Unit 10 Emerging Areas
Unit 10 Emerging Areas
Unit 10 Emerging Areas
DIWAKAR
EDUCATION HUB
UNIT-10 EMERGING AREAS
What is Issues of Gender, Poverty, Disability, and Migration: Cultural bias and
discrimination. Stigma, Marginalization, and Social Suffering; Child Abuse and
Domestic violence?
Issues of Gender
An INCREASE GENDER REPRESENTATION/ GENDER BALANCE
One of the main objectives set by UNI Global Union, through its Equal Opportunities
Department has been to attain productive development based on gender equality. We
regard this principle as essential to achieving sustainable development and true social
justice for everyone.
The Equal Opportunites Department carries out programmes, campaigns and other
activities in order to fulfil this goal, both within the organization and among our
affiliates.
The socially and culturally built hierarchy between the genders holds certain power
relationships. Any power relationship is asymmetrical by definition, i.e. one of the
subjects of the relationship has power and the other one does not.
Usually, men are socially regarded as being of higher value. This asymmetrical
situation is present in many areas of social life and can lead to violence (physical,
verbal, or psychological).
Studies show that more than 1/3 of the women around the world have experienced
violence at some point in their lives and it can happen at the workplace.
SEXUAL HARASSMENT
Sexual harassment is a form of violence that through a show of power intimidates,
humiliates, and affects another person’s dignity. This behavior is sexual in nature
(physical contacts, sexual advances, comments and jokes with sexual content,
exhibiting pornographic material or making inappropriate comments) and undesired; it
is perceived by the victim as a condition to keep the job, or as one that creates a
hostile, intimidating, and humiliating work environment.
study by the International Labour Organization in 2013 shows that the global wage gap
is 23%.
However, this number does not account for the millions of women working in the
informal economy with no protection. Also, many countries lack reliable statistics to
prepare more accurate reports, therefore, this already high figure will be even higher.
Access to education continues to be key to bridging the wage gap. However, it is not
the only instrument, since women with higher education are at the ends of the gap with
their male peer.
For that reason, UNI has pledged to work to make ILO Convention 100 requiring equal
remuneration for men and women workers for work of equal value effective in every
work site.
WOMEN’S HEALTH
Health is a universal human right. That’s why, irrespective of religion, age or where we
live, we have a right to the information and the healthcare services that allow us to care
for our bodies and our quality of life.
It is not just being free of illnesses, but also having access to reasonable standards of
living, housing, food, decent work, as well as appropriate level of medical assistance
so that we can develop our full potential as individuals.
To be able to truly achieve gender equality, we need to look at the health and well-
being of women. This is a precondition for the promotion of the sustainable growth of
our communities.
We must then reflect upon these issues and devise policies intended to balance work
and family life to overcome gender inequalities, so that both men and women may
have access to a full family life and a professional career.
In many parts of the world, technological innovations such as artificial intelligence (AI),
robotics and machine learning are impacting society. These new technologies allow us
to communicate faster, share information and feel closer to each other. They are,
today, an essential part of our lives and provide us with unprecedented opportunities to
advance in areas ranging from education to political participation.
Its use and dissemination is so common that we do not see the impact they have on
women. Technology is a reflection of reality, and if we do not work to eradicate the
inequalities and prejudices that they transmit, we will continue to widen those gaps we
want to close today.
The UNI Equal Opportunities department has begun to address the issue of the impact
of digitalization on women by writing conceptual documents that will help continue
discussions on this issue.
Our first document: "Digitization from a gender perspective", was intended to explain
what digitalization means, and how it will affect the world of work, in particular, working
women.
A second document: "The road to digitalization without gender" was written as part of a
collaboration with the European group of experts "Friends of Europe" for its report
"Policy options for a digital era". This second document explores further the impact of
technology and artificial intelligence on women, the prejudices that permeate the
development of these technologies and how they contribute to the gender gap,
promoting possible solutions to these issues.
NFHS data reports that 37 per cent of married women in India have experienced
physical or sexual violence by a spouse while 40 per cent have experienced physical,
sexual or emotional violence by a spouse. While current policy discourse recommends
employment as a form of empowerment for women, data presents a disturbing
correlation between female participation in labour force and their exposure to domestic
violence.
The NFHS-3 reports that women employed at any time in the past 12 months have a
much higher prevalence of violence (39-40 per cent) than women who were not
employed (29 per cent). The researchers advocate a multi-faceted approach to
However, women also act as agents of political change for other women. In the Bihar
elections in 2005, when re-elections were held, the percentage of female voters had
increased from 42.5 to 44.5 per cent while those of male voters declined from 50 to 47
per cent in the interim period of eight months. As a direct result, 37 per cent of the
constituencies saw anti-incumbency voting. The average growth rate of women voters
was nearly three times in those constituencies where there was a difference in the
winning party.
The situation can be rectified by providing focused reservation for those constituencies
with a skewed sex ratio. Reducing the entry costs (largely non-pecuniary in nature –
cultural barriers, lack of exposure) for women in order to create a pipeline of female
leaders is another solution. These missing women, either as voters or leaders point to
the gross negligence of women at all ages.
Financial Inclusion
In the developing world, women have traditionally been the focus of efforts of financial
inclusion. They have proved to be better borrowers (40 per cent of Grameen Bank’s
clients were women in 1983. By 2000, the number had risen to 90 per cent) – largely
attributed to the fact that they are less mobile as compared to men and more
susceptible to peer pressure.
The JAM trinity – Jan Dhan Yojana, Aadhar, Mobile – can be used to improve financial
inclusion from a gender perspective as well. The metrics to consider would be the
number of Jan Dhan accounts held by women, percentage of women holding Aadhar
cards and access to mobile connectivity for women.
Health
In terms of healthcare focusing on women, the Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY) and
National Health Mission are vital to the policy landscape. The JSY has improved
maternal healthcare in India through the emphasis on institutional deliveries. Increase
of 22 per cent in deliveries in government hospitals, was mirrored by an 8 per cent
decline in childbirth at private hospitals and a 16 per cent decline in childbirth at home.
The National Health Mission’s ASHA led to greater awareness and education of
pregnant women as well as an increase in institutional maternal and neonatal
healthcare. Improved infrastructure for maternal and neo-natal has been observed in
community hospitals, in addition to the introduction of ambulance services.
A gendered increase in seek care is observed with a large 13 per cent increase in the
number of women who report being sick in the last 15 days, driving the overall
reportage. Further, an eight per cent decline in rural women seeking private
healthcare, has been reported, while a 58 per cent increase in women seeking
hospitalization has been reported. Further disaggregated, the data shows a 75.7 per
cent increase for rural women seeking healthcare.
The overall increase in usage of public hospitals is almost entirely driven by rural
women who saw an increase of 24.6 per cent in utilisation of public hospitals over the
10 years (2004-2014). Our results show that the JSY had a significant, positive impact
on overall hospitalisation of women in India. It increased the probability of a woman
being hospitalised by approximately 1.3 per cent.
The healthcare sector in India has largely focused on maternal healthcare for women.
The importance of research on mental health has been ignored in policy discourse.
The significant relationship that mental health bears on violence has also been
explored in further research. Every fifth suicide in India is that of a housewife (18 per
cent overall) – the reportage of suicide deaths has been most consistent among
housewives as a category, than other categories. India is the country with the largest
rate of female deaths due to ‘intentional violence’.
Our work on childhood violence shows that girls are twice more likely to face sexual
violence than boys before the age of 18. Larger the population of educated females in
the country, lesser is the incidence of childhood violence at home – including lesser
violent discipline, physical punishment as well as psychological aggression.
Additionally, the lifetime experience of sexual violence by girls is strongly correlated
with the adolescent fertility rate in a country.
Poverty in India
Two-thirds of people in India live in poverty: 68.8% of the Indian population lives on
less than $2 a day. Over 30% even have less than $1.25 per day available - they are
considered extremely poor. This makes the Indian subcontinent one of the poorest
countries in the world; women and children, the weakest members of Indian society,
suffer most.
India is the second most populous country after China with about 1.2 billion people and
isthe seventh largest country in the world with an area of 3,287,000 km². The highly
contrasted country has enjoyed growth rates of up to 10% over many years and is one
of the largest economies in the world, with a gross domestic product (GDP) of 1,644
billion US dollars. But only a small percentage of the Indian population has benefited
from this impressive economic boom so far, as the majority of people in India are still
living in abject poverty.
More than 800 million people in India are considered poor. Most of them live in the
countryside and keep afloat with odd jobs. The lack of employment which provides a
livable wage in rural areas is driving many Indians into rapidly growing metropolitan
areas such as Bombay, Delhi, Bangalore or Calcutta.
There, most of them expect a life of poverty and despair in the mega-slums, made up
of millions of corrugated ironworks, without sufficient drinking water supply, without
garbage disposal and in many cases without electricity. The poor hygiene conditions
are the cause of diseases such as cholera, typhus and dysentery, in which especially
children suffer and die.
Poverty in India impacts children, families and individuals in a variety of different ways
through:
High infant mortality
Malnutrition
Child labour
Lack of education
Child marriage
HIV / AIDS
1.4 million children die each year in India before their fifth birthday. In addition
to Nigeria, Pakistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and China, India is one of
the countries with the highest child mortality rates. Pneumonia, malaria and diarrheal
diseases as well as chronic malnutrition are the most frequent causes of death.
India is one of the world’s top countries when it comes to malnutrition: More than 200
million people don’t have sufficient access to food, including 61 million children. 7.8
million infants were found to have a birth weight of less than 2.5 kilograms - alarming
figures for a country commonly referred to as the emerging market.
According to UNICEF, about 25% of children in India have no access to education. The
number of children excluded from school is higher among girls than boys. Although
women and men are treated equally under Indian law, girls and women, especially in
the lower social caste, are considered inferior and are oppressed by their fathers,
brothers and husbands. Without education, the chance of finding a living wage from
employment in India is virtually hopeless.
In spite of banning minors from marrying in 2006, it is still widespread in many regions
of India. The main leaders in this practice are young girls, who are still children
themselves and become mothers too early. Many of them die at birth. According to an
investigation by the medical journal The Lancet, 44.5% of girls are still married in India
before they are of legal age.
