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THE KOLANUT AS A

PEACE SYMBOL IN IGBOLAND:

TOWARDS A CULTURAL NEXUS OF GENDER CONSTRUCTION AND MEANING

BY

ALOZIE BRIGHT CHIAZAM

A PAPER PRESENTED AT THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NIGERIA (HSN), SOUTH-EAST ZONAL CONFERENCE

THEME: SOUTH-EAST NIGERIA IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Introduction
The kolanut a symbolic instrument for peace, conflict resolution and harmony is at

the heart of invariably all forms of human interaction in Igboland. It is strategic in the social, religious, ritual and communion observances of the Igbo people (Otagburuagu, 2010:93). However, the general perception, both in literature and among the Igbo people is that women have nothing to do with the kolanut or oji (Igbo rendition). This view has been articulated by many scholars (for instance Green 1947 and Uchendu 1965). Women thus are assumed to play only a peripheral role in the use of the kolanut. This view however is not entirely surprising because Igbo culture, since colonial invasion, has experienced rapid change. Infact, the

contemporary Igbo culture is merely an admixture of traditional elements and alien features (which neglected the presence of the women folk). There is no doubt that the partition and colonization of Africa led to a pragmatic shift in local paradigms and the significance attached on the agencies of cultural transmissions. Hence, in reconstructing our past and discovering our culture, we need to restore those parts of ourselves that have been scattered, suppressed and hidden. The gender symbolism of the kolanut is one such discovery that needs to be re-examined. This need to re-examine women s representation in specific cultural realities is of utmost necessity because a closer look at the kolanut symbol goes contrary to general perception that women have nothing to do with the kolanut as is evident in the discussion and presentation of this paper. Infact, this paper is of the view that in the use that is made of this peace symbol, men and women s positions and roles are integrated in the kolanut ritual performance in which case the elder, who does not represent any sex group, is a key symbol emerging as the voice of the family or community, as the case may be. This collectivized elder is an embodiment of the historical consciousness of the people and in him; the Igbo woman is incorporated, just as the man, in a tempo-spiritual relationship. The presence of the women, however, is symbolically represented in the kolanut ritual performance as is well reflected in the Earth goddess- a powerful deity in

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Igboland. Understanding the participation of the Earth goddess will reinforce our appreciation of the voice of women even in a purely male-dominated affair. This forms the symbolic nexus between the kolanut culture and female representation. This relationship will be explored in this paper but first we have to understand gender and symbols and the symbolism of the kolanut. It should be noted at this juncture that this paper does not attack the traditional norm of the Igbo kolanut ritual as conclusions reached here are purely products of research, findings and logical reasoning. On Symbols and the Symbolism of Kolanut Symbol is something such as idea, object, conventional or non-conventional that is used to represent something else. According to Geertz (1973:90), a symbol is used for any object, event, quality, or conception. The conception is the symbol s meaning. It is in this sense that the number 6 (six), ABC or 123 are all symbols just as the cross is a symbol whether talked about, visualized or fondly fingered. These are symbols or at least symbolic elements, because they are tangible formulations of notions, abstractions from experience fixed in perceptible forms, concrete embodiments of ideas, attitudes, judgments, longings or beliefs 1973:91). The Igbo world view and by extension Africa is replete with symbols. Infact, Igbo symbols are sources of insights into Igbo orientations to life. These symbols have information to convey concerning the way of life of the people at every situation they are presented or the history of the society it represents. Colour, for example, has symbolic meaning in Igbo culture and each colour conveys peculiar information when displayed in significant situation or places. The black colour is the symbolic colour of funerals in almost all parts of Igboland. It is the official mourning cloth at funerals especially the one that involves a person who died at an unripe age. On the other hand, the white colour is a symbol of purity and joy and in some places in Igboland is worn at funerals of a dead old member. The red a spiritual colour and has a very powerful religious significance. It is the colour of the cloth used to adorn the table in the shrine. (Geertz,

