7

Chapter 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURES

This chapter contains the review of related literatures which have

relevance to the criminality in General Santos City and Response of Authority.

. The Philippine National Police (PNP) last year missed its arrest target on

most wanted persons and the deadline to take custody of crime suspects within a

month, the Commission on Audit (COA) has said. In its annual report on the

police force, the state audit agency noted that the PNP reported a 19.37-percent

accomplishment on arrests of most wanted persons and high-value targets, lower

than the targeted 51.57 percent Meanwhile, arrests within 30 days of persons

with warrants were at 34.70 percent, lower than their target of 60 percent. The

force, meanwhile, exceeded targets in other performance indicators, such as the

conduct of 16.6 million foot and mobile patrol operations, over the target 15.4

million. The PNP also responded to 99.09 per cent of crime incidents within 15

minutes. In the same report, auditors noted the low delivery rate of equipment to

the PNP by the Philippine International Trading Corporation (PITC). Only

P137.489 million worth of deliveries were recorded out of a total P1.347 billion

worth of mobility equipment, firearms and other procurement (Recuenco, 2019).

Although there is increasing academic recognition of corporations as

criminogenic, the criminal legal system has demonstrated difficulties in

conceptualizing corporate culpability. The current Royal Commission into

Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse provides ample evidence of why

 8

organizations can and should be criminalized for systemic failures. I demonstrate

that the emphasis upon individualistic subjective culpability by the criminal legal

system does not adequately encapsulate the institutional failings detailed before

the Royal Commission. Whilst mandatory reporting offences are important, these

offences do not adequately respond to the kinds of organizational failings

identified by the Royal Commission. I argue in favor of developing a new

institutional offence constructed upon realist concepts of negligence and/or

corporate culture that recognizes that organizations are capable of wrongdoing

and sufficiently blameworthy to justify the imposition of criminal sanctions (Crofts,

2008).

Over the last three decades, welfare states across the West have

embraced a host of new technologies and initiatives in the name of fighting

welfare abuse and fraud (see Cook 1989, 2006; Acquaint 2001, 2009).

Increasingly, these practices of ‘welfare policing’ are graduated according to risk;

particular welfare populations considered at greater risk of welfare fraud are

subject to more intense scrutiny. Drawing on interview research with compliance

staff from the Australian Department of Human Services, this paper critically

explores how the rationality of risk figures in the process of welfare surveillance

in Australia. It pays particular attention to the ways in which risk formulations are

embedded in gender and class politics, and how this has led to the

characterization of single mothers and unemployed recipients as more ‘risky’

than the general welfare population, a point that is often overlooked in the

literature. But, far from being immutable, this paper also considers how the
 9

politics of risk are open to reformulation with often unexpected results (Wilcock,

2016).

These are dangerous times: war in Syria and Yemen, bloody repression

in Venezuela, ethnic cleansing in Myanmar. Yet by some measures, the world is

safer than ever before. The rate of violent death has been falling, albeit unevenly,

for decades, even centuries. Fewer people are killed on the battlefield, on the

streets, and in homes. Led by the psychologist Steven Pinker, who has collected

reams of evidence demonstrating that humanity has slowly but surely grown

more peaceable, a new group of thinkers is urging policymakers and the public to

consider not just what the world is doing wrong in terms of violence but also what

it is doing right (Pantheo, 2018).

Crime and drugs are social ills that need to be stamped out, say Rodrigo

Duterte and Alan Peter Cayetano as they seek the two highest positions in the

land in 2016. Duterte used a peace and order platform before, when he first ran

for Davao City mayor in 1988. He later earned a reputation for his iron-fisted

approach to criminality. Davao City now enjoys a state-of-the-art crime response

center and was named 9th safety city in the world in 2015. On Tuesday, January

4, Cayetano announced that their tandem would push for an increase in police

salaries to P75, 000 to P100, 000 – 5 times the current wage of the lowest-

ranking police officer and even more than the salary of the PNP chief. Theirs is

the only tandem that highlights the fight against criminality and drugs as a major

part of their platform (Ranada, 2016).

