ARTICLES 9.

AFA D IV IN A T IO N IN A N L O :
A P re lim in a ry Report 1

by O . K . N ukunya*

The im portance o f geom ancy in Wesf A fric a is w e ll kn o w n .

Its p rin c ip a l exponents in c lu d e the Y o ru b a , Dahomey and the Ewe.
A lth o u g h the Yoruba are g e n e ra lly c re d ite d w itfi its o r ig in , some
llo rin Y oruba a ccounts quoted by C la rk e suggest th a t it was learned
from the N u p e .^ S im ila r p ra ctice s are also found among the Anago
Yoruba o f B ra z il and Cubans o f Yoruba d esce n t. W h a te ve r its o r ig in ,
afa d iv in a tio n , as it is c a lle d among the Ewe, has become in te g ra te d
in diverse ways in to the re lig io u s systems o f a ll the so cieties w h ich
now p ra ctise i t . The o n ly traces o f Y oruba o rig in in the n o n -Y o ru b a
areas now are p ro b a b ly the u n in te llig ib le Yoruba language em ployed
in the process and the verses the d iv in e rs re c ite w h ich are a ll based
a t Ife , the tr a d itio n a l ritu a l ce n tre o f the Y o ru b a .

W h ile much has been w ritte n about the Yoruba and the
Dahomean systems n o ta b ly by Bascom and Herskovits re s p e c tiv e ly ,
ve ry lit t l e has been done on the Ewe s id e . In this paper an a tte m p t
w ill be made to describe the te c h n ic a l procedures and o th e r s a lie n t
features in the Ewe p ra c tic e .

* D r. G . K . N u k u n y a is a Lecturer in the D epartm ent o f S o c io lo g y .

1. This study form ed p art o f the 1967 Summer Research School

organised in G hana jo in t ly by the A fric a n Studies Programme,
N o rth w e ste rn U n iv e rs ity and the In s titu te o f A fric a n S tudies,
L e g o n . G ra te fu l a ckn o w le d g e m e n t is made to the tw o
in s titu tio n s 'fo r fin a n c ia l support and o th e r forms o f co o p e ra tio n
and to the fo llo w in g students fo r th e ir assistance in fie ld w o rk :
Joan B ragginton and M a rg a re t Rosembloom o f N o rth w e ste rn
and Ernest D um or, B rig itte K um apley and Susan G ilb e rts o n ,
o f L eg on .

2. C la rk e , 1939, p . 238.
ARTICLES 10.

The home o f the E w e-speaking peoples now lies in south­

eastern G hana and the southern h a lf o f Togo. But th e y have n o tv
been liv in g here fo r more than fiv e c e n tu rie s . They have a h istory
o f m ig ra tio n w h ic h puts th e ir o rig in somewhere in Yoruba co u n try
around the present D a h o m e y -N ig e ria b o rd e r.

Before com ing under European rule a t the end o f the last
c e n tu ry , the Ewe neve r liv e d under one p o litic a l a u th o r ity . They
were organised in to a num ber o f chiefdom s v a ry in g in size from a
few v illa g e s to large and p o w e rfu l kingdom s lik e A n lo and Peki
com prising several towns and v illa g e s . Despite the absence o f
p o lit ic a l u n ity the Ewe share among others a common myth o f o rig in
and h is to ry o f m ig ra tio n ; a common Ewe language spoken th ro u g h ­
o u t E w eland; and f in a lly the consciousness o f being one p e o p le .

The Ewe area described here is the Kingdom o f A n lo ,

w h ic h lies in the extrem e southeastern corner o f G h a n a , im m e d ia te ly
east o f the V o lta R iv e r, w ith an area o f 883 square m iles and a
p o p u la tio n o f 231,01 7 in 1960.^ It is a low co u n try whose la n d ­
scape and econom y are dom inated p r in c ip a lly by the large Keta
Lagoon (w h ich covers a b o ut a th ird o f the area and separates the
litto r a l from the h in te rla n d ) and also by the numerous streams th a t
co n n e c t the Lagoon w ith the V o lta R iv e r. D uring the m ain ra in y
season w h ic h centres around June, large areas around the lagoon
are flo o d e d fo r months w h ile in the dry season, N ovem ber to
J a n u a ry , the floods recede and the g re a te r part o f the lagoon
its e lf dries u p , y ie ld in g large incrusta tion s o f s a lt w h ic h p rovide
an im p o rta n t a r tic le o f tra d e .

O n the sea coast and in the v illa g e s surrounding the

la g o o n ,fis h in g is the c h ie f o c c u p a tio n but in la n d to the north the
people c u ltiv a te cassava, corn and v e g e ta b le s. O th e r o ccu patio ns
in c lu d e c lo th w e a v in g on hand loom s, basket m aking and p o u ltry
fa rm in g .

1. 1960 P opulatio n Census o f G h a n a , V o l. 1 . The G a z e tte e r,

Census O f f ic e , A c c ra , 1962, P. X X I I I .
ARTICLES

Like the o th e r Ewe groups the A n lo are p a tr ilin e a l. There

are fifte e n agam ous, dispersed, to te m ic clans whose lo c a l segments
form exogamous lin e a g e s . Two o f the clans have royal dynasties
from whom the A w o a m e fia or K ing is a lte rn a te ly chosen.