Due to poverty, many parents encourage early marriages for their daughters in hopes
of better lives for them.
Disability In India
As per Census 2011, in India, out of the 121 Cr population, about 2.68 Cr persons are
‘disabled’ which is 2.21% of the total population. In an era where ‘inclusive
development’ is being emphasised as the right path towards sustainable development,
focussed initiatives for the welfare of disabled persons are essential. This emphasises
the need for strengthening disability statistics in the Country.
There are ample reasons for developing a sound national disability statistics.
Information on their socio - demographic profile is essential for welfare of disabled
persons. Information about their functional status is important to identify needs since
two individuals with the same impairment may face different types of difficulties in
undertaking certain activities, and so have different needs that require different kinds of
interventions.
Functional status data is essential for determining the broader social needs of persons
with disabilities, such as provision of assistive technology for use in employment or
education or broader policy and laws. Population disability data is essential for
monitoring the quality and outcomes of policies for persons with disabilities.
In particular, these data help to identify policy outcomes that maximize the
participation of persons with disabilities in all areas of social life from transportation and
communication, to participation in community life. Finally, with complete and reliable
disability statistics, state agencies will have the tools for assessing the cost-
effectiveness of policies for persons with disabilities, which in turn can provide the
evidence to persuade governments of their ultimate benefit for all citizens.
The National Policy for Persons with Disabilities (2006) recognizes that Persons with
Disabilities are valuable human resource for the country and seeks to create an
environment that provides equal opportunities, protection of their rights and
fullparticipation in society. To facilitate the national objective, there is a need for
collection, compilation and analysis of data on disability.
A number of International commitments and guidelines came into effect in the recent
past targeting the welfare of the disabled persons. India is a signatory to the
‘Declaration on the Full Participation and Equality of People with Disabilities in the Asia
Pacific Region’ (2000). India has ratified the ‘UN Convention on the rights of Persons
with Disabilities’ (2008). India is also a signatory to the ‘Biwako Millennium Framework
‘(2002) for action towards an inclusive, barrier free and rights based society.
The ‘Biwako Plus Five (2007): further efforts towards an inclusive, barrier-free and
rights-based society for persons with disabilities in Asia and the Pacific’ added the
emphasis. The Incheon Strategy to “Make the Right Real” for Persons with Disabilities
in Asia and the Pacific (2012) provides the Asian and Pacific region and the world with
the first set of regionally agreed disability inclusive development Goals. The Incheon
strategy will enable to track progress towards improving the quality of life, and the
fulfilment of the rights, of the region’s persons with disability.
The Sustainable Development Goals (2015) pledges for ‘leaving no one behind’.
Recognizing that the dignity of the human being is fundamental, the SDGs wish to see
the Goals and targets met for all nations and peoples and for all segments of society
and to endeavour to reach the furthest behind first.
Defining disability:
The definition of the population with disabilities is a key element in the design of a data
collection activity, for it sets the scope and coverage of the whole data collection
process. From the conceptual point of view, there is no universal definition of what
A disability is a result of the interaction between a person with a health condition and a
particular environmental context. Individuals with similar health conditions may not be
similarly disabled or share the same perception of their disability, depending on their
environmental adaptations. For example, having access to technical aids, services or
medication, or physical adaptation to the environment may allow individuals to
overcome their disabling conditions.
The design of questions to identify persons in the population with disabilities presents
complex problems. But efforts are to be made to design the questionnaire in such a
manner that, all the target population could be correctly identified. Emerging data
requirements in the context of recent international commitments Incheon Strategy to
“Make the Right Real” for Persons with Disabilities in Asia and the Pacific
The Governments of the ESCAP region gathered in Incheon, Republic of Korea, from
29 October to 2 November 2012 to chart the course of the new Asian and Pacific
Decade of Persons with Disabilities for the period 2013 to 2022 and adopted the
Inchoen strategy which comprises 10 goals, 27 targets and 62 indicators. The Incheon
strategy builds on the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities
(CRPD) and the Biwako Millennium Framework for Action and Biwako Plus Five
towards an Inclusive, Barrier – free and Rights - based Society for Persons with
Disabilities in Asia and the Pacific. This will enable the region to track the progress
towards improving the quality of life, and the fulfilment of the rights of the region’s
persons with disabilities. Goal 8 of the Incheon strategy specifically aims to ‘Improve
the reliability and comparability of disability data’.
categorisation of persons with disabilities and reaffirms that all persons with all types of
disabilities must enjoy all human rights and fundamental freedoms.
It clarifies and qualifies how all categories of rights apply to persons with disabilities
and identifies areas where adaptations have to be made for persons with disabilities to
effectively exercise their rights and areas where their rights have been violated, and
where protection of rights must be reinforced.
The purpose of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UN
CRPD) is to promote, defend and reinforce the human rights of all persons with
disabilities.
discrimination are in a sense acts of social exclusion, as they prevent the groups that
are the victims of those acts from fully participating in and benefiting from the wealth,
power, knowledge and decision-making capacities of the larger society.
At their worst, socio-economic biases and discrimination can produce feelings of
disempowerment, hopelessness and despair for the future, further exacerbating
vulnerability among the excluded groups. The inability to provide input to important
policy decisions leaves them powerless and voiceless, resulting in their legitimate
interests not being protected. Consequently, national policies and development
programmes do not necessarily benefit those that are disenfranchised.
Still, worse, their interests may even be sacrificed in the pursuit of such policies and
programmes. As a result, social groups, households and individuals subject to such
misperception and discrimination experience greater vulnerability to social exclusion.
206. The following are presented below as illustrations of the negative effects of bias
and discrimination: the images and misperceptions of older persons; the vulnerabilities
experienced by migrants; discrimination against the disabled; groups particularly at risk
in situations of conflict; and the lack of respect for traditional knowledge and cultures of
indigenous persons.
The social convention of classifying people on the basis of their age has enduring
consequences that can create significant barriers to access and participation. are
critical and active partners in families and societies through the care they provide to
family members who might otherwise require more formal treatment; through the care
and education they provide to children whose parents cannot afford childcare or who
migrate elsewhere for work; through the countless other forms of volunteer work that
they perform in communities and institutions everywhere; and through their help in
conflict resolution and the rebuilding of communities following emergencies. In addition,
older persons possess traditional knowledge and overall survival strategies
accumulated over a lifetime of experience.
Paradoxically, however, older persons are cast in distorted images that inflate their
physical and mental deterioration and dependence. The outcome is an anachronistic
message that, on the broader level, colours an entire phase of life. It obscures older
persons’ contributions and generates ageism, discrimination and exclusion and,
ultimately, contributes to a loss of rights in the social, economic and political spheres.
Routine media misrepresentation that idolizes youth and views ageing as a time of
incapacity and stagnation is particularly damaging to older persons, who already suffer
Significantly, such images are not lost on centres of influence and power, such as
employers, donors and policy makers — decision makers who can have an impact on
older persons’ access to structures and resources and therefore mitigate or increase
vulnerability
Globalization of the media has contributed to spreading ageism to societies in which it
was traditionally unknown.
Negative self-image is inextricably bound up with stereotypes and is another factor that
leads to social exclusion. Older persons with strong tendencies towards a negative
self-image are also those who are in the greatest need of support. Those in poverty
and conflict show a marked decline in self-esteem as they age and tend to share a
view of ageing as a time of worthlessness, incapacity and loss of status that leads to
dependence.
For many, fears and self-doubt accumulate to such an extent that what is feared —
exclusion and greater physical and economic dependence — becomes more likely.
Low self-esteem becomes a risk in itself and helps to foster an image of a population
with whom no one, including older persons themselves, wants to identify.
Women and men move through the ageing process in different ways and encounter
different obstacles and relative disadvantages en route. For women, balancing work
and family responsibilities can be all-consuming. Their role as principal caregiver in the
family often lingers into old age, when they care for their spouses and/or, in areas
ravaged by poverty and disease, including HIV/AIDS, for their grandchildren and other
family members who are orphaned or sick.
Migrants’ vulnerabilities
Migration is a pervasive issue that has a bearing on the economy, the social fabric and
the political life of many countries. Viewpoints on migration are polarized to the degree
that it is difficult to hold a rational debate on the issue. Against such a background of
contention, the human dimension of international migration has often been missing
from the policy agenda, and many migrants have increasingly found themselves
vulnerable
First, in the course of the migration process, individuals lose the security of essential
family-, community- and nation-based support structures, including traditional
institutions that regulate power, decision-making and protection, while at the same time
they are exposed to a host of hazards for which they are largely unprepared. To a
significant extent, the vulnerability of migrants stems from the nature of the immigration
process, which remains,
Stigma
Stigma is when someone views you in a negative way because you have a
distinguishing characteristic or personal trait that's thought to be, or actually is, a
disadvantage (a negative stereotype). Unfortunately, negative attitudes and beliefs
toward people who have a mental health condition are common.
Stigma can lead to discrimination. Discrimination may be obvious and direct, such as
someone making a negative remark about your mental illness or your treatment. Or it
may be unintentional or subtle, such as someone avoiding you because the person
assumes you could be unstable, violent or dangerous due to your mental illness. You
may even judge yourself.
Fewer opportunities for work, school or social activities or trouble finding housing
Bullying, physical violence or harassment
Health insurance that doesn't adequately cover your mental illness treatment
The belief that you'll never succeed at certain challenges or that you can't
improve your situation
Don't let stigma create self-doubt and shame. Stigma doesn't just come from
others. You may mistakenly believe that your condition is a sign of personal
weakness or that you should be able to control it without help. Seeking
counseling, educating yourself about your condition and connecting with others
who have mental illness can help you gain self-esteem and overcome destructive
self-judgment.
Don't isolate yourself. If you have a mental illness, you may be reluctant to tell
anyone about it. Your family, friends, clergy or members of your community can
offer you support if they know about your mental illness. Reach out to people you
trust for the compassion, support and understanding you need.
Don't equate yourself with your illness. You are not an illness. So instead of
saying "I'm bipolar," say "I have bipolar disorder." Instead of calling yourself "a
schizophrenic," say "I have schizophrenia."
Join a support group. Some local and national groups, such as the National
Alliance on Mental Illness (NAMI), offer local programs and internet resources
that help reduce stigma by educating people who have mental illness, their
families and the general public. Some state and federal agencies and programs,
such as those that focus on vocational rehabilitation and the Department of
Veterans Affairs (VA), offer support for people with mental illness.