 10

Though political crime has fallen in South Africa violent crime there has

risen sharply. Many homes in rich, white neighbourhoods have become virtual

compounds. Authorities blame the easy availability of guns and the social

legitimization of violence that occurred during apartheid. LIKE the nobles of

feudal Europe, white South Africans are retreating behind fortifications. In the

leafy avenues in Johannesburg's rich suburbs, defensive walls around the

houses are climbing upwards, usually topped off with what South Africans call

siege architecture: crenulations, electric fencing or just plain razor wire. Since the

election of Nelson Mandela's government in April 1994, political crime has fallen

sharply (http://store.eiu.com/).

This is alarmingly low compared to crime solution efficiency rates around a

decade ago. In 2004 and 2005, 90% and 89% of reported crimes were solved in

those years, respectively, according to a GMA News Online report. Some of the

more shocking crimes in recent years include mall shootings, media killings,

and rape incidents of young girls and students. Cybersex dens in different parts

of the country also proliferated. Policemen have been arrested over crimes like

running a secret prison in Laguna to torture inmates, aiding in high-profile

murders, and drug trafficking. Around one-fifth of barangays (or villages) in the

Philippines have drug-related cases, according to February 2015 data from the

Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA).Metro Manila is the region most

affected by drugs with 92% of its barangays having drug-related cases.

Methamphetamine hydrochloride, or shabu, is the most used illegal drug in the

country, followed by cannabis or marijuana. In 2014, 89% of drug seizures

 11

involved shabu while 8.9% involved marijuana, according to PDEA. Cocaine,

ephedrine, and ecstasy constituted the rest of the confiscation

(www.rappler.com).

The need for fresh responses to hate crime has become all the more

apparent at a time when numbers of incidents have risen to record levels, both

within the UK and beyond. Despite progress within the domains of scholarship

and policy, these escalating levels of hate crime – and the associated increase in

tensions, scapegoating and targeted hostility that accompanies such spikes –

casts doubt over the effectiveness of existing measures and their capacity to

address the needs of hate crime victims. This article draws from extensive

fieldwork conducted with more than 2000 victims of hate crime to illustrate

failings in relation to dismantling barriers to reporting, prioritizing meaningful

engagement with diverse communities and delivering effective criminal justice

interventions. It highlights how these failings can exacerbate the sense of

distress felt by victims from a diverse range of backgrounds and communities,

and calls for urgent action to plug the ever-widening chasm between state-level

narratives and victims’ lived realities (Chakraborti, 2017).

The Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) clarifies that

the Safe Philippines emergency response and monitoring system is not primarily

for surveillance but is an integrated system to improve police response time as

well as to deter and reduce crime .DILG Secretary Eduardo M. Año says that the

project will level up the 911 emergency system of the DILG-PNP and will be used

to improve public safety, evidence collection in the event of criminal activities,

 12

incident prevention measures for disaster-related mitigation and response, and

police and fire emergency response in addressing traffic and criminal incidents.

"A similar system is in place in many cities in the world especially in large

metropolitan cities like Metro Manila. It's about time we have a similar system in

our country,"  "Under this project, we can reduce crime by 15% and improve

response time by 25%," he says. On November 19, 2018, the DILG signed the

$396.8 million contract with the winning bidder China International

Telecommunication Construction Corporation (CITCC) for the construction and

installation of monitoring systems in Metro Manila and Davao City. Under phase

1 of the Safe Philippines Project, DILG will provide 18 local government units

(LGUs) in Metro Manila and Davao City with integrated operations and command

center end a remote back-up data centred. According to Año, all cities in Metro

Manila and Davao City will have its own command centred located in the

Philippine National Police (PNP) city headquarters. Meanwhile, a national

command center will be constructed in Metro Manila, while its remote back-up

data center will be placed in the Clark Freeport Zone in Pampanga. Metro Manila

was identified as the pilot city for the project due to its dense population. Davao

City, on the other hand, was chosen to complement the monitoring system

already in place in the city (www.dilg.gov.com).

