unless she is
killed (i.e controlled) she spoils the lake (the body) and eats the lotus stalk (the
bodhicitta or mind of enlightenment)

“Of what nature is O Dombi ,thy cleverness, the aristocrats are outside thee and the
Kapalins are within. You are the Kama Candali-there is no woman more cunning and
unfaithful than the Dombi”

The use of coded language (sandha bhasa) is evident in such songs and the need to
understand them in a proper light of the spiritual practice is must before interpreting
them. This is also a feature of Tantric visual art where the literal meaning can
completely baffle and disgust the onlooker. In the third song Kanha clearly mentions
that the yogin Kanha has become a Kapali; and has entered into the practice of yoga,
and is sporting in the city of his body in a non-dual form.Esplaining the outer signs of
a Kapalika he further adds68 ;

“His earrings (kundala) are the sun and the moon (Upaya and Prajna, equivalent to
Siva and Sakti). The ashes he smears on his body are the ashes of passion (raga),
aversion (dvesa) and error (moha). His pearl necklace is supreme salvation (parama
mocha) and the song ends with his narrating how he killed his mother and other
relatives in his house.

This highly symbolic description has been studied by scholars and decoded to mean
that he cut his bonds with his senses (his relatives) and went beyond illusion to
become one with the lord.

Yajnavalkya Smrti states that anyone who kills a Brahmin unintentionally has to take
the Mahavrata vow for twelve years and atone for his sin. Apart from the usual
injunctions of living a simple life and sustaining on alms , the text mentions that one
must carry on his stick (danda) the skull of the person slain, like a flag. (Y.S ed by
N.R Acarya, III)

67
Dasgupta S.N, A History of Indian Philosphy, Vol V, Delhi,1975
68
Lorenzen David p.129

139
This gory imagery reminds one of Khatvanga a weapon carried by various Tantrik
deities, comprising of a skull attached to a danda. The imagery is closely related to the
myth of Kapalamocana interestingly narrated with respect to various temples all over
the country.

It is believed that after killing Brahma, Siva incurred Brahmhatya and the former‟s
head got attached to Siva‟s hand. To get rid of this head Siva went to various religious
places and when he reached the site (identified with various temples in North India
but Kasi is considered most important ) the head is broken into thousand pieces and
Siva is freed from guilt. Thus Lorenzen69 observes :

“the ultimate aim of the Kapalika observance was a mystical identification or

communion with Siva. Through their imitative repetition of Siva‟s performance of the
Mahavrata, the ascetics became ritually homologised with the god and partook of or
were granted some of his divine attributes, especially the eight magical powers
(siddhis).”

The phychological basis of such rituals has been explained by Eliade in detail and will
be discussed in later chapter on rituals. Lorenzen stresses on the Eucharistic aspect of
partaking „Panch Makara‟ (Five M‟s ) by a Kapalika aspirant.The Eucharistic
significance of these ingredients (panch makaras) is explained in various Tantric
sources.

Kularnava Tantra70 says

“Wine (sura) is Shakti, the meat is Siva; the enjoyer of those is Bhairava himself. The
bliss sprung from the union of those two is called Moksa. This bliss which is the form
(rupa) of Brahman is established in the body of the worshipper. The wine makes it
manifest”

Another text Mahanirvana Tantra says:

“ Wine (sura) is Tara herself in liquid form, who is the saviour of beings, the mother
of enjoyment and liberation”

69
Ibid
70
Kularnava Tantra Ed. by V. Taranath and Arthur Avalon, Calcutta 1915

140
Importance of sacrifice and especially self-sacrifice is often hinted at in this tradition.
This concept subsumes a wide range of activities from self immolation or suicide to
self mutilation and from physical penances to simple exercises of mental discipline.
One of the visual parallels to such an act of self sacrifice can be seen on a relief
sculptural panel in Draupadi Ratha at Mahabalipuram. In this panel one can see a devi
figure in the centre and a man sacrificing his own head to the devi can be seen from
back. The theme is unmistakably that of self sacrifice.

Illus 31. Panel inside Draupadi Ratha, , Mahabalipuram, Pallava, Tamil Nadu ,6th CE

141
Kalamukhas and Virasaivas: The present day tradition :

A considerable amount of circumstantial evidence points to the existence of a close

historical link between the Kalamukhas and the later Virasaivas. The early history of
the Vira Saivas is buried in a maze of legends . The founder of this sect is usually
believed to be Basavesvara, who was a minister in the court of Kalacuri king Bijjala
(1145-67). Evidences suggest that it was a sort of a subsect of earlier Kalamukhas
with some additional and reformative features71.

The chief ViraSaiva source for their own early history are two Kannada works, the
Basava Purana (1370CE) and Canna Basava Purana (1585), both eulogizing the
founder. A different and not so favorable account can be seen in „Bijjalarayacarita‟ , a
Jain work. After furnishing some basic information about the parentage of Basava,
Basava Purana states that he became the chief minister of Bijjala and soon along with
his nephew Canna Basava began propounding the Virasaiva doctrine and won a
number of converts. Moreover it is stated that on being opposed by the king, Basava
gathered together a large army (reminiscent of large Kalamukha armies) of his
followers and defeated the king and later also ordered the murder of the king. What is
of major interest to us here is that after murdering the king Basava went to the shrine
of Sangamesvara and was „absorbed in the godhead‟, very much like Lakulisa who
got merged with the linga of Brahmesvara.

A more authentic and relevant information can be gleaned through an inscription of

about 1200CE found at Somnath temple at Ablur in Dharwar district. It mentions a
Saivite priest named „Ekadanta Ramayya‟ who is described as a Vira Saiva saint in
the Canna Basava Purana72. He is supposed to have vanquished Jain scholars in
Shastrarth and later destroyed their shrine and built a large temple of Vira Somanatha
in its place.

The record also mentions him to have delivered a sermon in the Brahmesvara temple
at Ablur, which was earlier headed by a Kalamukha priests and later became famous
as temple of Basavesvara and thus a major Virasaiva shrine.

71
Lorenzen David p.198
72
Fleet J. F, „Inscription at Albur‟above cited

142
A significant number of former Kalamukha temples are presently controlled by
Virasaivas . Belgave, the former seat of the Sakti Parisad is now center of Virasaiva
activity and has become a major Virasaiva pilgrimage site. Two of the most famous
Virasaiva Maths are at Sri-Parvata and Kedarnath both known to have been early
Kapalika strongholds.

Dasgupta73 observes that the philosophical content of Basava‟s vacanas is negligible

and is quite similar to Pasupata doctrine.The idea that the distribution of the fruits of
Karman is managed and controlled by God ,rather than being automatic and
autonomous is according to Dasgupta a doctrine which Revanarya (Virasaiva scholar)
borrowed from the Pasupatas.

The followers of Virasaiva cult are found till today mostly from southern parts of the
country. They are seen carrying a linga on their person and their ascetics are broadly
called as Jangam Jogis. Their return back to the roots and essential theocratic form of
the order is reminiscent of what Lakulisa has proposed in PS.

73
Dasgupta S.N ,History of Indian Philosophy,

143
 CHAPTER- 4
THE RITUALISTIC CONTEXT

Ritual and Symbolism:

With respect to religious studies rituals can be described as time-honored patterns of

sacred activity rooted in the psycho -cultural consciousness of a people, wanting to
link the mundane or natural reality with the divine or transnatural. By invoking the
sacred and transcendent with a series of mental, physical and verbal actions these acts
tend to achieve a symbolic character which confers a completely novel significance
and implication to them. As Krishna1has pointed out:

“rituals transform the biological cycles which is the most fundamental of all cycles
into a cultural cycle. That is why in all cultures birth and death is not just biological
phenomenon but profound cultural events associated with a lot of ritual and
ceremonies which transform the biological into the cultural.”

The rites and ceremonial processes which are responsible for this transformation of
the natural or the casual into the cultural are closely allied to the attitude of the
practitioners to time and space and to the symbolism extant in the order which they
follow. The importance of this symbolism is rightly stressed on by Mircea Eliade2 in
following words:

“all research undertaken on a religious subject implies the study of religious

symbolis. Religous symbols are capable of revealing a modality of the real or a
structure of the world that is not evident on the level of immediate experience….An
essential characteristic of religious symbolism is its multivalence, its capacity to
express simultaneously a number of meanings whose continuity is not evident on the
plane of immediate experience.”

1
Krishna Daya, „Prolegomena to Any Future Historiography of Cultures and
Civilizations‟,Delhi,PHISC Series,p.8
2
Eliade Mircea, „Methodological Remarks on the Study of Religious Symbolism‟ In The History of
Religions: Essays in Methodology Ed by Mircea Eliade and Joseph M Kitagawa , University of
Chicago Press, 1959 p.95

144
Regarding the importance of such sacred symbology Geertz3 writes;

Sacred symbols function to synthesize a people‟s ethos-the tone, character and quality
of their life, its moral and aesthetic style and mood- and their world view-the picture
they have of the way things in sheer actuality are, their most comprehensive idea of
order.

For a scholar and an uninitiated I feel this is the most appropriate and fruitful entry
point in any system of thought or practice. Saivite Scholars have been engaged in this
process of interpretation, deduction, elucidation and explanation of various texts,
rituals, myths, arts and so on yet it has remained an enigmatic area. As Ricoeur4
points out;

That symbols (especially religious symbols) tend always to have a double

intentionality, that is to say, a first level obvious and literal signification as well as a
second level indirect and oblique signification which is opaque, analogical and
characterized by an inexhaustible depth. The interpretation of the symbol or a
complex of symbols is thus, never simply an exercise in translation, difficult as this is.
Interpretation, rather, is an attempt to understand and give expression to the
„transparency of an enigma‟ which any symbol or symbol complex represents.

To add to what Ricoeur says these religious symbols don‟t have one particular
meaning but can be interpreted variously. While dealing with such data the idea of
Foucault‟s floating meaning strikes us. And it is precisely this complexity which gives
the religious symbol, (ritual, art or myth) its power and efficacy.

Susan Langer5 in her important study, Philosophy in a New Key states that:

Symbols are not proxy for their objects, but are vehicles for the conception of objects.
In talking about things we have conceptions of them, not the things themselves and it
is the conceptions, not the things, which symbols directly mean.

3
Geertz Clifford, „Religion as a Cultural System‟ in M Banton ed, Anthropological Approaches to the
Study of Religion , London , 1966 p.5
4
Ricoeur Paul, „The Symbolism of Evil‟,California, 1980 p.14-24
5
Langer Susan K. „Philosophy in a New Key: A Study in the Symbolism of Reason, Rite and Art,
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957, p.60

145
She further goes on to enumerate three types of symbols viz: Discursive symbol,
Presentational symbol and Artistic symbol and being a Formalist considers the
Artistic symbol to be the most significant one:

An artistic symbol- which may be product of human craftsmanship or (on a purely

personal level) something in nature seen as significant form has more than discursive
and presentational meaning: its form as such, as a sensory phenomenon has what I
have called implicit meaning, like rite and myth, but of a more catholic sort. It has
what L.A Reid called „tertiary subject matter‟, beyond the reach of „primary
imagination‟ and even the „secondary imagination‟ that sees metaphorically.

Her approach instantly draws a connection between the ritualistic activity,

mythological exegesis and the artistic manifestation. In all traditional societies and
orders myth and ritual are two central components of a religious practice. Although
myth and ritual are commonly united as parts of religion, the exact relationship
between them has been debatable. One of the approaches to this problem is "the myth
and ritual, or myth-ritualist, theory", which holds that "myth does not stand by itself
but is tied to ritual”. Eliade too subscribes to this theory which suggests myths are
created to explain a certain ritual.

There is an entire gamut of scholars who believe in the ritual purposes of myths hence
at once increasing the importance of ritualistic behavior. According to Frazer6 ,"myth
changes while custom remains constant; men continue to do what their fathers did
before them, though the reasons on which their fathers acted have been long
forgotten. The history of religion is a long attempt to reconcile old custom with new
reason, to find a sound theory for an absurd practice.”

The explanation somewhere rings true, as even nowadays people follow rituals
without realizing their actual import. Logical questions will yield no satisfactory
answers so many a times a ritual is blindly followed to continue a tradition. Burde7
divides religious rituals into four categories: worship rituals, rites of passage , festive

6
Frazer James, „The Golden Bough‟ ,Macmillan 1922 p.477
7
Burde Jayant,as quoted by S.S.Toshkhani in „Rituals of Kashmiri Pandits

146
rituals and sacraments while Tachikawa and Hino8 divide religious activity in two
kinds: That which takes as its goal the spiritual well being of the individual ; and that
which has the purpose of enabling the group or the society to operate smoothly
(festivals, initiation rites etc.) . Toshkhani9 concludes that whether performed with the
purpose of spiritual or material well being of an individual or religious cultivation of a
social group, rituals serve as a means of communicating with divine beings or
transnatural powers that are believed to guide and influence the course of human
actions.

Locating the Lakulisa-Pasupata rites in the world of Saivite rituals:

The extremely important body of literature which can throw major light on the
ritualistic practices and modes of worship in Saivism are the Saivagmas with their
threefold categorization viz. dualistic, dualistic cum monistic and monistic. This
Agamic literature, deriving its essence from practioners of Saiva Sadhana comprises
of a well organized body of thought with its own intrinsic logic and rationale.

To summarize in short all the three categories mentioned above focus on the concept
of 36 tattvas and Parama Siva, the ultimate principle is described as the 37th tattva.
This 37th tattva is conceived of as purely undifferentiated transcendent consciousness
which is beyond the purview of the rest of the 36 elements. His „Svatantra Sakti‟
roughly „free will‟ is considered responsible for all the creation which is nothing but
his evolution in the world of multiplicity, his lila (sport). By this logic every created
being has a Siva tattva in him/her and it‟s by bypassing the rest of the elements and by
realizing Siva in oneself that a spiritual aspirant seeks the higher realm. The arcane
secrets which guide the aspirant on various paths leading to Siva are codified in
various Tantric and Agamic texts.

Derived from the root „gam‟ the word Agama means coming near or approaching and
would literally convey the sense of achievement on coming nearer to lord. Broadly
speaking the Agamas can be subdivided into two main portions the first being the
philosophic section and second dealing with various practices and rituals. They talk

8
Tachikawa and Hino as quoted by S.S.Toshkhani in „Rituals of Kashmiri Pandits
9
Toshkhani S.S, Rites and Rituals of Kashmiri Brahmins, Pentagon Press, Delhi, 2010 p.5

147
about various pooja paddhatis (methods of worship) and also throw major light on the
temple building and temple art. Rather than standing for any particular book or
treatise they stood for a system of thought and a body of practices which were
verbally transmitted from guru to his disciple and committed to the memory. Thus
here the knowledge seems to have been essentially a confidential affair between the
initiated practitioner and his master. Later when these Tantric and Agamic texts were
penned down then too the language used was so cryptic and symbolic that one had to
be in the lineage of the disciples to understand the actual meaning of the text. Literal
reading of such texts can be an extremely futile and many a times misleading exercise
and in Drabu‟s words10

“They are written in a language which can be read by all but understood by few”.

The actual import of these words was understood by me when I started going through
the text of PS considered and emphasized as a Tantra by Kaundinya. It made
absolutely no sense in the beginning and I realized if we didn‟t have access to
Kaundinya‟s Bhasya which contextualize these sutras, they would be totally obscure.
Following the same order as Lakulisa the commentator had access to the verbal
injunctions that go with the sutras and hence he could throw light on the discussions
which were accompanied while transmitting these sutras. The first aphorism of the
fourth chapter describing the vidhis goes on as :

Gudha-vidya tapa-anantyaya prakasate (PS 4.1)

The literal translation would be:

“Learning, when concealed becomes penance and leads to the state of the infinite

Now in itself the literal meaning does not suggest much and it is only by referring to
the commentary that one can better understand the aphorism

Explaining the sutra Kaundinya writes11 (p136-38)

10
Drabu V.N, „Saivagamas: A Study in the Socio-Economic Ideas and Institutions of Kashmir, Delhi
1990
11
Pasupata Sutra with Panchartha Bhasya of Kanundinya Trans. by Haripada Chakraborti,
Academic Publishers, Calcutta, 1970, p. 136-138

148
„Guhu‟ means „to preserve‟. It should be preserved, that means it should not be
disclosed. Concealment means not disclosing. Learning, mentioned before manifests
(discloses) itself and others like the lamp. Concealed learning means that it should
not be brought to light by the marks of the aspirant. Now the question is –what is the
result, attained by the concealment of vidya by the Sadhaka? So the answer is „Tapa
anantyaya prakasate (penance leads to the stage of infinite) this is the reading. Or
„kuravonmahitavat tapo‟nantyaya prakasate- this is the alternative reading. So here
that itself is a penance. Its etymology is mentioned earlier. „An‟ (the state of the
infinite) is also taken to be a particular Yoga in the shape of remaining firm. That is
the effect of penance like the states of „Atigati‟ and „Sayujya‟ (complete identification
of the Sadhaka with Mahesvara). Now is the word „anantyam‟ used to mean the
limited or the unlimited or both the limited and the unlimited? The answer is –this
word „anantya‟ is used in the senses of both the limited and the unlimited, for all
pervasiveness in the unlimited and in also in both of them. This word of „anantya‟ is
in the sense of His states, good and bad because it is said- “And these are not my only
forms”.

From here the commentator goes on to enumerate the various forms of unlimited
Brahman and ways and means of keeping the penance hidden from public.The Tantric
Sadhana is claimed to lead an aspirant to spiritual „siddhi‟ and „mukti‟.The Lakulisa-
Pasupata system seems to amalgamate the orthodox vedic teachings with more
esoteric meanings and symbolism of tantras. Regarding the system Pathak12 observes,

Vedic Saiva school appears to be same as Lakulisa-Pasupata…It may however be

noted that even Lakulisa-Pasupata is originally Agamic but it is described in Puranas
as Vedic because it is comparatively more orthodox and in the beginning it
recognized the Vedic institution of Varna.

Seeing tantric systems as opposed to Vedic system again is a very reductive way of
looking at things. We have various examples to show give and take between both
tratditions. Vedas too had its esoteric sections full of symbolic meaning and the
practices which are usually associated with tantras. AV is full of such rites and rituals.

12
Pathak, V.S. History of Saiva Cults in Northern India (from inscriptions 700 AD to 1200 AD).
Varanasi: Tara Printing Works ,1960 p.14-15

149
On the other hand practioners of tantras use various Vedic mantras besides the ones
composed in Tantra shashtra itself. The use of Bija Mantras and mantras associated
with mystical syllable forming part of a mantra used as an amulet (kavaca), the heart
(hrdaya) and mentally assigning and invoking various parts of the body to tutelary
deities (Nyasa) to attain various siddhis is the root followed by tantric aspirants. They
envisage the entire macrocosm in their own bodies and the practices of Nyasas,
various Mudras, Yantras and Mandalas are nothing but invoking the divine presence
and extending the limited physical body into limitless macrocosm. To achive these
ends Tantras lay stress of external factors like the place, time and instruments used for
the sadhana. The deities are invoked with hand gesture and finger manipulation
(Mudras) and particular position of the hand on different parts of the body to render it
fit for adoration. As Drabu13 observes

“Basic to both yantra and mantra is the belief that these operate both within the gross
physical body and the subtle body, which was to be organized as to promote the goal
of yoga by a process of reintegration of rituals, symbolic and suggestive.”

Thus all the paraphanalia associated with Tantric exegesis is primarily to focus the
individual‟s concentration and make him/her aware of the divinity residing inside the
body, a form of „yoga‟ union of the micro and macro-cosm. In short tantras provided
a practical discipline of the mental and psychological Vedic side.

As Sanderson14 observes the reference of Agamic tradition can be found as early as in

Atharvaveda and its ancillary tract known as Atharvaveda parisista is filled with
mention of Saiva practices and Ucchusmakalpa (Parisista 36) talks in detail about the
fire sacrifice to achieve supernatural ends that invoke Ucchusma Rudras with esoteric
Saivite mantras Major importance here is paid to the Pasupata vow to which a whole
Parisista is dedicated (Parisista 40: Pasupatavrata). The literature of the Agamic
Saivas is dominated by the prescription of rituals through which the Saivas initiated
candidates into their religious discipline (Diksa), consecrated successors to office
(Abhisekah), installed images and other objects of worship (Pratistha) and performed
the reapeated services of worship (yagah) and propitiation (Mantrasadhana).

13
Drabu V.N, Saivagamas, A study in Socio Economic Ideas and Institutions of Kashmir, Delhi, 1990
p.89-90
14
Sanderson Alexis, Atharvedins in Tantric Territory :The Angirasakalpa Texts of the Oriya
Paippaladins and their connection with the Trika and the Kalikula, From alexissanderson.com

150
By studying such literature realted to Lakulisa-Pasupata system, which extends from
spiritual texts claiming the authority of divine revealation eg PS to commentaries and
treatises on these texts eg(Pacarthabhasya) to manuals (Paddhatih) of both
transregional and local reach eg (Ganakarika, EklingaMahatmaya, Vishvamitri
Mahatmaya) we can make out a detailed picture of comparative analysis and arrive at
some understanding to how these model rituals changed overtime , were adapted in
different regions and were related to those of the similar systems of ritual seen in the
literature of Pancaratrika Vaisnavas , Mantrayan or Vajrayana Budhhishts and ascetic
sects like Ajivikas.

The active ascetic initiates of this order seem to have been few in number yet
throughout the history of subcontinent Saivism has exerted a tremendous influence on
the religious life of common people and as Sanderson15 observes:

..there can be no doubt that for several centuries after 6th CE it (Saivism) was the
principal faith of the elites in large parts of the Indian subcontinent an in both
mainland and insular South East Asia….only Mahayana Buddhism was able to rival-
the popularity of Saivism and that too in its „Mantramarga‟ way, a system to ritual,
meditation and observances in which Buddhism itself borrowed heartily, if not in
essence but atleast in form and style from Saivism.

The fact that by 6th CE Saivism had become a very important and powerful
mainstream religion followed by royalty as well as commoners points towards an
interesting shift from the essentially Atimarga Saivism to Mantramarga one, from a
faith and set of beliefs associated largely with ascetic sects to a popular religion of a
householder. While the more escoteric and difficult practices were restricted to the
initiates, the support of a wider community of uninitiated lay followers was
sought.Sanderson refers to an unpublished corpus of texts comprising principally the
Sivadharma and Sivadharmittara which contain observances recommended to the
laity. Moreover he believes that inclusion of lay followers by simplifying the religious
system was to counter the popularity of Buddhism and its wide appeal to general
people:

15
Sanderson A, Religion and the State: Saiva officiants in the territory of the kings Brahmanical
chaplain. Alexissanderson.com

151
…following the example of the Buddhists the Saivas had propagated a lesser religion
of merit gathering that centered on the support and veneration of the persons and
institutions of the relgion proper, promising that those who followed it would be
rewarded in death by a period in paradise of Siva (sivalokah, rudralokah) before
returning to the world in the most desirable of rebirths.16

An insight into Asceticism:

The term „tapas‟ which applies to ascetic practices in general recognizes the efficacy
of the endurance of discomforts and of the difficulties which such an aspirant has to
face. The importance of tapas is stressed upon in Ait. Brahmana17 in these words

“Heaven is established on the air, the air on the earth, the earth on the waters, the
waters on truth, the truth on the mystic love and that on tapas.”

Upanisads too uphold the idea of tapas especially the Jabala Upanisad which
advocates an extreme form of asceticism and asks the aspirants to root out all desires
from their hearts.Coming to the Epics, both Ramayana and Mahabharata in its main
and auxiliary plots mention various hermitages full of ascetics who acquired
supernatural powers and priviliges due to their extreme and prolonged austerities. The
story of Kirata-Arjuna where Arjuna takes the Pasupata vow and meditates on Siva
by performing austerities is a well known event from Mahabharata.

The pen picture of an early form of Saivite ascetic is met with in Kesi Sukta of Rg
Veda18 where a muni is described as follows:

“The hairy one supports the fire

The poison-fluid, and heaven and earth;

He is all sky to look upon,

The hairy one is called this light

The Munis, girdled with the wind,

16
Ibid.
17
(Ait Brahmana. ,11,6,4)
18
Kesi Sukta of Rg Veda as quoted by G.W Briggs in „Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis‟,
Delhi,p.214

152
Wear garments soiled, of yellow hue;

After the wind‟s course follow they,

When once the gods have entered them.

Transported with the ecstasy

Of Munihood we mount the winds;

Ye, mortal men, are able now

To see our bodies and no more.

He flies through regions of the air,

Beholding all the various forms-

The Muni, who was made a friend

Of every god for ministry.

The steed of Vata, Vayu‟s friend,

The Muni, by the gods impelled,

In both the oceans hath his home,

In eastern and in western seas.

Treading the path of sylvan beasts,

Gandharvas and Apsarases,

The hairy one knows every thought,

Sweet and most stimulating friend

Vayu has twirled for him;for him

He breaketh things most hard to bend;

When he , the hairy one,has drunk

With Rudra from the poison-cup.”

153
This hymn describes an ecstatic ascetic who looks wild in his exterior but possesses
the supernatural powers matching the deities and has done away with the fetters
(pasa) which bind him to the wordly life.

Radhakrishnan19 summarizes the description given in Ath Veda in these words:

We hear of great ascetics who obtain the mastery of nature by tapas. They reduce the
elemental forces to their control by this asceticism. It was then well known that
ecstatic conditions could be induced by the mortification of the body. Man can
participate in divine power by the hidden force of magic. The possessors of magic and
witch-craft were accepted by Vedic seers and their calling was dignified with a result
that magic and mysticism soon became confused. We find people sitting in the midst
of five fires, standing on one leg, holding an arm above the head, all for the purpose
of commanding the forces of nature and subduing the gods to their will.

Thus all sorts of marvelous achievements were made through extreme penance. Our
epics and Puranas are full of stories which suggest the power of tapas. Indra got rid of
Brahma-hatya by meditating upon Pasupati and performing severe austerities for
thousand years. Ravana is known to have worshipped Siva in the most difficult ascetic
methods and received the boon of invulnerability in return. Visvamitra the Ksatriya
compelled the gods to grant him the birth and rights of a Brahmin by performing
severe austerities. The power of asceticism is well summarized by Manu in these
words20

“Whatever is hard to be traversed, whatever is hard to be attained, whatever is hard

to be reached, whatever is hard to be performed, all may be accomplished by
austerities; for austerity possesses a power which it is difficult to surpass”.

As comes across through various myths and legends Siva himself is the ideal ascetic.
Rather Puranic Siva is an interesting amalgam of a worthy householder and a
thorough ascetic.

19
Radhakrishnan S. „Indian Philosophy‟,Oxford University Press , 2008 vol 1,p121
20
Manusmrti as quoted by G.W Briggs „„Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis‟, Delhi,p.217

154
What characterizes Lakulisa-Pasupata system is not only its philosophical side or
spiritual discipline (sadhana) but also the rites and rituals it prescribes. Kaundinya in
the beginning of his bhasya offers adoration to Pasupati who has created the whole
world beginning from the Brahman for the good of all. He says that the five subjects
of discussion in the Pasupata system are:

Karya (effect)

Karana (cause)

Yoga (meditaion)

Vidhi (Behaviour)

Dukkhanta (cessation of sorrows)

The teaching of Pasupata system is for the total annihilation of all kinds of sorrow
and this teaching can only be communicated to proper disciples. When the disciple
follows the ascetic practices recommended by the lord he attains liberation through
His grace. So the most important step is to get initiated in the system which is termed
as Diksa.