Get help at school. If you or your child has a mental illness that affects learning,
find out what plans and programs might help. Discrimination against students
because of a mental illness is against the law, and educators at primary,
secondary and college levels are required to accommodate students as best they
can. Talk to teachers, professors or administrators about the best approach and
Others' judgments almost always stem from a lack of understanding rather than
information based on facts. Learning to accept your condition and recognize what you
need to do to treat it, seeking support, and helping educate others can make a big
difference.
The extent and trend of national or global rates, and determinants of child abuse are
largely unknown. Studies in Egypt are sparse, estimating that 37% of children in Egypt
suffer physical punishment with varying degrees of severity; 5 these acts of
punishment, presumably committed as acts of child discipline, are engendered by a
culture that places a high premium on child obedience and the positive effects of
discipline.
Social determinants of health (SDH) are conditions in which people are born, grow,
live, work and age, including the health system. These conditions provide the freedom
people need to live lives they value, and are shaped by the distribution of money,
power and resources at global, national and local levels. SDH that perpetuate child
abuse can be avoided by reasonable societal level action; however, that they are not
avoided indicates that they are unfair, unnecessary, unjust, and therefore inequitable.
Given children’s need for safe, healthy, nurturing, and responsive living environments,
the SDH that perpetuate child abuse are numerous, and need to be examined to
understand the association between child abuse and intimate partner violence (IPV).
Children exposed to child abuse are often exposed to co-occurring domestic violence
(DV) and environmental stressors. Households frequently experiencing IPV are
commonly poor, undergo marital problems, life stressors, and other negative aspects of
family life, including low parental education, unemployment, insufficient income, and
substance abuse.,
Other factors associated with increased risk for child abuse include young child age,
minority status, and parental stress, immigrant families, single-parent families,
stepfamilies, families with three or more children, children 0 - 3 years old, female sex,
and older adolescence. Perpetrator-related risk factors such as parental mental health,
chronic illness, criminal history, alcohol or drug abuse, and parental skills have also
been implicated with child abuse and IPV.
Knowledge of how the social determinants of child abuse operate and interact is an
important first step towards developing interventions and policy-level change needed to
improve the lives of affected children and families. To assess for associations, the
following hypotheses were tested:
Hypothesis I: The risk of experiencing child abuse will be higher for children exposed
to domestic violence, even after controlling for potential confounders;
Hypothesis II: Mothers with tolerant attitudes towards wife beating will be more likely
to abuse their child than those who do not tolerate wife beating;
Hypothesis III: Women exposed to generational IPV i.e. who had witnessed domestic
violence in childhood, will be more likely to perpetrating child abuse, compared to
those who were not so exposed; and
Domestic Violence
Domestic violence (also called intimate partner violence (IPV), domestic abuse or
relationship abuse) is a pattern of behaviors used by one partner to maintain
power and control over another partner in an intimate relationship.
Domestic violence does not discriminate. Anyone of any race, age, sexual orientation,
religion or gender can be a victim – or perpetrator – of domestic violence. It can
happen to people who are married, living together or who are dating. It affects people
of all socioeconomic backgrounds and education levels.
Domestic violence includes behaviors that physically harm, arouse fear, prevent a
partner from doing what they wish or force them to behave in ways they do not want. It
includes the use of physical and sexual violence, threats and intimidation, emotional
abuse and economic deprivation. Many of these different forms of domestic
violence/abuse can be occurring at any one time within the same intimate relationship.
Think of the wheel as a diagram of the tactics an abusive partner uses to keep their
victim in the relationship. While the inside of the wheel is comprised of subtle, continual
behaviors, the outer ring represents physical, visible violence. These are the abusive
acts that are more overt and forceful, and often the intense acts that reinforce the
regular use of other more subtle methods of abuse.
*Although this Power & Control Wheel uses she/her pronouns for the victim and
assumes a male perpetrator, abuse can happen to people of any gender in any type of
relationship.
Domestic violence doesn’t look the same in every relationship because every
relationship is different. But one thing most abusive relationships have in common is
that the abusive partner does many different kinds of things to have more power and
control over their partner.
Physical Abuse
You may be experiencing physical abuse if your partner has done or repeatedly
does any of the following tactics of abuse:
Pulling your hair, punching, slapping, kicking, biting or choking you
Forbidding you from eating or sleeping
Hurting you with weapons
Preventing you from calling the police or seeking medical attention
Harming your children
Abandoning you in unfamiliar places
Driving recklessly or dangerously when you are in the car with them
Forcing you to use drugs or alcohol (especially if you’ve had a substance
abuse problem in the past)
Emotional Abuse
Sexual coercion
Sexual coercion lies on the ‘continuum’ of sexually aggressive behavior. It can vary
from being egged on and persuaded, to being forced to have contact. It can be verbal
and emotional, in the form of statements that make you feel pressure, guilt, or shame.
You can also be made to feel forced through more subtle actions. For example, an
abusive partner:
Making you feel like you owe them — ex. Because you’re in a relationship,
because you’ve had sex before, because they spent money on you or bought
you a gift
Giving you drugs and alcohol to “loosen up” your inhibitions
Playing on the fact that you’re in a relationship, saying things such as: “Sex is the
way to prove your love for me,” “If I don’t get sex from you I’ll get it somewhere
else”
Reacting negatively with sadness, anger or resentment if you say no or don’t
immediately agree to something
Continuing to pressure you after you say no
Making you feel threatened or afraid of what might happen if you say no
Trying to normalize their sexual expectations: ex. “I need it, I’m a man”
Even if your partner isn’t forcing you to do sexual acts against your will, being made to
feel obligated is coercion in itself. Dating someone, being in a relationship, or being
married never means that you owe your partner intimacy of any kind.
Reproductive coercion is a form of power and control where one partner strips
the other of the ability to control their own reproductive system. It is sometimes
difficult to identify this coercion because other forms of abuse are often
occurring simultaneously.
Reproductive coercion can also come in the form of pressure, guilt and shame from an
abusive partner. Some examples are if your abusive partner is constantly talking about
having children or making you feel guilty for not having or wanting children with them
— especially if you already have kids with someone else.
Economic or financial abuse is when an abusive partner extends their power and
control into the area of finances. This abuse can take different forms, including
an abusive partner:
Giving an allowance and closely watching how you spend it or demanding
receipts for purchases
Placing your paycheck in their bank account and denying you access to it
Preventing you from viewing or having access to bank accounts
Forbidding you to work or limiting the hours that you can work
Maxing out credit cards in your name without permission or not paying the bills
on credit cards, which could ruin your credit score
Stealing money from you or your family and friends
Using funds from children’s savings accounts without your permission
Living in your home but refusing to work or contribute to the household
Making you give them your tax returns or confiscating joint tax returns
Refusing to give you money to pay for necessities/shared expenses like food,
clothing, transportation, or medical care and medicine
Digital abuse is the use of technologies such as texting and social networking to
bully, harass, stalk or intimidate a partner. Often this behavior is a form of verbal
or emotional abuse perpetrated online. You may be experiencing digital abuse if
your partner:
Tells you who you can or can’t be friends with on Facebook and other sites.
Sends you negative, insulting or even threatening emails, Facebook messages,
tweets, DMs or other messages online.
Uses sites like Facebook, Twitter, foursquare and others to keep constant tabs
on you.
Puts you down in their status updates.
Sends you unwanted, explicit pictures and demands you send some in return.
Pressures you to send explicit videos.
Steals or insists on being given your passwords.
Constantly texts you and makes you feel like you can’t be separated from your
phone for fear that you will be punished.
Looks through your phone frequently, checks up on your pictures, texts and
outgoing calls.
Tags you unkindly in pictures on Instagram, Tumblr, etc.
Uses any kind of technology (such spyware or GPS in a car or on a phone) to
monitor you
Peace psychology
The roots of peace psychology are often traced to William James and a speech he
gave at Stanford University in 1906. With World War I on the horizon, James talked
about his belief that war satisfies a deeply felt human need for virtues such as
loyalty, discipline, conformity, group cohesiveness, and duty.
He also observed that individuals who belong to a group, whether military or otherwise,
experience a boost in self-pride when they are proud of their group. Most important, he
argued that war is not likely to be eliminated until humans have created a “moral
equivalent of war,” such as public service that allows people to experience the virtues
that were associated with war making.
Many other psychologists and philosophers wrote about the psychology of peace. A
partial list includes Alfred Adler, Gordon Allport, Jeremy Bentham, James McKeen
Another, the Seville Statement, was issued in 1986 by 20 highly respected scientists
during the United Nations International Year of Peace. Because war is built or
constructed, a great deal of research in peace psychology has sought to identify
environmental conditions that are linked to violence and peaceful behaviour.
Peace psychology was given a significant boost during the Cold War (c. mid-1940s
through the early 1990s), when the conflict between the United States and Soviet
Union heated up and the threat of nuclear annihilation seemed imminent, leading
psychologists to create concepts to better understand intergroup conflict and its
resolution. Also important was the establishment of the 48th division of the American
Psychological Association, called Peace Psychology, in 1990. Shortly thereafter, a
journal was established, Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology. Since then,
doctoral-level training programs in peace psychology have been established around
the world.
Peace psychology is now global in scope. It recognizes that violence can be cultural,
which occurs when beliefs are used to justify either direct or structural violence. Direct
violence injures or kills people quickly and dramatically, whereas structural violence is
much more widespread and kills far more people by depriving them of satisfaction of
their basic needs.
For example, when people starve even though there’s enough food for everyone, the
distribution system is creating structural violence. If a person justifies the deaths of
starving people by blaming them for their situation (called blaming the victim), that
person is engaging in cultural violence.
Direct violence is supported by the culturally violent notion of just war theory, which
argues that under certain conditions, it is acceptable to kill others (e.g., defense of the
homeland, using war as a last resort). One of the main challenges for peace
psychology is to deepen understanding of the structural and cultural roots of violence,
a problem that is particularly important when security concerns revolve around the
prevention of terrorism.