The absence of effective formal means for controlling crime in the Western

world, community crime prevention has emerged as a major alternative and

supplement to the criminal justice system. This article attempts to review what is

known currently about the nature, extent, and effectiveness of community-based

 13

efforts to prevent residential crime. Included in this assessment are citizen

actions to protect themselves, their property, and their neighbourhood, as well as

efforts to prevent crime through changes in the physical environmental and

through innovations in community policing. The historical, theoretical, and

empirical rationale for community crime prevention strategies are discussed, but

primary attention is given to the results of evaluation research in the field.

Although community-based efforts are supported widely by theory, studies of

natural conversation, and by numerous poorly designed evaluations, there is a

paucity of strong demonstrations and evaluations showing that such interventions

can alter the behaviour and local environments of persons who are not already

predisposed to crime prevention. Substantially more research is needed to

determine the collective benefits of community crime prevention strategies, but a

number of promising approaches currently are being developed (Rosenbaum,

2006).

Is violent crime increasing or decreasing? From the 1960s, crime has

increased in Europe and North America; but since the mid-1990s, crime dropped

(Blumstein and Wall man 2006; van Dijk et al. 2012); indeed, there are claims of

a long-run fall in violence in Europe (Elias 1994 [1939]; Pinker 2011; Eisner

2014). Numerous theories have been applied to the crime drop and found

wanting (Farrell et al. 2014). There are exceptions to the crime drop; some of

these have been linked to gender and domestic relations. There are questions as

to whether the crime drop has been resilient to the financial and economic crisis

starting in 2008 since many of the studies of the crime drop do not include this
 14

most recent period. So, taking into account the most recent evidence, and

differentiating by gender and domestic relations, the question this paper

addresses is whether the rate of violent crime is rising or falling (Walby, 2016).

The violent-crime spike at the start of the twentieth century reflected a

confluence of social and cultural forces, including a surge in the proportion of

young men in the population, an increase in racial conflict and ethnic tensions,

and shifts in gender roles. Between 1900 and 1925 the nation's homicide rate

swelled by nearly 50 percent. The increase was especially large in major cities;

Baltimore's homicide rate doubled, New Orleans's and Chicago's tripled, and

Cleveland's quadrupled. During the first half of the 1920s alone, lethal violence

doubled in Chicago, Detroit, New Orleans, and Rochester, New York. The

character of violent crime changed as much as the level of crime. Al Capone's

exploits notwithstanding, Prohibition, organized crime, and bootlegging

contributed only modestly to the surge in lethal violence during the 1920s, and

city dwellers expressed little concern that turf wars between rival gangsters

would affect them (Adler, 2015).

The Crime and Disorder Bill is going through Parliament at the time of

writing. The new legislation proposes a new statutory duty for local authorities,

chief police officers and, in cases where a two tier local government system

exists, County Councils, to develop multiagency community safety strategies

(Home Office, 1997). The research discussed in this paper supports the need for

a body to take the lead in developing co-ordinated community safety strategies

that are responsive to local needs (see also Morgan and New burn, 1997). In
 15

assessing and, in some cases, responding to local needs, however, a number of

problems are envisaged for the lead-agencies. The paper draws attention to

some of these from the Merseyside experience the paper argues for more

complex understanding of how communities experience neighbourhood problems

and how they aspire to resolve them. The paper begins by establishing the socio-

political and economic context of neighbourhood victimisation rates and

experiences of incivilities as a backdrop to an examination of responses to

neighbourhood-based crime and disorder (Hancock, 1997).

In general, examination of resistance to such complex form of criminality

range from the formal to the informal, from the individual to the local and state

levels, and to international level. For example, at the individual level, there are

cases of dissenters, coups, and whistleblower. At the local, organizational, and

state levels, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), media outlets, social

movement, and political and civil groups attempt to change existing conditions

and expose state criminality. Example at international level include political

pressure from other states, NGOs, media outlets, international laws that

supposedly serve as deterrents and/or after the fact mechanism of accountability

(Rothe, 2009).