There is a b e lie f in a H igh G o d , M a w u , who lik e many

o th e r such W est A fric a n gods disappeared a fte r c re a tin g the w o rld
because o f the fre q u e n t demands on him by h is 'p e o p le w h ile he
liv e d near the m . There is no organised w orship fo r h im : no p rie s t­
h o od, shrine nor c h u rc h . He is invo ke d by in d iv id u a ls in everyday
life and in times o f crises. It is a c c o rd in g to the Ewe themselves
a god o f the th o u g h tfu l, n o t o f the m u ltitu d e . N e x t to M awu are
the sm all gods o r tro w o (s in g u la r, tr3 ) w h ic h are his c re a tio n s ,
d e riv in g th e ir powers from him and residing in nature ob je cts lik e
streams, ponds, lagoons and forests. U n lik e the H igh G od the
trSwo have organised w orship w ith shrines, priests and churches.

There are also a number o f cu lts o r voduw o owned by

c e rta in in d iv id u a ls . M any A n lo voduw o are o f fo re ig n o rig in ,
m a in ly Dahomean and Togolese and the in d iv id u a l desirous o f
e stablishin g them tra v e ls to th e ir places o f o rig in where the
necessary fees are p aid and the "rites p e rfo rm ed. M em bership
o f both tr3 and vodu (sin gu lar) cuts across lin e a g e and cla n
lin e s , though c h ild re n u s u a lly jo in the gods served by th e ir
p a re n ts .

But by fa r the most im po rta nt supernatural beings are

the a n ce stra l s p irits to g b e q o lia w o , w orshipped in a body by
lineages and clans a t fe s tiv a ls and also by in d iv id u a ls who
n o rm a lly show th e ir revere nce by g iv in g them the firs t morsel
o f food o r the firs t drops o f w a fe r o r drin ks before s a tisfyin g them ­
selves. In d iv id u a ls may also ask s p e c ific favours from th e ir
ancestors through the leaders o f th e ir descent groups.

A f a , the d e ity w orshipped by afa d iv in e rs , bokow o

(sin g , boko ) has a som ewhat am biguous p o sitio n in A n lo
ARTICLES 12.

re lig io u s system . It is p o p u la rly regarded as vodu rather than tr5 .

It appears d iv in e rs them selves also regard it as such a t least by t
im p lic a tio n as e vid e n c e d in th e ir g ree ting s when the state o f the
"v o d u " (m eaning the afa d e ity ) is asked. But afa d iffe rs from vodu
in some im p o rta n t respects. Uni ik e vodu it is not a possession c u lt ,
and its in te n tio n s and wishes are re vea led through sickness and
d iv in a tio n . Besides it is through afa th a t the wishes o f a ll the o th e r
gods and su pernatu ral beings are re v e a le d . A lso each p ra ctisin g boko
can both fin d o u t and procure a cure fo r sickness and m isfortune w h e re ­
as in both tr p and vodu these fu n ctio n s are the prerogative s o f the
p rie sts. Because o f these reasons and the h ig h ly spe cia lise d nature o f
the d iv in a tio n c o u p le d w ith the considerable respect accorded them ,
d iv in e rs p re fe r to keep afa q u ite a p a rt from both vodu and tr $ .

A ll the supernatural beings just enum erated in c lu d in g afa

are ca p ab le o f sending d e a th , sickness and o th e r m isfortunes on th e ir
worshippers i f n e g le c te d o r o ffe nd e d in a ny w a y . O n the o th e r hand
th e ir powers can be n e u tra liz e d by w itch e s and sorcerers who may
harm anyone regardless o f his d e v o tio n to M a w u , tr3 ,' v o d u , the
ancestors or a f a .

The A n lo them selves g e n e ra lly a ttrib u te death^ to these

supernatural forces as w e ll as to w itc h c r a ft and so rc e ry , ra re ly to
n a tu ra l causes. T herefore soon a fte r fu n e ra l cerem onies are com pleted
the re la tio n s o f the deceased approach a d iv in e r to fin d o u t w h ic h o f
these forces has caused d e a th . A lm ost in v a ria b ly one or more o f them
w ill be m e n tio n e d , w h ic h is just the answer the re la tiv e s themselves
e x p e c t. It is o n ly in the case o f a v e ry o ld man th a t it is said Mawu

1. L ife e x p e c ta n c y in A n lo is not g re a t due p ro b a b ly to m a ln u tritio n

and w idespread a lc o h o lis m . O n a rough estim ate it averages
a b ou t f o r t y - fiv e to f if t y years fo r those who do not d ie in e a rly
c h ild h o o d w h ils t alm ost e v e ry m other before the c o m p le tio n o f
her re p ro d u c tiv e a c tiv itie s experien ce s e ith e r a s t ill b irth or the
death o f an in fa n t. M o re o v e r in the fish in g areas, d row ning
and o th e r a c c id e n ts w ith this o c c u p a tio n are q u ite com m on.
ARTICLES 13.

has c a lle d h im , the e q u iv a le n t o f a n a tu ra l d e a th .