The concerns of peace psychologists are deeply rooted in the field of psychology, not
only because the promotion of human well-being is central to the mission of
psychology (APA Bylaws but also because psychologists have long been concerned
about war and peace. William James, a founder of psychology in the United States,
has been regarded as the first peace psychologist (Deutsch, 1995).
Just prior to World War I, James gave an address on “the moral equivalent of war” in
which he highlighted the enthusiastic readiness of humans to rally around the military
flag (James, 1995), a social psychological phenomena akin to “nationalism” that has
played out repeatedly for generations, especially when relations between nations
become hostile. James argued that militaristic urges are deeply rooted in humans and
that societies must learn to channel the satisfaction of their needs in productive
directions. Psychologists did not follow James’ advice, but they did become involved in
U.S. military affairs during the First World War.
Among the more important contributions of psychologists to the war effort was the
development of group intelligence tests that were used to select and classify new
recruits, a development that “put psychology on the map” (Smith, 1986, p.24).
Psychologists had even greater involvement during the Second World War.
A number of specialties in psychology emerged and supported the war effort. Clinical
psychologists developed and administered tests to place personnel within the military
establishment and they also treated war-related emotional problems. Social
psychologists contributed their expertise, developing propaganda designed to promote
the war effort by boosting morale at home and demoralizing the enemy abroad.
A number of psychologists worked with the Office of Strategic Services, the precursor
of the Central Intelligence Agency, selecting and training people involved in
“undercover” activities in Europe and the Far East. Human factors psychologists
participated in the design of weaponry and other instruments used by the military, and
experimental psychologists trained nonhumans to perform human tasks.
The best-known example of the latter was B. F. Skinner’s research in which he trained
pigeons to guide pilotless missiles to targets, a program that was ultimately discarded
(Herman, 1995). In all these activities, psychologists were enthusiastic participants in
the effort to win World War II, a war that was regarded by most people as a just war.
The international politics of the United States was, and continues to be, primarily
guided by the ideology of Realpolitik. From a Realpolitik perspective, one sees security
in the international system as the balanced capacity among states to use coercive
power. Furthermore, because it is assumed that all sovereign states seek to maximize
their power, and they operate within an international structure that is anarchical, the
best way to ensure security is to be militarily strong and to adopt a policy of deterrence.
According to the logic of deterrence, each state can best ensure its security by
threatening any would-be aggressor with a retaliatory blow that would be unbearably
costly to the aggressor. By the conclusion of World War II, a tidy bipolar superpower
arrangement had emerged in the world. The United States and Soviet Union were
locked into an adversarial relationship in which they competed and concentrated their
resources in an arms race, a Cold War that resulted in enormous stockpiles of
conventional and nuclear weapons. During the early years of the Cold War,
psychologists continued to support the policies of the U.S. government.
Tensions between the United States and Soviet Union grew, as did the arsenals of
nuclear weapons that were aimed at each other. There were scattered attempts by
committees of the American Psychological Association (APA) and the Society for the
Psychological Study of Social Issues (SPSSI) to analyze the implications of the new
atomic warfare capability on future international relations, as well as the potential
psychological effects on populations experiencing atomic bombardment. Generally,
these early committees lacked focus but agreed that the major psychological concern
was citizens’ attitudes toward atomic warfare and energy. They “emphasized the need
to accurately assess and control public opinion in order to achieve public consensus
regarding foreign relations and atomic war” (Morawski & Goldstein, 1985, p. 278).
THE POST-COLD WAR ERA: PEACE PSYCHOLOGY COMES OF AGE The Cold
War was a power struggle of global proportions that made certain categories of
violence salient. Using the state as the focal unit of analysis, scholars concentrated
their attention on interstate wars, wars of liberation, secessionist movements, civil
wars, and wars in which the superpowers directly intervened militarily (i.e.,
interventionist wars). Although many other forms of violence were prevalent, from a
state-centered perspective, what mattered most were those struggles that had a direct
bearing on the strategic, U.S.–Soviet balance of power (George, 1983). Since the end
of the Cold War in the late 1980s, the planet’s bipolar superpower structure has
reconfigured dramatically and entirely new categories of security concerns have
emerged.
To be sure, the sovereign states of the international system will still have conflicts to
manage, but increasingly, patterns of violence are not neatly following the contours of
our inherited system of sovereign states. In the post–Cold War era, a complex pattern
of interlacing schisms is emerging, which divides people not so much by state
boundaries but by ethnicity, religion, economic well being, population density, and
environmental sustainability (Klare, 1998).
A small sample of what we are now observing globally is the outbreak of ethnic
violence and other forms of identity group conflict and violence, a growing number of
economic and political refugees, ecological devastation and pockets of food insecurity,
concentrations of drug-related violence, and international terrorism. These problems
are within and across international boundaries and underscore the need to reorient
peace psychology and enlarge its scope of practice. The current volume was
conceived within the context of these new challenges and represents an attempt to
reinvigorate the search for psychological analyses that can inform theory and practice
in peace psychology for the twenty-first century.
They all engender direct, acute insults to the psychological or physical well-being of
individuals or groups, 14 and they erupt periodically as events or episodes. The
analytic tools of peace psychologists are central to understanding many forms of direct
violence.
For instance, in Section I, many of the contributors from around the world underscore
the importance of social identity processes, which are manifest when individuals begin
to identify with particular groups and favor their ingroups over outgroups. Quite
naturally, the basic need to have a sense of who we are is inextricably woven into the
fabric of our identity groups. Conflict and violence often erupts when two or more
groups of individuals have different identities and see each other as threats to
their identity group’s continued existence.
These identitybased conflicts are central to many forms of violence including hate
crimes, gang violence, ethnic conflicts, and even genocide. Sovereign states have
been woefully inadequate in dealing with identity-based problems. Also reflected
throughout the text is peace psychologists’ growing appreciation for the structural roots
of violent episodes. For example, patriarchal structures in which males dominate
females play a role in intimate violence. Similarly, cultural narratives that denigrate
gays, lesbians, and other marginalized identity groups are predisposing conditions for
direct violence. Section II looks closer at some forms of violence that are deeply rooted
in the structures of a society, what we are calling “structural violence.”
Section II: Structural Violence Today, an increasing number of peace psychologists are
concerned about structural violence (Galtung, 1969), an insidious form of violence that
is built into the fabric of political and economic structures of a society (Christie, 1997;
Pilisuk, 1998; Schwebel, 1997).
Structural violence is a problem in and of itself, killing people just as surely as direct
violence. But structural vio- 15 lence kills people slowly by depriving them of satisfying
their basic needs. Life spans are curtailed when people are socially dominated,
politically oppressed, or economically exploited.
The chapters in Section II make it clear that structural violence is endemic to economic
systems that produce a concentration of wealth for some while exploiting others,
political systems that give access to some and oppress others, and hierarchical social
systems that are suffused with ethnocentrism and intolerance.
As in hardly was any region spared some of these conflicts, even though the conflicts
differed either in prevalence and intensity, or their protracted or nonprotracted nature.
By definition, it implies that conflict is natural to human nature. That is, all humans or
groups of humans have goals and interests which may be different with the goals and
interests of other groups.
This makes conflict inevitable. Change is a natural phenomenon that produces the
major social forces that shape societies. When these changes occur, especially at the
middle and micro levels where their effects are individually or personally experienced,
they do not happen quickly but are gradual in altering the ecological order, the system
of stratification and the social institutions of an entire society causing societies to
undergo industrial, political and urban revolution leaving in its wake social problems
such as political and economic exclusion of some groups, injustice, poverty,
exploitation, diseases, inequality etc.
These conditions places some people or group at an advantage over others and the
inability of the social structures in place to bridge this gap and where possible reduce
the disparity can cause frustrations and acts of aggression from the disadvantaged
individuals or groups.
Where these shows of frustration and aggression are ignored and not nipped at the
bud, they most often are excuses to violently play out the hostility towards the
exploitative group or groups and may escalate to become larger than the small groups
or individuals involved to include an entire ethnic groups or organizations.
Overview of Conflict
Conflict is an inevitable phenomenon in this universe. As long as humankind exists,
there must be conflict. Conflict has been variously defined by different authors but it is
technically seen as an opposition among social entities directed against each other [3].
Similarly, sees conflict as a political process that generates from diversity of choices
and distribution of scarce resources in the society.
further adds that the occurrence of cheat and aggressive behavior on the part of
individuals or groups that lead to the frustration of others may cause conflict. Also [6]
states that conflict is the struggle over values or claims to states, power and scarce
resources which the aims of the group or individuals involved are not only to obtain the
desired values but are to neutralize, injure or eliminate rivals. Thus,
conflict is present when two or more parties perceive that their interests are
incompatible, express hostile attitudes, or take, pursue their interests through actions
that damage the other parties. These parties may be individuals, small or large groups,
and countries. From the foregone, it can be deduced that opposition is the order of
contrast to cooperation. Meaning that wherever and whenever cooperation and
understanding is lacking opposition sets in.
3. Concept of Macro
Conflict When individuals or groups who had previously been latent over their
grievances, oppressions, deprivation, injustices etc suddenly or gradually begin to
express these feelings through certain obnoxious behaviours in order to call for
attention to their situation which escalates to an entire group, ethnic, state or even
national and international, macro conflict has occurred.
level becomes difficult and complex for the parties involved to personally resolve their
differences alone without the aid of external assistance. Most times the aggrieved
parties may not even be able to state the immediate or direct cause of conflict as they
usually lose track of the original causes of grievance.
Again, conflicts can escalate to its macro level as a result of the presence of indirect or
secondary parties to the conflict. These groups of persons or organizations complicate
conflict situations and are difficult to identify because their involvements are by proxy
through provisions of war aid and weapons, financial support etc.
They are known as “shadow” parties in conflict. Macro conflicts focus on the broader
impacts or effects of conflict or its lack thereof. It considers a wider aspect in conflict
such as an entire society, age group or age bracket, population groups, countries,
economies, social class etc. Macro conflict goes beyond an individual or organization
and conflict at the macro level changes social stratification, economic power and
diplomatic stance of a society and thereby its future.
The value a group of people or ethnic nationality places on another group may be a
constant cause for conflict especially where these values or perceptions are
discriminatory and undermines the other group thereby limiting the prospects in certain
areas of their lives or hindering their access to certain self actualizing opportunities.