Diksa (Initiation):

Diksa is defined as a process of imparting real knowledge (jnana) and a perceptorial

instruction which removes the karma-vasana (acts- latencies) of a pasu as mentioned
in Tantraloka21 , . Guided by the guru a Sadhaka applies himself to passing
successively beyond the behavior patterns and values meant for pasu (the bonded
soul). In order words the social and moral rules which apply to a layman on longer
apply to the aspirant. Infact diksa is a process which witnesses a transformation to
another mode of being who strives towards a spiritual upliftment by following the
rules and rites of the order in which the person is initiated. It is supposed to „kill the
pasu‟ in jiva and to lead him to moksa. It creates so to say a new body,a „mystical
body‟ which enables the aspirant to enter the transcendent mode of being.

21
Tantraloka Ahnika 1 P.80

155
The incarnation of Siva as Lakulisa by entering a corpse is probably the best mythical
example of this rite. One has to be dead to the world to rise as Siva.

Svachhanda Tantra22 suggests that for ordinary aspirants or samayis there is the
provision of reciting vacanas, listening to oral discourses, vedic studies, japa, dhyana
and so on and their souls are purified by these traditional practices but the case for an
ascetic aspirant is very different and follows a strict code of conduct. This Putraka
Diksa is for those who desire to attain liberation from the bondages, who want to
break all the fetters (pasa) which bind them to their physical existence. Regarding the
„Putraka‟ which derives from the term „Putra‟ (son) SvaT23 says that Putraka is the
son of the guru who is not his biological issue but is born of the womb of Vagisi and
whose vasanas (desires) are subdued by the divine grace. It seems that the history of
Putraka goes back to the period of Brahmanas when it was thought that the Acarya
himself bears the child. By placing his right hand on the disciple‟s head the guru was
supposed to have conceived the disciple and hence the latter became his mind-born
son. The Vedic, Puranic as well as Tantrik texts are full of references to such mind-
born sons which seem to have been the worthy disciples who carried the knowledge
acquired the guru further thus maintaining the lineage from antiquity. This Sparsa
Diksa was meant for highly developed disciples and after being blessed by the guru
the disciple was supposed to take his „new birth‟ as a Brahmana alongwith Savitri
who seems to have been introduced to emphasize the sharpening of his intellect. The
guru seems to divinize the Sadhaka by his mystic touch and this touch is highly
venerated in most of the religious texts. The idea of re-birth is of prime importance
and hence the concept of „death‟ assumes a major significance.

According to Eliade24, Yoga techniques aim at escaping the limitations of the body,
allowing the soul (atman) to rise above maya and reach the Sacred (nirvana, moksha).
Imagery of "freedom", and of death to one's old body and rebirth with a new body,
occur frequently in Yogic texts, representing escape from the bondage of the temporal
human condition.

22
Svacchanda Tantra with Commentary by Kshemraja Ed by Madhusudan Kaul, KSTS,Bombay ,1921
23
Ibid.
24
Eliade Mircea, „Yoga, Immortality and Freedom‟ trans . Willard R. Trask. Bollingen Series, no.56,
Princeton University Press, 1970 p.301

156
Considering the purpose of diksa as the imparting of jnana, the means to obtain it, the
spiritual exertion by the guru to wash off the impurities accumulated in the disciple‟s
inner heart (antastala), communication of right knowledge and a mantra in a
systematic way, we have a list of a number of diksas quoted in Tantraloka. One of
these called Pranatakramana diksa, whereby the disciple‟s body falls off to attain
moksa in a body less from has been mentioned. Through the performance of
Jalandhara a dead disciple was traced out and initiated at the place where he lay after
his death25. Quite in the same vein KM ch 3.4, 3.5 says

Ankekrtvachatambalam gatasajalasanidau

Devkhatetataudevi! siptosauvipulejale

Nitauasau kachhapedevi! Yatrajalesvarah

Jalmadhye mahalingamtisthate chavaranane26

Holding the child to her bosom she went to the water body and immersed the corpse
of her son upside down in the devkhat lake

O devi, that child (Lakulisa) then was taken to the Jalesvara linga in the middle of the
water body by a group of tortoises

The pattern followed here too is the death of the miraculous child and then the
resurrection of the same when thrown in the waters or when taken to Jalesvara linga.
It is quite tempting to read this entire episode as the mythical explanation of the
Jalandhara. The entire idea of Siva entering a corpse points at the initiation after the
physical death. The next line which talks about „Pretanjali‟ too focuses on the aspect
of death very clearly.

Pretanjalitattodattva haputra! Tvamkutaugattva?27

After giving Pretanjali to his dead son he said, O My son where did you go?

25
Drabu V.N, „Saivagamas: A Study in the Socio-Economic Ideas and Institutions of Kashmir, Delhi
1990
26
Patel H. H.S. Ed. Shri Kayavarohan Tirth no Itihas, Ahmedabad, 1964 p.21
27
Ibid p.22

157
The severing of bonds is clear in this section and later on too when the child
(Lakulisa) refuses to return home and instead says:

Kumara uvaca:

Mamasparsantimunyau mammatapitatatha

Astikaryamparamkincit srnvantaumuniuttamah

Tayajsokamvishalaksi! Namematakadachan

Srnvanturishiyah sarveitihasampuratanam28

Kumara (Lakulisa) said:

O Munis, my mother and my father, don‟t you touch me

O great Munis there is something great to be done, listen carefully

O long eyed lady, stop grieving, I never had a mother

O Rishis listen properly to me, I will enlighten you with ancient knowledge (history)

The importance of diksa comes across clearly by an Agamic injunction which

suggests that diksa is the only knowledge which without internal jnana has capacity to
emancipate the aspirant

Looking more closely we see that the mystery of liberation which is nothing but
return of the elements (tattvas) to Siva tattva, signifies an anticipation of death. The
Yogico-tantrik exercises and rituals are only an anticipatory visualizations of the
merging and return of elements in the higher Sivatattva, a process set in motion by
purification through Diksa. Abhinavagupta too has amplified the concept of such a
diksa which according to him is the diksa leading to the separation of the body or
death and attaining Sivahood.Explaining this Drabu29 writes

“When death approaches a disciple, he through Samkari diksa goes to Siva. Thus to
reach Parama-Pada the aspirant has to raise himself to another mode of being and to
reach it , he must die to this life and sacrifice the personality that has issued from
temporality, that has been created by history.”

28
Ibid p.22-23
29
Drabu V.N, „Saivagamas: A Study in the Socio-Economic Ideas and Institutions of Kashmir, Delhi
1990

158
Thus by initiating a disciple, his guru withdraws the aspirant from the outside reality
into his own self, awakens his kundilini which lies dormant in uninitiated people and
sets him on a way on which he can get united with the supreme force. In the process
the bonds of Maya, (apparent reality or illusion) are broken by making the aspirant go
through vigorous processes. All these procedures and the vidhis followed by the
practioners of this order are only means of realizing the Highest Reality and the
experience is totally internal and takes place in ones consciousness.So a major
importance is paid to condition the body and mind to situations which are challenging
and require extreme self control.

To be initiated and to meditate is to rise to such planes of existence unknown ,

unfathomable and inaccessible to the profane .Thus the path of Initiation is the path of
death and mystical Resurrection and in all Saiva diksas the goal is to transcend the
earthly existence and to move from imperfect ignorance to perfect knowledge.

Broadly speaking the diksa for the ascetic aspirants of this order comes under the
heading „Jnana diksa‟which aims at the purification of an aspirant and thus
emancipating jiva from its animality (pasutva). To reach such a stage the ascetic has
to undergo vigorous practices and do exactly the opposite of what human nature
normally forces one to do. The vidhis or the rites mentioned in PS will be understood
better if seen in the light of these speculations, rather than by studying them
independently as some aberration or irrational behavior.

Briggs30 suggests that the most of the Saivite sects that preceded Kanphatas were
Pasupatas, Lakulisa-Pasupatas, Kalamukha and Kapalika (and probably Aghoris) all
of which could be broadly classified under the term Pasupatas. These initiation rites
were well thought psychological acts is clear from a passage in Briggs 31about
initiation in Kanphata order.

“Initiation is divided, roughly into two stages, the first, a probationary period,
followed by ceremonies leading to preliminary discipleship; the second during which
the ceremony of splitting the ears which leads to full membership in the sect is
performed. An initiate in the first stage is called an Aughar; in the second he becomes

30
G.W Briggs in „Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis‟, Delhi ,1973 p.218
31
Ibid p.27-28

159
a full fledged Yogi……The candidate is first closely confined for a period ranging
from forty days to three to six months, that is , for a period of testing satisfactory to
the guru. During this time the candidate is tried as to his resolution and ability to
carry through his undertaking. At the same time he is dissuaded from becoming a
Yogi, the guru pointing out to him the hardships that his initiation and his life as a
Yogi would entail.”

Only if the guru is completely satisfied that the disciple has enough discipline and self
control then he is initiated in the system which is marked by fasts and presenting of
two edged knife for piercing the ear, an act which has given the order its name (kan-
phata).Then he takes his vows of ahimsa (non-injury) and receives the guru-mantra
(initiatory verse) and he is officially recognized as the disciple of the one who
initiated him. This is followed by ritual shaving of the head and wearing ochre robe.
In the second stage the guru pierces his ears puts around his neck the singnad janeo,
or sacred thread of the order.

The antiquity of such rational and well thought over rites of Initiation can be gleaned
through initiation rites of Ajivikas, an extreme ascetic order whose connection with
Lakulisa-Pasupatas has already been discussed. As is the case with Kanphatas there
is no one form of initiation and the ceremonies vary from one group to another.
Unfortunately most of the written sources available for this sect have been extracted
from Buddhist and Jain sources hence they have been described as derogatory. Their
practices are ridiculed Tittira-Jataka and the extremism completely mocked at.

Two Pali references give us some indication of the probable initiatory rites of
Ajivikas. Only by reading these critically rather then taking them on face value can
lead to valuable information.32 narrates an incident of a false ascetic who after a
career of fraud and deception is judged and executed by a lion.The tiger who
prosecutes the hapless ascetic while talking about the religious leanings of the latter
says, “he has burnt his hands by grasping a lump” .The commentary elaborates these
lines ; “At the time of his going forth as an Ajivika his hands were burnt by grasping a
heated lump”. „Hattha daddha pindapatiggahanena‟. This Basham believes points at
32
Tittira Jataka as quoted by Basham, A.L. History and Doctrine of The Ajivikas. London: Luzac and
Company Ltd.,1951p,104

160
the fact that Ajivikas were sometimes initiated by a painful ordeal and he further
suggests that there are suggestions of the survival of the practice at a much later date
too. Painful procedures seem to be the watch word of these ascetic orders. It seems
that physical as well as mental endurance were tested to the maximum by these
extreme practices.

Another more explicit description is given in Mahanaradakassapa Jataka33 where the

ascetic Guna is described as an ignorant, naked, wretched and blindly foolish Ajivika.
„ajanantam nagga-bhoggam nissirkam andha-balam ajivikam‟.The aspect of nudity
is stressed here and this was considered as a major negative aspect of Ajivikas by
Buddhists. There are various references to show the latters abhorrence of nudity. An
inscription at Belagami, Mysore, dated 1162 CE catalogues the types of ascetics to
whom alms were given at the Kodiya math; among those there is a mention of Nagna-
Bhagnas, who seem to have been habitually naked and who according to Basham34
were naked Ajivika mendicants. Interestingly such naked ascetics are mentioned in
Rajatarangini, the first ever recorded work of history in India. While describing the
Iconoclastic activities of Harsha in 10th CE, the text refers to „Rugna-Nagnataka‟
ascetics, with ematiated or decayed noses,feet,and hands who may have been
Ajivikas.35(Rajatarangini of Kalhana, book vii, 1092-94).

Verses as translated by Stein are as follows:

“In order to defile the statues of gods he had excrements and urine poured over their
faces by naked mendicants whose noses, feet and hands had rotted away.” (1092)

“Crippled naked mendicants and the like covered the images of the gods which were
dragged along by ropes round their ankles, with spittings instead of flowers.” (1094)

The mention of Ajivikas can be found on and off in Kashmir and in my paper on
Harwan36 monuments I have tried to see Ajivika leanings in the monuments unearthed
there and in the previous section have tried to see them as a Saiva ascetic group.

33
Ibid.p.105
34
Ibid p.108
35
Rajatarangini of Kalhana, Book vii,1092-1094 Trans and Ed by M.A Stein , Delhi, 1961
36
Kher Kaw Geetika, „An Enquiry into the sectarian affiliation of ruins at Harwan‟ in Heritage of
Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh, Ed. by G.L Badam and K.K Chakravarty, Research India Press, 2010

161
Hence in light of all the evidence Basham sees „nagna-bhagna‟ as „naked and
crippled‟ and believes that Ajivika initiatory ordeals may have resulted in harsh
mutilation and deformity in the body of the ascetic.

Another element in the Ajivika initiation, is described in Dhammapada commentary

while narrating the story of Jambuka37.

Jambuka‟s habits are so disgusting that his parents decide that he is not fitted for
ordinary life, but only for Ajivikas (Ajivikanam esa anucchaviko). Therefore they take
him to a local group of Ajivika ascetics, apparently while he is still a child and
request that he be initiated into their community. The boy is placed in a pit up to his
neck, planks are laid over the pit, above his collar bones, and sitting on the planks,
the Ajivikas pull out his hair with a piece of the rib of a palm-leaf.

This painstaking ordeal seems to have been a part of initiation only as we find
Ajivikas with matted hair depicted on Borobudur stupa. The pit in which the novice
was placed most probably symbolized his spiritual rebirth form the womb of Mother
Earth after being dead and surpassing the pain and torture of the physical world.

The Ajivika reputation for asceticism apparently reached the Far East. Chinese and
Japanese Buddhist literature classes the Ashibikas (i.e. Ajivikas) with the
Nikendabtras or Nirgranathas as practicing severe penance.

In this context Sugiura38 writes:

“They both (Ajivikas and Nirgranthas) hold that penalty for a sinful life must sooner
or later be paid and since it is impossible to escape from it it is better that it be paid
as soon as possible so that the life to come may be free for enjoyment. Thus their
practices were ascetic- fasting, silence, immovability and the burying of themselves
up to the neck were their expressions of penance”.

We don‟t find direct reference to Initiation rites in Lakulisa-Pasupata system but the
commenatary on PS does furnish information about the discussion between Lakulisa
and his immediate disciple Kausika which throws considerable light on the nature of
such an initiation. R A Sastri39 elaborating on PS (p11) notes that Lakulisa went to

37
Basham, A.L. History and Doctrine of The Ajivikas. London: Luzac and Company Ltd.,1951p,104
38
Sugiura,S, Hindu Logic as Preserved in China and Japan, Philadelphia, 1900 p 16
39
Pasupata Sutra, Ed by R.A Shastri, University of Trivandrum, Trivandrum ,1940

162
Ujjain and taught a Brahmin called Kusika who had come from Brahmavarta country
(near Cawnpore) to receive formers blessings. The teaching he further suggests were
in the form of present sutras hence connecting them directly to the initiation process.
All the five sections of the Sutras are devoted to instruct students how to pray to God
and to reach the lord Rudra (Rudra Sayujya) hereafter.

The first aphorism is explained and contextualized in deatail by Kaundinya and since
it provides a major insight in the philosophy and content of the whole text it needs to
be looked into critically:

Athatah Pasupateh Pasupatam Yogavidhim Vyakhyasyamah (PS 1.140

(Now then we shall expound the Pasupata Union and rites of Pasupati)

After offering obeisance with the head (bent) to that Pasupati, the Lord of the house
(world) who created the entire world beginning with Brahma for the good (of all),
Kaundinya following the tradition of his predecessors makes the commentary known
as Panchartha (five categories), the best of its kind, enriched with significance and
knowledge of the highest order.

After a brief explanation about the analysis of the words and compound words used
Kaundinya goes on to enumerate the qualities of a Pasupata teacher and his disciple:

..this preceptor is the best of all Acharyas, because he has the direct vision of the
effect (Karya=World) and its cause (Karana=Pasupati), he is a learned Brahmana
(vipra) and he has direct knowledge of means and its end, he answers the questions
and he is in the state of the all powerful, as he is emancipated, he is within the range
of mind and the not-mind because he has power of assuming forms at his sweet will.
Similarly for insisting the „brahmana‟, prohibition of women and instruction for
conquering the senses as mentioned in – deafness,blindness, want of smelling
capacity, dumbness, dullness, madness, leprosy, impotency, lameness etc‟ thus free
from all these diseases and possessed of active senses is the Brahmana
disciple…….The Acharya is inclined to pronounce the injunctions for the sake of
40
Pasupata Sutra with Panchartha Bhasya of Kanundinya Trans. by Haripada Chakraborti,
Academic Publishers, Calcutta, 1970 p47-55

163
favour. And because of instruction for worship, prompting favour and the desire to
attain the Good (Siva) the disciple aiming at reaching the end of all pains (dukhanta)
is here inclined to apporoach the guru (preceptor) but not for dharma, artha (wealth),
kama (desires) and moksa.”

Knowledge comes across as the cherished acquisition that a disciple of this order was
aiming at. The idea was to reach the end of sorrow by burning all desires and breaking
all the fetters which bound them to their physical existence. The unified perception of
all manifest reality as composed of Siva and the destruction of bonds resulting from
finite differentiations are the goals of the process of initiation. Abhinavagupta deftly
summarizes the main purpose of initiation and the paraphanalia associated with it in
these words41

“Here what is to be perfected is only the attainment of that mantra, but neither vows
nor formulas are of any useful assistance whatsoever. The only thing of any use here
is the complete destruction of the disease of doubt, because doubt the essence of
which is uncertainty and error, is the principal obstacle to an absorption whose
nature is the cognition of that which has one taste.”

Then the commentary goes on to give an account of Lakulisa‟s birth in Kayavatarana

and his interactions with Kusika42.

“Again , as the good are accepted as authority, for being actuated by (special) desires
to assume forms at will and because of his not being born God in the shape of man
took form of a Brahmana and became incarnated in Kayavatarana. And he walked to
Ujjaini, How (known)? By the authority of the Sistas (good and learned persons) and
by the sight or hearing of symbols. He assumed the mark remarkable for the highest
stage (asrama) and pronounced the injunctions; he lived on the altar of ashes in a
pure spot for the connection with the disciples in a house, as mentioned in his own
scripture, as bath by ashes, lying down and re-bath with ashes, garland of flowers
and a single garment are prescribed an as the temple is reputed for being the resort.

41
Muller-Ortega P.E, „The Triadic Heart of Siva‟Kaula Tantricism of Abhinavagupta in the Non-Dual
Shaivism of Kashmir (Suny Series, Shaiva Traditions of Kashmir)p.169
42
Pasupata Sutra with Panchartha Bhasya of Kanundinya Trans. by Haripada Chakraborti,
Academic Publishers, Calcutta, 1970 p.56-57

164
Hence being prompted by Rudra the worshipful Kusika approached the Acharya,
marked in him signs of excellence beginning with the highest pleasure and the
opposite signs in himself, paid homage to his feet and according to the custom related
his caste, gotra ,learning and freedom from debts .The disciple stood like a patient
before the Acarya who was like a physician.”

Then follows a philosophical discussion on cessation of sorrow and authority of

Pasupati between the preceptor –disciple duo. Importance of Yoga-vidhi is stressed
upon in the next paragraph and these vidhis are explained one by one in context of
Yoga and other important factors.

“The question is –„Is Yoga attainable simply by knowledge? The answer is , because
it is said –for attainment of that we shall expound the practices (vidhi). Here the term
„Yoga-vidhi‟ means the practices of Yoga, a certain course of action”

In the last part parts of Vidhis are given as follows:

Here the question is –the portion, accepted is being duly explained first. Now to think
of this .What is the beginning, the middle or the end, or of how many parts is the
Vidhi?

The answer is –the first „vidhi‟ is by ashes, the middle is by abuses and the end is in
being dull and that vidhi has three parts viz. gift, sacrifice and penance. How is it
known? Because…..

Hence Pancarthika initiation is a rite of passage into the practice of the religion. And
then begins the next sutra on importance of ashes and is followed by two more with
the same concern.

Guru:The divine preceptor:

Siva in his form as a teacher of yoga, music and other sciences is known by the name
of Daksinamurti. He is called so because he is believed to have imparted the
knowledge of yoga to rishis while facing the south.

165
PS 1.9 says : “Mahadevasya Daksinamurteh” and to explain Kaundinya43 writes:

Here daksina is in the sense of a quarter or direction. The Sun divides the
quarters.The quarters again divide the image. The image here means that form which
the Sadhaka, seated near on the right side of the Lord with his face turned north
realizes and which is characterized as Vrsa-dvaja (the bull symboled) as Sulapani
(with trident in his hand) as Mahakala and as Urdhava-linga(with penic raised
up)etc. Or the people go the temple of Mahadeva and so there the Sadhaka should
worship. The Daksinamurti being taken, the images on the east,north and west are
to be discarded.”

The last line clearly suggests the importance of Daksinamurti, i.e Siva in form of a
teacher in the Lakulisa-Pasupata order. Vidya, knowledge being of prime importance
for a Lakulisa-Pasupata aspirant, the guru automatically assumes a significant
position and is identified with Siva himself.The merger with Siva is what a guru is
supposed to achieve after he leaves his mortal frame. The Daksinamurti Upanisad and
the Suta-Samhita give the esoteric meaning of this icon. It is stated that He is the
supreme god who at the end of an aeon (kalpa) absorbs within himself the whole
universe and remains dazzling with joy. Further it is stated that Jnana (knowledge) is
known as daksina an since daksina is ever Daksinamurti in front of Siva and is gazing
at him in the aspect of Daksinamurti he is called Daksinamukha. The Apasmara-
Purusa under his foot (also seen under Najrajamurti‟s foot) is the personification of
the ignorance of the living beings which he keeps under his power.i.e. he has power to
dispel ignorance at his own sweet will44.

As far as visual representations are concerned an image of is seen in four different

aspects viz. as a yogic teacher, as a player of vina, as a knowledge giver and as tutor
of Shastras i.e. Vyakhyanamurti. Of these the last form is the one which is most
frequently seen in the temples and hence its iconography and form will be discussed
in detail.

43
Ibid.p.58
44
Gopinath Rao, T.A, Elements of Hindu Iconography, 4 Vols, Madras, 1916 ,p.277

166
Vyakhyana Daksinamurti:

As an expounder of Shastras Daksinamurti is represented as seated on a secluded

spot on the Himalayas, under a banyan tree, on a seat covered with a tiger‟s skin; or
seated on a white lotus (padmasana).Three eyed and four armed he is usually shown
sitting in virasana with his right leg dangling and many a times resting on the
apasmara-purusa. His front right hand is in jnana mudra and front left hand is either in
varada or danda mudra. The other two hands hold aksamala and agni(fire)/sarpa
(snake).Sometimes he is shown holding a book too. His hair is matted and his jatas
sometimes are seen to be held together with a patta-bandha and often the smiling face
of goddess ganga can be seen in middle of his jatabhara.The face is shown calm and
relaxed and his gaze is fixed upon the tip of his nose in a meditative pose.
Interestingly surrounding this teacher-god are seen rishis, his disciples usually seven
in number. Different texts give different names of these rishis but interestingly most
of them are directly related to Pasupata school of thought as can be gauged from the
chart.

Name of the text Rishis mentioned

Amsumadbhedagama Narada, Jamadagni, Vasishta, Bhrigu, Bharadvaja, Sanaka,

Agastya

Kamikagama Kausika, Kasyapa, Bharadvaja, Atri, Gautama

Karanagama Agastya,Pulastya, Visvamitra, Angirasa

Texts mention that these rishis should have a jatamukuta on their heads, the garland of
rudraksa seeds round their neck and white yajnopavitas on their person and their
bodies should be completely covered with ashes45.

This image of Siva as daksinamurti has a lot in common with Lakulisa murtis seen all
over the country.

45
Ibid p.278-280

167
 Illus 32. Siva as Daksinamurti, Kailashnath, Kanchipuram, Pallava, 8 th CE

Vidhis:

According to Kaundinya Vidhi or behavior constitute those activities which bring

about merit (dharma). That is to say that yoga cannot be attained only by gaining
knowledge but a certain course of action has to be followed by the aspirant to make
him realize the fruits of yoga.Vidhi is of two orders, the principal comprising of direct
religious practices „carya‟ and the subsidiary one comprising of purificatory rites.

Use of Ashes: Meanings and Metaphors

Bhasmana trisavanam snayita (PS 1.2)

One must take bath by ashes in three periods of a day

Bhasmani Sayita (PS 1.3)

One should lie down in ashes

Anusnanam (PS 1.4)

Re-bath (with ashes)

168
Use of ashes in initiation ceremonies can be seen in Kanphata yogis who after first
stage of initiation are besmeared with ashes to signify their death to the world and
their rebirth in the new order.Mention of ashes is found from KM46 (4.3) while
describing the form of Lakulisa;

Drtyagnopavitam cha mekhalabhasmasanyutam/

Prahastmanassarve nityam protphullocanam//

He (Lakulisa) was seen adorned with a yagnopavita, mekhala and had ashes smeared
all over. He had beautiful eyes like blossoms and was seen running

Hara47 believes that the importance of use of ashes is fundamentally based upon the
ancient Indian belief that attributes special cleansing efficacy to the ashes, which are
the remnant of all burning fiery energy.

Regarding the nature of ashes commentary on PS 1.2 says48: (p 56)

Here ashes mean the object which is given to Vama (Pasupati) and which is produced
by fuel set on fire.That is made by others, it is an earthly food and shining. Ashes
should be acquired like alms from the villages.Because ashes are helpful to the
observances of bath, lying down and rebath, they must be taken and because they
have nothing to do with injury they are the purest and best things and they should be
taken profusely as the means of spiritual rise……`

Interesting reference can be found from Caryapada by the Sahajyana siddha

Kanhapada (Krsnapada or Kanu-pa).Equating himself with a Kapalin and explaining
the essence of a true kapalin Kanha says49

„the yogin Kanha has become a Kapali, and has entered into the practices of yoga,
and he is sporting in the city of his body in a non-dual form ……..The ashes he smears
on his body are the ashes of passion(raga), aversion (desa,dvesa), and attachment
(moha)……

46
Patel H. H.S. Ed. Shri Kayavarohan Tirth no Itihas, Ahmedabad, 1964 p.23
47
Hara Minoru. Pasupata Studies ed by Takashima Jun, Vienna, 2002 ,p.61
48
Pasupata Sutra with Panchartha Bhasya of Kanundinya Trans. by Haripada Chakraborti,
Academic Publishers, Calcutta, 1970, p.56
49
Lorenzen David N, The Kapalikas and Kalamukhas: Two lost Saivite sects, Delhi, 1972 p.69-70

169
Here one is reminded of the story of sage Mankanaka narrated twice in and is
repeated in important texts like Skanda Pu, Padma Pu., Vamana Pu, and
Kathasaritsagar. Here the sage Mankanaka having performed austerities for many
years accidently cut his finger on a blade of grass. Instead of blood he saw vegetable
sap flowing from the wound. The sage became ecstatic and began to dance at his
achievement and power developed by years of penance. To teach him a lesson Siva
dressed as a Brahmin came to him and tapped his fingers together and they were
turned to ashes. When the sage saw such a miraculous feat he realized his vanity and
base passion. The fact that „One‟s own body is only made of ashes‟ dawned upon him
completely and he went back to his penance. Such successes as Sukumari
Bhattacharji50 observes belong to Yoga as a discipline. Thus Siva‟s feat is indicative
of attaining higher success for ashes in this context symbolize the complete
mortification of the flesh, the triumph of the spirit over the physical world and also
the supreme detachment. In short Siva is seen here as a supreme sage –a Yogisvara
and in this aspect he reflects the Samkhya concept of inactive Purusa as well as
„Avyakta‟ of Svetasvatara Upanisad. Hence the yogic aspect is somewhere linked
with inactivity but at the same time this period of inactivity raises the potential of Siva
as a creator.