The University of Chicago Crime Lab has done  a lot of great work into

many different policy proposals to fight crime. One of those ideas youth

guidance's becoming a man, is emblematic of how specific these policies can get

it targets youth who are at risk of getting into violent encounters, perhaps

because of the neighbourhood they live in or what school they go to The program
 16

then uses once-a-week interventions, based on cognitive behavioural principles,

to teach youth how to react in encounters that can turn violent. "It helps kids

understand and slow down the scripts that they use to get by," Harold Pollack,

co-director of the Crime Lab, said. "They have exercises that the kids do where

they get to practice self-regulation, skills, and slowing down and negotiating with

other people the kinds of things that young boys growing up particularly in a

tough environment haven't had enough of a chance to practice." It works:

Randomized control trials by the Crime Lab found it reduced violent crime arrests

by 30 to 50 percent during the time of the intervention (Olson, 2016).

Spatial patterns of murder and physical injury in Metro Manila, Philippines

were visualised through conditional choropleth maps. Relationship of both crime

rates with some demographic variables were investigated while accounting for

possible spatial autocorrelation using spatial lag models. Results show that both

crime rates tend to cluster in the northern cities of Metro Manila. Furthermore,

significant spatial lag coefficients were found only for physical injury rates, with

values ranging from 0.49 to 0.62, signifying a positive city-level spatial

dependence of physical injury rates in Metro Manila. Moreover, some

demographic covariates, such as population density, percentage of young males,

education, marriage, and immigration were found to be associated with both

crime rates. These results could serve as useful indicators of crime incidence;

thus it is recommended that crime monitoring systems include them to aid in

resource allocation and program planning for better crime prevention and

security management (Co, 2017).

 17

There are two general methods used in the reporting of crime. The first,

often referred to as official reports, is based upon crimes reported to the police.

These are the statistics released by the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics,

an agency of Statistics Canada, and usually reported in the media. Examining

officially reported crime, we find that the crime rate (the number of crimes per

100,000 population) has been falling steadily for the past six years. However,

because the statistics are based upon crimes reported to the police, there is

concern that this measure underestimates the extent of crime. For example,

some crimes go unreported because victims feel that there is nothing to be

gained (e.g., minor thefts) or they choose to keep the act hidden (e.g., sexual

assault from a spouse). A second measure attempts to address the problem of

under-reporting noted with official crime statistics. These are surveys asking

people whether they have been victims of different crimes (Bonta, 1999).

Criminal behaviour is the product of a systematic process that involves

complex interactions between individual, societal, and ecological factors over the

course of our lives. In other words, from conception onward the intellectual,

emotional, and physical attributes we develop are strongly influenced by our

personal behaviours and physical processes, interactions with the physical

environment, and interactions with other people, groups and institutions. These

systematic processes affect the transmission from generation to generation of

traits associated with increased involvement in crime. As will be discussed, this

often ignored fact has important policy implications. Table 17.1 provides a rough

idea of some of the kinds of interactions that are possible (Schiller, 1805).
 18

This unique international collection helps researchers explore the causes

and effects of the rise in crime during the Industrial Revolution, the development

of metropolitan police departments, and the public's fascination with increasingly

sensational accounts of crime in newspapers and fiction. It covers changing

attitudes about punishment and reform that led to such practices as solitary

confinement, prison work programs, and penal transportation, as well as

"scientific" theories such as phrenology, which posited that character could be

determined by physiognomy. The hand-written material included in the collection

has Handwritten Text Recognition (HTR) applied. HTR allows handwritten

documents to be full-text searchable, just as Optical Character Recognition

(OCR) allows printed books, newspapers, and other works to be searched. This

enables unexpected discoveries not possible from traditional finding aids. This

technology makes the documents in this collection more accessible to those

without palaeography skills and enables powerful inclusion in digital humanities/

scholarship projects (Laguardia, 2016).

Agents of the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA) confiscated at

least P3.4 million worth of shabu from two suspects during a sting in Taguig on

Wednesday night. Aijo Dinglasan and Cristian Reyes were collared in operation

in front of the chapel along levi mariano street in Brangay Ususan.Prior to their

arrest, police said the suspect allegedly sold around 500 gramsog shabu to a

PDEA officer who posed as a buyer. Reyes tagged a man, known only as

Dave, as the supplier of the illegal drugs.

Aguilar was detained at the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology at Camp
 19

Bagong Diwa in Taguig City from 2002 to 2008 for robbery and car theft.

In Makati, five persons were apprehended for alleged shabu possession.