Values can bring about oppressive and unequal social structures. e.g Fulani Cattle
Herdsmen and some indigent communities in Northern Nigeria, the Igbo cast system.
defined as the process of reducing the negative and destructive capacity of conflict
through a number of measures and by working with and through the parties involved in
the conflict. For the purpose of this paper,
conflict resolution and management is defined as constructive processes or
procedures adopted for solving problems which are aimed at terminating conflicts or
reducing its negative and destructive effects by working with and through the
conflicting parties.
This means that some conflicts can be permanently resolved when the basic needs of
the parties have been met with all necessary satisfiers and their fears allayed and
there are non-resolvable conflicts and these can be transformed, regulated or
managed e.g. values. Management of conflicts covers the entire handling of conflict
positively through its different stages, including efforts made towards prevention by
being proactive, conflict limitation, containment and litigation.
Conclusion
Conflicts are natural phenomenon in human society. Depending on their intensity,
conflicts are expressed sometimes in violent or non-violent ways. They are social
situations in which at least two parties with incompatible goals strive to achieve these
goals at the expense of each other. Conflicts occur at all levels of human interaction.
Macro conflicts focus on the broader impacts of conflict on entire groups or social
strata.
The causes of conflict are varied and includes resources, values, oppressive social
order, mismanagement of information etc. and these could be permanently resolved
but where this is impossible will be managed through collaboration, alternative dispute
desolation (ADR), negotiation, conciliation, mediation, arbitration, adjudication, crisis
management and multi-track approach methods. Conflict is an inevitable occurrence in
every human existence, at all levels and takes different forms which could be either
violent or non-violent ways.
The Role of the Media in Peace Building, Conflict Management, and Prevention
Information is power and insight can impact on public discourse. This way, perceptions
can be changed by access to media. Different types of media are utilised globally to
distribute knowledge and idealistically, free mass media is a tool of and signpost for
democracy. Freedom of expression is not only the core of a healthy media but also a
fundamental human right and vital for a democratic structure. It stands for freedom of
speech, the right to information and the representation of different opinions in a
heterogeneous society.
In any culture of prevention, effective and democratic media are an essential part and
indispensable for societies trying to make a transition towards peace and democracy.
Harry S. Truman once said “You can never get all the facts from just one newspaper,
and unless you have all the facts, you cannot make proper judgements about what is
going on this statement reflects the need for free access to unbiased information.
Not giving people the possibility of political participation and not allowing them to
express themselves freely is a significant cause of conflict. On the one hand free,
independent and pluralistic media provide a platform for debate and different opinions.
On the other hand, media can be misused for propaganda purposes, to incite hatred
and spread rumours and therefore artificially create tensions.
Journalism does not need justification for its existence. Its service to society is
justification in itself. Journalism can not only help to distribute information but also
counter hate-speech and create an environment of balanced opinions, an information
equilibrium].
For the media it can be problematic to find a balance between preventing harm caused
by speech and protecting individual expression. Being able to find this balance,
however is important especially in conflict situations. Responsible journalism does not
just re-publish press releases but is truly concerned with a truthful, balanced and fair
account of events. In order to achieve this journalists have to stay clear of judgemental
representations and describe reality without embellishment].
In case of a crisis or a conflict, the international media can attract worldwide attention.
The mass media is a pervasive part of daily life especially in industrialised countries
and thus able to shine a light on conflicts anywhere in the world.
Since most armed conflicts these days have governmental and not territorial reasons;
the parties are often concerned with making sure that the majority of people are on
“their” side, which bears a lot of potential for misrepresenting facts and trying to seize
control over the distribution of information. For this very reason the intervention of
unbiased and free global media is important not only for the world public but also for
the people directly affected. The number of conflicts, however, that gets international
attention is small; therefore local media is vital in this context.
Broadcasting news by using community radios can help reach people in different
areas, even with different languages more easily. This way people can be addressed
directly and their own personal experiences and lives can be incorporated much better,
than with foreign media.
Wellbeing
Well-being is the experience of health, happiness, and prosperity. It includes having
good mental health, high life satisfaction, a sense of meaning or purpose, and ability to
manage stress. More generally, well-being is just feeling well (Take this quiz to
discover your level of well-being.)
Well-being is something sought by just about everyone, because it includes so many
positive things — feeling happy, healthy, socially connected, and purposeful.
Unfortunately, well-being appears to be in decline, at least in the U.S. And increasing
your well-being can be tough without knowing what to do and how to do it.
These are some of the reasons why I founded The Berkeley Well-Being Institute — an
organization that translates the science of well-being into simple tools and
products that help you build your well-being. And they are the reasons why I
wrote Outsmart Your Smartphone: Conscious Tech Habits for Finding Happiness,
Balance, and Connection IRL, which helps people tackle new challenges that interfere
with our well-being in the technology age.
Why? Well, you probably already know that if you stop eating healthy and go back to
eating junk food, then you'll end up back where you started. It turns out that the exact
same thing is true for different types of well-being. If you want to maintain the benefits
you gain, you'll have to continue to engage in well-being-boosting practices to maintain
your skills. So it's really helpful to have strategies and tools that help you stick to your
well-being goals — for example, a happiness and well-being plan or a well-being
boosting activity that you can continue to use throughout your life.
To build your overall well-being, you have to make sure all of these types are
functioning to an extent.
Think of it like this: Imagine you are in a car. Your engine works great, and maybe your
transmission works pretty well, too, but your brakes don't work. Because your brakes
don't work, it doesn't really matter how well your engine works; you're still going to
have trouble going about your life.
The same is true for your well-being. If everything else in your life is going great, but
you feel lonely, or you're eating unhealthfully, other areas of your life will be affected,
and you likely won't feel as well as you want to.
Because each part of well-being is important to your overall sense of well-being, let's
talk about how to build each type of well-being:
Emotional Well-Being. To develop emotional well-being, we need to build emotional
skills — skills like positive thinking, emotion regulation, and mindfulness, for example.
Often, we need to build a variety of these skills to cope with the wide variety of
situations we encounter in our lives. When we have built these emotional well-being
skills, we can better cope with stress, handle our emotions in the face of challenges,
and quickly recover from disappointments. As a result, we can enjoy our lives a bit
more, be happier and pursue our goals a bit more effectively.
Here are some of the skills that research suggests contribute to emotional well-being:
Happiness Skills
Mindfulness Skills
Positive Thinking Skills
Resilience Skills
Physical Well-Being. To develop our physical well-being, we need to know what a
healthy diet and exercise routine looks like, so that we can implement effective
strategies in our daily lives. When we improve our physical well-being, not only do we
feel better, our newfound health can also help prevent many diseases, heal our guts,
boost our emotional well-being, and limit the number of health challenges we have to
deal with in our lives.
Here are some of the things that can help you boost your physical well-being:
Eating for Health
Detoxing Your Body
Correcting Nutritional Deficiencies
Removing Plastic From Your Home
Unfortunately, it's possible to eat healthy but still be unhealthy. We can accidentally
miss important foods or nutrients. Or we can overburden ourselves with toxins from
plastic or processed food. As a result, we may need to eat additional foods, detox our
bodies, or prevent these toxins from entering our bodies again. This is why it's
essential to learn about health, so that we can make the right changes — those that
lead to long-term health and well-being.
Social Well-Being. To develop social well-being, we need to build our social skills,
like gratitude, kindness, and communication. Social skills make it easier for us to have
positive interactions with others, helping us to feel less lonely, angry, or
disconnected. When we have developed our social well-being, we feel more
meaningfully connected to others.
Here are some of the skills that research suggests contribute to better social well-
being:
Practicing Gratitude
Building Meaningful Social Connections
Managing Your Relationship with Technology
It's important to know that building social well-being is one the best ways to build
emotional well-being. When we feel socially connected, we also tend to just feel better,
have more positive emotions, and we are able to cope better with challenges. This is
why it's essential to build our social well-being.
Here are some of the key skills you need for workplace well-being:
Maintaining Work-Life Balance
Finding Your Purpose
Because we spend so much time at work, building our workplace well-being has a big
impact on our overall well-being.
Societal Well-Being. To develop societal well-being, we need to build skills that make
us feel interconnected with all things. We need to know how to support our
environment, build stronger local communities, and foster a culture of compassion,
fairness, and kindness. These skills help us feel like we're part of a thriving
community that really supports one another and the world at large. When we cultivate
societal well-being, we feel like we are a part of something bigger than just ourselves
and live happily.
Here are some of the skills you can build for greater societal well-being:
Living Your Values
Creating a Plastic-Free Home
Making Positive Impacts in Other People's Lives
Kindness
Who Benefits Most from Building Well-Being?
Not everyone experiences the same benefits from building their well-being. For
example, lots of research suggests that the more motivated you are to build well-being
skills, the greater the impact. Perhaps this is not surprising.
Still other research shows that having skills like a growth mindset or a positive
attitude can actually help you build your other well-being skills more easily. This is why
I tend to encourage people to build these skills first — afterward, you may be able to
increase the other types of well-being more easily.
In addition, building well-being skills is perhaps most beneficial for people struggling
the most, particularly if they've recently undergone something stressful. It may be
harder to build well-being during this time, but the impact may be greater, because
there is more room for improvement.
If you've read my earlier posts, you might know that I too have struggled with aspects
of my well-being, particularly with maintaining work-life balance. The truth is, we all
struggle, and new struggles can and will pop up, even if you're doing well. But the
longer we've worked on strengthening our well-being skills, the easier it is to be
resilient, take the actions needed to bounce back, and continue moving forward.
Formal and Lay Conceptions of Well-being Well-being refers to optimal functioning and
experience (Ryan and Deci 2001). The precise nature of optimal functioning is not
necessarily clear, however, and many philosophers and psychologists provide differing
conceptions of well-being. Although numerous and sometimes complex, these
conceptions tend to revolve around two distinct, but related philosophies:
(1) hedonism and
(2) eudaimonism.
To illustrate, determinations of wellness from the hedonic approach center around the
experience of pleasure, a subjectively-determined positive affective state. From a
eudaimonic perspective, well-being is achieved by meeting objectively-valid needs
which are suggested to be rooted in human nature and whose realization is conducive
to human growth (Fromm 1947). In short, the hedonic approach focuses on
subjectively-determined positive mental states, whereas the eudaimonic approach
focuses on experiences that are objectively good for the person (Kagan 1992).