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It is also worn by chief priest of the local shrine whenever he is at the shrine performing his duty or at the kin s palace or any public place where he is called up to perform rituals or sacrifices to the gods for one purpose or the other. This colour is significantly marked out for the Eze Muo or Dibia, the spiritual king or the native doctor respectively. Just as colour is symbolic in Igboland, so also is the kolanut or the oji . The kolanut has been basically identified as the peace symbol of South Eastern Nigeria. The kolanut and the tree that produces it belong to the class of elements that strongly impinge on the existential realities and the daily communion of Igbo people. Infact, the kolanut is among the foremost icons of culture that exerts tremendous influences on the cosmology of the people (Otagburuagu, 2010:93). For the Igbo people, two species of kolanut are common namely Oji Igbo Kola

acuminate, which has two cotyledons or seed leaves which is the material that is chewed and the Oji Awusa or Gworo Kola nitida, which has only two cotyledons. In Igbo traditional

rituals and ceremonies, the gworo is not a valid matter: only the Igbo kola, kola acuminate is acceptable. The reason for the distinction will be made clear when we treat the kolanut or oji symbolism. There is this popular albeit cheap etymology of the kolanut, Oji: O J Jikotara (that unites); I Omenala (custom);

Igbo. Thus kolanut or oji in Igbo rendition means Omenala jikotara

Igbo

tradition that unites Igbo. Sequel to this, it is safe to state that kola acumunitae and kola

nitida are both regarded as having the same symbolism in general and private cases except on occasions and serious traditional ceremonies like marriage and sacrifices where only the Igbo kola is used. Indeed, many appellations have been used to describe the kolanut by different scholars. Of course, this is not surprising given the multi-referential nature of Igbo cultural symbols. Some of these appellations focus on the spiritual essence of the kolanut. For most people, the metaphor of life seems to provide the most accurate picture of what the kolanut means to the Igbo people (Otagburuagu, 2010:95). No doubt, the kolanut is symbolic and rich in meaning of the Igbo

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culture. It is one of the elements of the Igbo past that have been preserved to the present. Despite Western colonial influence on the socio-cultural fabric of the Igbo, the kolanut ritual and practices remain practically unchanged (Ozigbo, 1999:118). On the importance of the kolanut, Ene (2001) cited in Otagburuagu (2010:95) elucidates: The importance of the kolanut to the Igbo nation is strictly socioritualistic. It transcends biological and physical dimensions; it extends far beyond the known world into the unknown world of dear departed ancestors, spirit beings and deities. Most important, it re-anchors man to the most important deity in our world, Ani to the supreme force, chi,

and Eke, the creator of heaven and earth. The kolanut is a reserved symbol of serious social intercourse with deep ritual relevance.

From the foregoing, one cannot help but appreciate the essence of the kolanut in the Igbo cultural heritage. Generally among the Igbo, the kolanut is the link between reception and speech, a symbol of love, life unity and peace (Otagburuagu, 2010:95). Kolanut and the tree are even regarded as the first tree and fruit on earth. The sacredness of the kola is by nature, for example, the dry wood of the tree is not used as firewood. Due to the symbolism of the kolanut, many profound and mysterious interpretations and formalities are accorded it. Hence we have saying such as: Onye wetara oji wetara ndu He who brings kola brings life . One who gives a deity

Onye nyere agbara oji ga enyekwa ya mmiri o ga-eji elofe ya kola has to give him water with which to assist him swallow it.

Symbolically also, the kolanut variations and lobe patterns have different implications in Igbo culture. Kola with only one cotyledon is a dumb kola or oji ogbu. It is called oji mm , kola of the spirits. It is not eaten and as such cannot be broken during ceremonies since it belongs to the ancestors, an attitude reminiscent of the direct link between the living and the dead in Igboland.