Y e t fid n in g the cause o f death is o n ly one o f the b o k o 's

many fu n c tio n s w h ich may be grouped under the fo llo w in g headings:

(a) To warn in d iv id u a ls and groups o f im pending

m isfortunes and to prescribe remedies fo r p re v e n tio n .

(b) To advise in d iv id u a ls and groups a bout possible

a c tio n s w h ic h may a ffe c t p ro sp erity or h e a lth .

(c) To g iv e e x p la n a tio n s fo r m isfortunes w h ic h have

a lre a d y o c c u rre d , such as fa m in e , death or sickness.

(d) To fin d w h ic h ancestor is re in ca rn a te d in a c h ild .

The fo llo w in g is a sample o f cases witnessed one day in a

d iv in e r's h o u se :-

1. A woman was to undergo a su rg ica l o p e ra tio n and

w anted to know w h e th e r it w o u ld be successful.

2. A man brought a sick da ug h ter to fin d out w hat was

tro u b lin g h e r. He said tre atm e nt re ce ive d a t the
governm ent h ea lth centre fa ile d to cure h e r.

3. A man w ho said he had been having bad dreams

came to know the cause.

4. A woman whose prosperous business collapsed

suddenly came to know w hy and to remedy the
s itu a tio n .

To this lis t may be added a fo o tn o te th a t in A n lo a large

section o f the p o p u la tio n has s t ill not a c q u ire d any c o n fid e n c e in
European tra in e d m e d ica l doctors and the h o s p ita ls . It is s t ill common­
p la ce fo r the sic k to approach d iv in e rs fo r diagnosis and c u re . In such
ARTICLES 14.

an e n viro n m e n t the im portance o f the d iv in e r is co n s id e ra b le .

In a ll these cases the boko uses a com plex system

o f geom ancy o f w h ic h there are tw o methods in cu rre n t use.
in one a re c ta n g u la r w ooden board is used. A fte r a lig h t greyish
pow der has been s p rin k le d on i t , the d iv in e r shuffles sixte e n palm
nuts by ra p id ly passing them from one hand to the o th e r, his aim
being to have one or tw o nuts in one hand a n d 'th e rest in the o th e r
ha n d . This h ow ever is n o t a lw ays possible a fte r e ve ry s h u fflin g .
In a n y case i f tw o nuts are le ft in one hand he marks one stro ke ,
if one n u t he marks tw o strokes in the pow der on the b o a rd . If
none or more than tw o nuts are le ft in one hand a fte r the m a n i­
p u la tio n then this is n ot om inous and the process is repeated t i l l
o n ly one or tw o nuts are le ft a t a tim e . The process is com pleted
when e ig h t ominous results are o b ta in e d , m arked on the board in
tw o v e r tic a l colum ns o f fo u r groups o f s in g le or double strokes such
as shown in the diagram b e lo w . This co m b in a tio n o f strokes d e te r­
mines the c lie n t's eta, message,or k p o li, d e s tin y , w h ic h are used
in te rc h a n g e a b ly . This m ethod is so com plex and le n g th y th a t it
takes several m inutes to o b ta in the re q uired ominous signs or strokes
and is c o nseq u e ntly n o t em ployed in o rd in a ry cases o f c o n s u lta tio n .

In the less co m ple x one the d iv in e r uses gum aga, an

instrum ent made o f e ig h t h a lf-p o d s o f the rare huku seed strung
a t equal in te rv a ls on a cord abou t tw e n ty inches in le n g th . To
cast the gumaga the d iv in e r holds the m id d le o f the cord to enable
the seed to present tw o colum ns o f fo u r groups on the m a t. Each
o f the h a lf pods has concave and convex surfaces so th a t when
the gumaga is throw n on the mat o r flo o r the p a tte rn presented by
the surfaces determ ines the k p o l» o r du_.

Two im po rta nt a c tio n s , perform ed s im u lta n e o u sly, precede

both processes o f d iv in a tio n . The firs t is a p rayer in somewhat u n ­
in t e llig ib le Yoruba and Ewe la stin g a b o u t e ig h t m inutes in w h ic h
the names o f some famous d iv in e rs are in voked and an appeal made
ARTICLES 15.

to the ofa d e ity to assist in re v e a lin g the tru th . W h iie the prayer is being
re c ite d the d iv in e r shuffles c o n tin u o u s ly an in num erable am ount o f a nticies
w h ich he has em p tied on the flo o r from his d iv in g b a g . Before these
a ctio n s the c lie n t is e x p e c te d to w hisper his trou bles on a co in w h ic h ir
then p laced on the m a t, for, proper procedure demands *ha< ihe c lie n t's
in te n tio n fo r com ing to afa he kept secrei from the d iv in e r before the
kpol? is re v e a le d .