Contemporary research within psychology further indicates that laypeople may also
hold conceptions of well-being that are similar to those advocated by professionals
(e.g., King and Napa 1998; McMahan and Estes 2010; Ng et al. 2003; Pflug 2009;
Tseng 2007). For example, research has found that lay conceptions of well-being
incorporate both hedonic and eudaimonic aspects (King and Napa 1998), and
individuals differ in the degree to which they conceptualize well-being in hedonic and
eudaimonic terms (McMahan and Estes 2010).
To illustrate, dining at a fine restaurant and running a marathon may yield experiences
of a similar hedonic quality, such as the experience of enjoyment and pleasure.
However, running a marathon likely provides more opportunity for personal growth,
self-development, and feelings of competency than dining at fine restaurant and would
thus likely yield increased well-being.
Personally-expressive activities
(Waterman 2005; Waterman et al. 2008), and psychological well-being (Ryff 1989; Ryff
and Singer 1998), have found that behaviors and cognition indicative of a eudaimonic
approach are generally associated with positive psychological functioning. Research
also indicates that in some cases, behaviors and cognition indicative of a hedonic
approach may actually be detrimental to well-being. For example, sensation-seeking
has been associated with a number of negative outcomes, including substance use
(Carrol and Zuckerman 1977; Zuckerman 1994) and risky behaviors (Zuckerman
2009).
Although a great deal of research has documented the positive effects of eudaimonic
activities, less research has examined the relative impact of both hedonic and
eudaimonic approaches on well-being. Existing empirical research suggests, however,
that eudaimonic approaches may be relatively more important for well-being than
hedonic approaches. For example, daily eudaimonic activity was found to be more
robustly associated with well-being than behaviors aimed at experiencing pleasure or
obtaining material goods (Steger et al. 2008).
Character strengths
This handbook also intends to provide an empirical theoretical framework that will
assist positive psychology practitioners in developing practical applications for the field.
There are 6 classes of virtues that are made up of 24 character strengths:
1. Wisdom and Knowledge
2. Courage
3. Humanity
4. Justice
5. Temperance
6. Transcendence
Researchers approached the measurement of “good character” based on the strengths
of authenticity, persistence, kindness, gratitude, hope, humor, and more.
Cultures around the world have valued the study of human strength and virtue.
Psychologists have a particular interest in it as they work to encourage individuals to
develop these traits. While all cultures value human virtues, different cultures express
or act on virtues in different ways based on differing societal values and norms.
Martin Seligman and his colleagues studied all major religions and philosophical
traditions and found that the same six virtues (i.e. courage, humanity, justice, etc.)
were shared in virtually all cultures across three millennia.
Since these virtues are considered too abstract to be studied scientifically, positive
psychology practitioners focused their attention on the strengths of character created
by virtues, and created tools for their measurement.
The main assessment instruments they used to measure those strengths were:
Structured interviews
Questionnaires
Informant Reports
Behavioral Experiments
Observations
The main criteria for characters strengths that they came up with are that each trait
should:
Be stable across time and situations
Be valued in its own right, even in the absence of other benefits
Be recognized and valued in almost every culture, be considered non-
controversial and independent of politics.
Cultures provide role models that possess the trait so other people can recognize
its worth.
Parents aim to instil the trait or value in their children.
Strengths that accompany this virtue involve acquiring and using knowledge:
Creativity (e.g. Albert Einstein’s creativity led him to acquire knowledge and
wisdom about the universe)
Curiosity
Open-mindedness
Love of Learning
Perspective and Wisdom (Fun fact: many studies have found that adults’ self-
ratings of perspective and wisdom do not depend on age, which contrasts the
popular idea that our wisdom increases with age).
2. Virtue of Courage
The braver and more persistent we become, the more our integrity will increase
because we will reach a state of feeling vital, and this results in being more
courageous in character.
Strengths that accompany this virtue involve accomplishing goals in the face of things
that oppose it:
Bravery
Persistence
Integrity
Vitality
3. Virtue of Humanity
There is a reason why Oprah Winfrey is seen as a symbol of virtue for humanitarians:
on every show, she approaches her guests with respect, appreciation, and interest
(social intelligence), she practices kindness through her charity work, and she shows
her love to her friends and family.
Strengths that accompany this virtue include caring and befriending others:
Love
Kindness
Social intelligence
4. Virtue of Justice
Mahatma Gandhi was the leader of the Indian independence movement in British-ruled
India. He led India to independence and helped created movements for civil rights and
freedom by being an active citizen in nonviolent disobedience. His work has been
applied worldwide for its universality.
Strengths that accompany this virtue include those that build a healthy and stable
community:
Being an active citizen who is socially responsible, loyal, and a team member.
Fairness
Leadership
5. Virtue of Temperance
Being forgiving, merciful, humble, prudent, and in control of our behaviors and instincts
prevents us from being arrogant, selfish, or any other trait that is excessive or
unbalanced.
Strengths that are included in this virtue are those that protect against excess:
Forgiveness and mercy
Humility and modesty
Prudence
6. Virtue of Transcendence
The Dalai Lama is a transcendent being who speaks openly why he never loses hope
in humanity’s potential. He also appreciates nature in its perfection and lives according
to what he believes is his intended purpose.
Strengths that accompany this virtue include those that forge connections to the larger
universe and provide meaning:
Appreciation of beauty and excellence
Gratitude
Hope
Humor and playfulness
Spirituality, or a sense of purpose
They also emphasize that these character strengths exist on a continuum; positive
traits are regarded as individual differences that exist in degrees rather than all-or-
nothing categories.
In fact, the handbook has an internal subtitle entitled “A Manual of the Sanities”
because it is intended to do for psychological well-being what the DSM does for
psychological disorders: to add systematic knowledge and ways to master new skills
and topics.
Research shows that these human strengths can act as buffers against mental illness.
For instance, being optimistic prevents one’s chances of becoming depressed. The
absence of particular strengths may be an indication of psychopathology. Positive
psychology therapists, counselors, coaches, and other psychological professions use
these new methods and techniques to help build people’s strength and broaden their
lives.
It should be noted that many researchers are advocating grouping these 24 traits into
just four classes of strength (Intellectual, Social, Temperance, and Transcendence) or
even three classes (excluding transcendence), as evidence has shown that these
classes do an adequate job of capturing all 24 original traits.
Others caution that people occasionally use these traits to excess, which can become
a liability to the person. For example, some people may use humor as a defense
mechanism in order to avoid dealing with a tragedy or coma.
As Martin Seligman and his colleagues studied all major religions and philosophical
traditions to find universal virtues, much of the research on gender and character
strengths have been cross-cultural also.
In a study by Brdar, Anic, & Rijavec on gender differences and character strengths,
women scored highest on the strengths of honesty, kindness, love, gratitude, and
fairness.
Life satisfaction for women was predicted by zest, gratitude, hope, appreciation of
beauty/excellence, and love for other women. A recent study by Mann showed that
women tend to score higher on gratitude than men. Alex Linley and colleagues
reported in a UK study that women not only scored higher in interpersonal strengths,
such as love and kindness, but on social intelligence, too.
In a cross-cultural study in Spain by Ovejero and Cardenal, they found that femininity
was positively correlated with love, social intelligence, appreciation of beauty, love of
learning, forgiveness, spirituality, and creativity. The more masculine a man was, the
more he correlated negatively with these character strengths.
Miljković and Rijavec’s study found sex differences in a sample of college students.
Men not only scored higher in creativity, but also leadership, self-control, and zest.
These findings are congruent with gender stereotypes, as the study by Ovejero and
Cardenal in Spain showed that men did not equate typical masculine strengths with
love, forgiveness, love of learning, and so on.
In a Croatian sample, Brdar and colleagues found that men viewed cognitive strengths
as a greater predictor for life satisfaction. Men saw strengths such as
teamwork, kindness, perspective, and courage to be a stronger connection to life
satisfaction than other strengths. There is an important limitation to this sample
population, as most of the participants were women.
higher life satisfaction, as well as the tendency to live in accordance with the strengths
that are valued in their particular culture.
Studies confirm that there is a duality between genders, but only when both genders
identify strongly with gender stereotypes. It makes one wonder if men and women are
inherently born with certain strengths, or if the cultural influence of certain traits
prioritizes different traits based on gender norms.
Learn more about strengths and weaknesses tests here.
Park and Peterson’s study (2006) confirmed this theoretical speculation, concluding
that these sophisticated character strengths usually require a degree of cognitive
maturation that develops during adolescence. So although gratitude is associated with
happiness in adolescents and adulthood, this is not the case in young children.
Park and Peterson’s study found that the association of gratitude with happiness starts
at age seven.
“Gratitude is seen as a human strength that enhances one’s personal and relational
well-being and is beneficial for society as a whole.” – Simmel
Although most young children are not yet cognitively mature enough for sophisticated
character strengths, there are many fundamental character strengths that are
developed at a very early stage.
The strengths of love, zest, and hope are associated with happiness starting at a very
young age. The strengths of love and hope are dependent on the infant and caregiver
relationship. A secure attachment to the caregiver at infancy is more likely to result in
psychological and social well adjustment throughout their lives.
The nurturing of a child plays a significant role in their development, and role modeling
is an important way of teaching a child certain character strengths as they imitate
behavior and can then embrace the strength as one of their own.
Most young children don’t have the cognitive maturity to display gratitude but have the
ability to display love and hope. Therefore, gratitude must not be expected from a
young child but must be taught.
Positive education programs have been developed to help children and adolescents
focus on character strengths. There are certain character strengths in adolescents that
have a clearer impact on psychological well-being. These strengths must be fostered
to ensure life long fulfillment and satisfaction.
“Character strengths are influenced by family, community, societal, and other
contextual factors. At least in theory, character strengths are malleable; they can be
taught and acquired through practice.” – Gillham, et al.
Research into character strengths shows which promote positive development and
prevent psychopathology.
Dahlsgaard, Park, and Peterson discovered that adolescents with higher levels of zest,
hope, and leadership displayed lower levels of anxiety and depression in comparison
to their peers with lower levels of these strengths. Other research findings suggested
that adolescent character strengths contribute to well-being (Gillham, et al, 2011).