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This is the main reason why the Igbo do not use the kola nitida or gworo for rituals or in serious traditional celebrations. Kola with three cotylydons is called oji ke, oj ikenga, that is, kola of the valiant. Only warriors or brave men and consecrated or ordained persons are permitted to eat this kola, as a matter of principle. Kola with four cotyledons is called oji udo na ng zi, that is kola of peace and blessing . It is the normal kola also representing cosmic rapport and support (Otagburuagu, 2010:94). Infact, the number four is very symbolic and sacred among the Igbo. With regard to the four-lobed kola, it reaffirms that the gods of the major market days. Eke, Orie, Afor, Nkwo are all present to release their blessings and fortunes upon the partakers in the kola communion (Otagburuagu, 2010:94). Kola with five cotyledons is oji bara mmadu, m m na kw ma that symbolizes increase in procreation, protection and good fortune, significant of abundance and prosperity. Then, kola with six cotyledons signifies communion with our na ndi mmadu jiri gbaa ndu. The smallest

ancestors, hence the Igbo interprets it as oji ndi mm

part or cotyledon is not eaten but is thrown away for our ancestors to eat. It is also worth to note that kola lobes are said to have male and female counterparts. So given the symbolic sacredness of the kolanut, there are restrictions and taboos associated with the kola tree and its fruit. Some instances will suffice. The kola tree no matter its variety is not a tree people can climb any how. Women are forbidden from climbing, planting, plucking or even breaking the kolanut for any reason. By the same token, they are not allowed to harvest the pods from the tree although ironically, they are allowed to process, preserve and market kolanuts after the pods have been harvested by the men. Amorous activities are not even allowed to take place near kola trees as such acts are said to defile the tree and prevent it from fruiting (Otagburuagu, 2010:94-95).

Understanding the Cultural Nexus in Gender and the Kolanut Symbol

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methods and means by which the collectivity in question strives to acquire knowledge. Thus,

symbols assume a social function that unites language and social facts (Ortigues (1962) cited in Madu, 1996:113) and cultural symbols, as it were help to form and synthesize social traditions, which are appreciated and recognized among the culturally distinct users. This social reference of symbol gives it power to affect human behaviour and thus, constitutes the paradigm for judging one s action within the social milieu. Among the Igbo, peace is encapsulated in certain objects like the f , ogu and the j and these symbolic peace objects create social boundaries as well as break barriers in male-female relations. This is because there is no such thing as a religious symbol that is merely a sign of or a statement about social structure . However

religious symbols mean, they never simply prescribe or transcribe social status. Rather they transmute or change social status, even while referring to it. Religious symbols are polysemic,

they have the quality of possessing manifold meanings (Bynum, 1986: 2). Infact, all symbols arise out of the experience of gendered users. Indeed, a symbol, as an aspect of culture,

constitutes the lens through which individuals writing about the cultural environment perceive themselves and the world around them hence their position in the society and the significance of their sex identity on their life changes. Again this is because as Bynum (1986:7) notes: what people understand themselves to be qua male and female is learned and shaped within culture, and religious symbols are one of the ways in which such meanings are taught and appropriated.

Of course, symbols have shaped peoples perception. On the place of symbols in people s world view, Geertz (1973:89) says: sacred symbols function to synthesize a people s ethos the tone,

character, and quality of their life, its moral and aesthetic style and mood and their world view the picture they have of the way things in sheer

actuality are, their most comprehensive ideas of order.

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Because symbols are observable in different areas of human existence, both verbal and nonverbal, they affect humans attempts at mastering their environment and sustaining group and inter-group cohesion. Consequently, for the survival of the group, symbols in forms of objects are constituted to perform the role of affecting and transforming people behaviour, particularly to conform to societal expectations. Such objects are set apart from others, creating social

discontinuity as they perform culturally recognized roles. Herein the significance of the kolanut as a cultural peace symbol is seen. According to Leach, meaning depends on contrast (Leach, 1976: 33), as clearly

exemplified in the use of peace symbols among the Igbo. Notable for the purpose of this paper is the oji or kolanut. The kolanut constitutes parts of the instruments and mechanisms of conflict resolution and peace building in the Igbo culture. It is employed in ritual performances that ensure peace in the traditional society. Here, the gender factor relationship comes to play. The kolanut in itself is representative of both male and female. This can be found in its lobes as kola lobes are said to have both male and female counterparts (Otagburuagu, 2010: 94), without the female kolanut, the kolanut is not complete and cannot even be used in any ritual or socio-cultural performance, a fact which de-emphasizes the superiority of the male gender over the female. In the traditional Igbo rituals using the kolanut, the Earth goddess (a female) is incorporated. As far as the traditional Igbo people, the Earth on which they live and get good to sustain lives, and herbs for treatment of ailments, is held sacred. She thus symbolizes fertility and fertility is associated with the female gender and as such she is a woman. It is to the earth that man must return after death. She is held in awe as she symbolizes completeness. So to the Igbo, the earth is a living and vibrant participant in their daily lives and consequently her veneration. Wealthy members of a community even dedicated ther sons to the earth goddess in gratitude for the high status they enjoyed in this world (Orji, 1980: 31). Infact, without the invocation of the earth goddess in ritual performances, there is a tempo-spiritual crisis, one of which will necessitate spiritual cleansing of the land.