There are sixte e n possible p rin c ip a l k pol ?w o (p i .) re su ltin g from

the diagram o f strokes each o f w h ic h may be a p p lic a b le a t a tim e . They
are arranged a c c o rd in g to s e n io rity as:

(1) DZONGBE (2) Y E K U -M E D Z I (3) W O U -M E D Z i (4) D I-M E D Z I

1 1 11 11 11 11 1 1
1 1 11 11 1 1 11 11
1 1 11 11 1 1 11 11
1 1 11 11 11 11 1 1

(5) L O S O -M E D Z I (6) D i­■MEDZI (7) A B L A -M E D Z I (B) A K L A -M E D Z I

1 1 ll 11 1 1 11 11
1 1 11 11 11 11 11 11
11 11 1 1 11 11 11 11
11 11 1 1 11 11 1 1

(9) G U D A -M E D Z I (10) SA -M E D Z I (II) K A -M E D Z I (12) TRUKPE- M E D ZI

1 1 1 11 11 11 11 11 11
1 1 1 1 1 1 11 11
1 1 1 1 11 11 1 1
11 11 1 1 11 11 11 11

1. The contents o f a d iv in in g bag in c lu d e alm ost e v e ry th in g the d iv in e r can

la y hands on and may num ber n e a rly a thousand a r tic le s . Im portant items
dre c o w rie s h e lls , c o in s , paim n u ts, beads, skulls o f sm all anim als a ll o f
w h ic h are used in the process o f v p d z ib a b la described b e lo w .
ARTICLES 16.

03) TULA -M E D Z I (14) LETE -M E D Z I (15) TSYE -M E D Z I (16) FU-■MEDZ

1 1 1 1 1 1 11 11
11 11 1 1 11 11 1 1
1 T 11 11 1 1 11 11
1 1 1 1 11 11 1 1

It w i l l be seen th a t a ll b ut one o f the sixteen p rin c ip a l k p o liw o have

the s u ffix m edzi (w h ich means tw o in Yoruba) because in each case the number
and order o f the strokes in both colum ns are id e n tic a l. In o th e r words each
o f the sixtee n k p o liw o is a c o m b in a tio n o f tw o id e n tic a l colum ns. N o c le a r
e x p la n a tio n has been g iv e n fo r the absence o f the s u ffix in the case o f
D zo n g b e . Inform ants o n ly said th a t s tr ic tly speaking it is also a medz? but
as the c h ie f o f a ll the k p o liw o ?t is not necessary to repeat its id e n tic a l
c o m b in a tio n .

Each o f the sixtee n p rin c ip a l kp o l iw o can be com bined w ith others

to form various perm utations o f o rd in a ry k p o liw o . That is, one colum n o f
kpol? D zongbe fo r instance can be com bined w ith one side o f any o f the
o th e r fifte e n k poliw o and v ic e versa to form o th e r kpol iw o . Thus we may
have fo r exam ple k p o l? loso - guda w h ic h is a co m b in a tio n o f k p o li loso
and k p o ii g u d a . Such a k p o l? w ill be represented in terms o f strokes
a s ;- ] 1

1 1
1 11
11 11
It w i l l be seen th a t in the strokes fo r lo so-guda the strokes fo r loso are on
the rig h t and guda on the le f t . This is because in eve ry c o m b in a tio n the
d iv in e r reads from rig h t to le f t . That is, i f loso were on the le ft and guda
on the rig h t we sh all have a d iffe re n t kpol? a lto g e th e r w h ic h w ill be known

1. This o rd e r o f the figures corresponds e x a c tly to Bascom's fo r the Y o ru ­

ba but d iffe rs s lig h tly from both H erskovits fo r the D ahom ey, and
Fiaw oo's o b ta in e d from the same Ewe a re a . See Bascom 1966, p . 4 2 8 ,
H e rsko vits, 1938, V o l . I I , p . 210 and Fiaw oo, 1958, p . 6 9 .
ARTICLES 17.

as guda - ioso represenred in strokes as:-

1 1
I 1
n i
n n

In this w ay we have a t least 256 d iffe re n t k p ^ fiw o being com binations

o f the sixteen m ajor k p o liw o w ith each o th e r. But the o rd in a ry
k p o liw o have not the s u ffix m edzi because th e ir columns have no
id e n tic a l num ber or order o f strokes.

Each p rin c ip a l and o rd in a ry k p o li has proverbs, verses,

p ith y sayings and a num ber o f anecdotes cast in a vague w ay to
e x p la in i t . These proverbs, verses e t c . , co ve r a number o f c o n tin ­
gencies such as d e a th , sickness, w e a lth o r m a rria g e . The anecdotes
as the d iv in e r alw a ys emphasises a ll come from Yoruba m yth o lo g y
centred a t lie Ife , the cra d le o f a ll Yoruba and indeed o f a ll men,
a cco rd in g to the Y o ru b a . Thus the d iv in e r introduces his n a rra tio n
by the phrase, "Le efe mea . . " That is, "In Ife o f o ld . . .
There are also a num ber o f taboos u s u a lly o f food associated w ith
the a rtic le s in the verses and anecdo tes.