The symbolism of ashes does not end there. The enigma of the symbolism of ashes is
brought out very well by O‟Flaherty51 in these words which reconcile both erotic and
ascetic aspect of Siva.

On an explicit superficial level, the ashes are ascetic, disgusting (being the ashes of
corpses), and simply anti erotic. But, for all their apparent loathsomeness, the ashes
assume an erotic and creative significance upon Siva by their association with the
burning and resurrection of Kama and Sati.

This contention is further substantiated by the passage given in Hathayogapradipika

which mentions that the ashes were used in rites of expiation and were used in place
of sandalwood paste upon the bodies of a couple who had performed Tantric ritual
intercourse. While on one hand they always reminded the aspirant of the universal

50
Bhattacharji Sukumari, „The Indian Theogony: A Comparative Study of Indian Mythology from the
Vedas to the Puranas , Calcutta, 1978 p.200
51
O‟Flaherty Wendy, „Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of Siva, London .1973 p246

170
truth i.e „Everything is ashes‟, on the other they were used for their practical
antiseptic value too. Rather the practical value has been presented in a garb of
metaphysical expositions to stress on the importance of the ashes. By this logic ashes
assumed the symbol of sin-destroying object which Siva grants to his worshippers.

This can be better understood in context of Pasupata concept of Sauca (Purity) as

mentioned in PS.

As seen above the Lakulisa-Pasupata‟s had invented a new set of Niyamas in which
they included rites and practices realted to ashes in a big way.Hara 52 believes that
ashes were used by the ascetics of this order primarily for cleansing and purification
purposes.Kaundinya too suggests the importance of this concept in his commentary
on PS 1.2,1.3 and 1.4)53

“Purity (Sauca) is established in the system (tantra). How? Because we have the
teaching (in our scripture) that one should bathe with ashes (bhasma snana). Again
this purity is of three kinds: purity of body (gatra-sauca), purity of mind (bhava-
sauca) and purity of soul (atma-sauca)…

Ashes burn all those defects which are born of company, which owe their origin to
parents, which are due to food and drink, which are caused by cross-breeding and
which resort to the body, bones and marrows. And again it is said – The good thinkers
say that the impure food caused by hairs and worms becomes eatable, if it is only
touched by ashes”.

The fact that bathing with ashes is classified along with purity of mind by removing
desires and purity of soul by courting dishonor points at its importance as a major
purificatory rite. This triple division of purity is also seen in the Ratnatika on GK by
Bhasarvajna though he uses the words kaya sauca, antahkarana sauca and atman sauca
instead of the ones used in PS. This purificatory device is taken to a metaphysical and
mystical level can be seen in this passage again cited from PBh which quotes from
scriptures from other orders54:

52
Hara Minoru. Pasupata Studies ed by Takashima Jun, Vienna, 2002 p.57-60
53
Pasupata Sutra with Panchartha Bhasya of Kanundinya Trans. by Haripada Chakraborti,
Academic Publishers, Calcutta, 1970p.72-73
54
Ibid. p.75

171
He who drinks wine, approaches the wife of the teacher, steals and kills a brahmana;
is released from sins, when he besmears himself with ashes, lies on the heap of ashes
ad reads the chapter on Rudra. He who is self controlled and who always takes to
bath by fire (ashes), saves twenty-one generations and goes to the blissful state.Thus
in other scriptures also bodily purification by ashes is reputed

Daily practices:

After initiation and being marked with ashes PS recommends that the ascetic aspirant
should live in a temple, cave or natural ghettos and perform daily rituals

Ayatana-vasi (PS 1.7)

(A resident in a temple) (chakroborti p 59)

Pbh elaborates55:

..The aspirant should live in that house made by others an so he is the resident an
takes the house. He lives in a place on earth, in the sky (in caves or upper floors?) in
the root of a tree or goes on wandering at large anywhere……It has been said “If
there is any holy place (a temple) of Mahesvara in a village or a forest, that is the
residence of the virtuous and that is the grandest spot for spiritual success..

Apart from following the ash rites and other rites of purification some special
functions had to be performed in the temple by the aspiring ascetic practioner. These
have been mentioned in both PS and GK

Hasita-gita-nrtta-dundunkara-namaskara-japyopahareno patisthet (PS 1.8)

(One should worship with laughter, songs, dance, sounds of dum-dum, salutations,
mutterings and presents)

Laughter is the first of six forms of worship that are to take place in the temple. The
character of each is explained in both PS and GK and compiled in these points by
Collins56.

55
Ibid p.59
56
Collins Charles D, „The Iconography and Ritual of Śiva at Elephanta., SUNY Press, 1988 p.135-137

172
 Laughter is a wild loud laugh, with the throat and lips wide open (Pbh).

Song is performed according to the rules of the Gandharvasastra and in which, in

public hearing, the names of God , those which derive from his qualities , his
substances, and his acts are called to mind (Pbh) while singing, the adept rises to
his feet (GK RT)

Dance is what is performed according to the rules of the Natyasastra and consists
of all possible motions of the hands and feet: upward, downward, inward, outward
and shaking motion (Pbh). Both Pbh and GK RT mention that this dance should
be accompanied by a song “Whatever is sung in Sanskrit or Prakrta in ones own
composition or others‟ should be sung”

Dumdumkara [Huduk-kara as per GK] is the sacred sound like the bellowing of a
bull, produced by the contact of the tongue-tip with the palate (Pbh) GKRT
elaborates that this is to be performed after the dance when the devotee has again
sat down and is still meditating on Siva.

Inner worship or Namaskara is to be done mentally (Pbh)

Japyam means the concentration of an idea with mind on the lines of the mantras
known as Sadyojata etc

GK RT notes that laughing , singing and huduk-kara are verbal activities, dancing is a
bodily one while Namaskara and Japa are mental.These six modes of worship or
offering as they are called (upahara) are done in front of a image of Daksinamurti, the
ascetic-teacher form of Siva.It further continues that after the sixfold worship is
completed , one meditates on the God and declares that he will perform the avabhrtha-
snana or purificatory ablution.He also pays homage to the teachers of the order and
then he then departs, making obeisance to the lord and after that slowly
circumabmbulates the image or the shrine while praying. Then he performs certain
meditative practices outside the temple. This completes the prescribed regimen for the
first religious stage.

173
Nudity:

The aspect of nudity is explained and advocated in sutras 1.10 and 1.11 as an
important step to detachment from the worldly desires

Ekavasah (PS 1.10)

[Having only one garment]

..by the significance of this sutra only ,all objects being rejected, the disciple should
be initiated to possess only one garment. The question is – when will he have the
removal of shame ? The answer is –by knowledge and sinlessness

Hence it is stressed that once the true knowledge dawns upon the aspirant all sense of
shame and desires are lost completely and he moves to the stage when he can be roam
about naked and feel no embarrassment.

Avasa va (PS 1.11)

[Without any garment]

He should live without clot , naked as he was born and without any possession…For
the sake of living without accepting and for the exposition of something not good –
these two needs should be marked.

And naked is how he is supposed to enter the villages and approach people for alms
and ashes but at this stage he has to be careful not to talk to women and low caste
people as the former can re-ignite the worldly passion which the aspirant is trying to
conquer. If by any chance such an encounter is made the aspirant is supposed to smear
himself with ashes perform breath control exercise, japa and wander around to control
his mind and to wipe out the sinful thoughts.

When these jealousy and other thoughts do not rise, the seed being destroyed, then
that should be taken as the highest purity of thought.

Once the mind is calm and all base emotions and feelings controlled then the aspirant
gains Yoga and various miraculous powers like power of seeing ,hearing , thinking
and knowing from a distance, power of omniscience, swiftness of thought, power to
assume forms at will, faculty of expatiation and in short becomes a Siddha.

174
Regarding such a yogi Kularnava Tantra57 says:

A Kula yogi may dwell anywhere, disguised in any form, unknown to anybody. Such
yogins in diverse guises, intent on the welfare of men, walk the earth unrecognized by
others. They do not expend their self knowledge at once. In the midst of men they live
as if intoxicated, dumb, dull…..Adepts in Kaula yoga speak in the manner of the
uncivil, behave as if ignorant; appear like the lowly. They do so in order that men
may ignore them and not flock to them; they talk nothing at all…Such a yogi lives in a
way that this world of men may laugh, feel disgust, revile and seeing, pass at a
distance leaving him alone. He would go about in different guises, at times like one
worthy, at times like one fallen, at times like a ghost or a demon

The method of worship of Pasupati by the Lakulisa cult is described in the

commentaries of the SDS and GK in detail and has been summarized here.

An aspirant is supposed to perform panchagnisadhana. After cleaning his feet and

teeth and performing ablutions in the morning, he smears his body with ashes and
meditates on Siva. At noon and in the evening, a similar procedure is prescribed.
After his bath he proceeds slowly to garbhagrha. On the right of the image, he kneels
on the ground and placing his hand on his chest,visualizes Siva and meditates. While
meditating on Siva, he laughs loudly; then he sings and dances.He then sits in the
manner prescribed above, meditates on Siva ,voices hudukkara three times,does
namaskara six times and performs the japa. While coming out of the garbhagrha he
salutes three times and goes around the deity also three times while continuing the
japa. While bathing in a lonely place he pays homage to all the Tirthesas from
Lakulisa to Rasikara, and then does one pradakshina around the deity.The place
selected for meditation is examined in the morning and cleaned of dirt and
impurities.When darkness descends the site is again cleaned with the end of a piece of
cloth ad purified with ashes. He stays there until he is tired and overpowered by sleep.
He thereupon gets up and spreads the ground with plenty of bhasma (ashes), then
sleeps and when on awakening repeats the procedure. When he obtains jnana, with the
permission of the guru he performs krathana, spandana and mandana in the midst of
the people.

57
Kularnava Tantra: Introduction by Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffe), Readings M.P Pandit,
Sanskrit Text: Taranatha Vidyaratna, MLBD, Delhi 1965.P 67,68

175
Besides these Pasupata ascetics are advised to act in asocial manner e.g, pretend to
sleep when they are not actually sleeping, shaking their legs as if suffering from a
paralysis attack, walking like a lame man and exhibiting signs of lust at the sight of
young beautiful women. The above description leaves no doubt that they are supposed
to make themselves repulsive to the society in general.

If one sees such irrational sounding behavior in the light of philosophical position of
the order and in light of material furnished by various texts, it starts assuming a
coherent meaning. This nature is succinctly explained by Eliade58 in these words:

“Pain exists only to the extent to which experience is referred to the human
personality regarded as identical with purusha, with the Self. But since this relation is
illusory, it can easily be abolished. When purusha is known, values are annulled; pain
is no longer either pain or nonpain, but a simple fact; a fact that, while it preserves its
sensory structure, loses its value, its meaning. This point should be thoroughly
understood, for it is of capital importance in Samkhya and Yoga and, in our opinion,
has not been sufficiently emphasized. In order to deliver us from suffering, Samkhya
and Yoga deny suffering as such, thus doing away with all relation between suffering
and the Self. From the moment we understand that the Self is free, eternal, and
inactive, whatever happens to us sufferings, feelings, volitions, thoughts, and so on no
longer belong to us.”

Such observation is corroborated by Vatulnatha Sutra (VS)59 which comprises of

thirteen esoteric aphorisms dealing with abstract Saiva thought. It is believed that it
was penned down by Siddha Vatulanatha, who was a Kaula Siddha and probably
lived in 12th CE.

VS-12 states: Mahabodhasamavesat Punyapapasambandhah

The literal translation would be:

By entering in the state of Supreme God Consciousness one totally surpasses the
limitations of good and evil

58
Eliade M, „Yoga, Immortality and Freedom p.28
59
Vatulnatha Sutra with an exposition of aphorisms in English by Swami Laksmana Joo, Ed by N.K
Gurtoo and M.L. Kukiloo, Ishwar Ashram Trust, Kashmir , 1996

176
The Sutra has been explained by Swami Laksmana Joo60 to mean that in our mundane
lives it is very important for us to know what is right and wrong, otherwise there will
be a total degradation. But for a realized soul who is established in God-
Consciousness all sort of dualities vanish. So what is considered bad or shameful for a
lay person will have no such meaning for a true ascetic.

Irrespective of all the seeming irrational behavior such ascetics have been part of
Indian folk culture since ages. The figure of the jogi with all his idiosyncrasies
appeared persistently and ubiquitously in Sanskrit as well as regional literatures and
various folklore genres of India. Although a renouncer of the world and worldly
pleasures, he often interfered in the affairs of the householders to whom he went for
alms, helping them to solve their problems or to have their mundane wishes fulfilled
through his mysterious supernatural powers. These included, among other things, the
powers to bestow a child, more often a son, to infertile couples and to restore the dead
to life. In many folktales related to the Jogis, we see those performing miraculous
feats in a matter of fact manner, which made them favourite characters of the common
people.

60
Ibid p.24

177
 CHAPTER 3
THE PHILOSOPHICAL CONTEXT

Introducing Lakulisa-Pasupata philosophy:

The only way to reconstruct the theology and ritual of the Lakulisa-Pasupatas , the
highly diffused sect of early Saivism, is to resort to their basic texts, the Pasupata
sutras (PS)1, along with its commentary, the Pancharthabhasya (PABh) by
Kaundinya and Ganakarika (GK)2 with the ratnatika (RT) by Bhasarvajna.

Prior to the publication of these basic texts, the only systematic account of Pasupata
theology and ritual available to the scholars was Madhava‟s
Nakulisapasupatadarsanam, the sixth chapter of his Sarvadarsanasamgraha (SDS)3,
Moreover there are sporadic references to their practice in Sanskrit katha literature
and dramas and also a brief but fairly accurate information in the commentators
remarks on the Brahmasutra 2.2.37, where the Vedantin refutes Pasupata Saivism

Based on such cursory information the system was commented upon by stalwarts like
Gopinath Kaviraj4, S.Levi5, H.T Colebrooke6 R.G Bhandarkar7 E.B. Cowell and
A.E.Gough who translated the entire text of SDS. Levi in his work on SDS in 1889
had earlier lamented the loss of PS and GK because it was realized that Madhava‟s
account owed a lot to both these texts and its commentaries. Hence when finally these
texts were published many scholars like K.C Pandey8 ,J.Gonda9 and others took

1
Pasupata Sutra, Ed by R.A Shastri, University of Trivandrum, Trivandrum ,1940
Pasupata Sutra with Panchartha Bhasya of Kanundinya Trans. by Haripada Chakraborti, Academic
Publishers, Calcutta, 1970
Pasupata Sutra, Pancartha Bhasya with commentary, Ganakarika of Bhasarvajna, Vayusamhita,
Siva Purana,Brahmasutrasankarabhasya, Sankaradigvijaya and Nakulisapasupat darsan Ed. by
Alokmani Tripathi, Delhi, 1998
2
Ganakarika of Acharya Bhasarvajna, Ed by Chimanlal D. Dalal, Oriental Institute, M.S.U, Baroda,
1966
3
E.B.Cowell and A.E Gough Ed. And Trans: ‘The Sarvadarsanasamgraha or Review of the Different
Systems of Hindu Philosophy by Madhava Acharya, Trubners Oriental Series, London (1882)
4
Kaviraj Gopinath, ‘Notes on Pasupata Philosophy, Antiquity of the Pasupata Sect, The Princess of
Wales Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol 9, sec II 99-106, 1934),
5
Levi S. ‘Deux chapitres de Sarvadarsanasamgraha’, Bibliotheque de l’Ecole des Hautes
Etudes,Sciences religiouses, vol I 281 ff, 1889)
6
Colebrooke H.T. ‘On the Philosophy of the Hindus, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
Britain and Ireland, vol I, 569-574, 1828
7
Bhandarkar R.G., ‘Vaisnavism,Saivism and Minor Religious Systems,Strassburg, 1913 pg 121-124
8
Pandey K.C. ‘Bhaskari,vol 3 no. 84,The Princess of Wales Saraswati Bhavana Text, (Lucknow ,
1954)

178
interest and tried to either refer to them or translate portions from them. It was finally
S.N Dasgupta10 who in his pioneering work on the history of Indian philosophy first
gave a brief but very useful outline of the system, based on the PABh of Kaundinya.
He also discussed various problems of Pasupata Saivism and studied its connection
with other schools of Indian philosophy.

Brief Summary of Pasupata Sutra as collated from various sources:

It is believed that Siva incarnated himself as Nakulisa, the 28th incarnation according
to both Vayu Purana and Linga Purana. This incarnation is supposed to be the author
of PS.

Sastri11 thinks that Kaundinya the commentator on PABh may have lived between 4th
-6th AD.

PS along with bhashya of Kaundinya do not give us any philosophy of Saivism per se.
They deal mostly with the ritual or rather modes of life. As Dasgupta suggests it may
be quite plausible that such ascetic forms of life as mentioned in these texts existed
from early times and that later the philosophy of Saivism was added. Though the
rituals and vidhis mentioned had hardly any visible connection with the later Saiva
philosophy, they have a general anthropological and religious interest, as these forms
of asceticism remain connected with the life of those who believe in Saiva
philosophy, however abstract it might have become. Even in SDS of Madhavacharya
the Pasupata system is not indentified with any form of philosophy but with different
kinds of ascetic practices.

Kaundinya in the beginning of his bhasya offers adoration to Pasupati who has
created the whole world beginning from the Brahman for the good of all. He says that
the five subjects of discussion in the Pasupata system are:

Karya (effect)
Karana (cause)
Yoga (meditaion)
Vidhi (Behaviour)
Dukhanta (cessation of sorrows)

9
Gonda, J. Visnuism and Sivaism: A Comparison. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1976
10
Dasgupta S.N. ‘Doctrine of the Pasupata Sutras, A history of Indian Philosophy, vol V, Delhi ,1975
pp130-148)
11
Pasupata Sutra, Ed by R.A Shastri, University of Trivandrum, Trivandrum ,1940

179
The teaching of Pasupata system is for the total annihilation of all kinds of sorrow and
this teaching can only be communicated to proper disciples. When the disciple
follows the ascetic practices recommended by the lord he attains liberation through
His grace. Though there is no direct mention of Saktipata but the idea of grace seems
to echo the same sentiment and plays a major role in Pasupata philosophy.In PS we
are told that liberation comes directly from the grace of Siva and interestingly theory
of Karma and rebirth is not given any importance.

The word pasu means all conscious beings, excluding the saints and enlightened
beings. Their animality or pasutva consists in the fact that they are both impotent and
ignorant of their true selves and this is the cause of their bondage. This bondage
which means their complete dependence on the causal power is without a beginning.

The word pasu is connected with the word pasa which means „cause and effect‟,
technically also called kalā. Hence all pasus are thus bound by the cause and effect,
the sense images and their objects and become attached to them. Morevover the word
pasu is also derived from the Sanskrit word pasyanti. Though pasus are actually all
pervasive and eternal they can only perceive their physical bodies .They do not
understand the nature of cause and effect and their general understanding cannot go
beyond material and visible world.

An interesting point to note is that a person regarded as fit for receiving diksa or
initiation must be a Brahmin with keen senses and disease free body. Chakraborti 12
observes that the caste distinction was rigidly followed, probably as a reaction against
the Buddhist practices.

The word Yoga is used to denote the contact of self with isvara or god (atmesvara-
samyogo yogah) .The contact thus means that the person who was otherwise engaged
in worldly affairs leads himself to the supreme object , or it may also mean that the
contact is due to the dual approach of both God and the person until they meet. This
yoga must have disinclination to worldly things as the first condition.

12
Pasupata Sutra with Panchartha Bhasya of Kanundinya Trans. by Haripada Chakraborti,
Academic Publishers, Calcutta, 1970

180
This kind of yoga or „union‟ as it is used in the text cannot be attained by mere
knowledge but one has to follow a certain course of action called yoga-vidhi. Vidhi is
of two orders, the principal and the subsidiary. Of these the principal is the direct
means of merit, religious exercise known as carya and the subsidiary one is of the
purificatiory nature.It was mainly because of the nature of these vidhis that the system
was criticized by various scholars and religious teachers including the great thinkers
like Yamunacarya13, Ramanuja and Sankara.

Describing the two kinds of perceptual knowledge Kaundinya distinguishes between

sense perception and self perception. Usually most perceptions occur through senses
and are regarded as valid proofs (pramana) like you recognize a cow when you see
one or you can sense the burning smell from the kitchen and so on. It is the individual
perceiver to whom things are proved by means of the pramanas.. Now self perception
means the totality of the relation that is produced by citta and antahkarana, ie the mind
and the thought. Inferences (anumana) is based on such perceptions. This relationship
between the thought , the mind and the self expresses itself in diverse forms and
produces diverse impressions and memories. And these lead to other kind of
awareness that is the spiritrual awareness.This awareness or thought product is called
Samvid, Samcintana or Sambodha. It is through these that true knowledge is revealed.
The process of knowledge continues from the first moment of inception to the
completion of knowledge. This idea of inference has been important for Indian
aesthetic thought too, and this can be related to Sri Sankuka‟s „Chitraturaganyaya‟
where he clearly states that art is nothing but inference.

Turning to the practices it is said that one should collect ashes and bake them and then
smear the body in the morning, midday and afternoon with these ashes. The real
bathing is of course through the attainment of virtue by which the soul is purified.
One should also lie down on the ashes. The ashes are to be used for bathing instead of
water, both for purification and for bearing the signs of a Saiva. The ashes (bhasma)
are therefore called linga or an indicatory sign of a Pasupata ascetic and distinguish
him from ascetics from other sects. The pasupata ascetic may live in the village, in the
forest or in any place of pilgrimage and there he may employ himself to various
practices.

13
Agamapramanya of Yamunacharya, Ed. by Dr. M. Narsimhachary, Oriental Institute , M.S.U.
Baroda, 1976

181
In introducing moral virtues great emphasis is laid on the yamas consisting of non-
injury, celibacy, truthfullness and nonstealing. Next there are niyamas consisting of
non-irritability (akrodha), attending to the guru, purity, light diet and carefulness
(apramada). Non-injury is highly emphasized as a virtue, almost as strictly as Jains.
Brahmacarya meaninig all kind of sense control particularly the organ of taste and sex
is suggested to be strictly followed. Any kind of association with women is strongly
discouraged, hence suggesting that the followers were all young males and there was
no place for a woman as a disciple in this harsh ascetic system.

The discussion about truth is quite an interesting one. The final standard of truth is the
amount of good that is rendered to people by one‟s words. It is categorically
mentioned that even a misstatement or a false statement if beneficial to all beings
should be regarded as preferable to a rigorous truthful statement which benefits no
one. Such a diplomatic stance is hardly understandable in such a rigorous and strict
ascetic system and seems more in accordance with Kaundinya‟s time when the order
had started gaining popularity among the royal dynasties and lay people. Pasupata
system forbids all kind of commercial dealings and trades and an ascetic of this order
has to earn his living by mendicancy alone.

It is emphatically laid in the text that a Pasupata ascetic should be a Brahmin and he is
prohibited to address women or sudras, except under special circumstance. Under
such exceptional circumstances one should purify oneself by bathing in ashes and also
by pranayama and muttering of „rudra gayatri‟ This is suggested for purifying the
mind as there is a chance that the ascetic would get angry and thus cause injury to his
mind and probably lose his concentration too.

As a fruit of all this staunch asceticism and when the mind is completely purified one
attains various miraculous powers. But an ascetic is soon warned of misusing such
powers and falling into decadence, the process of spiritual worship can only be done
through the surrendering of oneself in one‟s mind to the supreme lord and one has to
continue to do it without losing the focus in between. The lure to use siddhis is great
but a true ascetic is supposed to overcome all that and surrender himself completely to
Siva.Lord is regarded as Sakala or Niskala, immanent or transcendent but even in His
transcendental aspect He has in Him all the powers to extend His grace to all beings.
And He is the only one who can bestow the eternal liberation to a devoted ascetic who
has completely surrendered to him.

182
The real Saiva ascetic after acquiring the miraculous powers is supposed to dispense
with all the external practices so that no one can recognize him as a Saiva ascetic.
Thus ignored by the society his mind will delve more in Siva. He is further asked to
move about like a poor lunatic, besmeared with ashes and dirt to create repulsion in
people who encounter him and treat him like an outcaste. This insult further helps him
on the path of disinclination and spiritual advancement. We might simply understand
it as a harsh test of one‟s patience and humility. When the ascetic bears the insults
showered upon him by the ignorant people he rises higher and attains fortitude. Its
almost like performing a hard penance in the world to rise over it and its material
being. With such behaviour he is not only purified but is spiritually ennobled.
Ingalls14 compares such courting of dishonor by Pasupata ascetics to the similar
practice followed by Cynics of ancient Greece.Hara15 in his monumental work on
Pasupata studies hints open the transferring of merit from the abuser to the abused and
the use of such technique by Pasupata ascetics to gain maximum merit.

Thus when a person is firm in Yama and Niyama practices and meekly suffers the
indignities and abuses showered on him by other people he is considered to be well
established in the path of asceticism. Indra is supposed to have performed this harsh
Pasupata vrata to atone for his sin of Brahma hatya

The supreme lord is referred to by many names and yoga in this text means a steady
union of the soul with him. Now for this „sayujyam‟ (union) the person should be
completely detached from all objects present, past and future and be emotionally
attached to Mahesvara. The union of self with Siva must be so intimate that no
physical sounds and disturbances should lead the person away. In the first stages the
attachment with Siva takes place by the withdrawal of the mind from other objects
and making it settle on the lord; then the association becomes continuous. This
constant or continuous contact constitutes the eternity of self. The self is then
regarded as unborn, in the sense that it is not born anew along with the chain of
sensations and other activities of mind or in other words it remains the same through
all its experiences. At this stage it is called „Maitra‟ as it can remain in the state of
equanimity and in attachment with the supreme lord when all its desires, antipathies
and efforts have disappeared.
14
Ingalls Daniel H.H, Cynics and Pasupatas: The Seeking of Dishonor, Harvard Theological Review
55, no.4 , 1962, p.281-98
15
Hara Minoru. Pasupata Studies ed by Takashima Jun, Vienna, 2002

183
The kind of detachment referred in the text can only be attained by the control of all
the cognative and conative senses, manas , buddhi and ahankara. The control of
senses here means that their activities should be directed towards good acts and they
should not be allowed to stray away into the commission of evil deeds. Moreover
Kaundinya categorically states that the definition of final goal as described by
philosophers of Samkhaya and Yoga schools is not right. According to him the
teachings of both these schools are impure and to be finally liberated means to be
connected with Lord siva and not to dissociate from all things as preached in these
schools.