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Now as a female, the Earth goddess is representative of the female voice in rituals though the invocations that accompany such ritual performances. This is reflected even in the kolanut ritual performances as we shall see later. The participation of the Earth goddess is the

participation of the women just as the inclusion of the ancestors gives room for the male voice. The significant place the kolanut symbol occupies in the consciousness and socio-political life of the people, and the gendered implications of the rituals associated with them can give an in-road into understanding men and women s possession of power within the Igbo culture, and, thus, the participation of women in peace building in traditional Igbo society. The Kolanut Ritual Performance: Recognizing the Presence of the Female Gender As a highly valued symbol among Igbo people, the kolanut is basic thing in welcoming a visitor, it being a symbol of love and hospitality. Infact, according to G.T. Basden (1937), Igbo welcome is not complete without the sharing of the kolanut. Among the Igbo, kola acuminate or the oji Igbo is the preferred specie for socio-ritual purposes. The issue of species as noted by Ukaegbu (2002:87) states that it is the oji Igbo which is the type Igbo people celebrate its ritualism. As a matter of fact, oji Igbo can also be called oji ugo and ugo means the eagle bird and to the Igbo, the eagle bird symbolizes beauty, fortune, outstanding. Thus, this specie of kolanut connotes fortune, prosperity and good omen, and as has been noted earlier; the number of cotyledons or lobes in a kolanut is significant. The kolanut with four lobes (oji aka ano) is most significant as it is most sought after for religious and ritual purposes. Among the Igbo, in any social or even religious gathering, there are certain stages of rites that follow before it is eaten. These rituals as they are performed are not only significant but symbolic. Among the Igbo, a male elder performs the rituals. Such an elder is a symbol itself he representing the voice of the community. In the kolanut ritual performance, there are four stages of rites that follow before it is eaten. These are igosi oji (the presentation of kola), g oji (the blessing of the kolanut), iwa oji (the breaking of the kolanut) and ita oji (the sharing and eating of the kolanut). As a rule, kolanut is not presented to women in any gathering at this stage of ritual

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performances, except that after the ritual performances when the kolanut plate is passed around for people to take a piece, women too will also take a piece. The denial of women to break Igbo ceremonial kolanut does not mean that men are holier than women, it is just a matter of division of labour or function; more of social character and organization. So the defence has gone. After all, women do break the Igbo kola when they gather in their usual cultural groupings of umuada, umumbgoto and Oha Ndom, that is council of women where no man has a saying. Elucidating on this, Okparaugo (2004:11) affirms that: This does not in any sense mean that women have no value in Igbo culture. The reason is based on the fact that Igbo kolanut is

accompanied with the symbolic act of communication with the spirits of the ancestors. In the Igbo culture, this cultural and religious office

belongs only to the male sect.

While these submissions have been accepted over the ages without complaint from the female gender, it does seem to paint the picture of female subordination. Their submissions fail to recognize the deconstruction and de-emphases of the self (gender) for the collectivity in this ritual performance. Thus, these submissions can be nothing but political statements aimed at denying the women their rightful place in this cultural construction of meanings. We need to understand the point being made here. The seemingly male presence in the kolanut rituals symbolically represents the voice of one who has deemphasized the self for the collective identity. Here his gender as male pales into insignificance. It is the voice of the elder, a symbol in itself, and a form where sex identity is suppressed or unavailable, that is reflected. Hence, the elder here, is malefemale embodied. This is further supported by the fact that in Igbo grammatical

construction, as Amadiume (1987) rightly noted there is no distinction between the male and the female genders. Emenanjo (1978) has shown that gender is not a grammatical category in Igbo, nor does the language manifest any phonological or lexical features that are specific to gender.