The d e te rm in a tio n o f the k p o l? and its anecdo tes, proverbs,

e t c . , is o n ly a firs t step in the process o f A fa geom ancy. It is
fu rth e r necessary to know w h e th e r the Jkpoj_[ carries a good o r bad
omen fo r the c lie n t . This is dete rm ine d by v o d z ib a b l a . The d iv in e r
gives a nut and a co in or c o w rie to the c lie n t to h o ld in his hands
s e parately and a t random . By th ro w in g the gumaga two times he is
able to determ ine w h ic h o f the a rtic le s is om inous. The nut carries
bad omen w h ile the co in and the c o w rie s h e ll,a good om en. A bad
omen means th a t disaster is lik e ly to fo llo w i f s a c rific e is not made
to o ffse t the im pending danger w 'hile a good omen on the o th e r hand
portends good fortun e but o n ly i f v a lid a te d by s a c rific e . S a c rific e
accom panies e very co m pleted process o f afa d iv in a tio n w h e th e r the
ARTICLES 18.

omen is good or n o t. The type o f s a c rific e to be perform ed in each

case is d ete rm ine d by the kp o l? , the nature o f the om en, the re le v a n t
verses and the in te rp re ta tio n s o f the d iv in e r . Should a c lie n t fa il to
perform s a c rific e because he feels the omens are good he w ill face
m isfortune in ste a d . Kamasa, or d iv in a tio n w ith o u t s a c rific in g and its
consequences are some o f the reasons w h ic h keep some people aw ay
from d iv in e rs , fo r s a c rific e s as w i l l be shown la te r are sometimes ve ry
expensive and one w i l l no t know befo re c o n s u ltin g a d iv in e r w h e th e r
o r n ot an expensive s a c rific e w i l l be dem anded.

It has been shown th a t the anecdotes are cast in vague terms

w h ic h re ve a l or forecast ve ry l i t t l e . Precision and d e ta il may be
o b ta in e d by fu rth e r th ro w in g o f the gumaga or m a n ip u la tio n o f the nuts
w h ic h may also in v o lv e fu rth e r v o d z ib a b la . Leading questions are
asked and the c lie n t may even be asked to say som ething a b out his
life h isto ry and e x p e rie n c e s . For e xa m p le , k p o li Fumedzi is re la te d
to p re g n a n c y . If this is re vea led the firs t question put to a fem ale
c lie n t o f c h ild b e a rin g age is, "A re you p re g n a n t? " If the answer
is no she may be asked w h e th e r any o f her close re la tiv e s is p re g n a n t.
I f the answer is aga in in the n e g a tiv e , the d iv in e r w ill then say the
c lie n t w i l l soon c o n c e iv e . I f the omens are good s a c rific e should be
perform ed to c o n firm the safe d e liv e ry the kpol? portents . If they are
bad the pregnancy w i l l b rin g m isfortune unless s a c rific e fo r Fumedzi
is p e rfo rm e d . A m ale c lie n t on Fumedzi also faces s im ila r questions
a b o ut his w ife or fem ale re la tiv e s .

As fa r as th is stage o f the procedure is concerned there

appears to be some d iffe re n c e betw een the A n lo and o th e r exponents
o f the system . W h ile among the Yoruba it is the c lie n t w ho selects
the s u ita b le verse among the lis t o f verses narrated by the d iv in e r ,^
the Ewe boko a fte r n a rra tin g the stories o f the c lie n t's k p o li selects
w ha t he considers to be the most a p p ro p ria te fo r his c lie n t . He is

1. Bascom, op. c i t . p . 4 3.
ARTICLES 1 9.

g uided in his c h o ic e by such consideratio ns as the co m p le xio n o f

his c lie n t, his w e ig h t, b u ild and o th e r ph ysica l tra its as w e ll as
o th e r facts he is a b le to s o lic it from h im . In this respect the A n lo
p ra c tic e conforms s u b s ta n tia lly to th a t o f the Dahomey where
"co m p le te frankness" betw een the d iv in e r and his c lie n t is
dem anded, 1 the o n ly d iffe re n c e being th a t the A n lo c lie n t does
not reveal the nature o f his problem to the boko before the
casting o f the gumaga and the d e te rm in a tio n o f the kpol? as is the
case in D ahom ey.

A fa is both a d e ity and a system o f d iv in a tio n . A c tu a lly

it is the d e ity o f the system o f d iv in a tio n th a t bears its nam e. H ow ­
ever not a ll its servants are d iv in e rs . A lth o u g h both male and
fem ale may serve i t , o n ly m ale servants may be d iv in e rs and some
o f the la tte r too do not p ractise it e ith e r because th e ir econom ic
a c tiv itie s do no t a llo w them o r because th e y la c k the s k ill fo r i t .

To become a d iv in e r one has to undergo an a p p re n tic e ­

ship lasting a t least three months a fte r in it ia t io n . This period may
be extended to n e a rly three years i f the n o v ic e is slow in m astering
the te ch n iq u e s. D uring the p eriod o f a p p re n tic e s h ip the n o v ic e
remains in his master's n o v itia te t i l l he is r it u a lly o u td o o re d . The
ap p re n tice s h ip w h ic h may cost about £100 in cash and goods in vo lve s
m em orizing a ll the figures and th e ir verses, p ith y sayings, proverbs
and anecdotes as w e ll as th e ir acco m p an yin g s a c rifice s and herbs.
The te ch n iq u e o f m aking a gumaga is also le a rn e d , fo r every
p ra ctisin g boko must make his own g u m a g a .

T ra in in g in afa te c h n iq u e is com pulsory for e ve ry male

servant regardless o f his p ro sp e ctive o c c u p a tio n . A lth o u g h ve ry
successful d iv in e rs liv e s o le ly on incom e from d iv in a tio n , it is
u su a lly not a fu ll tim e business and may be com bined w ith o th e r
econom ic a c tiv itie s .

1. Herskovits, op.cit. p . 216.

ARTICLES 20.