It is mentioned that a Pasupata ascetic should live on mendicancy alone and should
bear all hardships like animals and be satisfied with whatever he gets , vegetable or
meat by begging.. The yogin who has realized his goal is not affected by any actions
or sins. He is also unaffected by any mental troubles or physical diseases. The
supreme Lord has the infinite power of knowledge and action by which He controls
everything, and this lord should be meditated upon in His aspect as formless (niskala)
i.e., formless. In PS 5.7 it is mentioned that god is unassociated with anything that can
be expressed by speech. The supreme lord is therefore called Vag –Visuddha.
Interestingly at this stage cremation ground is suggested as the place to stay for the
ascetic. Hence not having any association with the outside world and taking away his
mind from all sense objects he concentrates on the lord. By this means all the network
of causes that produce the defects are cut asunder. The defects are classified as
various sensations of sound touch etc from which we get the feeling of desire, anger,
greed and so on. The suffering of a man commences from the time of birth and
continues throughout his life, till the time of his death so the aim of the ascetic is put a
stop to his cycles of births and rebirths by fixing his mind on Siva. The self which is
thus fixed in Siva becomes static (niskriya) and is also called niskala. The mind in this
state is devoid of all good and bad thoughts. When this yoga ideal is reached the
person becomes omniscient and he cannot be drawn to any illusory notions.

So the liberated yogin, according to this Saiva yoga,does not become a kevalin like
the yogin following the Patanjali yoga, but he becomes omniscient and has no sorrows
and this happens by the grace of god. A very strong hint of monotheism can be seen
here. He becomes absolutely librated in the sense that he can arrest any future
aggression of evil or time and he is not dependent on anybody.In this way he shares
the supreme power of the lord.

184
A survey of the PS with Kaundinya‟s bhasya suggests in all probability the same type
of Lakulisa Pasupata system as refered by Madhava in SDS in 14th AD. According to
Dasgupta16 it may also be the same system of pasupatas as refered to by Sankara in
his bhasya on the second book of the second chapter of the Brahma-sutra.There is
absolutely no reference here to maya nor to the doctrine of monism as propounded by
Sankara.Even at the time of emancipation the liberated souls do not become one with
Siva. The emancipation here means that by mental steadiness the devotee is in
perpetual contact with Siva and this is what is meant by the word „rudra-sayujya‟,
used often in the text. Apparently as the text suggests, god though omnipotent has no
power over librated souls. He is the creator of world and all the living beings but the
system does not make any special effort to explain how this world came into being.

As mentioned earlier Pasupata system as mentioned in this text is represented as a

Brahmanical system as only Brahmins could be initiated, but gradually as the order
progressed we see the inclusion from all sections of the society which gave a boost to
propagation of this order but changed its basic structure.

Critical rereading of PS:

Reading PS and PABh in the light of other schools of Indian philosophy one is struck
by the similarities in various concepts and terminologies with Samkhya philosoply.
As for the main text PS, it comes across as a manual of rituals pertaining to Pasupata
Saivism and the main philosophical discussions are presented in the commentary.
Sutras as we shall see were small formulas, carrying a wealth of knowledge in them
but only for the pupils who could manage to decode and expand the meaning.
Reading Sutras without its commentary can prove to be an entirely futile attempt
because meaning is quite cryptic. Unless one knows the context and the verbal
instructions that are supplied along with these formulas one is at complete loss in
making out any sense out of these aphorisms.

PS is divided into five chapters and the nomenclature of this chapterisation is based
on five mantras from Taitirriya Aranyanka viz. Sadyojata, Tatpurusha, Isana, Vamdev
and Aghora. After offering obeisance to Pasupati, Kaundinya in PABh says that he is
writing a commentary on this Sutra, according to the traditional knowledge he has
acquired through the line of the pasupata acaryas. Kaundinya is identified with
Rasikara the 17th acarya of Lakulisa-pasupata line starting from Lakulisa himself.

16
Dasgupta S.N, History of Indian Philosophy,

185
The first word of the very first sutra suggests that the knowledge of PS was possibly
carried verbally from guru to shishya through guru-shishya parampara. Detailed
analysis of this first sutra gives some insight in the nature of the text as well as in
some of its important contents.

PS 1.1 Athatah Pasupateh Pasupatam Yogavidhim Vyakhyasyamah

The first word Athatah itself is the combination of two words

Ath =Then Atha =Therefore

“Then therefore we shall expound the Pasupata union and rites of Pasupati”17

Starting the text with words like „Then Therefore…” suggests that the material in the
text is the continuation of some ongoing discussion or a dialogue. Probably these
sutras were only theoretical part of an all comprehensive knowledge system
comprising of various disciplines. Hence seen in isolation they yield no
comprehensible meaning at all.

The use of word Pasupateh is in the sense of someone from whom all the knowledge
in the said scripture was received and can be very well seen as the very first teacher. It
is from this ultimate Acarya that all the knowledge emanates.

The focus on the teaching aspect is very vivid in almost all the Lakulisa sculptures
one comes across around the country. The tedious word to word translation and
analysis in PABh is justified by the author by giving an apt example. He says that
words that we see employed in the Sutra have been used in a certain context with a
separate sense than what one usually understands. He further explains18 ,

“That is why it is said –as a man in not identified though his body is exposed, if his
head is covered, so the sutra conveys no sense if its compound is not analyzed ”

17
Pasupata Sutra with Panchartha Bhasya of Kanundinya Trans. by Haripada Chakraborti,
Academic Publishers, Calcutta, 1970 p.10
18
Pasupata Sutra with Panchartha Bhasya of Kanundinya Trans. by Haripada Chakraborti,
Academic Publishers, Calcutta, 1970p.12

186
The beauty of Indian texts and literature lies mainly in the kind of wonderful and
appropriate examples the author furnishes to justify his argument. In Dhvanyaloka ,
the great aesthete Anandvardhana has discussed nearly 500 such examples at length to
give his discussion a sharper edge. Anandvardhana and his commentators and others
use these examples from Prakrit and Sanskrit literatures to isolate various properties
of speech that facilitate poetic communication by concealing, negating, erasing of
primary sense the mukhyartha.

Philosophical nature of PS and PABh:

Hara19 suggests that Kaundinya took advantage of the Samkhya philosophy for the
formation of his own doctrine. As mentioned earlier, PS does not have philosophical
speculation as its major concern and is essentially theistic in nature and didactic in
approach.

Realising that his system would look similar to Samkhya and Yoga system, the author
right in the beginning starts to differentiate between them and his own doctrine.Hence
both these systems become object of his harsh criticism while the pasupata claims its
superiority.

The famous three-fold classification of suffering (duhkha) which is first mentioned in

Samkhya-Karika repeatedly occurs in PABh and forms a very important part of the
whatever philosophical idea the text furnishes.20

E.g., PABh p4 line 8-10

PABh p25 lin 8-10

PABh p69 line 4-6

PABh p121 line 3-4

PABh p143 line 12-13

19
Hara Minoru. Pasupata Studies ed by Takashima Jun, Vienna, 2002
20
Hara p.25,69,121 and 143

187
But at the same time the author, Kundinya repeatedly tries to belittle former
philosophical system and its adherents.Right in the beginning of the commentary his
bias can be seen. Distinguishing between the released souls who have attained
emancipation through Samkhya and Yoga schools on one hand and Pasupata system
on the other he says21:

“Even the people who have attained the highest state of emancipation (Kaivalya-
according to Samkhya and Patanjali Yoga) are found to have experienced miseries.
This preception (i.e. the Pasupata Acarya) is the best of all Acaryas because he has the
direct vision of the effect (karya=world) and its cause (karana=Pasupati)”

PABh has been written in a question answer format i.e. the author asks a question and
goes on answering the same. It sort of reminds us of FAQ sections in various books
and websites that we come across. Probably the questions were the doublts that arose
in the minds of the disciples undergoing the rigorous training. The urgent need to set
pasupata system as a separtae and superior to others comes across in the following
quasi-dialogue22

Q: The question raised that in other systems such as Samkhya and Yoga etc.
the state of perfect isolation (Kaivalya) together with sovereignity
(aisvarya) is attained by abandoning of effects and instruments just as is
taught in our system, so there would be no difference?

A: The difference lies in regard to the means i.e. ati-dana (transcendent giving)
ati-yajana (transcendent sacrifice) and ati-tapa (transcendent Asceticism that
are to be followed by the disciples of this system- Now since means are
differnet goals one is aspiring for has to be different

Again he asks

Q: What goal does the Brahmin achieve with these transcendent forms of
giving, sacrifice and asceticism?

A: In an answer to this ,the author categorically states that the goal promised by
Pasupata system is much higher than what the followers of Samkhya or Yoga
are promised viz. success (abhyudaya acc. to Samkhya) and perfection,isolatio
(Kaivalya acc. to Yoga)

21
Ibid
22
Hara p 115

188
The Pasupata aspirant who has attained the transcendent goal (ati-gati) by the
transcendent means and thus is united with God (Yukta) not only outshines all the
souls released by other systems but also all the gods beginning with Brahma.

Taking the dialogue further the Pasupata aspirant is supposed to have true knowledge
while the ones released according to Samkhya and Yoga are here mocked as those
who are in a swoon (sammurchitavat)- as they lack knowledge of themselves or
anyone else and hence are misled.

Kaundinya goes on as far as stating that the aspirants who claim to have been released
and to have attained peace through these systems are wrong. It is like seeing of two
moons by a man with astigmatism. The correct view is that he (who is united) is
simply united and not (yet) released.

Interestingly the released soul (kaivalya) is categorized as Pasu, (soul in bondage) in

pasupata system.

PABh p5 line 15-16

“Those who have won the release through Samkhya and Yoga, the gods of Samkhya
and Yoga indeed all creatures from Brahman down to animals are called pasu in the
true tradition.

Indeed the category of kaivalya, the perfect isolation is clubbed together with profane
objectives like artha, kama etc. and thus stating that duty of a pasupata aspirant is to
aim at end of suffering (dhukhanta) and he should not care for ordinary purposes of
merit, wealth, sensual gratification or even perfect isolation.

PABh p3 line 11-12

Siddhi in PS and YS

According to Jacobi23

“as the Samkhya ideas formed the scaffolding of the pasupata doctrinal edifice, so
also the yoga ideas constituted a similar sacffolding of its practical (ascetic and
meditative edifice)”

23
Hara 56

189
The text, PS is replete with the Yogic terms of self control and meditation. Terms
such as yama, miyama, pranayama, ahimsa, sauca, tapas, dharana and others
repeateldy appear throughout the Text,though the semantic content is not always the
same as in YS of Patanjali

As mentioned earlier the word „yoga‟ has different connotation in PS and is not
similar to the ones in YS. It is broadly explained as „union‟ between pasu and pati and
is one of the five fundamental concepts „pancharthas) of pasupata theology.

Here the aspirant approaches the god through his religious practices 24(PABh p41 line
12, SDS line 79)

While the god approaches him by codana etc25 (PABh p6 line 10)

Hence Pasupata yoga means a sort of communion for it is said that by virtue of this
yoga the pasupata aspirant partakes of the attributes of the god Mahesvara26 (PABh
p41 line 17-18)

The aspirant who practices the Pasupata yoga vidhi diligently attains ashtsiddhi and
also eightfold siddhi-laksana appears to him. But at the same time PABh warns the
ascetic not to get too excited by attainment of such miraculous powers because it is
not the ultimate goal and indulgence in them might even prove dangerous.

The concern comes across quite clearly in PS 2.1227

PS 2.12 Harsa Pramadi

It has been explained in PABh as a warning for aspirants not to get too excited or
overjoyed by the acquisition of this supernatural power and indeed they are literally
they are asked to refrain from getting “ intoxicated with delight”

This section of the text as well as the commentary is sort of confusing but the gist of
the section is that the aspirant has to maintain his sanity and go on humbly
concentrating on Siva and not loose focus by gaining these powers.

24
PABh p41 line 12
25
PABh p.6 line 10
26
PABh p.41 line 17-18
27
PS 2.12

190
The powers mentioned as tras in PS 1.21, 1.22, 1.23, 1.24, 1.25 are:

Miraculous Power of seeing, hearing, thinking and knowing from a distance

Omniscience

The possession of swiftness of thought

The quality of assuming forms at will

Ability to perform actions even without using organs

It is interesting to note that while on one hand the aspirant is strictly warned against
indulging in such supernatural practices Kaundinya states that this power can be
(should be ) used to attract new pupils28

PABh p42 linw 1-3

“ Here we may grant that after one has achieved Yoga, the material categories no
longer apply, still the following matters are raised like a bright flag (ranga pataka)
in order to attract the pupil”

As is evident from the above quote siddhi is not considered a goal but remains as a
means or as an agency for propaganda.The need for such a strategy talks of the kind
of competition that the system might have faced. This portion also reminds one of
various miracles performed by Budhha and Jesus Christ for mainly gaining followers.

So simply understood it seems like the USP‟s of a certain practice were displayed in
public to lure followers and disciples. History is full of such examples where godmen
have tried to stun people with their supernatural powers for various reasons.

However for an aspirant who hasn‟t yet reached the final stage there can be a total
downfall and losing of all the tapas if he is not cautious.

Quoting from Mahabharata (3.2.62) PABh p67 line 7-15 ) Kaundinya29 says, “ Even
at reaching on to this stage there can be a total downfall if the aspirant gets carried
away by his body and bodily functions just as a charioteer even if intelligent may be
carried away by ill-trained horses.

28
PABh p 42 line 1-3
29
PABh p67 line 7-15

191
Thus at this stage when the temptations are maximum the aspirant is asked to continue
his practice of pasupata yoga-vidhi and it‟s only by the power (sakti/bala) of
Mahatmya that aspirnt is is able to follow his goal. Explaning this concept of
Mahatmya PABh says (PABh p.67 line 16-17)

“Mahatmya (greatness) is the force (virya) the strength (bala) , the power (sakti) of
the asceticism (tapas) of one who has not strayed from correct conduct”

Hence in a nutshell its by avoiding the dosa of harsa (delight) by apramada

(intoxication) and being protected by the guna of Mahatmya that aspirant can advance
further.Such aspirants attain the infinite power as much as Siva and their position is
distinctly mentioned by Kaundinya when he says that Pasupati is the lord of all pasus
except the Siddhesvaras and the liberated soul is beyond the jurisdiction of Pasupati

PS 5.47 karanadhikara-ivrtti

and he possesses the excellence of Mahesvara.

PS 5.40 tatha vartamanena Mahesvaramaisvaryam praptam

It is also stated that he becomes the master of all powers of Siva, except that of
creation.

At this juncture it is important to state that other systems too advised aspirants to
ignore the siddhi.According to P.V Kane30 out of 195 sutras of YS , 35 (3.16-3.50)
are devoted to the description of siddhi”. Yet among these sutras we see one which
advises yogins to ignore these siddhis i.e Y.S 3.37

YS 3.37 „te samadhav upasarga vyutthane siddhayah‟

„In concentration these supernatural activities are obstacles (though) they are
(considered to be) in the emergent state as perfections”

Vacaspatimisra explains the sutra as follows31:

30
Kane P.V, ‘History of Dharmasastras, vol 5 poona 1930-1950,p.1451-1452)
31
Ibid.

192
A man whose mind-stuff is emergent (vyuttthita citta) thinks highly of these
perfections, just as a man born in misery considers even a small bit of wealth a pile
of wealth. But a yogin whose mind stuff is concentrated (samahita-citta) must avoid
these (perfections) even when brought near to him.One who longs for the final goal
of life (purusartha) the absolute assuagement of the three-fold anguish how could
he have any affection for those perfections which go counter to the attainment of
that goal”

Hence it is clear a serious aspirnt in whatever the system he adhered had to simply
consider Siddhi as a byproduct and not an end in itself. Classical sanskrit literature is
filled with examples of „false ascetics and nuns‟ who got strayed from their goal and
started abusing their miraculous power. Bloomfield32 has explored this area
thoroughly and has come up with many examples.

Classifiction of the system as an Ati-margika one:

The height of asceticism practiced in the system becomes clear by studying the
concepts of ati-dana, ati-yajana and ati-tapas in detail.

After warning the aspirants of the hazardous nature of sidhhi the text proceeds to
explain the means (upaya) to attain the highest goal.

In answer to the question if there is any qualification concerning giving „dana‟

PABh33 says,

“The dana or gifting of material objects is worthless and scriptually it is considered as

wrong path (PS4.18) The actual and true dana is the transcendent giving (ati-dana)
and it is nothing but offering of oneself (atma-pradana) This leads an aspirant to
Rudra( rudra-samipa) finally and absolutely as it brings about the final non-return
(anavrtti) to the cycle of transmigration”

32
Bloomfield, ‘On False Ascetics and Nuns in Hindu fiction’, JAOS vol 44 pg 202-242
33
PABh 56

193
Moreover the sacrifices agnistoma and others are classified as Kuyajana, wrong
sacrifices because they are accompalished only by a process which involves activities
such as seizing (samgraha) accepting (pratigraha), killing (himsa) and so forth,
secondly because they bring about no greater result and results produced are
temporary inferior and impure. The statement reminds us of „Daksa Yagna‟ in which
Siva is not invited and hence considered as an outcaste and this considering of such
Yagnas as wrong sacrifices probably talks about this antagonism.

Now the type of sacrifices advocated is Ati-yajana (transendent sacrifiace) perfomed

either in the temple (ayatana) or in the world (loka).The former is a set of ritual
practices peculiar to the Pasupata such as bathing in ashes and so on and the latter is a
series of strange actions performed in public to deliberately invite abuse.

Ganakarika (GK34):

Haradattacharya, in Gaṇ akārikā, explains that a spiritual teacher is one who knows
the eight pentads and the three functions. With the kind help of Dr. Shette I have tried
to summarize the essence of GK by refering to Bhasarvajna‟s commentary of the said
text.

The disciple asks the guru that by following Pancartha will he be able to acquire the
cessation of sorrows (Dukhant), the final goal of the Lakulisa-Pasupata aspirants. It is
in answer to this query that the Guru expounds the importance of rituals for attaining
the mantrasiddhi and also importance of the right guru who can lead an aspirant to
higher planes and he himself must have reached the highest level. Here the text warns
the aspirant that if the guru is not capable enough or not well initiated in the system he
can lead his disciples to „mahanaraka‟.So he states categorially referring to PS that
only by following rituals according to the text can one acquire dukhant. It is only by
the grace of yoga that one can be totally free of sorrows but the ladder has to be
climbed step by step from Jnana, Anugraha, Vidhi , Yoga and finally Moksa. All
through the spiritual training the aspirant should remember all the instructions and
knowledge gained by heart, so that if books are lost they don‟t make any mistakes and
finally the aspirant is told if he does not have patience and ability to go through all the
vidhis or if he gets carried away by the miraculous powers attained then there is a sure
downfall.

34
Ganakarika of Acharya Bhasarvajna, Ed by Chimanlal D. Dalal, Oriental Institute, M.S.U, Baroda,
1966 (GK)

194
The eight pentads of Acquisition(result of expedience), Impurity(evil in soul),
Expedient(means of purification), Locality(aids to increase knowledge),
Perseverance(endurance in pentads), Purification(putting away impurities), Initiation
and Powers are mentioned and discussed.

Apparent Monotheism:

Now the question arises how exactly the pasupata system is different from other
schools if it preaches almost the same concepts. The difference as far as I have
understood lies in the total theistic flavor of the system as opposed to full or partial
philosophical nature of other systems.

Trying to put the history of Indian theism in a simple perspective Swami

Hiranmayananda35 observes that Vedic polytheism soon developed into sort of
Henotheism, where each god was elevated to a supreme position by his devotees. In
the due course this led to a kind of Monotheism which on further philosophical
speculations culminated in Monism. One can probably place Lakulisa-Pasupata
system somewhere in the transition period between monotheism to monism as its
philiosophy is neither completely dualistic nor monistic. It has been classified by
scholars as „dual cum non dual Saiva system‟

As noted philosophers and scholars have observed early Samkhya system is primarily
atheistic (nirisvara) in its outlook. The eternal existence of souls or Purusas who are
permanent and supreme is inconsistent with the infinity and creatorship of God. The
Samkhya admits the godhead of certain released souls and does accept the popular
gods , but they are also believed to be subjected to laws of samsara.

In YS of Patanjali that one gets a glimpse of the God in these lines36

“He in whom pre-eminence reaches the zenith is god . he is not a different category
but is a singular type of Purusa. He is the first teacher because unlike other
teachers he is not limited by time.Though he has no desire yet out of his grace
towards all beings He saves people immersed in samsara by imparting kowledge
and virtue to them. He is made up of pure sattva; He is ever free and ever the pre-
eminent and he is Omnicient” (Vyasa‟s bhasya on YS i.23-26).

36
YS Vyasa’s bhasya on YS i.23-26).

195
Use of terms like „grace‟ and „teacher‟ has glimpses of Pasupata concept of God.

Another school of philososphy which seem to have direct links with pasupata school
is the theistic (Sasvrya) school of Naiyayikas. God in Their system is omnipotent. He
is a particular kind of atman possessing benign attributes, devoid of vice,wrong
knowledge and mistakes and is eternally endowed with what are known as asht
siddhis (eight supernatural powers). The great Naiyayika Udayanacarya has written an
elaborate logical thesis on the proofs of the existence of God in his famous treatise
„Kusumanjali‟37. At the beginning of his book, he says,

“What doubt can there be in God , experience of whom is admitted throughout the
world?

Thus, stressing that any proof of his existence is unnecessary and redundant from the
standpoint of Naiyayikas.

Regarding his works he says,

“This logical consideration of God is tantamount to thinking (manana) about Him.

It follows hearing (sravana) about Him and is undertaken as a form of worship
(upasana)”

In putting forward the various inferential proofs, the author writes,

From effects, conjunction, support etc. from the use of things, from the
authoritativeness of the Vedas ,from the composition of the Vedas, from sentences
and from particular numbers, an immutable all-knowing God can be deduced. The
first of these is the casual argument-from consideration of effects (karya) God can be
deduced. The earth etc. must have a maker since they are effects like the pot.
Everything that is composite must possess an intelligent cause. Without such a cause,
the material causes cannot produce definite effects. Everything that is composite must
possess an intelligent cause. Without such a cause, the material causes cannot produce
definite effects. To be this cause entails possessing direct knowledge of the material
causes, a desire to realize some aim, and power of will to accomplish this aim. God
must be such a cause.

196
The second proof is from conjunction (ayojana) At the beginning of creation two
atoms must join to form a molecule. All works require an intelligent agent. At the
beginning of creation , when two atoms join together to form a dyad, even that, being
a work ,must requite an intelligent agent, who must be God.

The third proof arises from the consideration of inhibition of celestial bodies from
fall. Just as a piece of wood is supported in space by a bird, so also the universe is
withheld from falling down by someone‟s support. And that someone is God.

The word etc. (adi) signifies dissolution. God is the author of the destruction of the
world.

From the phrase „use of things‟ (padat) it can be inferred that there must be a teacher
for imparting the knowledge of using the things. As teachers are required to teach the
students the crux of modern art so for the traditional arts which are current from
endless time, there must be an instructor. And that instructor must be God

The next proof is to have from the authoritativeness of Vedas (prtyayatah).This

knowledge is authoritative like all true knowledge. So that authoritativeness must
have a cause which is God.

The Vedas are composed by somebody. Now as the authorship of Vedas cannot be
ascribed to any human being, its author must be God. The further argument „from
sentences (vakyat) denotes that since the Vedas contain sentences so they must have
been composed by someone

Then comes the argument „from number (sankhya visesat). According to this
argument, the magnitude of dyad is not caused by individual atoms; it depends on
number because atomic magnitude is eternal and insignificantly minute. But number
requires the distinguishing perception (apeksa buddhi) which must be God‟s

Kanada38 in Kanada-Sutra state that Udayana accepts that scriptures independently

prove the existence of God.Thus Vaisesika system believes inference and scriptures to
be the valid means of the knowledge of God

197
The need to discuss these statements in detail is to show that theism had to be justified
and established and lot of other systems had to be proved wrong. The scriptures were
considered an authority to justify the same and that is the reason for considering them
(vedas or agamas) as „other worldly‟. According to Sankara , the vedas are the only
means of the knowledge of God.Reason in itself is futile.(Brahma-sutra, Ramanuja
Bhasya I.1.3)

Thus it is in this time of debate and questioning that Kaundinaya must have written
his commentary and his treatment of PS as a tantra (as often mentioned in PABh)
clearly shows that he wanted to give another worldly and supernatural status to the
text.

According to Lakulisa Pasupata system God is seed cause, the instrumental cause of
the world and his will is at the root of all activities of this pasu world. Siva is also
considered to be the absolute cause and the actions of the pasus (individuals) are
effective only insofar as they are in conformity with the will of Siva. Hence theory of
Karma so important in later Indian thought is not given any importance in this system.
The pasus are but His manifestations, all effects of the same God who is omnipotent
and omniscient. He grants liberation to all who properly undergo the Pasupata
discipline. The final duhkkhanta‟ (final deliverance from sorrow) is attained only
when the pasupata ascetic passes through the different stages of sadhana and reaches
Rudra. What is „mukti‟ to other systems is “Sayujya‟ to the pasupata.The liberated
souls do not get merged in God, as the Vedantins aim but become united i.e., eternally
associated with Siva. They remain by their mental steadiness, in perpetual contact
with Siva and they never return to the cycle of birth and death.

It is important to note that the pasupata system of the PS hardly considers the
importance of prakrti (the female principal) as energy (sakti), as we find in Puranic
pasupata system. None of the categories of Samkhya appear to be of any relevance
regarding the creation of the world.Even the concept of yoga in PS is different from
the Puranic concept or Yoga-sutra of Patanjali. Here in PS as we have seen the word
yoga itself has been used in the sense of continous contact with the almighty while in
the Patanjali yoga-sutras it is taken as suppression of all mental states (citta-vrtti-
nirodha) which precedes Kaivalya. The yogasutras of Patanjali do not try to establish
Isvara of God but only accepted it as one of its necessary postulates.Rather

198
interestingly none of the Indian philosophical systems have tried to establish God by
any logical means except Naiyayikas who according to tradition are Saivas.Hence
such an overarching importance given to the supreme deity in the Pasupata system
comes across as an interesting point for speculation.

The overarching role of Pasupati the protector of all is envisaged in Kaundinya‟s39

remark that the liberation from sorrow ie dukhanta cannot be attained by knowledge
(jnana) , disinclination or total renunciation (vairagya), virtue (dharma) and giving up
of ones miraculous powers (aishvarya tyaga) but only by the grace (prasada) alone.
While on one hand such a statement points at complete monotheistic nature of the sect
on the other it covertly criticizes the other ascetic systems like jains and Buddhists.
This ultimate image of Pasupati reminds one of the so called pasupati seals from
Indus valley wherewe see various animals flanking a horned, in some cases an
ithyphallic figure identified by scholars as Proto siva. Are the animals aspiring for the
divine grace which would lead them to final redemption from all kinds of sorrow is
worth asking?