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This implies that in gender construction, the neuter particle (neither male nor female) is used in Igbo subject and object pronouns so that no distinction in terms of gender is made in reference to male and females in speech and writing. Nouns with gender bias such as nwoke, man, are generally replaced with gender neutral ones like onye, person, mmadu, person, nd , people etc. There is no gender distinction in Igbo pronouns. They have neutral reference. Thus, d nma.

can be translated as it s fine, she s fine, and he s fine. In Igbo, gender is not distinguished on nouns and pronouns. Another example will further buttress this point: na-abia na-abia He is coming (male gender) She is coming (female gender).

Noticeably, there is no difference in gender. Thus, the same sentence could be used for both male and female and this makes room for the role of the elder (a symbolic stand-in) to be interchanged without any mental adjustment. We can therefore understand the place of women in the kolanut ritual performance. Perhaps a stronger defence in establishing this nexus of gender participation lies in a very important ritual performance one that must be done before the kolanut is chewed. It is the g

oji (praying with or blessing of the kolanut). At this stage, the eldest person has the right to perform this ritual. The oldest person is preferred because he is the custodian of truth and closer to our ancestors and to the Earth. As noted earlier, he is a representative, a symbolic malefemale embodiment, deemphasizing self and standing for the collective identity. Traditionally, at this stage, the content of the kolanut rituals includes (a) showing the kolanut to the people (if it is meant for a group of people), (b) lifting up the kolanut to the Alimighty God, the Supreme Being, that lives in heaven or in the Sky, (c) calling on the ancestors to come and partake of the kola, (d) informing the Earth goddess that the kolanut has been presented, (e) stating the purpose of the gathering (if it is known), and (f) asking for the general needs of the people. The prayer thus presents to God, the ancestors and the Earth goddess, the people s desires for peace, good health and long life, the gift of children and prosperity. However, the acknowledgment of the Earth

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goddess in this ritual is of utmost importance in creating this synergy of meaning as it reflects the presence of the female voice in kolanut ritual and thus female presence. An example of such prayer can suffice. This is a prayer adapted to a marriage ceremony: Chineke, onye kere uwa Ndi nna nna anyi ha Ala Ngwa God the creator, who created this world.

Our ancestors

the land (Earth goddess) of Ngwa We use the kolanut to ask for the life of the people here. Both the ones we see and the ones we do not

Eji oji l ario ndu mmadu nile no ebe na

Ma onye anyi huru anya, ma onye anyi l ahufughi see.

Anyi l ario ndu ha ka ha lile nwee ndu. We are asking for life for them. Let them have life Egbe bere, ugo bere Let the kite perch, let the eagle perch Ke si ibeya ebela, nku kwaa ya break. Nwanyi k anyi biara ilu It is a woman that is getting married. She will give birth in Eke market day, and Orie market Whoever refuses that the other should perch, let his wings

ga imuta l ahia Eke, muo l ahia Orie day.

Muo l ahia Afor, muo l ahia Nkwo Deliver on Afor market day, deliver on Nkwo market day. O ga imuta nwoke She will deliver males O ga imuta nwanyi She will deliver females The mother gave birth to children, she too will bear.

Nne ya mutara ya onwe ya gakwa imuta Nne ya aghofu nna ya ahia

The mother was not a loss to her father. She too will not be a loss to her husband

Ya onwe ya agaghi igho di ya ahia

O ga ibara ya uru She will be profitable to him. O ga inwetara any aku l uba She will bring us wealth and prosperity. They will not bear fatherless or

Ha agaghi amuta nwa enweghi nne, nwa enweghi nna motherless.