A fa d iv in e rs are organised in to four sects: a n a g o , d z is a ,

mayehoe or z e v i and atsyake . The anago d iffe r from the other<
in c e rta in respects. W h ile th ey are fo rb id d e n to in d u lg e in any
form o f sorcery or m a g ic , the others are c lo s e ly connecte d w ith
these p ra c tic e s . A nd in the casting o f the gumaga the anago throw
it w ith the m id d le handle fa llin g towards the c lie n t w h ils t the
others throw it in the opposite d ir e c tio n , th a t ts w ith the handle
f a llin g towards the d iv in e r . The reading in both cases is how ever
the same, from to p to bottom and rig h t to le f t . But despite th e ir
d iffe re n c e s the fo u r sects cooperate in many ways such as dancing
and drum m ing and h o ld in g o f common in itia tio n a c tiv itie s .

The p rin c ip a l o ffice rs^ fo r the sects a r e :-

A nago D zisa (M a ye h o e , A tsya kc)

1 . Baba (O lu a w o ) 1. O lu a w o
2 . D zogbana 2. Dzogbana
3 . Ac[aba 3. A^taba
4 . S e lik p a w o 4. Sel ikpaw o
5 . O rd in a ry d iv in e rs 5. O rd in a ry d iv in e rs

The Baba or O lu a w o is the fig u re head but the D zogbana is

the most im p o rta n t le a d e r. It is lik e h a vin g a s o c ie ty in w h ic h the
se cre ta ry 's powers c a rry g re a te r w e ig h t than the p re s id e n t's . In
this case the se cre ta ry w i l l be the D zogbana and the p re s id e n t, the
Baba o r O lu a w o . The Ac(aba assists the D zogbana w h ile the S e li-
kpaw o serves as a messenger, a p o sition w h ic h carries g re a t in flu e n c e
among d iv in e r s .

1. Some o f these title s are also found among the Y o ru b a . C la rk e

give s the fo llo w in g h ie ra rc h y o f b a ba la w o (d ivin e rs) w ith o u t
g iv in g th e ir fu n c tio n s :
1. O lu a w o
2. A koda
3. Aseda
4. A raba
5. O rd in a ry b a b a la w o .
ARTICLES

|t has a lre a d y been m entioned how afa has become an

A n lo in s titu tio n , and in te g ra te d in to the tra d itio n a l re lig io u s
system. Today v e ry few A n lo a p a rt from the bokow o know or
cla im that it o rig in a te d from Y o ru b a la n d . Among th a t section
o f the po p u la tio n w h ic h consults the d iv in e rs , b e lie f in the
e ffic a c y o f the system is alm ost c o m p le te . The o rd in a ry A n lo
tra d itio n a l b e lie v e r has n o th in g to co m p lain about it even when
a number o f the p re d ic tio n s and s a c rific e s fa il to m a te ria lis e .
A cc o rd in g to th e ir b e lie f , the supernatural forces o f afa co n tro l
a ll the elem ents o f the procedure w h ic h others may ascribe to
ch a n ce . The prayers p re ced in g the d iv in a tio n , the b o ko claim s
and the c lie n t b e lie v e s , h e lp to s o lic it supernatural p a rtic ip a tio n
in the process. It is fu rth e r b e lie v e d by both d iv in e r and c lie n t
th a t the form er's in itia tio n in to the afa c u lt and the tra in in g he
has a cq u ire d a ll h e lp to put him in a sp ecia l ritu a l c o n d itio n , a
re la tio n s h ip w ith the sacred , w h ic h helps him d iv in e w ith super­
na tu ra l s a n c tio n . A n o th e r source o f c o n fid e n c e fo r the c lie n t
derives from the a n e cdo te s, verses, proverbs and the sayings
w h ich e x p la in the fig u re s . W ith o u t e x c e p tio n th e y re fe r to
legendary characters w ho approached A fa w ith s im ila r problems
as the c lie n t , s a c rific e d the things the d iv in e r now demands for
s a c rific e , and prospered, the b e lie f being th a t since th a t legendary
c h a ra cte r succeeded by s a c rific in g the v e ry things now m e n tio n e d ,
the present c lie n t w i l l also succeed by fo llo w in g s u it. This
corresponds v e ry c lo s e ly to Frazer's Law o f s im ila rity w h ic h ,
despite Bascom's statem ents on the Yoruba to the c o n tra ry , finds
expression in many a fa s a c rific e s in A n lo . Two s p e c ific examples
w ill s u ffic e . A barren woman on Fu-m edzi was asked to m ake,
among o th e rs, an image o f a b a b y , c a rry it on her back in the w ay
babies are c a rrie d b y mothers and then leave it under any tree in a
flo w e rin g s ta te . A lso a c lie n t who was standing fo r an e le c tio n was
asked to tram ple his oppo n en t's mud image under his fe e t. The
im p lic a tio n fo r the law o f s im ila r ity in these a c tio n s is c le a r . By
ARTICLES 22 .

im ita tin g a m other and com ing in to c o n ta c t w ith a fe r tile tree the
c lie n t w i l l also a c h ie v e f e r t ilit y and e v e n tu a lly become a m other.
The second c lie n t a ls o , a c c o rd in g to this b e lie f, w ill d e fe a t his
opponent a fte r b e a tin g him in the s a c r ific e .