While discussing „duhkhanta‟ the final ideal of the pasupata doctrine Kaundinya
states:

“tasmat prasadat sa dukhantah prapyate /na tu jnana-vairagya-dharmaisvarya-

tyagamatrad ity arthah” PABh p6 line 1-2

“From this grace of god the end of suffering is attained and not from mere knowledge
,dispassion,merit , sovereignty or their opposites ..this is the meaning‟

Here Prasada (Grace) is of the primary importance and outshines the philosophical
concepts peculiar to Samkhya philosophy. So ultimately it lies in the hands of that
final absolute to redeem the aspirant from all the miseries

A similar theistic flavor according to which God has priority to the philosophical
ideas is met in Kaundinya‟s etymological explanation of the word „bhava‟

“Because they are created by a process of becoming (bhavana) and of causing to

become ( bhāvana), each cattle (pasu) becomes a god, human or animal and the lord
causes them so to become..” 40PABh p54 line 7-9

39
PABh p.6
40
PABh p74 lines 9-12

199
Almighty‟s power is not limited to obstructing the eight aspects of buddhi given in
Samkhya philosophy but also is extended to transforming them.In his commentary on
Kala-vikrana (an epithet of Siva), Kaundinya says

PABh p74 lines 9-12

“His being able to transform the material components means that he has the ability to
join the individual souls to the material components which are called effect and
instrument and join them to merit, knowledge, dispassion, lack of sovereignty etc.,
through a process of distributing the souls to (their respective) plaxes (of birth),
bodies, bodily organs and their objects etc. and this ability is exerted in a general way,
an analytical way and a specific way. Thus in view of the superiority of the Lord and
inferiority of other individual souls, it is rightly said, homage to Him who transforms
the material components”

Thus one realises the eight aspects of buddhi ,4 Satvikka ones viz. Dharma, Jnana,
Vairagya, Aisvarya and 4 tamasic ones viz Adharma, Ajnana, Avairagya and
Anaisvarya, as enumeratd in Samkhaya Karika appear in PABh with no
differentiation between first and second group.Moreover there is no reference or
importance given to jnana as distinct from and superior to rest of the aspects ie. one of
the most crucial teachings of Samkhaya as taught in Samkhya Karika 63,65 & 67.
Here it is the Almighty who can be seen standing far above these eight aspects while
the latter though philosophical concepts are alloted an inferior rank. Even the final
ideal of Pasupata, dhukhanta is attained not by dharma, jnana or so forth but simply
by the grace of god (prasada)

Perhaps the apparent antagonism held against the other philosophical and theological
systems to uphold the superiority to their God seems to have been best illustrated by
an inscription at Balagami dated 1035 AD . In the inscription which registers grants
that were made over to „Lakulisvarapandita deva, a pasupata ascetic of great note, we
read41,

41
Fleet J.F. ‘Inscriptions at Ablur,EI ,vol 5 (1899) p227)

200
“(to the holy Lakulisvarapandita) who is a saw to cleave asunder the great trees that
are the Lokayatas; he who is a great Vainateya (Son of Vinita i.e., Garuda) to the
large serpent that is Samkya doctrine; he who is an axe to the trees that are those who
propound the Advaita philosophy; he who is a very Trinetra (siva) to burn the three
cities in shape of Akalanka.”

Superconciousness and a Theological explanation:

Since it has been established that the vidhis followed by the aspirants of Lakulisa-
Pasupata order had a strong intrinsic logic and rationale of its own, it is important to
understand this curious aspect with a focus on theology also. To explain such
practices Swami Akhilananda says:

To expalin further Swami Akhilananda42 states,

“Indian psychologists (yogic practitioners) have always laid great emphasis on the
understanding of nor merely the conscious, but also the various kinds of
superconscious and extra-sensory perceptions. They have not been mere objective
observers and speculative thinkers ,so far as psychology is concerned, but they have
also realized that the various states of mind cannot be properly understood without
bringing in the subjective element , namely training of the perceiving mind. They
have never been inclined toward behaviourism of the Western type. In order to
understand the objective validity of the superconcious and other forms of extra-
sensory perceptions (and in order to know the unconcious) one must experience these
states….It is an undeniable fact that the main emphasis is Indian psychology has been
on religious experiences of various types (though some non-theistic systems were
developed in the process of self analysis) Both Hindu and Buddhist psychologists
systematized their psychological concepts in the course of their religious experiences.
As their investigation and development of mental powers progressed they discovered
that the unified mind could have some experiences which were not religious, even
though they were extraordinary and extra-sensory. The mind, when concentrated and
trained develops tremendous power to understand and control the various gross and
subtle laws of nature, though these may not be perceived with the naked eyes…The
mind can also control these laws through definite discipline and training”

42
Swami Akhilananda , ‘Extra-Sensory and Superconcious experiences by in The Cultrual Heritage of
India,Vol iii ed by Haridas Bhattacarya, calcutta ,1937

201
He considers the Yoga-Sutra by Patanjali, Hathayoga-paradipika and various tantras
like Satcakraniupana and Padukapancaka as thoroughgoing studies of various aspects
of ESP (Extra Sensory Perception) in which different methods of developing these
powers, which are nothing but hidden functions of mind, are described. Hence he
concludes by saying htat superconcious states cannot be really understood unless one
experiences them. As chemical laws cannot be verified without laboratory
experiments, so superconscious realization or samadhi of various types cannot be
properly understood by unprepared or untrained minds, however intellectual or well
intentioned they may be.

202
 CHAPTER - 5
THE MYTHOLOGICAL BRIDGE

Mythological Studies investigate the understanding of human experience revealed in

mythology and in the diverse links between myth and ritual, literature, art, culture,
and religious experience. Regarding the importance of myth and mythological studies
Doniger1 observes:

―Myth is cross-culturally translatable, which is to say comparable, commensurable.

The simultaneous engagement of the two ends of the continuum, the same and the
different, the general and the particular, requires a peculiar kind of double vision,
and myth, among all genres is uniquely able to maintain that vision. Myth is the most
interdisciplinary narrative‖

Skanda Purana: Providing the building blocks for Saiva mythology

The study of Saiva mythology has made significant progress during the last two
decades with the ‗discovery‘ of the original Skanda Purana.. Chitgopekar believes
that Puranic myths are ―multivocal‖; having several layers of meanings, hence our
approach to them should be eclectic. As all myths are part of an ongoing oral and
textual tradition, rather than tracing the stages of their evolution, she has delineated
their salient features.

With the discovery of the ancient 6th -7th CE text of Skanda Purana, Saiva mythology
has made significant progress. The orders and sects relegated to background in later
Saivite texts like Pasupatas and Kapalikas are now seen in a completely different
light.Explaining the importance of this text in understanding early forms of Saiva
religion Chitgopekar2 says:

‘This anonymous 6th/7th-century text stands as a model of an early Saiva Purana

presenting an integrated view of the cosmos and its affairs in which the god Śiva is
regarded as supreme.”

1
Doniger, Wendy. The Implied Spider: Politics and Theology in Myth. New York: Columbia University
Press, 1998, p.9
2 Chitgopekar, ‘Encountering Saivism, the deity ,the milieu , the entourage,Pub. By The Hindu, 1998

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The Siva Maha Purana starts with the Siva Purana Mahatyam, which is actually an
extract from the Skanda Purana, hence implying the importance of the latter text.
Skandapurana furnishes a desription of sacred Saiva sites It comes across as a very
valuable source for the history and geographical spread of early Saivism. In addition it
contains an account of the origins of the Pasupata movement in its descriptions of
Karohana, the site of Siva‘s descent as Lakulisa. Bisschop3 talks about two different
versions of Skandapurana , one transmitted in early Nepalese palm-leaf manuscripts,
another transmitted in two later recensions styled Ambikakhanda and Revakhanda.
The latter version has never been published before and opens up new perspectives for
the study of the transmission of Puranic literature and the historical development of
Saivism. While talking about early Saivism the text focuses a lot on Pasupata form of
Saivism hence making it very important for my study. Out of seven khandas three
Mahesvara, Kashi and Prabhasa khanda are important for our study.

Mahesvara khand as the name itself suggests its importance after eulogizing Siva and
attributing a subsidiary status to Visnu and Brahma moves to explaining the myth of
Daksavadha. Interestingly the myth is narrated by Lomas Rishi and apart from
narrating the story he focuses on the importance of Purtta activities like building
temples for Siva and its merits. Lomas Rishi has been established as a Saivite ascetic
following a very harsh regimen, in the earlier chapters. The possibility of his being a
Pasupata has also been discussed .

―Sage Lomesh told the assembled sages--- One who brooms the courtyard of Shiva
temple attains to Shiva loka. Those who make offerings of incense to lord Shiva not
only liberate himself from the bondage of this world but also both his 'Kulas'. One
who gets constructed a Shiva temple or renovates it, attains incomparable virtue. One
who chants the holy mantra 'OM NAMAH SHIVAY' daily and begins his day by
visiting Shiva temple in the morning becomes absolved of all his sins.‖4

3
Bisschop Peter, Early Saivism and the Skandapurana: Sects and Centres, Groningen, The
Netherlands Egbert Forsten 2006
4
Tagare, G.V, Skanda Purana, MLBD, Delhi, 1996

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It is after killing Daksa for his insolence that we counter the raudra form of Siva who
gives way to a yogic Siva, a lord unmoved by everything around. O‘Flaherty has
aptly described how Siva at this stage of extreme asceticism comes across as the most
efficient seducer. This handsome ascetic form of Siva seduces the wives of saptarishis
and in their anger they curse him to get castrated. Significantly Skanda Purana does
not mention this ‗Myth of pine forest‘ which seems to have a different and probably
late origin. It rather talks about extreme asceticism of Siva which the gods wanted to
break as it was prophesied that only Siva‘s son could kill Tarakasura who was
creating havoc in all the three worlds. So the birth of Skanda and creating the right
atmosphere for this noble birth is what this section of Skanda Purana is majorly
dedicated to.

The deities were aware that after the death of Sati, Siva had lost all interest in life and
was living like a recluse and to get him back to the act of creation was a daunting
task. Meanwhile Sati was born as Girija, the daughter of Himalaya with a wish to get
Siva as her husband. When Siva remained unmoved gods appointed Kamadeva to hit
Siva with his arrow and arouse passion and desire in him. Siva was angered and he
opened his third eye to burn Kamadeva to ashes. The significance of ashes is
suggested here. The PS maxim:

―Every thing is ashes‖ is proved here. The body of desires is nothing but ashes.

Now Girija commenced her penance to please Lord Shiva. There was a great turmoil
in the world on account of her penance. Lord Visnu led the deities to Siva and
requested him to marry Girija so that the world could be protected from the torments
of Tarakasur. Finally, Siva gave his consent and went to the place where Girija was
doing penance.

This act of Parvati to win Siva or rather to counter Siva‘s extreme asceticism with her
own extreme penance forms an interesting motif. To use O‘Flaherty‘s terminology the
route of ‗asceticism‘ was chosen by Parvati to become a partner of ‗erotic‘ Siva.
Matching his asceticism she wanted to win him over.

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After reaching to the place where Parvati was meditating, Siva found her engrossed

in her penance. Parvati was surrounded by her few trusted companions. Siva decided

to test Parvati's devotion towards him. So he disguised himself as a hermit and asked

her companions about the reason why Parvati was doing such a severe Penance. Jaya,

one of Parvati's companions informed him that her friend was doing penance in order

to get Siva as her husband. Lord Shiva, who was in the guise of a hermit said—

“Why is this tender girl so eager to marry Shiva who is an embodiment of

inauspiciousness--who carries a skull in his hand and who lives in a crematorium.

How can your friend think of marrying one who has been expelled by Daksha from

the yagya ceremony? Does your friend know that Shiva wears a snake around his

neck and is surrounded by numerous spirits and ghosts?‖

Parvati, who had been listening to all those nonsensical utterances, told Jaya---'This

fellow seems to abhor Shiva. We should not talk to this evil person. Tell him to leave

at once.'Lord Siva was extremely pleased by Parvati's unwavering devotion towards

him. He appeared in his original form and said--'You can ask for anything you wish.'

But Parvati replied--- 'O Supreme Lord! I am the same Sati for the sake of whom you

had destroyed Daksha's yajna. Don't you recognize me? There is a great purpose

behind my reincarnation. A son born to us would kill Tarakasur. So go to my father

and request for my hand in marriage.'But Lord Shiva refused to make a request to

Himalaya considering it as an undignified act. He then returned to the place where he

had been meditating.After a while, Himalaya and Mena arrived there and asked

Parvati how her penance had been progressing. Parvati narrated the whole incident

how Lord Shiva had finally given his conscent to marry her.Himalaya and Mena were

extremely pleased by this good news.5

5
Details from ‘Excerpts from Skanda Purana, www.gita-society.com/scriptures/
ALL18MAJORPURANAS.IGS.pdf

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This myth can be seen materialized in various sculptural panels from West and South
India showing the marriage of Siva and Parvati but the elaborate description in cave
21at Ellora (Ramesvara) is worth mentioning separately. It is believed to have been
inspired by Kalidasa’s poem Kumarasambhava written about the birth of Skanda.
Kalidasa seems to have been well versed with the mythological details of this incident
and he even mentions the kind of penances and hardships faced by young Parvati.
These practices like ―pancagni tapas’, wearing animal skin and so on reminds us of
Lakulisa-Pasupata aspirants and their harsh practices6.

Kalidasa's epic Kumarasambhava ("Birth of Kumara") details with matchlessly

lyrical beauty the story of the maiden Parvati: her devotions aimed at gaining the
favor of Siva, the subsequent annihilation of Kamadeva, the consequent fall of the
universe into barren lifelessness, the subsequent marriage of Parvati and Siva, the
immaculate birth of Kumara, and the eventual resurrection of Kamadeva after Parvati
intercedes for him to Siva.

The depiction of Parvati’s marriage to Siva, in the Siva Purana, could be seen as an
allegory illustrating the desire of an individual to achieve a state of liberation from a
life of strife and banality. If one sets aside, for the moment, the idea of Siva as a male
entity, and sees him instead as representing a state beyond human suffering, then
Parvati becomes symbolic of the aspirant who wishes to achieve nirvana, and the
story becomes something considerably more than a quaint romantic tale7.

Iconographical Explanation:

Interestingly marriage of Siva and Parvati ,Kalyanasundaramurti is seen in almost all

the cave sites dedicated to Lakulisa Pasupatas and also it seems to have been popular
theme in Orissan art, but the elaboration it has received in cave 21, Ramesvara, at
Ellora is matchless. Almost an entire wall is dedicated to depicting the scence and
unlike other places it is not only the marriage scene that is depicted but the entire
narrative is sculpted in stone. Interestingly Parvati on right hand side is seen in an
ascetic form surrounded by five fires (pancagnisadhana) practiced by the Lakulisa-
Pasupata aspirants.

6 Kumarasambhava of Kalidasa, Ed. M.R.Kale,Delhi,2011

7 Dayal Harendra Thakur, ‘The Visnu Purana Social Economic and Religious Aspects’ Published
1983,p.92

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 Illus 33. Kalyanasundaramurti, Cave 21,Ellora, Kalacuri, 6th CE

Illus 34. Kalyanasundaramurti, Cave 1 ,Elephanta, Kalacuri, 6 th CE

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The theme receives a great grandeur at Elephanta but the ascetic aspect of both Siva
and Parvati are not depicted here and they appear more like a royal couple. It is in this
form that they are remembered and worshipped by Brahmins of Kashmir on Sivaratri,
as sovereign rulers of the entire creation.

The purpose of marriage was the birth of Skanda, would be slayer of Tarakasur. What
comes as a surprise is the fact that the gods feared the force of Siva and Parvati‘s
power together and decided to rob Parvati of Siva‘s seed. Now Skanda Purana does
allude to Agni taking up a part of overflowing seed and depositing it in Ganges and
getting cursed in return by Parvati.

Thus, Agni, who was suffering from extreme heat that generated in his body, sat at a
lonely place waiting eagerly for a woman to arrive there.He did not have to wait for
too long, as six Kritikas, shivering with cold arrived there to warm themselves. The
seeds of Siva entered into their bodies through the pores.

When their respective husbands leartnt about their pregnancy they cursed them. As a
result they got transformed into 'Naksharas' and established themselves in the sky.
But, they aborted their respective foetus at Himalaya mountain before getting
transformed into six constellations. The holy Ganges carried that foetus to a secluded
place, which was covered with dense bushes of reeds.In course of time, Lord
Kartikeya manifested from those reed bushes. He had six heads. The deities were
delighted at the birth of Kartikeya. Lord Siva along with Parvati went to the place
where Kartikeya had incarnated. Parvati took young Kartikeya in her embrace.

This unnatural and fascinating birth story of Skanda/Kumara probably again talks
about the shifting status of Siva from an ascetic to an householder, yet maintaining his
stature as a great yogi.

Another form of Siva and Parvati seen in this context of union is the Ardhnarisvara
form. Collins8 observes

―Siva as half male and half female is a dynamic personification of a dualist principle
that is specifically related to the Pasupatas in the Linga Purana‖

8
Collins,Charles D. The Iconography and Ritual of Siva at Elephanta.Delhi: Sri Satguru
Publications,1991 p.81

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This form of Siva is mentioned briefly in the Mahabharata several times: in Book
XIII, Chapter 14, Upamanyu praising Siva, says ―Who else is there that has half his
body occupied by his dear spouse‖

Ardhanarishvara is depicted as half male and half female, split down the middle. The
right half is usually the male Shiva, illustrating his traditional attributes.

Ardhanarishvara represents the synthesis of masculine and feminine energies of the

universe (Purusha and Prakriti) and illustrates how Sakti, the female principle of
God, is inseparable from (or the same as, according to some interpretations) Siva, the
male principle of God. The union of these principles is exalted as the root of all
creation.

The conception of Ardhanarishvara may have been inspired by Vedic literature's

composite figure of Yama-Yami later adopted as Yab-Yum figures in Vajrayana
Buddhism.The Brihadaranyaka Upanishad says that Purusha splits himself into two
parts, male and female, and the two halves copulate, producing all life – a theme
concurrent in Ardhanarishvara's tales.

The Svetasvatara Upanishad sows the seed of the Puranic Ardhanarishvara. It

declares Rudra – the antecedent of the Puranic Siva – the maker of all is the root of
Purusha (the male principle) and Prakriti (the female principle), adhering to Samkhya
philosophy. It hints at his androgynous nature, describing him both as male and
female.

In a story from Skanda Purana, Parvati requests Siva to allow her to reside with him,
embracing "limb-to-limb", and so Ardhanarishvara is formed.

In other Puranas like the Linga Purana, Vayu Purana, Vishnu Purana, Kurma
Purana, and Markandeya Purana,Rudra (identified with Siva) appears as
Ardhanarishvara, emerging from Brahma's head, forehead, mouth or soul as the
embodiment of Brahma's fury and frustration due to the slow pace of creation.
Brahma asks Rudra to divide himself, and the latter complies by dividing into male
and female. Numerous beings, including the 11 Rudras and various female shaktis,
are created from both the halves. In some versions, the goddess unites with Siva again
and promises to be born as Sati on earth to be Siva's wife9.

9
Kramrisch Stella, ‘(1981). The Presence of Siva. Princeton University Press. . pg 200-208)

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Tamil temple lore narrates that once the gods and sages had gathered at Shiva's
abode, they prayed their respects to Shiva and Parvati. However, the sage Bhringi had
vowed to worship only one deity, Siva, and ignored Parvati while worshipping and
circumambulating him. Agitated, Parvati cursed Bhringi to lose all his flesh and
blood, reducing him to a skeleton. In this form Bhringi could not stand erect, so the
compassionate ones who witnessed the scene blessed the sage with a third leg for
support. As her attempt to humiliate the sage had failed, Parvati punished herself with
austerities that pleased Shiva and led him to grant her the boon of uniting with him,
thereby compelling Bhringi to worship her as well as himself in the form of
Ardhanarishvara. However, the sage assumed the form of a beetle and
circumambulating only the male half, drilling a hole in the deity. Amazed by his
devotion, Parvati reconciled with the sage and blessed him. An interesting visual
depiction of this myth can be seen from Aihole and curiously it is clubbed with
Gangadhar aspect of Siva too.

Illus 34. Gandhadhar Siva with Parvati and Bringhi, Ravan Phadi , Aihole, Karnataka,6th CE

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Kalika Purana states that, Parvati (called Gauri here) is described as having
suspected Siva of infidelity when she saw her own reflection in the crystal-like breast
of Siva. A conjugal dispute erupted but was quickly resolved, after which Parvati
wished to stay eternally with Siva in his body. The divine couple was thereafter fused
as Ardhanarishvara.Another tale from North India also talks about Parvati's jealousy.
Another woman, the river Ganga – often depicted flowing out of Shiva's locks – sat
on his head, while Parvati (as Gauri) sat on his lap. To pacify Gauri, Siva united with
her as Ardhanarishvara. Thus the presence of both myths together in one panel is
justified by such connections drawn in Puranic and regional legends.

Another panel indirectly hinting at the discomfort that Parvati felt after Siva held
Ganga in his locks is the one seen at Elephanta where the artist cleverly has used the
space between Siva and Parvati to suggest uneasy silence between the divine couple.

Illus 35. Gangadhar Siva with Parvati, Cave 1, Elephanta, Kalacuri, 6 th CE

212
It is in Ramayana that we find Siva agrees to hold Ganga in his locks to control her
torrential flow. On one hand we see Ganga as the carrier of Siva’s seed and on the
other as a prisoner in his locks, both suggesting an intimate link between both.

Mythopoeic imagination reads this relation as that of a consort and she is often shown
as a female figure emerging out of Siva’s jata.This aspect comes across clearly in
Kalidasa’s Meghaduta10:

―From there you should go to Jahnu‘s daughter who descends

From the Lord of the peaks near Mount Kanakhala

And once served Sagara‘s sons as a stairway to heaven

It was she ,Ganga, her foam like laughter‖

An elaborate description of this theme can be seen in a panel in Mahabalipuram which

depicts the harsh penance of Bhagiratha to please Siva.

Illus 36.Gangavtarana Panel, Mahabalipuram,Tamil Nadu, Pallava, 7th CE

10
Meghaduta as quoted by Collins p.75

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Another interesting myth one encounters in Skanda Purana is the myth of Kaalbhiti
who did not leave the womb of his mother for four years as he feared Kala. After
being reassured and granted a boon he grew up to be a virtuous person. He used to
engage himself in various kinds of austerities and was a great devotee of Lord
Siva.One day, as Kaalbhiti was meditating under a 'bael' tree (wood apple), he went
into trance. The joy experienced during trance period was something, which he had
never experienced before. He decided to regularly meditate under that tree. He did
penance for one hundred years standing on his toe pleasing Siva who appeared in
form of a linga and freed him from fear of death. Since he had conquered death he
was known as Mahakaal. This myth connects strongly with the Mahakaal temple at
Ujjain and it evidently has some Kapalika or Siddha connection as aspirants of both
cults desired to conquer death and gain perpetual immortality through harsh yogic
practices.The importance given to pancbrahmamantras in this tradition point at him
being a Pasupata saint.

Siva Nataraja:

Dancing form of Siva full of philosophical meaning is depicted almost all over the
country. It is in both Kurma Purana and Linga Purana that this form of Siva is
described in detail where it is linked with Tandava aspect i.e. dance of dissolution due
to his extreme yogic power.

Linga Purana talks about Siva‘s sojourn in Daruvana which alludes to the better
known ‗Pine Forest myth‘ . While describing him as stark nude, smeared with ashes
he is seen dancing and begging for alms. It is this Bhibatsa yet Adhbhut form that
wives of Rishis fall for and this irrestible and seductive form is attained by nothing
else but deep asceticism.

Thus these accounts of Siva‘s dance often juxtapose it with his yoga and his ability to
project maya or cosmic illusion upon the phenomenal world hence assuming
tremendous importance. An interesting panel can be seen from Mandapesvara cave,
presently converted into a church but once seems to have been an important site for
Lakulisa-Pasupatas. Here in this panel the artist has combined Nataraja aspect of
Siva with Kalyanasundaramurti, hence stressing on their highly philosophical nature.

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Illus 37. Nataraja Siva along with Kalyanasundaramurti, Mandapesvara Cave, Kalacuri, 6th CE

Illus 38. Nataraja Siva, Cave 1, Elephanta, Kalacuri, 6 th CE

215
Ravananugrhamurti: Both Ramayana and Mahabharata mention Ravana as a great
devotee undergoing various Pasupata austerities .Not highly favored by Puranic
literature this theme assumes a tremendous importance in the works of Kalidasa and
hence is one of the most commonly repeated themes in the western Indian caves as
well as in art of Pallavas and Cholas. Ravana is supposed to have composed
‗Sivatandavastuti‘ to praise Siva when he was realized the power of the lord.

Usually in these panels Ravana is seen shaking Kailasa mountain, the abode of Siva
and the latter is seen pushing his toe to send Ravana to netherlands. It is after this
incident that Ravana is supposed to have become a great devotee of Siva and
performed harsh austerities to please the lord.

Illus 39. Ravananugrhamurti, Cave 21, Ellora, Kalacuri, 6th CE

It is interesting to find the depiction of this theme from the temple of Angkor Wat in
Cambodia and it does talk about it being a very important theme for South Indian art
which provided the thematic base for Saiva temples in South East Asia.

216
 Illus 40. Ravananugrhamuti, Angkor Wat, Cambodia,12 th CE

Andhakasuravadhamurti: Talking about the aspect of reconciliation in Saiva art and

mythology the myth of Andhaka becomes very important. Most of the sources
maintain that Andhaka after being killed by Siva was revived and accepted in latters
fold. Some sources even maintain that his initial lust for Parvati was converted into
the motherly love and after his repentance Parvati forgave him and accepted him as
his son. The story has many a shades and a great potential for in-depth study.

Illus 41. Andhakasuravadha, Cave 14, Ellora,6th CE

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 Illus 42. Andhakasuravadha, Cave 29, Ellora, Kalacuri, 6th CE

Siva and Parvati playing chausar (dice): A very frequently depicted theme in these
LP caves is this dice play between Siva and Parvati. While on one hand it lends a
human feel to the divine couple on the other it focuses on the aspect of lila (sport) ,
the main reason for creation of universe.Indirectly it suggests that it is this divine play
that has brought everything to life,hence assuming a very important philosophical
meaning. But this higher meaning has not stopped the artist from expressing his
creative urges and giving it a lighter feel, especially on the lower register in Cave 14
Ellora where he depicts ganas playfully teasing Nandi.

Illus 43. Siva and Parvati playing chausar, Cave 14, Ellora, Kalacuri, 6 th CE

218
The extremely dramatic depiction at Elephanta focuses on the human element more
clearly as it points at cheating in the game. Siva was probably shown holding
Parvati’s hand and the latter is agitated as can be seen from her hand gestures.

Illus 44. Siva and Parvati playing chausar, Cave 1, Elephanta, Kalacuri, 6 th CE

Summing up: Studying all these myths depicted at early Lakulisa-Pasupata sites one
can see their importance as tools for propagating the philosophy of the order in the
most graphic manner. These panels apart from their aesthetic merit follow a certain
iconographical pattern which in case of Elephanta,Collins11 has connected with LP
rituals.