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Ihe ndia ka anyi l ario, nwe nchekwube l ogadi otu a We ask all these, with hope they will be Iseeeee So be it This is a simple ritual just performed. The kolanut ritual like the one above also

incorporates the people s philosophy of life: the position of a woman and the societal expectation of her. A woman is expected to bear children and without this, she is a loss to her husband. Thus, motherhood enhances the position of the woman in the culture. It is an institution that has no male equivalent in the culture. Again, collectivity, completeness and continuity are

emphasized in the fact that the bride will bear children on all four market days of the people. Her coming into the family will enhance the family bond and unity on the patrilineage marriage just like the kolanut, here initiates a bond of unity between the groups involved. Most importantly is the invocation of the Earth goddess in the ritual. The Earth goddess also known as the Great mother goddess is revered and her invocation creates space for female participation and involvement. We have to state here that the traditional Igbo religion includes a general reverence for Ala (Ana, Ani in some dialects), the Earth goddess. The Earth goddess is a very powerful entity; she is the most important spirit after Chukwu. She is the Greatest Mother Spirit, the Queen of the underworld, the owner of men and custodian of public morality in conjunction with the ancestors (Arinze, 1970:15). Parrinder (1974: 47) as cited in Agbedo (2010: 109) contends that the earth, as the mother of plants, animals, and men, is of great importance to our people. The earth is a mystical power of which everybody stands in awe because of its prohibitions it

forbids bloodshed and so is a sanction of solidarity for the community. He goes on to state that the earth deity, Ala is the most important public and private divinity of the Ibo of Nigeria . In

most Igbo communities, the Ala is acclaimed as the unseen controller of the society (Agbedo, 2010: 109). Every community even has her own shrine of Ala with a chief priest. For the ElugwuEzike people of Southeastern Nigeria, the eldest man serves as its chief priest with its shrine located around the egbe plant with a pottery of dish (nwa akere) in which sacrificial items are kept (Agbedo, 2010: 109). It is after Ala that we have other lesser deities in most Igbo

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communities. Infact, the claim that the Igbo acknowledge a creator, God, or Supreme Being, Chukwu or Chineke, is contested. Some see it as historical within the context of centralized political formations, borrowings from Islam and Christianity, and the invention of the sky (Igwe) gods. The primordial earth goddess and other deified spirits have shrines and temples of worship and affect the living in very real and direct ways but none are dedicated to Chukwu. Ala encapsulates both politics and religion in Igbo society by fusing together space, custom and ethics (omenala), some refer to Ala as the constitutional deity of the Igbo. As far as the Ngwa are concerned, one of the greatest legacies their ancestors left for them is the earth goddess (AlaNgwa) and up till the present time, the Ngwa have continued to see themselves as a people who worship a central deity (Orji, 1980: 36). Infact, Meek was right when he stated that the common possession of a shrine of Ala (was) one of the strongest integrating forces in Ibo society

(Meek, 1937: 25) Because of the ritualzation of laws and the fear of the calamities which would befall the village whenever the taboos of the earth goddess were violated, offences against her which were regarded as the most serious crime an individual would commit, were of general concern and did not arouse partisan debates (Orji, 1980: 31). Thus, there was no difficulty in determining if an individual who had violated the taboos of his community was guilty. Ala the

earth goddess is associated with life, fertility and procreation. It is a female deity honoured as such for giving birth to children and plants all the year round (Okodo, 2010:195). Thus, her position, role and the fact that she must, as a matter of necessity, be included, ensures a voice for the Igbo woman. Besides, the Igbo belief in dual existence and the interconnectedness between the supernatural and physical worlds views the interaction between inhabitants of the supernatural and physical worlds as a continuum. The ancestors of course, represent the voice for the men and ipso facto, the Earth goddess Ala represents the voice for the women. This cultural

construction of gender construction and meanings where the woman has a space has always been silenced in the interpretation of the kolanut symbol and rituals in Igbo culture and by extension in knowledge production, priviledging men s position.

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The kolanut aims at perpetuating peace, love and unity. Consequently, people often say, onye wetara oji wetara ndu, he who brings kolanut brings life. Here again, the kolanut assumes a symbolic status signifying life to the individual and the people. For the Igbo, life is not as some kind of abstraction, it signifies a concrete experience, a sense of belonging, communion, sharing, hospitality and celebration. Life means wellbeing, which includes material, spiritual,

psychological and social wellbeing. Infact, to the Igbo people, life means ndu, derived from the root word di that is being. Ndu means existence, which is the vital force of being or existence (Nwala, 1985:144). Speaking on the attitude of the Igbo to ndu, Nwala (1985:144) concludes: To them (the Igbo) life is a never-ending process and its perpetuation is the goal of all activity and aspirations. Ndu, in conception is the

dynamic quality of material and human existence. Ndu is also existence itself and existence could take various forms either material/spiritual or pure spirit.