They were Rob Manacip, 28; Rachel Pacia, 35; Jomar Davina, 30; John Nowell,

49, and Ben Bayot,34.Police said they recovered P20,000 worth of shabu and

drug paraphernalia from the suspects. Authorities said they raided a house along

Sandico Street in Barangay Tejeros allegedly used by the suspects as a drug

den(Ong, 2019).    

Criminality has accompanied social life from the outset. It has appeared at

every stage of the development of every community, regardless of organisation,

form of government or period in history. This work presents the views of

criminologists from Central Europe on the phenomenon of criminality as a

component of social and political reality. Despite the far advanced

homogenisation of culture and the coming together of the countries that make up

the European Union, criminality is not easily captured by statistics and simple

comparisons. There can be huge variation not only on crime reporting systems

and information on convicts but also on definitions of the same crimes and their

formulations in the criminal codes of the individual European countries.  This

book fills a gap in the English-language criminological literature on the causes

and determinants of criminality in Central Europe. Poland, as the largest country

in the region, whose political post-war path has been similar to the other

countries in this part of Europe, is subject to an exhaustive and original look at

criminality as part of the political and social reality. The authors offer a

contribution to the debate in the social and criminal policy of the state over the
 20

problems of criminality and how to control it (Buczkowski,2015).          

According to a now-familiar thesis, social and physical disorder in urban

neighbourhoods can, if unchecked, lead to serious crime. The reasoning is that

even such minor public incivilities as drinking in the street, spray-painting graffiti,

and breaking windows can escalate into predatory crime because prospective

offenders assume from these manifestations of disorder that area residents are

indifferent to what happens in their neighborhood.1 The “broken windows” thesis

has greatly influenced crime control policy, with New York City best exemplifying

the use of aggressive police tactics to stem disorder. Many other cities have

adopted similar “zero tolerance” policies, cracking down on even the most minor

offenses. There is no doubt that understanding physical and social disorder in

public spaces is fundamental to understanding urban neighbourhoods’

(Sampson, 2001).

Response is conducted by Army Reserve units and Soldiers under the

Immediate Response Authority (IRA) outlined in DoD Directive 3025.18, which

authorizes local commanders to take action to save lives, prevent human

suffering or mitigate great property damage in a situation of urgency when there

is insufficient time to get approval from higher headquarters As listed in DoD

Directive 3025.18, a request for assistance from a civil authority (tribal authority,

mayor, chief of police, fire chief, sheriff, chief of emergency management, etc.) is

required to initiate the Immediate Response Authority. Following the request,

Army Reserve units within the affected area may respond immediately under

imminently serious conditions to disasters and attacks as required by civil

 21

authorities and within limits established by law. Immediate Response Authority

was recently used in the aftermath of historic rainfall and flooding in West

Virginia. Forty-four counties were under a declared state of emergency when the

commander of the 811th Ordnance Company, 321st Ordnance Battalion, 38th

Regional Support Group, received a call from the mayor of Rainelle, asking for

immediate assistance in evacuating individuals whose lives were in imminent

danger (Luckey, 2019). .

Companies are using AI to prevent and detect everything from

routine theft to insider trading. Many banks and large corporations employ

artificial intelligence to detect and prevent fraud and money laundering. Social

media companies use machine learning to block illicit content such as child

pornography. Businesses are constantly experimenting with new ways to use

artificial intelligence for better risk management and faster, more responsive

fraud detection and even to predict and prevent crimes (Quest, 2018).

In his article in the summer issue of the Journal of Criminal Law and

Criminology, Dr. John Braithwaite argued that desert is unworkable as a rationale

for sentencing convicted white-collar criminals and that only a "utilitarian"

rationale (as he defines it) can be practicable. I have difficulties both with his

critique of desert theory and with his proposed solutions. Dr. Braithwaite uses my

account of desert theory in Doing Jusice2 as the target of his attack.3 It is

therefore essential to his argument that he describe that account accurately and

fairly. In important respects, he has not done so, thereby vitiating his more

dramatic claims about the unworkability of desert. The sentencing rationale

 22

outlined in Do) injustice is just that: a rationale or theory. It identifies the

blameworthiness of criminal conduct as the proper determinant of the severity of

punishments. By doing so, it directs policymakers to consider the reprehensibility

of an offender's criminal conduct rather than the likelihood of recurrence of the

conduct (Hirsch, 1982).