As Meister12 observes

―The task of religious imagery in India is twofold: it must reveal divinity to man, and
help manifest divinity in man‖

Hence divinity in India is seen in both aspects, tangible and intangible.and as

Kramrisch observes is characterized by ‗otherness‘ and ‗ease of access‘ a dichotomy
seen at various levels in Indian religions, especially Saivism.From this enquiry into
manifested form of Siva we will move to study of abstract Siva-Linga in the next
section.

11
Collins,Charles D. The Iconography and Ritual of Siva at Elephanta.Delhi: Sri Satguru
Publications,1991
12
Meister, Michael W. Discourses on Siva. Philadelphia, Bombay 1984, Introduction

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 CHAPTER – 6
SIVA-LINGA : AN ICONOLOGICAL STUDY

Siva-linga and its symbolism:

Dealing with a topic which aims at understanding the dynamics between ritual and
philosophy in the Lakulisa-Pasupata order the interdisciplinary study of history,
philosophical meanings and the ritual practices related to this potent symbol have
proved to be very useful. The idea that this practice was simply a fertility rite
followed by “less civilized and barbaric people” has long been rejected. The more
scholars have worked on the levels of meanings it conveys , more they have been
convinced of dangers of too simplistic or literal a reading .Now this does not go to
say that all phallic symbolism associated with it is just a farce . On the contrary the
visual representation is definitely phallic but its meaning is not limited to fertility
and reproduction. Man creates symbols according to his ideas. The idea of creativity
and procreation is associated with sexual organs. Here one is reminded again of
Upamanyu‟s discourse with Krsna where he categorically specifies that it is Siva and
Devi that are the true gods because we all humans are marked by their symbols, rather
born with them while you don‟t see a child born with a conch or a chakra. That is to
say the most fundamental characteristic that we as humans share with the supreme
reality is the process of creation and hence anything which is responsible for such a
similitude becomes worth worshipping sheer by the law of synecdoche and assumes
automatically assumes a mystical and awe-inspiring aspect.

Unfortunately the sexual symbolism here has selectively been associated with
eroticism and it‟s other more important function as the creative principle has not been
given any thought by early scholars of Indian art and culture. The apologetic Indian
scholars too joined the gang and openly disowned this disturbing symbol and blamed
it on so called „Non Aryan‟ people who were untouched by highly philosophical
expositions of Veda‟s. They elaborately quote from RgVedic mention of Sisna
deva,(people whose lord was the sexual organ)(Rg Veda 7.21.5; 10.99.3)

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the only example but repeated again and again to emphasize the otherness of Linga
worship. Sayana1 in his commentary has clearly explained Sisna devas ,as licentious
people and not as people who worship linga.

Language is never wholly transparent, rather the beauty of language lies in its opacity.
To derive such final statements on the basis of one or two verses from whole gamut of
Vedas points at if not a strategic plan but definitely to a lack of understanding. Here I
would like to say that those scholars who have shown any depth in their studies and
have not treated the subject like some laboratory experiment have left their studies
open ended realizing very well the limitations of a scholarly approach to a subject
which needs an initiation to begin with.

Susan Langer2 in her important study, Philosophy in a New Key states that:

“Symbols are not proxy for their objects, but are vehicles for the conception of
objects. In talking about things we have conceptions of them, not the things
themselves and it is the conceptions, not the things, that symbols directly mean”.

She further goes on to enumerate three types of symbols viz: Discursive symbol,
Presentational symbol and Artistic symbol and being a Formalist considers the
Artistic symbol to be the most significant one:

An artistic symbol- which may be product of human craftsmanship or (on a purely

personal level )something in nature seen as significant form has more than discursive
and presentational meaning: its form as such, as a sensory phenomenon has what I
have called implicit meaning, like rite and myth, but of a more catholic sort. It has
what L.A Reid called „tertiary subject matter‟, beyond the reach of „primary
imagination‟ and even the „secondary imagination‟that sees metaphorically.3

I have tried in this section to compile all that I have seen, read and analyzed about
Linga worship as it has strong links with the developmental stage of Saivism i.e
Lakulisa-Pasuapta order. Siva linga being the main object of veneration for the
aspirants of this order its esoteric meaning has been delved deeply in their literature.
Moreover in this tradition Siva as well as Lakulisa himself are shown as Ithyphallic.

1
Rgveda-Samhita Srimat Sayanacharya virchita bhasya-sameksa Ed. by N.S Sontakke, Published by
Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala, Pune, 1972
2
Langer Susan, Philosophy in a new key, A Study in Symbolism of Reason, Rite and Art, Harvard
University Press, 1996
3
Ibid.

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Human narcissist tendency is such that it is always believed we are moving to a more
progressive level as the time passes. The technology that we today boast of would
have been a marvel for our ancestors and hence the aspect of philosophizing is
considered to have been beyond their reach.Rather my enquiry started very much at
this point where I wondered how can an order which follows radical and extremely
objectionable practices have a highly evolved philosophy.At the beginning I also
thought that philosophizing must have taken place at a later stage but in due course I
was surprised to find both the streams progressing together.We were seriously
missing out something in between, something not as easily legible as a direct word
and here is where mythology and art comes to the rescue.It wonderfully bridges the
gap between the esoteric ritual practices and complicated philosophical speculations
former due to its narrative and human approach and the latter because of its wide
appeal and tangible form. The orientation of early Saivite art is decidedly theological.
The emphasis is on knowledge of God‟s nature and the translation of this knowledge
into forms fit for worship.Hence here while on one side I will be studying the
historical development and philosophical speculations on the subject, on the other
hand myths related to Linga worship and their depictions from various places will be
subjected to an iconological study.

Historicity:

The term linga rarely occurs prior to the Upanisads and in the latter texts the term and
its opposite alinga by no stretch of imagination are used for a male sexual organ.
Srinivasan4 clearly points out that the word that defines the latter is sisna or vetasa in
Vedic literature and they are no where linked with any form of worship. RgVeda
describes the Sisna devas as the inhabitants of cities and they were supposed to be the
„Pre Aryan‟ people and builders of planned cities like Harrapa and Mohenjodaro.
Such discourse largely propounded mainly by Western Indologists essentially saw the
practice as a non Vedic one.On the contrary the important commentators of Vedas
„Yaska and „Sayana5‟ provide us with more inclusive meanings which points at the

4
Srinivasan Doris Meth, Significance and Scope of Pre-Kusana Saivite Iconogrphy, in Meister M Ed
DOS p.33
5
Rgveda-Samhita Srimat Sayanacharya virchita bhasya-sameksa Ed. by N.S Sontakke, Published by
Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala, Pune, 1972

222
selective suggestion of the above hypothesis. Yaska explains „Sisna-devas as a non-
bhrhmacharin group (4.19 on Rgveda,7.21.5). Sayana too furnishes a meaning similar
to this to mean a group of immoral people and nowhere has it been suggested that
they are non Vedic. These interpretions one needs to known are just based on few
verses and only because they have been repeated again and again they sound as only
possible explanations..An excellent work by Srinivasan on Rudra-Siva and his vedic
antecents throws a considerable light on the subject and demands the Rudra‟s„outsider
to vedic culture‟ label to be considerably revised. She writes: 6.

“For Rudra‟s most fundamental characteristics-his ambivalent capacity for benign

and fearful action, his asura-hood, his close associaition with the most ancient
stratum of the Vedic gods, his relation to the Vedic ritual, especially the remnant-
brings him into the very centre of Vedic norms and ideals.”

A tribe (jana) called Siva is mentioned in Rgveda (7.18.7). Some scholars believed the
Siboi of Greek writers were actually the Siva jana mentioned above. It may not be
unlikely that Siva, probably a tribal god was gradually identified with Rudra in the
process of later amalgamation which is not unheard of in religious studies.Banerjee7
opines that the Siva linga engraved on three oldest coins (of Taxila and Ujjain
mentioned in earlier chapter) 2nd-3rd BCE is the mark of a local or tribal god .

Coming to the word „linga‟, we need to historically contextualize it before pondering

about its ritual and philosophical meanings. Przyluski 8who on basis on a linguistic
study suggests that the terms like Linga, Langula etc. were originally Austric words
and the „Aryans‟ borrowed them from pre-Aryan population of India has also lost its
currency as the term has been used extensively and meaningfully in early Vedic
literature and does not come across some haphazard word borrowed from another
civilization.

6
Srinivasan p.36
7
P. Banerjee, "Some aspects of the early history of Saivism", IAC 14, 1965,p. 215-231
8
Bagchi P.C tr. Pe Aryan and Pre Dravadian in India by Sylvain Levi, J Przyluski and J. Bloch,
Calcutta, 1937 p.66

223
The Katha Upanisad (6.8) speaks of Purusa who is higher than the
unmanifest(avyakta), “as all pervading and without any mark” (alinga).In a somewhat
similar manner Svetasvatara Upanisad (6.9) declares that Mahesvara( Siva in 5.14)
has no linga in the world and he is the first cause.Book 6.11 explains this further,
saying “ He is the One God hidden in all things..alone and devoid of attributes
(nirguna).The same text gives an elaborate connotation of linga9:

“Just as the material form (murti) of fire when latent in its source (yoni) is not seen
even though its linga is not destroyed, for it is perceptible again by kindling in its
source (yoni).Similarly both indeed are found in the body by Om.”

The above passage in distinguishing between „murti‟ and „linga‟ elaborates on the
importance and subtlety of the latter concept.Whereas murti is a concrete
apprehensible form ,the gross body „linga‟ is the sign ,non material and therefore
unchangeable ,more like a subtle body.

This concept of having both source and its material form together in one body seems
to have provided the seeds for the concept of Ardhanarisvara. On the other hand it
also lays foundation for various practices followed by Natha Siddhas who visualize
both genders within one body.Both the examples are discussed in detail in appropriate
sections.

References to linga or alinga in several later heterogeneous works have also not used
it as an erotic symbol. Caraka10 states that alinga describes a state attainable by the
doctrine of ultimate renunciation while in Buddhacarita of Asvaghosa11 linga denotes
marks of an ascetic or mendicant.

Maha-Narayana Upanisad dated by Gonda12 to C.3rd BCE, contains a series of

prayers which corelate lingas with Rudra-Siva. To be precise prayer number 271-316
are dedicated mainly to Rudra-Siva and contain the formulaic repetition of the term
linga.In each instance homage is first paid to a particular attribute of the supreme and
then to the linga of that power or attribute:

9
Svetasvatara Upanisad, Gita Press, p.123
10
Caraka as quoted by Srinivasan p.41
11
Buddhacarita of Asvaghosa Ibid 42
12
Gonda, J. Visnuism and Sivaism: A Comparison. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1976 p,42

224
“Urdhvaya namah, Urdhva-lingaya namah, Hiranyaya namah,Hiranyalingaya
namah,Suvarnaya namah,Suvarnalingaya namah, Divyaya namah, Divyalingaya
namah,

Bhavaya namah, Bhavalingaya namah,Sarvaya namah, Sarvalingaya namah,

Sivaya namah, Sivalingaya namah, Jvalaya namah, Jvalalingaya namah

Atmaya namah, Atmalingaya namah, Paramaya namah, Paramalingaya namah”

This set of linga verses follow an important set of prayers which invoke a pentad of
names ,the five Brahma Mantras which the later tradition records as the five faces of
a pancamukha linga viz.

Sadyojata, Vamadeva, Aghora, Tatpurusa and Isana

On the basis of Sayanacarya‟s commentary we learn that the five mantras were
addressed to five faces of Siva. Earlier the VDP Purana (5th- 6th CE) and Aparajita
Prchcha mentions the five aspects of Siva in the list of eleven Rudras. The major point
of interest here is that Lakulisa-Pasupata‟s have elevated these Brahm Mantras to the
level of Bijamantras, popularly known as Pancartha and PS is divided into 5 sections
according to these names. It is clear that this esoteric and abstract form of worship
was considered as the highest form fit for an ascetic aspirant. Chitrasutra of VDP
states that when king Vajra asked Markandaya about the meaning of having an image
when God is actually formless, the latter answered that these images were meant for
laity and for real or true ascetics meditation on formless God is the highest form of
worship.

Interestingly it is in Epic Mythology, to be precise in castration myth narrated in

Sauptika Parvan of Mahabharata13 (10.17) that the word linga is associated with
Siva‟s organ for the first time. When Brahma asked Mahadeva to create ,the latter did
not feel inclined to obey. Failing to convince Mahadeva, Brahma created Prajapati
and asked him to create,whence he created creatures of various species.When Siva
arose form his meditation and saw the beings were already created he tore his
„linga‟in anger and placed it on the ground and again went to perform austerities.

13
Mahabharata, Sauptika Parvan 10.17

225
It is interesting to see how a myth functions to create links between an object and a
symbol which probably earlier had nothing to do with the object. By an imaginative
approach the character of „golden phallus‟ from Samhita literature is attributed to Siva
and thus he automatically gets transformed into the omnipresent and omnipotent
creator.

This is further substantiated by a rather long but thought provoking passage by

Srinivasan14 in which she asks the fundamental question and answers it by quoting
various texts:,

“If linga expresses the theological belief in the immanence of the transcendental in
nature, in a subtle form, why does that form take the shape of a realistic phallus?”

And she answers :

An instructive Vedic passage indicates that already in the Samhitas,the phallus is the
sign symbolizing the Creator‟s capacity for unlimited productionThe passage occurs
in the Atharva Veda,hymn 10.7, a hymn to Skambha. (lit.prop,support,pillar)
Skambha is the cosmic generativeforce whence the entire material world originates.
However Skambha is not postulated as the active demiurge who gives rise to
phenomenality. Rather Skambha is the cause which gives rise to the agent who in turn
takes over the creative process.As such,Skambha generates Prajapati. It is thus of
more than passing interest that a vetasa-hiranyaya (a golden phallus) standing in the
water represents the hidden (guhya)Prajapati. Indeed what is being said is that the
first evolute of cosmic creative energy is a hidden, or unperceivable progenitor
symbolized by a golden phallus in water.”

Hence it provides the distinct use of phallic symbolism in Vedic literature thus at once
providing a paradigm shift in the study of Saivism.Moreover sexual symbolism was
not a taboo in Vedic literature as we were given to believe and Dange15 has profusely
quoted from various Vedic texts like Satapatha Brahmana, Aitareya Brahmana etc.
to substantiate his point.Here I would cite a few examples occurring in the ritual
context:
14
Srinivasan p.41
15
Dange S.A, „Sexual Symbolism from the Vedic ritual, Delhi ,1979 p 88

226
“In the new moon and full moon sacrifice the after offerings are three sisna , in the

Caturmasya , the kraidina oblation is the male organ, in Pravargya, the cauldron is

the penis and the two handles are the testicles, in the preparation of the Ahavaniya in

the Agnicayana, the pestle is the sisna , the mortar the yoni…Upon close analysis,the

union between male and female, mithuna, is allegorically described throughout the

Vedas.”

Hence it is seen that erotic symbolism was not unknown to Vedic literature.An

interesting passage narrated in Mahabharata16 throws light on the worship of Siva in

both anthropomorphic form and linga form. Here Vyasadeva explains to Asvatthama

that he faced defeat by Krsna-Arjuna because they worshipped Siva in the potent

form of linga while he paid his homage to Siva‟s image. (Tabhyam Linge‟archito

Deva-s-tvaya‟rchayam yuge yuge ..)This clearly points at some kind of superiority

attached to linga worship. The next two verses further elaborate that one who is

spiritually advanced and can realize Siva in all forms and see linga as the source of all

creation is only entitled to worship the linga.

Sarva-bhuta-bhavam jnatva Lingam-archati yah prabhoh

This passage hints at the highly esoteric and subtle meanings associated with linga

worship which probably was not meant for lay folks who needed an image to

concentrate. (Lainge sukshma-sarire archayam pratimayam) (Mbh 7.200.92).

suggesting that linga is the subtle body or form while the image (pratima)is the

„archa‟.

Worship of linga requires the complete concentration of the devotee,with his soul and

mind fixed on the linga and all senses have to be completely in control.Now such

rigorous meditation can be expected out of a yogi only.Moreover the text suggests

that the devotee already should have a high spiritual level.

16
Mahabharata, Vanaparava, Kirata Parvan

227
This term „linga‟ has been used in the Pasupata Sutra (1.6).An elaborate translation
and analysis of this cryptic sounding sutra with a wealth of associated meaning which
was passed from one generation of adepts to another is found in Kaundinya‟s
commentary on the otherwise cryptic sutras.As mentioned earlier these sutras were
formulae in which the basic tenets of the system were codified. On their own they
make no sense to the reader because they were essentially a part of a discourse. Hence
PABh of Kaundinya (Rasikara) comes across as a very important source as it
contextualizes the aphorisms in their holistic discourse.

„Lingadhari‟ (1.6)

Kaundinya17 in his commentary explains the sutra as:

Here as persons of other castes and stages of life have marks , distinctive of their
own. There the householder has as his mark three clothes, bamboo staff,water-jar-
filled with water, shaving of moustaches, sacred thread etc. So the marks of a
brahmacarin are staff,water-jar,girdle by munja grass, sacred thread , skin of black
deer etc. Likewise the Vanaprastha has also the marks of a water-jar,bark garment,
bristle, matted locks of hair etc. And the bhiksu has the marks of three staves, shaven
head, water jar, ochre coloured cloth, water strainer and Kusa grass etc. Thus here
also the mark of a Pasupata-Yoga means the distinctive mark of the stage as for
example, ashes-bath, lying down in ashes, re-bath,garland, single cloth, etc. and this
mark becomes a part of his body creating the idea of Pasupatas among the people.
The lingam is due to the act of merging and that of marking. Bearing that he
becomes the holder of the mark.Like the wielder of staff.

It is certain that linga here is used as in other vedic texts to mean a sign. So
Kaundinya goes on to enumerate the external signs exhibited by various sections who
followed the order. A Pasupata aspirant is to worship Linga in the abstract sense of
the term is confirmed by the highest mode of sadhana ,noted in the commentary text.
A true aspirant had to severe all ties with sense and sense objects (chhitva dosanam
hetujalasyamulam) and concentrate on Siva with undiverted attention so as to attain
the blissful state. In the end he notes down the external marks exhibited by an ascetic
who has taken Pasupata vow. The marks like ashes bath, lying down in ashes,rebath ,
garland etc refer to the earlier aphorisms from the same text viz.

17
Chakraborti Haripada, „Pasupata Sutram with Panchartha Bhasya of Kaundinya,1969, Calcutta
p.59

228
Bhasmana trisavanam snayita (PS 1.2)

Bhasmani Sayita (PS.1.3)

Anusnanam (PS. 1.4)

Nirmalyam (PS 1.5)

But the passage that really caught my attention was the last line where Kaundinya
uses the phrases „merging in the linga‟ . Here one is reminded of a passage from
Karvan Mahatmya which talks about the merging of Lakulisa in the body of
Brahmesvara linga. The entire text has been narrated in a form of a dialogue
primarily between „Isvara „ and „Devi‟,about Siva‟s 28th incarnation ie Lakulisa-
avatar.

Srimahadeva uvac –

Vrddasya vacanam srutva lakuliso varanane!

Brahmesvaram samasadhya tasminevalayam gatah

Stithsabhagvan tatrkayarupimahesvarah

Yenkayavtarosautenedam kayarohanam18

Sri Mahadeva says:

After listening to Vrddhesvara‟s words Lakulisa meditated on Brahmesvara and

finally merged with him.There Lakulisa bhagvan along with his physical body
merged with Mahesvara as his avatara, that is why the place became famous as
Kayavrohana (identified with present day Karvan).Interestingly we find two Siva
lingas,(one in Bhramesvara temple and other in the Raja Rajesvara temple situated in
the Karvan village) superimposed with a figure of Lakulisa which visually depicts
what has been narrated in the passage above.Regarding the development of this icon
Shah19 writes:

18
Patel H.S. Ed. Shri Kayavarohan Tirth no Itihas, Ahmedabad, 1964
19
Shah U.P, „Lakulisa: Saivite Saint, in Meister M DOS p.98

229
“From at least the seventh century Lakulisa was shown in western India seated in
front of a Siva linga.Ithyphallic, with long matted locks, jewelry, some times with the
yogapatta, this type shows Lakulisa holding a citron in his right hand , the danda in
his left.”

During my visit to Karvan I noticed there are two such images which are under
worship, one in the main temple „Brahmesvara‟ and other in a smaller temple in the
village and that is known as „Rajarajesvara‟ by local people.

Illus 45 Rajarajesvara linga in Karvan village, Baroda dist. Gujarat

(looks like a late copy of the original)

230
This linga at Kayavarohan is included in the list of 68 Svayambhuva lingas in the

commentary on his Jirnoddhara-dasakam by Nigamajnanadeva of Vyaghrapura, son

of Vamadevasivacharya20. Kamikagama21 describes svayambhu lingas as ones

which rise up and come into existence by themselves and have existed from time

immemorial.The importance of this type of linga is gleaned from the fact that it was

believed if by any chance this linga is removed completely from its place it would

cause downfall of the kingdom and complete destruction of the ruler.This might be

pointing at covert power that the ascetics managing the shrines housing such lingas

had and might even throw light on the huge popularity of Saivite Rajagurus in

medieval times.

The earliest documented Sivasthala (Sivathale in Kharoshthi inscriptions) was

unearthed within the late historic Parasuramesvara temple complex at Gudimallam

(Chittoor Dist. of A.P.). The form of the God was carved in three-fourth relief over a

standing Linga, of almost life-size. The aspect of merging in or emerging out of the

linga is quite prominent here.It has been identified as a figure of Rudra on the frontal

facet without the Yajnopavita and the third eye. The God has a horned animal in the

right hand and and a water pot (kamandalu) in the left hand with a danda-parasu. The

date previously determined on stylistic grounds to be 2nd BCE was pushed back to 3rd

BCE after examining the finds of the dig. Digging within the temple‟s garbhagrha

revealed that the linga, of hard igneous stone and dark brown color, belongs to the

earliest phase of the temple. The linga, shaft and nut is about 5 feet in height and the

realistically carved nut is differenciated from the cylindrical shaft by a deep slanting

groove near the top.

20
Jirnoddhara-dasakam by Nigamajnanadeva as quoted in Gopinath Rao, T.A, Elements of Hindu
Iconography, 4 Vols, Madras, 1916
21
Kamikagama as quoted in Gopinath Rao, T.A, Elements of Hindu Iconography, 4 Vols, Madras,
1916

231
The archaeological data unearthed here makes it a hypaetheral Sila Vedika Linga

Sthana in open, Such simple open-air Silapata shrines are well known from the coin

depictions from north-west India and can be seen prominently in this early Kusana

panel now housed in government museum of Mathura.

Illus 46. Worship of Linga, Early Kusana ,

1st-2nd CE, Mathura Museum

Illus 47. Guddimallam Linga,Parasuramesvara Temple, Andhra Pradesh, 3 rd BCE

Srinivasan22 observes that the crouched figure probably of a yaksha on whom Rudra
is standing has fish shaped feet and his ears have shape of a conch. These symbols she
connects with water and deduces that the yaksa might have been associated with the
aquatic realm hence suggesting the linga is emerging from deep waters. Sarma
hypothesizes that the lingapitha within the vedika stood in the open and was
worshipped much like a vrksacaitya (caitya with a sacred tree) in antiquity.Sivalinga
surrounded by a vedika was worshipped in open usually under a tree can be seen from
depictions.A relief panel from Mathura (Mathura museum no 3625) shows a plain
realistic looking linga, quite similar to the gudimallam linga, being worshipped under
a tree.Numismatic evidences too confirms the presence of free-standing lingas closely
associated with trees.On the obverse of Allan‟s variety e , of class 1 Ujjaini coppers,
the linga is seen between two different trees in railings.

22
Srinivasan, p.37

232
A free standing plain linga quite like the one in the above mentioned relief has been
found at Kankali Tila (Mathura) and is now housed in the State Museum , Lucknow .
It is again realistically carved in red sand stone featuring the nut with the central fold
and is encircled with a wide band.This linga is 38.2‟‟*10.2‟‟ above ground and has a
rectangular socle intended for insertion into the ground.

Illus 48. Free standing Siva Linga,Pre Kusana, Kankali tila, Mathura 1st BCE

Hence in this first phase of Saiva iconography we see huge lingas depicted like a
realistic looking phallus with no reference to yoni pitha. This exclusion of feminine
element so deep rooted in later Saivism I feel downplays the role of linga as a fertility
symbol. On the contrary it might be signifying the abstainance and channelizing of
sexual energy into spiritual energy which only an ascetic order could be propagating.
Brhat-Samhita (59.19) mentions that the Brahmins, besmeared with ashes,evidently
the Pasupatas (according to Utpala)would set up Sivalinga.The dangers which a
woman can lead to is elaborated in a shocking manner in the PABh23 and woman is
openly declared to be the gateway to hell.

23
Chakraborti p.66

233
“The inclination of the mind towards women is the rope for tying. The meritorious go
severing it but the bad men do not forsake it. One goes out of a village for woman,
commercial dealings are also due to woman, woman is the source of all evils and wise
should never embrace her. She, whom people regard as woman, is poison, fire, sword,
and more clearly a terror and maya (illusion) incarnate. The fools and not the
learned revel in the body, full of impurities and worms, foul smelling by nature,
unclean and the storehouse of urine and excretion an ephemeral. One gets maddened
at the sight of a woman and not by drinking wine; so one must shun a woman whose
sight creates madness from a distance. The world is bitten by the snake in the shape of
the sex-organ of woman, which has its mouth cast downward, which moves in
between the thighs and which cannot be controlled by all scriptures. The entire world
is blinded by a woman kike the foot step of the female deer, having hairs, ugly
appearance, foul smell and bad skin. Woman is like burning flame and man is like a
pitcher of clarified butter. Those who are attached to women are lost and those who
stand controlled, go to heaven. As the fire ,fed with fuel manifests great light, so the
light of one‟s self is manifested by the control over senses. Patience lies in celibacy ,
penance lies in celibacy and those brahmanas who practice celibacy go to
heaven.Those brahmanas who practice celibacy drink milk, honey and soma juice
with ambrosia and become immortal after death. Thus celibacy is established in the
Tantra.

The idea that both male and female principles are present in the body of Siva is
represented emphatically by enchanting ardhanarisvar aspect of Siva.The early
depictions of this icon are mainly found attached to the linga and the figure is shown
with one breast on the left side and is also ithyphallic. The discovery of male and
female in one body has been advocated by various tantric texts and was followed
profusely by Natha Siddhas of medieval times. In this context the 33 cm high linga of
late Kusana period with the image of ardhnarisvar carved out of red mottled sand
stone,found from Mathura and presently in Pritzker collection Chicago provides an
important example.The left hand rests on a feminine looking waist and right hand
seems to be in abhayamudra.The elegance and grace which is the watchword for later
Ardhnarisvara images can be seen here too.The slight bent in the body lends
extensive charm to the well executed image. But it is the ithyphallic nature of the
sculpture that points at the tantric references about arousing ones feminine side.

234
The importance of women is stressed upon in some verses from KM which at first
look might be contradicting the tenets of the system but on closer observation it is
realized that the texts like Mahatmyas were generally written for laity and thus would
not suggest same set of rules which apply to an ascetic aspirant.