The kolanut, a symbol of peace and life, is a revitalizing agent, using the agency of the public meeting to reinvigorate interest in, and concern for social order. For that order to prevail, roles are properly distributed, and performances are well monitored. It is equally important that collective goals are kept in focus, both for the purpose of ensuring that divided loyalty does not arise, and a meaningful, directional development is pursued. In this way, the kolanut plays a prominent role in the settlement of disputes and other socio-political disputes. Here too, the voice of the female is heard. The earth goddess again is the strongest force seen in maintaining peace and settling disputes. For instance, in settling a marital dispute, the kolanut is involved in certain stages of rite. With the kolanut in hand, the eldest member of the husband s family can say a prayer that goes like this: Chineke, onye kere uwa Ndi nna nna anyi ha God the creator who created this world

Our ancestors

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Ala Ngwa The land (Eath goddess) of Ngwa The kolanut has come We use the kolanut to ask for the life of the people here

Oji abiala nu

Ndu mmadu lile no ebe na Anyi biara maka udo

We have come for peace He who comes for settlement and decides to create division Division should follow him, dispute whould also go

Onye biara mmezi, bia nkewa

Nkewa sorokwa ya, okwu sorokwa ya laa with him. Okwu any ji bia bu okwu udo

What we have come for is peace If anybody ties something else in the bunch of firewood

Oburu na onye fanye ihe na ime nku Ya nyigbo ya

Let him bear the weight He that does not tie anything else to the bunch of firewood

Onye n afanyeghi ihe obula na nku O ga evu nku ya laa Iseeeee So be it.

He will carry home his firewood.

Here again, the proverb employed admonishes all to be sincere in the settlement of the dispute or else bear the consequences. The consequence may be punishment, which the Earth goddess may inflict on the defaulter. While these prayers are said for the reign of peace, curses are placed on anybody standing against the progress of others or on those who wish other evil. It is worthy of note here that the Earth goddess is always implored to administer justice and punishment. She serves as an instrument for sanctioning the Igbo constitution (Orji, 1980: 36). Serious crimes like murder and incest are not only regarded as a violation of the ancestral laws (ida iwu Ndichie) but an act of abomination against the earth goddess herself and as such the offender would be accused of upsetting the ritual equilibrium in the village which was vital to the fertitlity and growth of man, animals and crops (Orji, 1980: 31). It is with regard to the role played by the Earth goddess in terms of justice and equity that we have sayings in kolanut ritual prayers as onye biara iweta nkewa, ala rie ya He who comes to bring division, may the earth

swallow him up . So it is safe to state that in the kolanut ritual, the female voice is not only heard

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but actively strong. The earth goddess standing in that representative position has the will and the say. She bears, sustains and consumes as well. She stands in the place of the women. Her crown and respect is depicted especially in the religio-ritualistic and spiritual realm. Needless say, she is a powerful and revered figure in Igboland thus reflecting the hidden power and importance of women. Since the traditional Igbo does not toy with life, (Ogugua, 2003:7), life, ndu is the very essence of the Igbo existentiality, one cannot help but appreciate the depth of the involvement of the Earth goddess both in the kolanut ritual and other religious and cultural rites. For one thing, the people beseech Ala, the Earth goddess for good yield in children and produce. The prayer for fertility and beautiful harvest is encapsulated in almost all the prayers on behalf of the kolanut. Also, in ritual prayers involving the kolanut, our ancestors are implored. Now, Ala, the Earth goddess sustains them having consumed them as well, for man must die. At death, our ancestors are being received by Ala as they pass on, so the Earth goddess in welcoming them plays a part in sustaining the existence of these ancestors and ensuring that their voices are heard. It is the Earth goddess that accommodates the land of the dead and the land of the spirits of which our ancestors all belong to. So Ala, the mother Goddess, is a powerful being in sustaining the communion and synergy between the males and their ancestral representatives. So even when kolanut is mostly a male affair, purely gender-bound (Okodo, 2010:197), even when no known kola sharing practices among the traditional Igbo societies are female oriented (Opata, 1998:105), we have to agree that symbolically and of much relevance, women are seen and represented in the kolanut ritual performance. In the gender construction of meaning and symbolic relevance, we cannot not entirely say that the kolanut is an affair for men and men alone. It is in line with the symbolism of the kolanut, which is not a literal nut as far as the Igbo is concerned, that the relevance of the female gender begins. Understanding this point will help us to appreciate the gender construction of meaning attached to this paper. It should be reiterated here that the kolanut has strong religious relevance in the culture of the Igbo for with kolanuts,