The research suggests that transcendence (eg. gratitude, meaning, and hope) predicts
life satisfaction, demonstrating the importance of adolescents developing positive
relationships, creating dreams, and finding a sense of purpose.
Parents, educators, and researchers have requested the VIA: institute on character
strengths to develop a VIA survey that is especially aimed at youths. Take the VIA
psychometric data – youth survey if you are between the ages of 10-17.
Conclusion
The measurement of character strengths and the different traits that go into making
them have many applications, from life satisfaction to happiness and other well-being
predictors. These measurement tools have been used to study how these strengths
have been developed across genders and age groups.
Resilience: How we piece ourselves back together Resilience is a broad and complex
concept that encompasses all the patterns of behavior which contribute to a person
adapting to distressing life circumstances. Resilience is the ability to cope with negative
emotions that arise from a stressful experience and function at normal or close to
normal capacity; resilience then is a demonstration of survival in the face of
overwhelming life circumstances.
A range of factors have been identified that are linked to resiliency—they encompass
attributes of a person, such as being sociable, having a sense of humor and being
hopeful; as well as social dimensions such as experiences of parental warmth,
nurturing in the family unit, support at school and success in at least one area of life .
Resilience in a specific area of one’s life does not guarantee resilience across all
functional areas. Indeed, research into, and theories of resilience indicate that
resilience in one area of life can co-exist with high risk behaviors, social and emotional
withdrawal, and maladaptive survival tactics. Further experience of childhood trauma is
associated with lower levels of resilience and PTG following a traumatic event in
adulthood.
Yet, people who suffer trauma can be viewed as having enormous potential to survive
and the survival tactics used must be seen as normal reactions to abnormal
circumstances.
Post Traumatic Growth:
Post Traumatic Growth (PTG) refers to positive changes that are experienced by an
individual as a result of a struggle with highly challenging life circumstances .
The life circumstances must constitute a trauma, crisis, or highly stressful experience
that challenges the way a person sees the world and their place in it. Experiences
where one faces death, disabling injury, or significant loss of possessions may cause
people to question what is meaningful in life. Research by Tedeschi and Calhoun in the
area of PTG has contributed to our understanding of what constitutes PTG and what is
needed to achieve it. The researchers identified five types of PTG (2):
1. Greater appreciation for life, which may include a shift in priorities, seeing pleasure
in things that were once taken for granted.
3. Seeing new opportunities in life and setting new life goals. This often requires the
person to let go of the possibilities and goals that were part of their life before the
trauma.
5. Positive spiritual change such as greater affinity with one’s faith and more
engagement with the bigger questions about one’s existence and humanity. It’s
important to keep in mind that growth does not occur as a direct consequence of the
traumatic experience but in the aftermath of it and the struggle to find a new normal.
Growth can, and usually does, happen during the same period of time that unpleasant
psychological and emotional reactions are present. How does growth happen? Growth
is considered to be both an outcome and a process.
Two main processes are involved in achieving growth:
Emotional processing:
In the time following a traumatic experience individuals are often consumed by
overwhelming emotion which can be described as intrusive and distressing. Being
aware of those emotions, having a willingness to feel the feelings and
expressing/disclosing the emotions are critical to moving toward growth. When a
person is able to identify those distressing emotions yet still be able to experience
positive emotions, then growth from the experience is much more likely. Emotional
processing then requires a level of literacy about emotions in order to engage in the
cognitive processes and to make meaning of the experience. This is often a lengthy
process.
Cognitive processing
involves recognizing that life has changed and now must be restructured with a new
identity. The traumatic experience becomes part of this new identity and a new life
purpose is established. Resilience is required for growth to occur; you have to be able
to survive the initial distress in order to achieve positive growth. Being resilient,
however, does not necessarily ensure growth will happen.
What is Health: Health promoting and health compromising behaviors, Life style
and Chronic diseases [Diabetes, Hypertension, Coronary Heart Disease],
Psychoneuroimmunology [Cancer, HIV/AIDS]?
Health
Health psychology is a specialty area that focuses on how biology, psychology,
behavior, and social factors influence health and illness. Other terms including medical
psychology and behavioral medicine are sometimes used interchangeably with the
term health psychology.
Health and illness are influenced by a wide variety of factors. While contagious and
hereditary illness are common, many behavioral and psychological factors can impact
overall physical well-being and various medical conditions.
The field of health psychology is focused on promoting health as well as the prevention
and treatment of disease and illness. Health psychologists also focus on understanding
how people react to, cope with, and recover from illness. Some health psychologists
work to improve the health care system and the government's approach to health care
policy.
Illnesses Related to Psychological and Behavioral Factors
Stroke
Heart disease
HIV/AIDS
Cancer
Birth defects and infant mortality
Infectious diseases
The field of health psychology emerged in the 1970s to address the rapidly changing
field of healthcare. Life expectancy was much lower then, due to lack of basic
sanitation and the prevalence of infectious diseases. Today, life expectancy in the U.S.
is around 80 years, and the leading causes of mortality are chronic diseases often
linked to lifestyle.2 Health psychology helps address these changes in health.
By looking at the patterns of behavior that underlie disease and death, health
psychologists hope to help people live better, and healthier, lives.
For example, while most people realize that eating a diet high in sugar is not good for
their health, many people continue to engage in such behaviors regardless of the
possible short-term and long-term consequences. Health psychologists look at the
psychological factors that influence these health choices and explore ways to motivate
people to make better health choices.3
The US Centers for Disease Control National Center for Health Statistics compiles data
regarding death in the nation and its causes. Congruent with data trends throughout
this century, nearly half of all deaths in the United States can be linked to behaviors or
other risk factors that are mostly preventable.
Specifically, in the most recent CDC report (2012), the rate of death has declined for all
leading causes except suicide; life expectancy is at an all-time high (78.8 years); and
yet every hour about 83 Americans die from heart disease and stroke. More than a
quarter of those deaths are preventable.
This may include helping people maintain a healthy weight, avoid risky or unhealthy
behaviors, and maintain a positive outlook that can combat stress, depression, and
anxiety.
Another way that health psychologists can help is by educating and training other
health professionals. By incorporating knowledge from health psychology, physicians,
nurses, nutritionists, and other health practitioners can better incorporate psychological
approaches into how they treat patients.
Health promotion
Health promotion is among the foremost concerns of modern society. As with many
problems of considerable social significance, most health problems are caused by what
people do and what people do not do. People eat too much, exercise too little, and visit
healthcare providers too infrequently, among many other things.
Understanding and solving these problems is a task for the behavioral sciences, and
applied behavior analysts have been addressing problems related to health and fitness
since the earliest days of the field.
The primary focus of this chapter is on applied behavior analysis research related to
health promotion through diet, exercise, and medication adherence, as addressing
these issues would significantly improve health across many populations.
It seeks to increase involvement and control by the individual and the community in
their own health. It acts to improve health and social welfare, and to reduce specific
determinants of diseases and risk factors that adversely affect the health, well-being,
and productive capacities of an individual or society, setting targets based on the size
of the problem but also the feasibility of successful intervention, in a cost-effective way.
This can be through direct contact with the patient or risk group, or act indirectly
through changes in the environment, legislation, or public policy. Control of AIDS relies
on an array of interventions that promote change in sexual behavior and other
contributory risks such as sharing of needles among drug users, screening of blood
supply,
safe hygienic practices in health care settings, and education of groups at risk such as
teenagers, sex workers, migrant workers, and many others. Control of AIDS is also a
clinical problem in that patients need antiretroviral therapy (ART), but this becomes a
management and policy issue for making these drugs available and at an affordable
price for the poor countries most affected. This is an example of the challenge and
effectiveness of health promotion and the New Public Health.
pooled effect size of −0.15; (95% CI: −0.27 and −0.02) on PCMDs. This effect size is
much smaller than for psychological interventions but still larger than for no treatment.
11.
Build capacity for policy development, leadership, health promotion practice,
knowledge transfer and research, and health literacy.
12.
Regulate and legislate to ensure a high level of protection from harm and enable equal
opportunity for health and well-being for all people.
13.
Partner and build alliances with public, private, non-governmental, and international
organizations and civil society to create sustainable actions.
14.
Make the promotion of health central to the global development agenda.
Salutogenesis
Health promotion is the process by which people increase their control over the
determinants of their own health, thereby improving health and quality of life. In this
context, quality of life refers to the perception that one is capable of managing one’s
health and life, that one’s needs are being met, and that one is not being denied
opportunities to achieve happiness and life satisfaction, regardless of eventual health,
social, or economic limitations (World Health Organization, 1986).
This perspective calls for a model of health promotion that emphasizes the
development of empowerment and it is coherent with Aaron Antonovsky’s concept
of salutogenesis in which individuals are responsible, active, and participative
(Eriksson & Lindström, 2006).
The salutogenic approach underlines the need for people to understand the factors
that actively promote health instead of concentrating efforts and resources on negative
outcomes. Hence, the assets model attempts to synthesize evidence based on the
combination of factors that protect or promote health, well-being, and achievement
(Morgan & Ziglio, 2007).
Antonovsky (1996) developed his salutogenic model during the Second World War,
trying to determine what helps people maintain health under dramatic situations and
how they recover from such situations. He suggested that those who have more
favorable biological, psychosocial, and material resources, so-called general life
resources (eg, money, social capital, cultural capital, intelligence), are more successful
in dealing with life’s challenges and recovering from life’s problems than those who
have fewer such resources (Rivera, Ramos, & Moreno, 2011).
The SOC is thought to facilitate movement toward health because it provides the
individual with the sense that the world and life events are understandable, ordered,
and even predictable (ie, comprehensibility), the belief that one has the necessary
resources to cope and manage events (ie, manageability), and the belief that life’s
challenges are worthy of investment of effort and resources (ie,
meaningfulness; Rivera, Garcia-Moya, Moreno, & Ramos, 2013).
Major sources of morbidity include injury and disability associated with the use of motor
or recreational vehicles, pregnancy complications, sexually transmitted diseases and
consequences of substance abuse (Millstein et al., 1993).
To improve adolescent health it is essential to reduce the frequency, delay the onset
and aim towards the prevention of behaviors associated with morbidity and mortality
among youth. Following the identification of health-compromising behaviors to be
targeted for intervention, the next step in building effective prevention programs is to
understand the factors associated with these behaviors among adolescents at different
stages of development.