Bharya nama nrnam bhadre! Sarvakamarthsadhini

Yashsriyah kamyukta putrada kulavardini

Bharyahino vishalaksi! Kuto bhadrani pashyati?24

O blissful one, a wife fulfills all her husbands desires and is responsible for him
getting fame, prosperity and sons. She is the one responsible for maintaining the
family lineage

O large eyed lady! How can a man without a wife think of being happy?

Gopinath Rao25 has compared Gudimallam Linga to the manusha Linga of Bhita
dated to 1st BCE, presently in Lucknow Museum. It has been described in detail for
the first time by Banerji (Rao 63) .Right below the heads is carved a phallus is
shallow relief which may or may not have been the part of actual schema.To the left
of this is an inscription which reads as follows26:

Khajahutiputanam (im)go Patithapito Vasethi-Putena Nagasirina piyayta(m)d(e) vata

(The linga of the sons of Khajahuti was dedicated by Nagasiri the son of Vasethi. May
the deity be pleased)

24
Patel p.24
25
Rao Gopinath p.63
26
Rao Gopinath p.63

235
 Illus 49. Manusi Linga from Bhita, 1st BCE, Lucknow Museum

Banerjea27 identifies in this form the earliest form of Sadasiva with the urdvaretas
(Ithyphallic) . the great yogi Siva.This inscribed linga of buff sandstone displays an
interesting and novel iconographical pattern.The central shaft of the linga is carved
into the shape of a two armed male which Srinivasan28 identifies as Isana,
(urddhavamukha,)and who is shown with long matted hair not very unlike later
images of Daksinamurti Siva. He holds a kamandalu in the left hand and right hand
seems to have been raised in abhayamudra.Below the bust of this central figure, four
different faces in four cardinal directions can be seen carved on the linga shaft. It
seems to have been a linga of a Panchmukhalinga variety but it‟s curious iconography
raises interesting questions.The importance given to the figure of Isana, the topmost
face of Siva as compared to rest of the four faces is unmistakable.

27
Banerjea J.N, Banerjea J. N. Religion in Art and Archaeology (Vaishnavism and Saivism) .Lucknow:
The Upper India Publishing House Ltd, 1968, p.459
28
Srinivasan p.35

236
PS 1.9 says : “Mahadevasya Daksinamurteh” and to explain Kaundinya29 writes:

Here daksina is in the sense of a quarter or direction. The Sun divides the
quarters.The quarters again divide the image. The image here means that form which
the Sadhaka, seated near on the right side of the Lord with his face turned north
realizes and which is characterized as Vrsa-dvaja (the bull symboled) as Sulapani
(with trident in his hand) as Mahakala and as Urdhava-lingaetc. Or the people go the
temple of Mahadeva and so there the Sadhaka should worship. The Daksinamurti
being taken, the images on the east,north and west are to be discarded.

The last line clearly suggests the importance of Daksinamurti, i.e Siva in form of a
teacher in the Lakulisa-Pasupata order. Vidya, knowledge being of prime importance
for aspirants of this system the teaching aspect is to be focused on. PS 5.42 says :
“Isanah Sarva-vidyanam” literally menaing that Isana is the lord of all vidyas .
Kaundinya explains the sutra as :

Here he is called Isana because of his lordship. Here the cause is stated when Isana is
explained by his power of lordship.Isana means the Lord, the creator.Now-whose
Lord is this? The answer is –He is the Lord of all. The word „sarva‟ means all without
excluding any of the brances of learning. He is the master of all branches of
learning,meant for the accomplishment of virtue, wealth, desire and emacipation.

Regarding the complex nature of Isana , Rupamandana30 says :

Sadhyovamanatataghoram tatpurusamcaturmukham/

Pancmanctathsanam yoginamapyagocaram//

This verse suggests that the Isana face is even beyond the understanding of yogis.

Interestingly here both forms Daksinamurti and Isana are linked with disseminating
knowledge to their worshippers and in former sutra it is clear that the sadhaks have to
concentrate on this form of Siva to attain knowledge. In the process they have to
“discard” the other forms. Here discard has to be understood in the sense of not being
concentrated upon. It could probably mean at this stages aspirants were not supposed
to worship Siva in his various lilamurtis i.e Kalyanasundara murti, Gangadhar murti,
Siva playing chausar and so on. The focus had to be completely on learning as it
required one-pointed devotion.

29
Chakraborti p.64
30
Rupamandana as quoted by Pathak V.S. Pathak, V.S. History of Saiva Cults in Northern India (from
inscriptions 700 AD to 1200 AD). Varanasi: Tara Printing Works ,1960

237
Such strict directions about what to worship in what form and also the earlier passage
on women reminds one of Plato‟s writings in Republic where he declares artists to
have corrupting influence on the people and thus bans them from his Utopia. Artists
he feels represent an immoral world which can lure people away from reason and
divert their attention from essential work.

Another very important evidence which connects the worship of Sivalinga strongly
with this order is the Mathura Pillar Inscription of Chandra Gupta II dated to 380 CE
which provides extremely information fro the date of Lakulisa which has been already
discussed in detail. It records that Uditacarya, a Pasupata teacher of Kusika lineage
established two images called Kapilesvara and Upamitesvara in the Gurvayatana.D.R
Bhandarkar31 who edited this important inscription opines that Upamita and Kapila
who seem to have been great adepts in Pasupata passed away like yogins and were
believed to have merged with Siva, so they are recorded in this inscription as
Bhagavat in whose commemoration Uditacarya established two Lingas in the
“Teacher‟s shrine”. He further states the term „guru-pratima-yutau‟ in line number 10
in place of the illegible space in the inscription

Lines 9 and 10

9 gurunamchkitrayarthupamitesvara-kapilesvarau

10 guruvayatane guru………………pratisthapitau

Explaining the import of the inscription he writes,”apparently the representation

shows as if Upamita and Kapila were standing each with a Linga on the head”.Sircar
too seconds this interpretation (I.H.Qly vol18,p27 ff). Moreover this inscription also
contains an injunction to the Acaryas and worshippers of Mahesvara to take charge of
the Lingas and worship without fear.Now from all the visual repertoire linked with
Siva Linga we don‟t come across images of preceptors bearing a linga on their head
but we do find a vast array of Mukhalingas from various parts of the country. Could
the inscription be reffering to two Eka-Mukhalingas established in the special

31
Bhandarkar D.R.,ed and trans Mathura Pillar Inscription of Chandragupta II, G.E 61, EI XXI, 1931-
32

238
shrine for the demised gurus? In that case the evidences might not only point at
wide acceptance and importance of the Linga symbol in this order but also suggest
this order had a major role to play in formulating the new semoitics related to Lingas.
Could it be this order which popularized the philosophical aspect of Sivalinga
among people? Could it be the Acaryas of this order who sheathed this symbolic
form in Vedic philosophical garb?

K.C. Panigrahi32 notes that (p 639) similar tradition is still being followed in Bharati
Matha in Bhubaneswar, as a result of which a guruvayatana has sprung up within its
compound. There are now as many as 15 miniature temples of sandstone and laterite
each of which contains a linga. Besides a number of lingas are found in open spaces
and niches made in the temple and the Mahant of the matha with whom Panigrahi
interacted believes that there are many more lingas lying buried in the kitchen garden.

Several linga types are known from Bhita and Mathura regions. An Eka Mukhalinga
of the Sunga period is found from Mathura. A figure of Siva against a pillar of the
pre-Kushana phase is now in the Philadelphia Museum. R. C. Agrawal reported a
similar linga from Gamri (Bharatpur, Rajasthan). These attest to the popularity of the
Linga worship in Mathura, Ujjaini and Madhyadesa. Lingas on raised brick platforms
(arghapithas) with no pranala arrangement indicate that abhishekha ritual has not yet
come to vogue. The Linga pithas under (Sthalavriksha or Yaksha Sadam) and in open
were found vividly among the sculptural depictions dated to Kushana and post
Kushana periods in Mathura, Taxila, and Ujjain.

Brick temples with Linga-pithas are found in the various Satavahana sites of Deccan
(2nd-4th centuries A.D.) Ter in Maharastra, Aihole in Karnataka and more
extensively at Nagarjunakonda.

Sarma33 observes , “The Kshatrapas were devout worshippers of Siva and Lakulisa.
Several Linga shrines at the famous Kayavarohana (Karvan in Gujarat) and
Saurashtra mark the growing of Lakulisa-Pasupata”.

32
Panigrahi K.C., Panigrahi K.C, Sculptural Representation of Lakulisa and other Pasupata Teachers,
Journal of Indian History, Vol-38, April 1960
33
Sarma.I .K, The Development of early Saiva Art and Architecture,Sandeep Prakashan, 2004

239
Mukhalingas and esoteric meanings:

Mukhalingas are a variety of Manusha-lingas bearing one or more sculptured faces of

Siva on it.Most of the Agamas and Tantras provide detailed descriptions about
making of a mukhalinga and hence their importance is stressed upon. Summarizing
the essential points from these texts Rao34 writes:

“The substance of these is that a Mukhalinga should be made on the pujabhaga of the
Savrvsama-linga and that it might have one, two, three, four or five faces
corresponding to the five aspects, Vamadeva, Tatpurusha, Aghora, Sadyojata and
Isana of Siva.”

He further suggests that the number of faces on the linga were equal to the number of
doorways of the garbagrha, Hence if there was only one doorway, ekamukhalinga
was established and if there were four then Caturmukhalinga was established.

An important ekamukhalinga is housed in The Philadelphia Museum of Art.

Interestingly it shares the realistic depiction of gudimallam linga and other free
standing lingas belonging to pre Christian era.Here an incised rim circles the nut just
above the central fold and above this point emerges the human head .On basis of the
style Srinivasan35 dates it to 1st BCE which seems quite plausible.

Illus 50. Ekamukhalinga, Pre Kusana, 1st BCE , Mathura (Philadelphia Museum of Art)

34
Rao Gopinath p.64
35
Srinivasan p.34

240
Another interesting Pre-Kusana ekamukhalinga comes from Aghapur (Bharatpur
District, Rajasthan).Carved out of mottled red sandstone it echoes the similar realism
seen in the early lingas from Mathura.Siva‟s face carved on the shaft is seen wearing
an elaborate turban and which as one can see in the table is showing the east face
displaying the kingly characteristics of the lokapala Indra.

Illus 51. Ekamukhalinga, Pre-Kusana, Aghapur, U.P (Govt. Museum Bharatpur)

An ekamukhalinga, showing Siva as jatamukuta is carved on an architectural

fragment presently housed in State Museum, Lucknow. On the basis of style it can be
dated a little later than the earlier ones discussed above, i.e c. 1st CE,possibly the early
Kusana period. Still the nut and the shaft are seen visibly differentiated with a help of
a deep line which goes round the linga.The top portion is decorated with a patterned
band, tied as if to secure Siva‟s face to the linga.Like all the early linga forms this too
is free standing and is installed upon a brick platform, situated before a spreading
papal tree.Two worshippers are seen on the right standing infront of a broken figure.

241
The fact that a number of „mukha-lingas „are found from Thailand as enumerated by

Indrawooth36ishows that this cult was popular in the area around 5th -6th C.. A number

of Siva lingas have been reported from Southern Thailand especially from „Chaiya‟ ,

„Nakhon Si Thammarat‟ „Songkla‟ and „Pattani‟.Besides these sivalingas the

existence of Saivism on Peninsular Thailand during this period is well supported by

the 6th C. Sanskrit inscriptions from „Khao Chong Khoi‟ in „Nakhon Si Thammarat‟

province. The commercial trade contact hugely responsible for exchange of ideas

between South India and Thailand were well established from Pallava period (6th C.)

onwards though there are earlier scattered proofs of contact with east and central

India.

In her extensive article on „Saivism in early southern Thailand she has meticulously

recorded the Saivite archelogical remains in the area and also has refered to some

important inscriptions. She has also thrown some light on Sivalinga cult and the

number of Sivalingas found in the said region. She concludes her article with,

“The predominance of Sivalinga and Siva images as well as Saiva sacred places

indicates that Saivism was flourishing in the peninsular Thailand during Srivijaya

period37.”

Another enlightening article on the subject is by Prapandvidya38 on „Saivism in

Thailand as recorded in Inscriptions and old documents from 6th c ad to early

Ayudhya period‟. The detailed study of these inscriptions and their bent towards

Saivism is clearly pointed by the scholar. He further observes that from the reign of

King Bhavavarman I till king Jayavaraman VII‟s accession to the throne, the major

religion in the north eastern region of ancient Thailand was Saivism

36
Indrawooth Phasook, „Saivism in early Thailand based on archeological evidence‟ in „Sahrdaya,
Studies in Indian and South East Asian Art in honour of Dr. R. Nagaswamy‟ Ed by Baumer Bettina,
Misra R.N.,Prapandvidya Chirapat and Handa Devendra, Tamil Arts Academy, 2006 p 69-73
37
Ibid p.73
38
Prapandvidya, „Saivism in Thailand as recorded in Inscriptions and old documents from 6 th c ad to
early Ayudhya period‟ evidence‟ in „Sahrdaya, Studies in Indian and South East Asian Art in honour of
Dr. R. Nagaswamy‟ Ed by Baumer Bettina, Misra R.N.,Prapandvidya Chirapat and Handa Devendra,
Tamil Arts Academy, 2006 p 62

242
 Illus 52. Ekamukhalinga, Mon-Dvaravati Period, 8th CE, Thailand

In case of Caturmukhalinga in addition to the four visible faces there is one supposed
to be on the top which is usually not carved and which represents Isana aspect of
Siva. Tatpurusa is represented by the east facing face and Aghora by the southern
one. Sadyojata is represented by western face and Vamadeva by the northern one.In
the case of four faces, these should be attached to a body which ought to be
represented to the level of the chest.Such a representation can be seen clearly in
Pancamukhalinga from Bhita. Joshi39 opines that:

3939
Joshi N.P, „Early Forms of Siva‟ p.52 dos

243
“Three of the four faces on the caturmukhalingas –the terrifying (aghora), the shaven
(mundin or yogin) and the turbaned (usnisin )are male, while the fourth one is female
(vama). In Post Kusana sculptures turbaned and shaven faces disappear and are
substituted for by normal faces”

Epic and Puranic mythology provide a mytho-poetic explanation of emergence of this

interesting form of Siva. Mahabharata, a storehouse of interesting and valuable myths
narrates the story of celestial nymph Tillotama who was going around in the assembly
of gods. Bewitched by her beauty Siva didn‟t want to take his eyes off her even for a
moment so he developed four faces , one at each cardinal point to enjoy an
unimpeded view of Tillotama.(Adi-parvan,210.23-26,605-6). Another reason is
provided in Anusasan-Parvan of Mbh where Siva appears to explain this form saying
that with his eastern face he rules as Indra, the western one is his normal face, his
southern face is meant for destruction and that with his northern face he converses
with Uma. Joshi40 suggest that here Siva has taken over the function of four lokapalas.

Direction Lokapala Function Aspect

East Indra King and Administrator Turbaned Usnisin

West Varuna God of water and fertility Normal Saumya

South Yama God of death and destruction Terrifying Aghora

North Soma/Kubera God of beauty/God of wealth Feminine Vama

The Suta Samhita also conveys the notion about the nature of the five aspects of Siva
represented by the five faces.Thus Isana is ether (akasa) ,Tatpurusa air (vayu),
Aghora fire (agni), Vamadeva water (jala) and Sadyojata earth (bhoomi). The text
states that the universe is pervaded by the „Panca Brahma‟ and the person who is able
to realize this attains liberation from bondage (is free of pasas which bind him to
Sansara) (choubey p 36). In his Brahma Mimamsa-Bhasya Srikanthasivacarya
interprets these five faces as representing five senses viz. Sadasiva is sound (sabda),
Isvara touch (sparsa), Rudra form (rupa), Visnu taste (rasa), and Brahma smell
(gandha).

40
Ibid p.52-53

244
Now the esoterism of the Mukhlingas may be traced in the Narayanopnisad which
was largely used by the Pasupatas for their sacred hymns.PS preached these mantras
to be used as Bija-Mantras for sadhana.

Sadyojatam prapadyami Sadyojataya vai namah / bhave bhave natibhave bhajasva

mam bhavodbhvaya namah/

Vamadevaya namo jyesthayah namah sresthaya namo, Rudraya namah, kalaya

namah kala-vikaranaya namo balavikaranaya namo bala-pramathanaya namah
sarvabhutadamanaya namo manonmanaya namah//

Aghorebhyotha ghorebhayo gora-ghora-tarebhyah/ sarvatah sarvasarvebhyo

namasti-astu Rudra-rupebhyah//

Tatpurusaya vidmahe Mahadevaya dhimahe tan-no Rudra prachodayat//

Isanah sarva-vidyanam-isvarah sarva bhutanam brahmadhipatir brahmanodhipatir

- Brahma Sivo’astu Sadasivom

These are hymns to Siva in five different aspects, each with a certain specific
attributes. Thus Sadyojata is conceived of as Bhavo‟dbhava, similarly Vamadeva is
given nine attributes as suggested by the terms Jyestha, Srestha etc. Aghora is
invoked as having two attributes, Ghora and Ghoratara. Mahadeva and Rudra are the
attributes of Tatpurusa .Isana is addressed as being the supreme lord of learning, of
animate objects, of the Vedic knowledge and also of Brahman, as Sadasiva. It is from
Sayana‟s commentary41 on these verses that we know these five mantras were
addressed individually to five faces of Mahadeva by those who aspired for
enlightenment and that four faces of the lord were turned to four cardinal directions
and the fifth one towards the sky. Such esoteric form of worship was mainly followed
by ascetic aspirants with all its philosophical significance. Sayana does not suggest
any reason for emergence of these five faces, he simply says that the Lord assumes
such physical forms only to show mercy to his devotees.

41
Rgveda-Samhita Srimat Sayanacharya virchita bhasya-sameksa Ed. by N.S Sontakke, Published by
Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala, Pune, 1972

245
Classifies PS into five sections each ending with an exhortation to meditation eg.

Bhasya on sutra 1.8 says , “atra idam Brahma japet-japyam nama….”.But

Kaundinya‟s bhasya does not give any idea of the iconographic form associated to

these invocations.The attributes of Siva in these mantras are explained in this

commentary and are invoked in their formless abstractions with stress laid on the

concept of Brahmans (panchbrahma).Though Kaundinya does not clearly talk about

panchmukhas (five faces) but from his bhasya on sutra 1.9 it is clear that though

Mahadeva has faces turned to other directions PS is only majorly concerned with the

Daksinamurti. In the earlier sutra 1.8 he states distinctly that the Pasupata disciple

should invoke the image of Mahadeva on the southern side i.e. the southern face of

the image of the Lord.The icon Daksinamurti is known from its various depictions as

representing a teacher and its no wonder Siva was worshipped in this form by the

aspirants of Lakulisa-Pasupata system , who combine the aspect of bhakti with jnana

(jnanottar bhakti).

The importance of certain Saiva images as abstract meditational devices has been

hinted upon by Maxwell42 and he compares them to a mandala. He classifies some

conjoined anthropomorphic figures in this group and he believes they are intentionally

depicted in an unnatural manner. The first image to be discussed is the so called

„Nand Linga‟and regarding this Maxwell43 observes:

“Here we have a sculpture that is visually analogous to my definition of meditation

with its interconnected disciplined stages (the emanatory gods) linked by a continuum

(the column) leading to transcendence (the freedom of the top four figures around a

domed apex-the dome being the symbol of universality, facing, as it does the entire

horizon and all angles of space leading to the zenith”

42
Maxwell, T.S. Saiva Images as Meditational Constructs p. 64-65, in Meister M ed.DOS p.
43
Ibid p.66

246
 Illus 53. Nand Linga, Kusana, 2nd -3rd CE ,Rajasthan

Interestingly Maxwell‟s observations sound as abstract as most of the Sanskrit texts

on the subject.He reads similar functions in the Siva image from Parel.

Illus 54. Saiva heptad, Candikadevi Temple, Barh Mata,

Parel,(Bombay), Maharashtra, 6th CE

247
Kramrisch44 too considered this panel as an important discovery and observed:

“The image from Parel is based on meaning of lingam, of Yaksa and yoga power. It
visualises Siva not with the cosmical suggestiveness of the Nataraja image. This
shows Siva in this everlasting activity beheld from without. The image from Parel
shows Siva realised from within his state of power”

The importance of Linga in this system is stressed upon in Pauranic

Eklingjimahatmya datable to Kumbha‟s rule C 15th CE translated by Premlata
Sharma in hindi.First four chapters of the text narrate the reasons behind the
manifestation of Eklingji.Interestingly the myths of Daruvan and birth of Skanda are
narrated in third and fourth chapters of the text. Sharma45 writes (I have transliterated
it from hindi pg 8,9)

“On being asked by Saunak about the significance of Medhpat ,(Mewar) Suta
answered: In the central region of the Jambudweep there was a forest named
Daruvan inhabited by various rishis. Once Siva and Parvati were passing through the
forest and playfully Parvati asked Siva to seduce the pious wives of the rishis.Siva
refused to comply with her whim and warned her of the Bhramtej with which Rishis
could curse them but Parvati remained adamant. So Siva took a form of an extremely
handsome man and started roaming in the forest.When the rishi patnis saw the
handsome youth they were taken over by passion and were completely enchanted.
Siva soon became invisible causing the hapless women to faint.Once these women
regained consciousness they began to look for Siva like allover ,driven mad by their
passion. Rishis were shocked to see their pious wives in a complete state of abandon
and through their mental powers realized Siva‟s game.Getting angry they
unanimously cursed Siva’s linga to fall on the earth”

Hence here we see the connection between linga and phallus is established
completely.Now it‟s the fifth chapter of the same text which talks about the
manifestation of Eklingji46.

44
Kramrisch Stella „Indian Sculpture‟, Philadephia, 1960, p 176
45
Eklingamahatmaya (Ekling Mandir Ka Sthal Purana evam Mewar Ke Rajvansh ka Itihas) Trans.
Premlata Sharma, MLBD, Delhi,1976p. 8,9
46
Ibid. p.10

248
Here for the welfare of the gods cursed by herself, Devi asked the Siva linga to fall in
the beautiful kingdom of Mandhata.The linga would then enter the pataloka
(netherland) and will only emerge on being meditated upon by Kamadhenu. All the
gods cursed to turn into stone will settle around this linga in their personified forms
and the‟ thief of my womb‟Ganga will flow there as „Kutila‟.All important pilgrim
places will gather around this linga and I too will be manifested there in the form of
Vindhyavasini on the banks of Kutila.

Eight Chapter narrates the manner in which Kamdhenu made linga emerge out of the
bowels of the earth47

On reaching the spot Kamdhenu filled the void in which the linga had fallen with
her milk. Due to her maternal care and love linga emerged out of the hole , floating
on the milk and became famous as Eklingji.(p 10)

In chapter nine its clearly stated though Siva was ekalinga but due to devotion of
various beings he became Bahu-linga in various aeons. In Satyuga due to Indra, in
Treta yuga due to Nandini-dhenu, in Dwapar due to Takshak and in Kaliyuga due to
Bashap-Harita.

Troubled by Vrtrasura gods invoked Narayana. Visnu adviced them to cheat the
demon in believing that the gods were on his side and after gaining his complete faith
to kill him. The gods did the same and finding the right occasion killed the demon on
sly. But after killing the demon Indra incurred the sin of Brahmhatya and asked
Brhspati to suggest ways of getting rid of the terrible sin. The latter asked Indra to
worship Eklingji. Indra came to Nagahrda and first worshipped goddess
Vindhayavasini .When the goddess asked him for a boon,Indra asked to be free of sin.
Devi directed him to invoke Eklingji which required austere tapa (ugra tapa).Indra
dug a lake with his vajra and Eklingji was pleased and absolved him of his sin and
declared the „Indra saras‟ to be a pious pilgrimage site.

47
Ibid. p.10

249
This incident reminds one of „Pasupata vrata‟ mentioned in Mrgendra Agama. The
text was written in the form of a dialogue between Harita and his disciples. Indra after
killing Vrtrasura incurs brahmhatya and praised Visnu with 1000names (visnu
sahastra nama) along with various rites, recitations and rituals.Visnu gave him a
„Narsimha cavaca‟ and asked him to adore Siva in that attire.Here Indra takes up
Pasupata vows and adores Siva for thousands of years. (translated from the French
introduction to the version found in Puddukotai). Such myths connect the concept
very strongly with Vedas. PS also substantiates this in sutra 4.10,

P.S. 4.10 Indrova agre Asuresu Pasupatamacharat

Coming back to Pu.EKM the last part of the 10th chapter gives an interesting story of
Harita-rashi and Bashapa.

In Kaliyuga both Nandi and Chand were born as Harita and Bashap, the preceptor
and the aspirant.Both got together near Ekalingji and worshipped the lord. Harita
performed austere and harsh tapa while Bashap served his guru and Ekalingji both.
On being propitiated Devi Vindhyavasini advised Harita to write a prose in praise of
Siva.Harita wrote a beautiful piece and Siva was pleased and Harita for a boon.
Harita asked Siva to bless him with the ability to enter the Siva’s abode with his
physical body intact and Bashap asked to become the king of Medhpat
(Mewar).Siva complied with their wishes.

This incident extremely important for explaining the history of Mewar finds parallel
in various local legends which I have tried to summarize:

The king of Nagahrda was killed by his enemies and his pregnant wife did not commit
Sati for the sake of the unborn child. To escape the enemies the queen disguised
herself and her son and took refuge in a Brahmin household. The child was called
Bappa and on growing up took to serving the Brahmin who had given refuge to him
and his mother.Meanwhile his Kshtriya nature made him excel at the art of archery
and weaponary.Meanwhile the Brahmins wife noticed that one of her cows was not
yielding enough milk and suspected Bappa of drinking her milk. Bappa who was
dejected on being blamed decided to find out the reason. He started keeping an eye on
the cow and saw that while grazing she stops at a spot and milk automatically oozes
out of her.Bappa was quite surprised. Nearby he saw Acarya Harita,an ascetic deep

250
in meditation and out of reverence cleaned his surroundings. He began to serve
Harita everyday and inretun the ascetic instructed them in sacred lore of Siva and one
day harita asked him to dig the spot where the milk oozed out of the cow. Bappa and
his friends were surprised to find a siva linga under the earth. That Sivalinga was
adored as Ekalingji and bestowed the boon of moksa on Harita and Kingship on
Bappa.

What is quite significant and connects this motif quite strongly to Pasupata order is its
similarity with myth preserved in Gopala Vamshabali of Nepal. It mentions that a cow
used to spill her milk at a particular mound in Mrgasthali forest and was once notices
by a cowherd of Kirtipur named Nema Gopala. Nema was surprised to witness the act
and decided to unfold the mystery by digging the mound. He found a „jyotirling‟
hidden under the mound but was soon burnt to ashes by the heat of the linga. After his
death Ne-Muni, the well known ascetic of that area installed the son of Nema Gopala
as the king of Nepal48. The parallels between both legends are unmistakable and the
connection with kingship raises interesting questions about the role of Pasupata-
Acaryas in the royal set-up and might throw light on the later Rajaguru tradition. As
we know Nepal in connected with the worship of Pasupati since a long time and till
this day the temple of Pasupati exists on the banks of Bagmati river and commands
great devotion.Nepal Mahatmaya of Skanda Purana preserves the myth of formation
of this site. It says that Siva was highly taken in by beauty of the forest and started
roaming around in form of a deer with golden horns and that is why the place began
to be called as Mrgasthali. As other gods got to know about this he left his deer form
and returned back to Kailasa but not before installing himself in this area as Pasupati.
The passage here could very well be talking about the linga which was installed here
and according to Gopala Vamshabali can be dated to 1st CE.