Previous research suggests that perceived negative treatment by police

officers may have consequences for victims’ willingness to share information with

the police. This might explain why particularly repeat victims are less likely to

cooperate with the police. The current study explores why this would be true by

conducting in-depth interviews with 32 crime victims who had recently reported

their victimisation of property crime or violent crime to the police. Results indicate

that victims of both types of crime had similar thoughts on what was deemed fair

treatment. Victims who were deeply touched by the crime and/or the offender

thought it was also important that the police took a clear-stance against the crime

(Koster, 2016).

In economic models of crime individuals respond to changes in the

potential value of criminal opportunities. We analyse this issue by estimating

crime-price elasticities from detailed data on criminal incidents in London

between 2002 and 2012. The unique data feature we exploit is a detailed

classification of what goods were stolen in reported theft, robbery and burglary

incidents. We first consider a panel of consumer goods covering the majority of

market goods stolen in the crime incidents and find evidence of significant

positive price elasticities. We then study a particular group of crimes that have
 23

risen sharply recently as world prices for them have risen, namely commodity

related goods (jewellery, fuel and metal crimes), finding sizable elasticities when

we instrument local UK prices by exogenous shifts in global commodity prices.

Finally, we show that changes in the prices of loot from crime have played a role

in explaining recent crime trends (Machin, 2015).

Chicago police agreed in August 2015 to outside monitoring of stop-and-

frisk searches after an American Civil Liberties Union report that found officers

stopped a disproportionate number of black people and relied on the practice

more heavily than departments in other cities. Trump’s remarks came three days

after a white Chicago police officer was found guilty of murder in the 2014

shooting of a black teenager, a case that laid bare tensions between the city’s

black community and police department. Proponents say stop-and-frisk helps

prevent violent crime by taking more illegal guns and other contraband off the

streets. Opponents say black people and members of other minority ethnic

groups are unfairly targeted by the stops. Trump said he had directed the U.S.

attorney general “go to the great city of Chicago to help straighten out the terrible

shooting wave,” without providing details. “I’ve told them to work with local

authorities to try to change the horrible deal the city of Chicago’s entered into

with ACLU, which ties law enforcement’s hands and to strongly consider ‘stop

and frisk,’” Trump said at the International Association of Chiefs of Police

convention in Orlando, Florida (Holland ,2018).

Police actions at a crime scene fall into four categories: safety issues,

preserving the crime scene, collecting evidence, and documenting the situation.
 24

Much that is critically important must be completed in the early minutes of the

crime response. The first person to arrive—often a patrol officer—must assess

the situation and act quickly. One priority is assessing the need for medical

assistance and arranging for medical help. Another is calling for assistance—

usually a crime response team and additional officers. A third priority is protecting

the evidence at the crime scene. The fourth is issuing information if a suspect is

still at large—especially urgent if there’s a threat to public safety. In the critical

first moments, caution is essential. Even if the scene looks quiet, assume the

crime is still in progress. Do not take unnecessary risks. Officers should also be

aware that curiosity seekers who might compromise important evidence. It’s also

important to realize that bystanders may be paying close attention to your actions

and demeanor. Resist the impulse to use humor to ease any tension you may be

feeling (Reynolds, 2015).

Security personnel must be cognizant of the probative value of crime

scene investigation and documentation. In a crime scene response situation,

safety concerns, security of the scene, as well as the proper collection of

evidence must be considered. Security supervisors are responsible for the safety

of all first responders, and may be responsible for directing the crime scene

response efforts. Through awareness and thorough documentation, security

supervisors can ensure that subsequent forensic and investigative efforts are

performed correctly and any criminal proceedings are conducted in accordance

with statutes (Reitnauer , 2015).