To return to the question o f c o n fid e n ce in d iv in e rs , th e ir

g e n e ra l b e h a v io u r may also be m entioned ., Both as in d iv id u a ls and
as a group th e ir deportm en t is e xpe cte d to be hbove suspicion and
as th e y them selves alw ays e m p h a s iz e ,th e ir professional w h ite a ttir e
w h ic h distinguish es them from others is m eant to re fle c t th e ir moral
p u r ity . There are also a num ber o f taboos w h ic h govern th e ir
b e h a v io u r such as those fo rb id d in g them to q uarrel in p u b lic and to
com m it a d u lte r y . M o re o ve r the kn ow le dg e d isp la ye d in m em orizing
hundreds o f verses, anecdotes and proverbs commends them ve ry
h ig h ly to the o rd in a ry A n lo as men o f h igh in te lle c tu a l sta n d in g .
It has been suggested fo r instance th a t the am ount o f e n e rg y , tim e
and know le d g e th a t goe?; to q u a lify a person as d iv in e r may be ^
e q u iv a le n t to i f not g re a te r than w h a t one requires fo r a P h .D .
W h a te v e r the m erits o f this c la im , the respect for these men in a
fo lk s o c ie ty must be c o n s id e ra b le .

it must be m entio n ed once a ga in th a t though th e ir

p re d ic tio n s do not alw a ys come tru e , as found in many o th e r
systems o f d iv in a tio n , fa ilu re s do noi result in any doubt about
the com petence o r e ffic ie n c y of e ith e r the d iv in e r or the system
as such. E xplanatio ns and a lib is in c lu d in g in c o rre c t procedures
and the u n h a llo w e d c o n d itio n o f the c lie n t , are alw ays p ro vid e d
to c o v e r a ll short -c o m in g s . Besides, a c lie n t w ho feels he fo llo w e d
a ll the in stru ctio n s o f the d iv in e r and s t ill fa ile d to g et the desired
result ca n no t be sure th a t n o th in g has been a ch ie v e d or th a t the
a d v ic e o f the d iv in e r was w ro n g . In the absence o f c o n tro lle d
c o n d itio n s he can no t be c e rta in th a t i f he had refused to take the

1. O tte n b e rg and O tte n b e rg , p . 65.

ARTICLES 23.

d iv in e r's a d v ic e , things w o u ld n ot have been w orse.

These then are some o f the considerations w h ic h enthuse

co n fiden ce in c lie n ts . To the outside observer and the n o n -b e lie v e r
how ever the patterns presented by the gumaga and the number o f nuts
rem aining in one hand a t a tim e d u ring d iv in a tio n are due to mere
ch a n ce . "How co u ld the th ro w in g o f nuts reveal, the u n k n o w n ? "
To these people th e re fo re b e lie f in such a system stems from e ith e r
su p e rsititio n or the u n c r itic a l minds o f c lie n ts and the members o f
the so cie ty a t la rg e . Today it is also the w idespread b e lie f among
manyr e s p e c ia lly C h ris tia n s ,th a t d iv in e rs are frauds who use a ll sorts
o f tric k e ry to ch e a t th e ir c lie n ts . In this regard reference is
fre q u e n tly made to the m any fa ilu re s d iv in e rs e n co u n te r, w h ile
obvious successes are e x p la in e d in terms o f chance and c o in c id e n c e .
It is q u ite true th a t despite th e ir professional codes o f c o n d u c t, u n ­
scrupulous d iv in e rs sometimes e x is t whose b e h a v io u r is v e ry suspicious
and who can th e re fo re lend themselves v e ry e a s ily to charges o f fra u d .
E qually true is the fa c t th a t even among the u s u a lly respectable
d ivin e rs doubts sometimes arise abo ut the in te rp re ta tio n o f the figures
as w e ll as the p re d ic tio n s and the prescribed rem edies. These w e a k ­
nesses how ever do n ot a ffe c t the m a jo rity o f them who are in general
sincere in d iv id u a ls h a vin g fe rv e n t b e lie f in th e ir procedures and p ro ­
fession. Few i f any w i l l a lw a ys go o u t to ch e a t th e ir c lie n ts .

Y e t there can be v e ry li t t l e c h e a tin g unless the procedures

o f the system its e lf makes this po ssib le . U n fo rtu n a te ly afa is not
a lto g e th e r p ro o f a ga inst fra u d . Bascom m entions a num ber o f instances
when this can be done among the Yoruba^ some o f w h ic h a p p ly to the
A n lo to o . Let's take firs t the th ro w in g o f the gum aga. Perhaps this is
the o n ly stage where c h e a tin g is n o t easy. The casting o f the ch a in is
done in such a w ay th a t the d iv in e r ca nn ot in flu e n c e its fa ll and the
fig u re s. It has also been n o tic e d among the A n lo (as Bascom d id among

1. Op. cit. p . 50.

ARTICLES 24.

the Yoruba) th a t in some gumaga the seeds are jo in e d by rather

in fle x ib le cords w h ic h enable c e rta in figures to show more fre q u e n tly
than o th e rs. This is no c h e a tin g as such. The weakness here derives
sim ply from the d iv in e r's in a b ilit y to make a good gumaga fo r h im se lf
M o re o ve r as an in form a nt c la im e d , even in an in fle x ib le cord afa
w ill in flu e n c e the f a l l 1.