48
Encylopaedia of Saivism, By Swami Parameshwaranand, 2004 (Pasupatinatha

251
 Illus 55. Ekamukhalinga, Mrgasthali, Nepal, 6th CE.

The worship of Siva linga was popularized around Gupta period when the Puranas
began to establish that the linga represents the Nirguna state of Siva like Para
Brahman of Vedas . A repertoire of mythological literature emerged around the
symbol to confer multiple meanings on it, meanings which lay people could
understand ,which required no ascetic initiation to understand. Mythology provided
the pivot around which the symbol attained apparently simplified meanings quite
different from it‟s earlier esoteric and abstract meaning.

252
 EPILOGUE

An academic study has to come to an end though the queries might be everlasting. It
is with this feeling that I am winding up my work but I am sure I will very soon start
digging again into the ravages of past for more.

Each and every chapter that I have discussed in my study can be elaborated into a
separate study in itself. For me the most enlightening aspect has been the links that I
could manage to find and establish between Lakulisa-Pasupata order and other such
esoteric orders like Siddhayogesvarimata, Kaula tradition , Natha Sampradaya and
Vajrayana Buddhism to mention a few important ones.

Though the initial intention of this thesis was to study the dichotomy between ritual
and philosophy but the examination of varied data led to interesting revelations which
prove that the dichotomy is only apparent and does not really exist. On closer
observation one finds that this idea of dichotomy with which I started emerges out of
ignorance and lack of understanding of the system. The so called ‘wild and horrid
practices’ possess a logic of their own and are not ‘Pre Aryan’ aberrations as many
scholars would like us to believe. As I tracked the antiquity of such practices
interestingly while on one hand I was directed to various tantric texts it also led to
various Vedic texts too. Same is true also for the inquiry into the nature of Siva-linga
which again lead to Vedic precedents. This knowledge has greatly contributed to my
understanding of the said system and also opened up various novel possibilities of
looking into the system with renewed interest.

Dealing with texts originals, translations and adaptations helped me contextualize the
thoughts and beliefs of this order into the larger body of Saivite thought. In this
process the the early Saivite imagery and its iconological import proved to be very
helpful. Visiting sites like Karvan, Elephanta, Jogesvari, Jagesvara and Ellora helped
me see the visuals in the new light. Earlier during study tours I had seen and
understood the panels in these sites from an iconographical perspective but now I
could see them as didactic panels trying to popularize a certain line of thought. The
interesting link between theology and literature is represented in the most apparent
manner in the panels seen at all the temples dedicated to Lakulisa-Pasupata order. The
impact of Kalidasa’s writings on art brings the point home completely.

253
The query started when I read about the extremely irrational sounding rituals
prescribed for the aspirant of this order. Moreover I was agitated by the antifeminist
declarations in PS where it asks aspirants to shun women. Left at that the study would
not have progressed further and like most people the order would have appeared as a
male chauvinistic one to me. understanding the nature of the sutras I realized that
these injunctions were meant for young male aspirants who had to follow
brahmacarya and interaction with a woman would have meant losing all the
concentration and dedication that this order demands. I could find parallel between
such suggestions and Plato’s banning of artist from Utopia on the pretext that they can
delude people. This idea of ‘possible delusion’ and to keep their precious disciples
under control seems to have been the reason for such harsh words against women.

Philosophically the concept of mukhlingas and pancmukhalinga has been very

important for LP order. It is clear that the narrative panels were meant for the laity but
a true ascetic had to concentrate on the Sadasiva aspect, pancavaktramurti of Siva
which is much more abstract. This idea has been discussed at length by Maxwell and
Kramrisch in their papers and in this context two images ‘Nand Linga’ and ‘Saiva
heptad from Parel’ comes across as interesting examples of Saiva images as
‘meditational constructs.’

The imposing image of Sadasiva seen at Elephanta too falls in the same category and
so do mukhlingas from various parts of the country and beyond.

The detailed study on ling and linga worship opened new vistas for me. The juncture
at which this term started to be used as a phallic symbol was interesting to figure out.
The erotic symbolism in Vedas as presented by Dange helped me better in
understanding this potent symbol.

Seeing Vedic and Tantric thought not as two antagonistic streams but two different
methods addressing the same query shattered many a myths that I had been taking for
granted. I am greatly indebted to insightful writings by Pt.Gopinath Kaviraj whose
words for the first time made me see this connection and which I hope to carry further
in my future research.

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 SOME MYSTICAL ASPECTS OF
THE KASHMIRI FOLKTALE AKANANDUN
Geetika Kaw Kher

Folklore reflects folk values and folk beliefs which are interactive and integral
components of culture and ethos of a people. Various genres of folklore like
folktales, folksongs, ballads, oral epic, folk theatre and other forms essentially contain
features that enrich social life with all their vivacity and variety. Kashmir has rich
folkloric traditions that go back to centuries, sharing many pan-Indian traits and
characteristics and yet retaining a distinct regional flavour. Today origins of several
themes that appear in Kashmiri folklore forms have totally faded away from folk
memory, while some themes have not survived in their original form, having
undergone mutations and variations due to a number of undetermined factors.

While magic, mystery and the supernatural element form inseparable aspects of
folklore, there are several folktales in Kashmiri, as in other Indian languages, which
have themes and structures permeated by elements that lend themselves easily to
allegorical interpretations and reveal a vast potential for “atemporal- mystical”
meaning. Not the surface or literal meaning that can be baffling and confusing at
times as it defies logical thinking, but the deeper message that may need semiotic
tools to decode it. One such tale from Kashmir which has terribly fascinated me with
its intriguing central motif of mystical restoration to life or renewal of life is the story
of Akanandun. The story, which has a didactic aspect, has been told, retold, presented
many times, hence I am focusing on the core of the story rather than the details which
might have been added later.

Apart from the central motif the other recognizable one with which the story starts is
that of an intense desire that people have for a male child. The anxiety to have a male
heir to perpetuate the ancestral lineage is a most commonly discerned trait in
patriarchal communities. There are stories about the absurd lengths that parents go to
in order to have this desire fulfilled. In the story of Akanandun too we find
Akanandun‟s parents, who happen to be a king and a queen, desperate to have a son

255
although they already have seven daughters, the number seven not being without
symbolical significance. On their part, the daughters too are shown filled with intense
longing to have a brother. It is at this psychological moment that the Jogi appears as
if out of nowhere and making his crucial entry in the story, offers to grant them their
wish, though not without a condition. They are unable to believe their ears, with the
prospect of having a son so overwhelming them that they are prepared to do anything
to have him. The Jogi knows their weaknesses, the intensity of their desperation, and
elicits from them the promise that they will return the child bestowed on them through
his miraculous powers, exactly twelve years after his birth. Without giving a second
thought to the implication this could actually have, Akanandun‟s parents, accept the
Jogi‟s condition. Delirious with joy at his birth, they rejoice and bring him up
offering all the pleasures that they can provide, imagining the period of twelve years
to be an eternity away.

Lost completely in the flow of happiness that the presence of their son brings to them,
the royal couple tries to wish away the future. Probably the fear of losing the child
may have lurked somewhere in their subconscious, but they do not let that come to the
surface and hamper their joy. Once engrossed in the pleasures that they experience in
boy‟s company, they totally lose sight of the threat that looms over them because of
the promise. But the Jogi does not forget; he remembers the promise very well and
returns exactly at the stipulated time, demanding that the boy be returned to him.
Suddenly they wake up as though from a dream. The reality of the Jogi‟s appearance
shatters their reverie and they beg the Jogi to spare the child and take whatever else he
wants.

Here the story seems to highlight the aspect of „moha‟. The couple and their seven
daughters have grown extremely fond of the boy and they weep, wail and use every
stratagem to invoke the Jogi‟s sympathy. But the latter has given up the world and
along with it all materialistic concerns. He remains unmoved, untouched by the
extreme emotions displayed by the family and makes it plain that he will have nothing
but the child. He harshly reminds them of their fateful promise. As the moment of
realization of the actual implication of the promise dawns, gloom descends upon the
minds of Akanandun‟s parents. It is a state of unmitigated despair.

256
Greatly aggrieved and pained, the parents oblige with a heavy heart and call
Akanandun, a young, energetic and handsome lad of 12 who has shown great promise
in all the fields, asking him to go with the hard-hearted ascetic. But what follows is
unimaginable horror, something worse than the worst of nightmares. The Jogi instead
of taking the boy with him commands that he be cleansed and draped in new clothes.
And when the child is ready, he takes him to a side and axes him in full view of his
parents. How terrible it must have been for them to witness the gory act! But their
horror does not end here. The Jogi starts cutting the boy‟s body in small pieces and
nonchalantly separates the flesh from the bones. This leaves the parents shell shocked
but helpless. In front of them is their dear son, killed and chopped into pieces.
Imagine the condition of the mother who was then ordered by the Jogi to wash the
pieces of the meat and cook them as a dish. The fact that she is shown complying with
such a gruesome order cannot be explained except in terms of faith and points to the
awe and reverence with which such ascetics were held. Fear of a curse or the
demonstration of his tremendous supernatural powers by the Jogi can be of course a
plausible cause, but it is not out of fear alone that a mother can force herself to take
such a horrible step. Somewhere, it implies a trust in the spiritual prowess of the Jogi
who had given her the greatest happiness of her life. But he is shown going a step
further in this drama of horrors. Crossing all limits, he commands her to taste the
flesh to see if it is properly cooked and also to serve the dish in seven vessels and
cover them with a white cloth. Again she complies, almost mechanically. But she can
control her feelings no more when the ascetic asks her to call Akanandun to partake of
his share of the horrible meal. She bursts into tears and says that in no way can this be
possible for her. She cries her heart out, but the Jogi does not relent. There must have
been something in the Jogi‟s voice that makes her call her son, but she does so in most
pitiful a voice --a wail of a lamenting mother on whom the extent of her loss has just
dawned. But even as she is undergoing these extreme emotions, Akanandun comes
rushing into the room and takes his place, ready to have the meal. Dazed and
bewildered, the family can believe their eyes no more. They turn their questioning
glances towards the Jogi, only to find no one there. The holy man has disappeared
along with the seven vessels. There is nothing which can remind them of the dreadful
act they had witnessed only moments back. Was it all unreal, an illusion, maya? Who
was the Jogi in reality and what was the purpose of his testing them in this manner?

257
The story is full of macabre and violent imagery, suffused to the core with bibhatsa
rasa, arousing tremendous jugupsa (disgust), yet I feel that somewhere it has a
cleansing power. A catharsis of sorts is achieved by reading and sure enough by
watching the story being enacted. The narrative takes us through different planes of
emotion, increases our heartbeats, purges us of the emotions of pity and fear
embedded in our psyche. On one hand it has its own value as a moving human story;
on the other it offers us an outlet into the realm of the mysterious, of supernatural
powers and miracles accessible only through faith. Probably this is why the narrative
has had a great appeal for Kashmiri Sufi poets like Samad Mir, Ahad Zargar and
others who have used it to illustrate their concept of tawakkul or submission before
God‟s wish – an important stage in their spiritual practice.

As it emerges, the Jogi is a central character in the story of Akanadun. What is of

great significance is that he connects the folktale unmistakably with the pan-Indian
tradition of a sect of renouncer ascetics who have passed into folklore from their
origins as followers of the Nath sampradaya that was founded by the legendary
Gorakh Nath or Gorakshanatha, probably in the 10th century. Their beliefs and
practices are largely associated with Shaivite asceticism and Buddhist Tantrik
ideology, the word jogi being a derivative of Skt. yogi. Following Gorakh Nath‟s
teachings, the jogis practice various meditative and physical techniques to achieve
self-realization. About Gorakh Nath, to whom these jogis trace their lineage, the
legend goes as follows:

Once a devotee of Shiva desired offspring, so the god, at Parvati's intercession, gave
him some ashes from his dhuni or fire and told him to make his wife eat them. His
wife, however, was incredulous and did not comply but let the ashes fall on a heap of
cow dung. Eventually the devotee found a child where the ashes had been thrown, and
took it to Shiva, who said that the child will grow up to be a yogi, a great spiritual
soul and will return back to him.

Jogi is the popular designation of Gorakh Nath‟s followers, the adherents of the Nath
cult. Their cult spread rapidly through many parts of India, especially in the north, and
in popular thought they came to be associated with certain external trappings and
peculiarities of behavior. Smeared with sacred ashes and wearing ochre robes and

258
large earrings in split ears with a begging bowl in hand they went from village to
village and town to town to beg for alms, fervently making utterances like “Alakh
Niranjan” or invoking the name of Shiva. Stories and tales of their extraordinary
spiritual powers and secret knowledge, believed to have been acquired by them
through rigorous cultic practices and strict self-discipline, gathered volume and
became a remarkable part of popular lore over time. The figure of the jogi with all his
idiosyncrasies appeared persistently and ubiquitously in Sanskrit as well as regional
literatures and various folklore genres of India. Although a renouncer of the world and
worldly pleasures, he often interfered in the affairs of the householders to whom he
went for alms, helping them to solve their problems or to have their mundane wishes
fulfilled through his mysterious supernatural powers. These included, among other
things, the powers to bestow a child, more often a son, to infertile couples and to
restore the dead to life. In many folktales related to the Jogis, we see them performing
miraculous feats in a matter of fact manner, which made them favourite characters of
the common people.

Our Jogi in the Kashmiri tale of Akanandun too is endowed with these extraordinary
powers and fits well with the general character of such ascetics in the pan-Indian Nath
traditions. The tale has survived from submergence under the flood of Islamic religio-
historical themes probably because of its popularization by the Sufi poets, for whom,
as pointed out earlier, it served as an illustration of concepts related to their spiritual
practice. The Jogi features as a character in a few other Kashmiri folktales as well,
but with only minor and peripheral roles to play. The power of restoration to or
renewal of life that the Jogi demonstrates in the Akanadun story is its main motif. This
motif is not, however, confined to the jogi lore alone, but is a cross-cultural one. It
can be seen, for instance, in the well known Biblical story of Abraham and Isaac as
the motif of resurrection. Gen 22 NIV states that God ordered Abraham to take his
only son, Isaac, to the region of Mariah and sacrifice him as a burnt offering to Him.

A story related to the myth of resurrection is also found in Egyptian Myth of Osiris,
the god of afterlife who was cut into pieces by his arch enemy Set and was brought
back to life by his wife Isis. Isis collected all the body parts and arranged them in
order and started singing a song while going around the pieces until her husband came
back to life and later on came to be known as the „god of afterlife‟.

259
One finds in these different stories a stress on faith and trust, which appears to be their
point of intersection. Somewhere in our story of Akanandun too it is faith and trust
of the family, especially the mother, in the Jogi that seem to have been tested. One
sees here a willing submission to the wishes of someone who has blessed her with a
son. But the story appears to go even beyond that. What the Jogi wants to
demonstrate through his act of disappearance towards the end is that the nature of
both life and death is illusory.

As Subhash Kak observes, the idea of paroksha or paradox, in Epic myths can be
extended to folk literature too. In such narratives the moral ambiguity works like the
hubris of Greek myth and drama, creating a space that is not quite in the realm of
gods, although it is superhuman. The story of Akanandun has definitely a mystical
message to convey at the allegorical level. This can be decoded only after studying
the violent imageries in the tale in the light of their motivational factors and the
elements it has in common with the popular lore related to the Jogi tradition in other
regional languages of India.

260
 AN ENQUIRY INTO THE SECTARIAN AFFILIATION
OF THE RUINS AT HARWAN
Geetika Kaw Kher

This paper seeks to address questions of representation and interpretation of

the monuments unearthed at Harwan, Kashmir. These days, strenuous
efforts are being made to project Harwan as an unproblematic Buddhist site
and promote it as a destination for cultural tourism by linking it with the
great Central Asian tradition. In this effort, scholars have deliberately
underplayed facts and attributed all monuments found in the area to
Buddhists, ignoring any other cultic possibility.

Stein identifies „Harwan’ with Shadarhadvana (grove of six saints), a

locality mentioned in Rajatarangini [Stein M.A., „Kalhana‟s Rajatarangini,‟
Vol. II, p. 455 & Vol. I, Book I, p. 31, Delhi 1989]. According to Kalhana,
the great Buddhist thinker Nagarjuna belonged to this place; hence the
Buddhist connection is inevitable.

Following a chance discovery of few moulded brick tiles at the beginning of

the 20th century, the importance of the site was realized, though it took
another 10-15 years to seriously survey it. The area was filled with
cornfields, but interestingly, there was a square patch of land which had no
cultivation and was covered by turf only. This aroused interest and the area
was excavated to reveal the ruins of a Buddhist site situated halfway up the
slope of a mountain bordering a lateral branch of the main valley. These
walls were constructed in what has been called “diaper rubble style,”
wherein a number of large undressed boulders are placed in one row with
intervening spaces filled with smaller stones, so that the entire façade
presents a diaper effect, hence the name. Among the buildings constructed
in this style were found

1] The triple base of a medium sized stupa

2] A set of rooms which might have been Buddhist viharas

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The stupa is built in the middle of a rectangular courtyard facing north.
Digging under its foundations revealed a copper coin of Toramana, the
White Hun ruler who flourished around the 5th century AD. His monuments
at Eran (Madhya Pradesh) dated around the same time point to his peak
period of activity. Hence the stupa could not have been constructed earlier
than the 5th century AD. The viharas surrounding the stupa must have been
constructed after or simultaneously with the stupa, hence whatever proof we
find of Buddhist activity is all post 5th century AD.

Apart from these structures there were excavated some more walls in crude
pebble style (still seen in many village temples in Kashmir) and in a style
which can be called a cross between pebble style and diaper style.

Immediately around the stupa is a narrow fringe of figured tile pavement.

Closer examination showed that nearly all pieces were fragmentary and no
group of adjacent pieces completed a motif. Such incoherence is usually
seen in monuments which are constructed using fragments of existing
monuments, such as the Quwat-ul-Islam mosque in the Qutb complex, made
from the remains of 22 Jaina and Hindu temples.

The tile pavement thus raises interesting questions regarding the original
monument to which the tiles belonged. Closer scrutiny of the hillside
revealed that the ruins were arranged in level terraces, on each of which
stood several buildings. On the highest terrace was excavated a large apsidal
temple built in picturesque diaper-pebble style masonry. The temple consists
of a spacious rectangular antechamber with a circular sanctum covered with
a terracotta tiled floor with various motifs. The plan of the temple is very
similar to Lomas Rsi cave in Barabar hills (Bihar) and the early chaitya at
Kondivite near Bombay.

262
There is no trace of a stupa, while what remains at the site is a low section
of the wall and original floor of the courtyard, which were faced with
stamped terracotta tiles. The floor tiles were arranged to suggest the form of
an enormous open lotus, possibly representing the cosmic lotus. The lotus
symbology pervades all Indian art, whether Hindu, Buddhist or Jaina.
Similarly, the motifs found on these floor tiles do not point towards any
sectarian affiliation. That these tiles occupied exactly the position they were
laid in by ancient workmen is borne but by the fact that each one bears a
number in Kharoshthi script, the order of the tiles in a series being in strict
accordance with their consecutive numeral order. The existence of
Kharoshthi numerals also more or less allows one to tentatively date the
tiles. According to R.C. Kak, by the 5th century AD Kharoshthi ceased to be
the main language in the area and the fact that even a common labourer was
expected to know the language points to the time when the language was at
its peak popularity; hence he suggests 3rd-4th century as the date of the
structure [Kak R.C, „Ancient Monuments of Kashmir,‟ p. 109-110, Srinagar,
Kashmir, 2002].

Most curious and interesting are the tiles running all around the temple,
depicting three naked ascetics in the central band with a row of geese
holding half blown lotus in their bill in the lower band.

The upper band portrays figures conversing above a railing. The division of
space as well as the conversing figures on the top band is very similar to
Kusana Mathura sculptures the second century AD. On the basis of the
script and style, the tiles can be dated to 3rd-4th century AD. The facial
features resemble faces found at Ushkur and Akhnur regions.

Most interesting here is the posture and the nakedness of the ascetic
figures – both unseen in Buddhist representations. Hence one cannot club
them together with the stupa and vihara ruins. This shows that before the
Buddhist monuments were constructed, a part of the site or the whole site
was dedicated to some other sect or cult. The ascetics are shown seated in
„kakasana’ and seem to be in meditation.

263
Sastri in his work on Ajivikas states: “…The Ajivikas covered their bodies
with dust and ate ordure of a calf. Other austerities they practiced were
painful squatting on heels, swinging in the air like bats, reclining on thorns
and scorching themselves with five fire (panchagni tapas). These
mendicants roamed about the country propagating their mysterious
themes… Their love of solitude, disdain of comfort, even of decencies,
performing penances which almost broke their mortal frame attracted the
society” [Sastri N., Ajivikas (from Tamil Sources), Journal of Sri
Venkatesvara Rao Institute, p. 419-422, 1941]

The possibility of the monument being dedicated to Ajivikas seems

probable, because the ascetic figure seems to fit the description of an
Ajivika ascetic. Plan-wise also, it has similarity with Lomas Rsi cave which
along with Sudama cave have been dedicated to Ajivika monks.

Unfortunately none of the original works of Ajivikas survives, though we

know of their existence through various Buddhist and Jaina sources.
Asoka‟s Pillar Edict VII mentions Ajivikas, and Barabar hills have a
dedicatory inscription clearly mentioning that the cave was dedicated to this
sect.

It is believed the original Ajivika texts were written in an eastern Prakrit,

perhaps similar to the Jaina Prakrit Ardhamagadhi. Quotations and
adaptations from these texts appear to have been inserted into Jaina and
Buddhist accounts of the Ajivikas. Makkhali Gosala is regarded as the
founder leader of the Ajivikas, and one source of his teachings is the
Buddhist Digha Nikaya.

Three Tamil texts, the Manimakalai of the Buddhists, the Nilakesi of the
Jainas, and the Sivajnanasiddhiyar of the Saivites, all contain outlines of
Ajivika doctrine. The stories of the origin of Ajivika leader Makkhali
Gosala are to be found in the Bhagwati Sutra and in Buddhaghosa‟s

264
commentary on the Samanna-phala-sutta. As Basham points out, both these
texts clearly show dislike and scorn felt by both Jainas and Buddhists for
Makkhali Gosala [Basham A.L., „History and Doctrine of Ajivikas; a
vanished Indian religion,‟ 1951].

Bhagvati sutra states that Gosala was a slave who, while walking over a
patch of muddy ground holding a pot of oil, was hailed by his master with
words „don‟t stumble old fellow‟ (tata makhal iti). Despite the warning, he
carelessly tripped and spilt the oil. Fearing his master‟s anger, he tried to run
away, but his master chased him and managed to catch the edge of his robe.
Leaving his garment behind, Gosala escaped in the state of nudity and hence
he became a naked mendicant and acquired the name of Mankhali. These
and several other such statements clearly point towards an abhorrence of
nudity, while on the other hand come across as fabrications of people who
want to put down another cult or sect.

Jainas and Buddhists, considering Ajivikas their most dangerous rivals,

show how popular the sect was, especially in the 5th -4th centuries BC when
the different sects were forming. Asoka in his Seventh Pillar Edict ranks
Ajivikas third in importance among the religious groups he patronized after
Buddhists and Brahmans. They were thus ahead of the Jainas. After this
period the Ajivikas declined and the main references to them are found only
in Tamil literature; there is evidence they survived in South India until the
fourteenth century.

Gosala started his ascetic life as a mankha, an ancient class of mendicants,

whose symbol was the carrying of a bamboo staff. Scholars differ regarding
the religious leanings of Ajivikas. Kern considers them a sub-division of
Vaisnavas, worshipping Narayana. Bhandarkar opines that the Ajivikas or a
section of them were the predecessors of Lakulisa Pasupatas or even
Sivabhagvatas of Patanjali [Bhandarkar D.R., „Ajivikas,‟ Indian Antiquity,
p. 286-290, 1912]

265
This can be collated with the fact that Kalkacharya, a fifth century Jaina
astrologer, calls Ajivikas as bhagvatas. Danielou goes further and calls
Lakulisa an Ajivika ascetic. “It was an Ajivika called Lakulisa, one of those
wandering monks who maintained the heritage of the ancient knowledge in
an occult tradition, who judged the moment opportune to reveal it, causing a
great revolution in society. This corresponds to the greatest period in Indian
civilization, which was to last for more than a millennium. Lakulisa (the
name means "Club-bearing Lord") restored an extraordinary impetus to
Saivism, reestablished the pre-Aryan culture, and united, under the name of
the Pashupata(s) (followers of Pashupati, Lord of Animals), the different
sects that had survived in semi-secrecy for centuries.”

The similarities one comes across in the practices of Ajivika and Laulisa-
Pasupata order are too many to be just coincidence. To start with, ascetics
following both orders carry a bamboo lance (danda), perform panchagni
tapas, move around naked and resort to song and dance as a medium to
reach ultimate reality. During his last years, Gosala observed a vow of
silence (vacam pahaya) and lived in a state of trance. He practiced dance and
drunkenness and like certain Saivite saints pondered upon the mysterious
term „Halla‟, to invoke the Supreme Being during ecstatic dances. All
Ajivika(s) used music and dance as ecstatic media and knew the secret of
the technique of resuscitating the dead by the transfer of their own vital
energy, one of the Siddhi(s) (powers) obtained through Yoga. This power
was called pautta parihara by the disciples of Gosala. Hence the connection
of Ajivikas with Saivas seems quite plausible.

Nevertheless, the philosophy of both orders is drastically different. While

Ajivikas believed in Niyativada, Lakulisa seems to have formulated a school
of thought which bridged the gap between early dualistic Saiva philosophy
and later monistic school of Kashmir Saivism. Unfortunately not much has
survived to suggest the importance and extent of Lakulisa order in Kashmir,

266
but the fact that Abhinavagupta, the 10th century AD philosophical giant,
grants the school a position next only to his highly evolved system, speaks
of its importance [Pandey K.C., „Abhinavagupta, A historical and
philosophical study,‟ 2000].

A tradition in the Agama, quoted by Abhinavagupta, records the receiving

of the doctrine by Lakula from Swachchhanda, thus linking the system with
much complicated and curious Bhairava tradition of Kashmir. Moreover, the
images of Lakulisa seen on Pandrethan and Payar temples point towards its
worship in the valley somewhere in the seventh and eighth centuries.

It is beyond our scope to dig into the antiquity of Lakulisa-Pasupata order,

but one has attempted to show that cultural and artistic heritage never
perishes but only transforms from one form to another. Though iconoclasts
in their zeal to ravage whatever is left of the past try their best to eradicate
proof of its existence, there are always some clues, some hints hidden at
deeper levels, and it is for the discerning eye and questing mind to locate
them.

Paper Published in:

Heritage of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh, Edited by G.L. Badam and K.K.
Chakravarty, Research India Press, 2010

267
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76. Maxwell, T.S. Visvarupa, Oxford University Press, 1988

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