 25

Police agencies devote vast resources to minimising the time that it takes

them to attend the scene of a crime. Despite this, the long-standing consensus is

that police response time has no meaningful effect on the likelihood of catching

offenders. We revisit this question using a uniquely rich dataset from the Greater

Manchester Police. To identify causal effects, we exploit discontinuities in

distance to the response station across locations next to each other, but on

different sides of division boundaries. Contrary to previous evidence, we find

large and strongly significant effects: in our preferred estimate, a 10% increase in

response time leads to a 4.6 percentage points decrease in the likelihood of

detection. A faster response time also decreases the number of days that it takes

for the police to detect a crime, conditional on eventual detection. We find

stronger effects for thefts than for violent offenses, although the effects are large

for every type of crime We identify the higher likelihood that a suspect will be

named by a victim or witness as an important mechanism though which response

time makes a difference (Kirchmaier, 2015).

Police tagged on Wednesday a criminal group earlier linked to a local

terrorist cell in Sunday's bomb attack here that left eight people wounded. Chief

Supt. Eliseo Rasco, regional director of the Police Regional Office (PRO)-12,

said in a press conference investigators are looking at the Nilong Group as

behind the bomb blast in front of the Bonita Lying-in Clinic in Makar junction,

Barangay Apopong here. Rasco said they already identified the alleged suspects

but declined to give further details due to the ongoing investigation of the

composite Special Investigation Task Group "Bonita." "We already have a name
 26

and we also identified the group. We have good developments right now as far

as the investigation is concerned," the police official said. Rasco presented

during the press conference the computerized facial composite of an unnamed

suspect, based on accounts by at least two witnesses. The suspect was about 35

to 40-years-old, weighs 55-57 kilograms, has brown complexion, curly hair and

was last seen at the site wearing a multi-color dominant red sweatshirt and multi-

color dominant red cargo pants. He was accompanied by another person who

was then wearing a black ski mask, black sweatshirt, and black pants (Estabillo,

2018).
 27

REFERENCE

https://news.mb.com.ph/2019/07/02/pnp (Aaron Recuenco, 2019).

https://ro.uow.edu.au/lhapapers/3518/ (Scarlet wilcock, 2016).

https://www.rappler.com/nation/118004-crime-drugs-philippines

(Pia Ranada, 2016).

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1748895817736096

(Neil Chakraborti, 2017).

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1748895817736096

(Dennis P. Rosenbaum, 2006).

https://academic.oup.com/bjc/article/56/6/1203/2415172 (Sylvia

Walby,2016).

https://academic.oup.com/jah/article/102/1/34/686429 (Jeffrey S. Alder,

2015).

http://www.britsoccrim.org/volume2/002.pdf Lynn Hancock 1997

https://www.vox.com/2016/2/15/10981274/crime-violence-policies-guns

Scott Olson/Getty Images Updated Jul 19, 2016, 10:40am EDT

 28

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/320807918_Spatial_analysis_

of_violent_crimes_in_Metro_Manila_Philippines Frumencio Co

Article November 2017

http://www.des.ucdavis.edu/faculty/Richerson/BooksOnline/He16-95.pdf A

Systems Perspective on Crime. Johann Schiller (1759-1805)

https://www.gale.com/c/crime-punishment-and-popular-culture Crime,

punishment and popular culture 1790-1920 Cheryl LaGuardia, Library Journal,

April 2016

PDEA seizes P3.4 million shabu in Taguig sting

Read more at https://www.philstar.com/metro/2019/09/13/1951371/pdea-seizes-

p34-million-shabu-taguig-sting#vczl8c1axrpQuQFF.99 Ghio Ong (The Philippine

Star) - September 13, 2019

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https://hbr.org/2018/08/the-risks-and-benefits-of-using-ai-to-detect-crime The

Risks and Benefits of Using AI to Detect Crime Lisa Quest AUGUST 09, 2018

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referer=&httpsredir=1&article=6332&context=jclc Desert and White-Collar

Criminality: A Response to Dr. Braithwaite Andrew Von Hirsch 1982

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frisk-to-curtail-chicago-crime-idUSKCN1MI2BV Steve Holland OCTOBER 9,

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Author links open overlay pane Andrew R.Reitnauer 2015.

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https://www.pna.gov.ph/articles/1048505 Police tag terror-linked crime group

in GenSan blast By Allen Estabillo September 19, 2018.