It is easier to c o n tro l the figures d e riv e d from s h u fflin g

the palm nuts since o n ly the d iv in e r can determ ine when it is tim e
to stop and check the num ber o f nuts rem aining in each h a n d . Thus
a d iv in e r in te n t on c h e a tin g co u ld c o n tin u e s h u fflin g u n til the
desired num ber o f nuts remains in one hand , rep e a tin g this tr ic k
through the w h o le process. Y e t it has been found from e xp e rie n ce
and close observation th a t o n ly a v e ry c le v e r d iv in e r can dishone stly
m a n ip u la te the nuts w ith o u t in c u rrin g the suspicion o f his c lie n t .
In any case th is m ethod is n ever used in o rd in a ry d iv in a tio n but o n ly
on sp ecia l occasions when c h e a tin g w i l l not b e n e fit the d iv in e r in
any w a y .

It is when re c itin g the verses th a t the d iv in e r can e a s ily

fa ls ify by sim p ly in v e n tin g verses to su it the c lie n t's circum stances
i f he surmises the m . Perhaps the o n ly safeguard against this is the
fe a r th a t the suspicious c lie n t may ask a n o th e r d iv in e r to re ­
in te rp re t the figures fo r h im .

S a c rific e is a n o th e r v u ln e ra b le a s p e ct. A lth o u g h the

s a c rific e fo r the various k p o liw o is de term ined by the a p p lic a b le
verse, there is no fix e d num ber or q u a n tity o f s a c rific ia l o bjects
in each case. U n d o u b te d ly this gives the best o p p o rtu n ity to the
d iv in e r to che at i f he wishes to . A c c o rd in g to in fo rm a rts afa
s a c rific e is fle x ib le enough to meet the pockets o f e ve ry c lie n t .
It is c la im e d th a t if the k p o l? demands sheep for s a c rific e the
d iv in e r can ask a poor c lie n t to buy a p ie ce o f m utton from a

1. Ib id .
ARTICLES 25-

bu tch e r instead o f sla u g h te rin g a w h o le sheep. Y e t few d iv in e rs are

considerate enough to a llo w th is . This is understandable in v ie w p f
the fact th a t the d e s tin a tio n o f a ll s a c r ific ia l o b je cts a fte r necessary
rites are perform ed, is the d iv in e r's pot and k itc h e n .

In his study among the Yoruba ,C la rk e suggests th a t the

d iv in e r uses te le p a th y through w h ic h h 6 knows consciously or
unconsciously w ha t the e n q u ire r has w hispered ^ on the c o in .
Since this fie ld w o rk was lim ite d to the Ewe area there is no d ire c t
e vid e n ce to c o n tro v e rt the p o sitio n o f someone w ho studied among
the Y o ru b a . As fa r as the Ewe are c o n c e rn e d , te le p a th y as an
in te g ra l part o f afa d iv in a tio n is to ta lly ru led o u t, and for w hat is
known o f the Yoruba system both from the lite ra tu re and from
observation o f Yoruba b a ba la w o in G h a n a , it can o n ly be said th a t
most o f its procedures do not d iffe r s ig n ific a n tly from the Ewe system.
A more persuasive e x p la n a tio n may be em pathy the a cce p ta n ce o f
w h ic h , h o w e v e r, lik e te le p a th y , w o u ld render a ll the com plex
processes in v o lv e d unnecessary, fo r it w o u ld mean th a t the figures
and the verses are o n ly used to bam boozle the c lie n t , a c o n te n tio n
no one who has c lo s e ly stu d ie d the systems in a c tio n w ill a c c e p t.
On the o th e r hand o n ly a b e lie f in the e ffic a c y o f the afa d e ity can
change w ha t is o v e rtly a chance o p e ra tio n in to a v e rita b le method
o f know ing the u n k n o w n .

REFERENCES

Bascom, W .R . 1941 “ The S anctions o f Ifa D iv in a tio n " , Journal

o f the Royal A n th ro p o lo g i cal In s titu te ,
V o l. 7 1 .

1. Op. c it . p . 251 .
ARTICLES 26.

C la rk e , J . D . 1939, "A fa D iv in a tio n " , Journal o f the Royal

A n th ro p o lo g ic a l In s titu te , V o l . 69.

Fiaw oo, D . K . 1958, "The In flu e n c e o f C ontem porary S ocial

Changes on the M a g ic o -R e lig io u s Concepts
and O rg a n iz a tio n o f the Southern Ewe-
speaking People o f G h a n a ". U npublished
Ph . D . Thesis, Edinburg U n iv e rs ity .

H erskovits, M . J . 1938, D ahom ey, an A n c ie n t West A fric a n Kingdom

(2 V o ls .) N e w Y o rk .

M o rto n -W ii liam s, P. Bascom, W .R . and M c L e lla n d , E .M . 1966

"Two Studies o f Ifa D iv in a tio n " , A f r ic a ,
Vo 1.3 6 .

O tte n b e rg and O tte n b e rg , 1960 - C ultures and S ocieties o f A fric a .

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