17
they pray to God, appease the gods or even beseech the Earth goddess. It is noteworthy that African Traditional religion is a pantheon of beings which include the land better called mother earth, a female. Infact, according to Idowu (1973:137), religion is a matter of polytheism. It is on this that the kolanut serves a deep religious relevance. That is why it is described as the chaplet of the Igbo man (Okodo, 2010:195). The kolanut s strong bonding with Ala, the Earth goddess is this popular expression: Oji ka e ji ese ani aka n anti It is by the kolanut that we pull

the ears of the land. This means that the kolanut is used in voicing or petitioning unto the ears of the land, Ala, the Earth goddess. (Okodo, 2010:195). So we cannot ignore the powerful

influence of the female gender whose voice and representation is reflected symbolically in the Earth goddess. Towards this symbolic cultural nexus, the woman stands out not only as

participant in the kolanut ritual but as a strong force in deciding the fate of the Igbo people.

Conclusion
This sacred fruit under discourse is indeed a most symbolic artifact. As a symbol of love, hospitality, friendship, unity and peace, it is treated with much reverence and piety almost afforded the deities. This, in turn gives way for easy reconciliation and harmony. The high position of the kolanut in Igbo culture has so enthralled early European visitors to Igboland that G.T Basden calls the kolanut a strange passport, and immunity from attack . This sacred fruit however is not strange to us; it is the centre of the cultural and religious life of Igbo people. It is presented ritualistically to both animate and inanimate objects, spirits and humans. In the

divination chants of the people, God, the Earth, the deities and even the market days are invited to share in the kolanut communion a prayer communion involving the common and the

uncommon, the natural and supernatural, the ethereal and the mundane, through such prayers, cosmic unity between the living and the dead is ritualistically attained (Otagburuagu, 2010:100)

18
The symbolism of the kolanut has been allotted enough space in this paper. Its ritualistic protocols also explored. The various taboos pertaining to women and the kolanut were pointed out as well. While these restrictions stand in their respective positions and are not to be argued on, it is to the symbolic ritualistic protocols that the construction of the nexus between women and the kolanut is created. In this case, we see the Earth goddess standing out as representing the female gender in this nexus. This should be acknowledged. We must however not fail to recognize the influence of colonial contact and Christian religion on the symbolism of the kolanut. Although this cultural contact has not in anyway affected the honour and respect accorded the kolanut, one cannot deny the social change it has evoked. Rather than praying to the ancestors and Ala, the Christians, most of whom form the greater number of the Igbo populace have modified their prayers, praying to Almighty God and ending with Jesus Christ, thus omitting the Earth goddess. The omission of the Earth goddess, which is the female voice and

participation in the new proceeding, signifies the denial of the female position and voice, which Western civilization, represented by the Victorian notion of the woman in society, embodies a representation that was transferred to Igbo society and many African societies through colonialism. It is to this denial that attention must be given to. It is understandable that women do not use, offer, present, climb, harvest or even bless the kolanut but it is certainly a sanctimonious crime that her voice, the earth goddess, an all powerful supernatural being is not seen or heard in the symbolic ritualistic protocols of the kolanut. But suffice it to state here conclusively that the kolanut ritual is a binding force between the Igbo people and the great Earth goddess of whom much piety and reverence is accorded.

19 Works Cited
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