1). Personal factors include those from the psychological domain: self-esteem,
emotional well-being and risk-taking disposition. Socioenvironmental factors include
both actual and perceived components such as family structure and family
connectedness, school connectedness, and stressful life experiences such as past
physical and sexual abuse.
Delinquent behaviors
Adolescents reported the frequency with which they had damaged or destroyed
property; hit or beat up another person; or taken something from a store without paying
for it, over the past 12 months. Responses were summed (a = 0.84).
Sexual activity
Adolescents in the ninth and 12th grades indicated: whether they ever had sexual
intercourse, number of opposite gender partners over the past 12 months and
frequency of birth control use. Responses were summed with higher scores indicating
higher risk sexual activity (more partners and less use of birth control) (a = 0.98). Data
on sexual behaviors were not collected on sixth graders.
Suicide attempts
Adolescents completed two questions regarding suicidal ideation and behaviors, and
indicated whether they had thought about, or attempted suicide, over a year ago,
during the past year, both or never. Responses were summed with higher scores
indicating increased suicidal risk (a = 0.54).
Of course, life is filled with many additional challenges beyond those incurred in
college or the workplace. We might have concerns with financial security, difficulties
with friends or neighbors, family responsibilities, and we may not have enough time to
do the things we want to do. Even minor hassles—losing things, traffic jams, and loss
of internet service—all involve pressure and demands that can make life seem like a
struggle and that can compromise our sense of well-being. That is, all can be stressful
in some way.
Scientific interest in stress, including how we adapt and cope, has been longstanding
in psychology; indeed, after nearly a century of research on the topic, much has been
learned and many insights have been developed. This chapter examines stress and
highlights our current understanding of the phenomenon, including its psychological
and physiological natures, its causes and consequences, and the steps we can take to
master stress rather than become its victim.
All lifestyle factors were associated with the mental health outcomes. Better mental
health was linked to higher frequency of physical and mental activity, moderate alcohol
consumption (i.e. not increased or no alcohol consumption), non-smoking, a body
mass index within the range of normal to overweight (i.e. not underweight or obese)
and a regular life rhythm. The more healthy lifestyle choices an individual makes, the
higher life satisfaction and lower psychological distress he or she tends to have.
Adjustment problems can occur at the time of diagnosis, or may arise later on, as the
result of the chronic stress of living with an illness. Adjustment problems are also more
likely in children who had prior behavioral or psychological problems, or in families with
higher levels of conflict.
Children or families who are having difficulty coping with medical illness can be seen
by Texas Children’s experts in Psychology.
Adjustment at diagnosis
When a child is first diagnosed with a chronic illness, all families experience some
combination of shock, disbelief, anger, fear and worry. Children may ask, “Why me?”
And parents will ask, “Why did this happen to my child?” These are normal reactions to
diagnosis and usually lessen with time. However, diagnosis of a chronic illness can
be traumatic for some children and their parents. As many as 1 in 5 children and
parents experience acute stress at the time of diagnosis that may benefit from
additional support.
You may want to speak with a pediatric health psychologist or another mental health
professional if you or your child:
can’t stop thinking about the diagnosis or worrying about the illness and its
complications
can’t sleep, can’t concentrate, feel overly jittery or stressed
avoid any reminders of the illness
one or more of these symptoms lasts for more than 1-2 weeks
Many parents also feel guilty and worry that they did something to cause their child’s
illness. It is important to understand that there was nothing anyone did to cause the
illness, and almost certainly nothing anyone could have done to prevent it.
Chronic illness as chronic stress
After diagnosis, families find that they have to make many changes to their daily
routines to manage the illness effectively. Children may start to think of themselves
differently, and parents have to face a new set of worries. Living with a chronic illness
can bring many challenges, including:
physical symptoms such as discomfort or pain
All of these factors can cause significant chronic stress for the child, the parents, and
other family members. Stress, in turn, can take a psychological toll on children and
families. Psychological difficulties experienced by children with chronic illness include:
persistent worries and fears about the illness and its long-term effects
fear of dying
fear of the hospital or medical procedures
persistent sadness, anger, irritability, or excessive moodiness
changes in self esteem
concerns about physical appearance and body image issues
behavior problems
social difficulties, especially getting teased
You may want to speak with a pediatric health psychologist or another mental health
professional if any of the problems above last for more than a week or 2, and either:
cause your child distress
disrupt sleep
cause a loss of interest in fun things or activities
create conflict with other people
Parenting a child with a chronic illness can also be a source of significant stress for
caregivers. It is important for parents to make sure to take care of themselves as well
as their child, to manage daily stress, and to seek help from family, friends, community
organizations, or mental health professionals when needed.
Chronic illness can also change how caregivers parent. Parents may become
overprotective because of increased fears of their child’s vulnerability. They may also
become more reluctant to set limits for a child’s behavior, especially if the child has
experienced a life-threatening emergency or an extended period of hospitalization or
treatment. In general, parents can help their child cope by:
setting the same clear, consistent limits for behavior they would for any other
child
expressing warmth and support
Developmental issues
Having a chronic illness can affect the normal course of a child’s development in
different ways. A chronic illness may limit the child from engaging in activities that
contribute to development. For example, some children being treated for cancer may
not able to attend school or see friends during treatment due to reduced immune
system functioning;
a child with a heart transplant may not be allowed to participate in sports; or a child
with type 1 diabetes may not be allowed by parents to go on sleepovers at a friend’s
house due to concerns that the other parents will not know how to manage the illness.
Sometimes these limits are set by the child’s medical provider; at other times, limits are
set by parents who may have become overprotective.
It is very important to help a child with a chronic illness have as normal a life as
possible, within the bounds set by the medical team.
Ask the medical team if you have any questions about whether an activity is okay
for your child.
If you remain concerned about an approved activity, try to think through ways in
which the possible risks can be minimized so that your child can participate
safely.
Seek out alternative activities that can provide similar experiences.
Effects on learning
Some chronic conditions can be associated with learning problems. This can occur
because the child misses a lot of school due to health problems or for extended
periods of medical treatment. Parents should speak to their child’s school about
developing a 504 Plan for their child to ensure appropriate accommodations are made
so that their child can still access and receive a free and appropriate public education.
Some conditions and their treatment can also more directly result in learning or
attention problems. Children with a chronic illness who are having difficulty with
learning or attention can be seen by Texas Children’s experts in Neuropsychology.
Developing autonomy
For adolescents, chronic illness may disrupt changing relationships with parents and
friends and interfere with the process of gaining independence and autonomy. An
adolescent with a chronic illness may be less comfortable with becoming less
dependent on parents. On the other hand, parents may become more resistant to the
adolescent's efforts to act independently.
Some ways to address the conflict between normal development of independence,
while still addressing health care needs of the chronic illness, include the following:
They may also experiment. For example, trials of decreasing their medication or not
taking it without consulting healthcare providers may occur. Teens may also make
different decisions when they are alone versus when they are with friends; in general,
they are less likely to complete illness management tasks when with friends. While
these behaviors are developmentally normal, they create the need for continued
parental monitoring and support.
Encouraging open discussions with teens around treatment choices, and taking a
nonjudgmental approach to the choices they make, is crucial if parents want to
continue to have an influence over these decisions.
Parents should view these attempts as opportunities for discussion and active
problem-solving with their teen, rather than as deviations to be punished.
If an adolescent does not complete a treatment task (like taking medication),
encourage discussion of what happened and why and what can be done in the
future, rather than reprimanding the teen.
Teach and encourage use of problem-solving skills related to their illness. Ask
questions, such as: "What do you think you would you do if...?"or "What do you
think would happen if...?" Encourage adolescents to ask you the same kinds of
questions.
Encourage teens to share their ideas and concerns with their healthcare
providers.
Work on “team building” between the adolescent, parents, and healthcare
providers.
Burnout
To help:
Recognize how difficult and frustrating it can be to live with and manage a
chronic illness.
Ask if the youth feels burned out or discouraged about illness management.
Ask if the youth is getting the support he/she needs, and what parents and
healthcare providers can do to help “lessen the load.”
You might want to speak with a pediatric health psychologist if the youth:
o seems helpless or hopeless around illness management
o is distressed about the illness or its management
o seems sad more days than not
o shows changes in sleep, appetite, interest, or grades
o becomes withdrawn
Diabetes
Having diabetes can take its toll, with the different aspects of self-management often
feeling overwhelming. The responsibility for managing diabetes lies almost entirely in
the hands of the person with this life-long condition.
People with different types of diabetes often have distinctive psychosocial needs. This
article focusses on type 2 diabetes which is the most common form of the condition.
Constant monitoring, following a healthy diet and finding time for exercise can all lead
to improved mental and emotional health.
People with diabetes are up to three times more likely to report symptoms of
depression and these can be debilitating. For type 2 diabetes, £1.8 billion of additional
costs to the NHS can be attributed to poor mental health. However, less than 15% of
people with diabetes have access to psychological support, in spite of the fact that
psychological support improves health and cuts costs by 25%.
Poor mental and emotional well-being can lead to feeling less
inclined to monitor blood glucose levels which then impact on self-management and
diabetes control. People who feel depressed often feel lethargic and so are less likely
to exercise. Diet is also very often affected with less healthy foods and more alcohol
consumed. In addition, sleep is often affected (problems sleeping are one of the
symptoms of depression), which can have a serious impact on overall quality of life.
Early waking
Tiredness/lack of energy
Loss of appetite
Feelings of guilt/worthlessness
Recurrent thoughts about death/suicide
Emotional distress
People with diabetes may also experience diabetes-related emotional distress and
although there is a strong association between distress and depression, many people
only report one or the other.
Importance of well-being
The importance of psychological and emotional well-being has now been recognised
by not only Diabetes UK, but the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence
(NICE) and there are guidelines for the management of diabetes and depression when
they occur together.
NHS England has also recognised the importance of good mental health, advocating a
holistic approach to care for people with diabetes which includes consideration of
mental and emotional well-being as well as physical health (NHS England 2018).
Diabetes UK has recommended that ever person with diabetes should be in receipt of
15 healthcare essentials - including getting psychological and emotional support, and
that receiving more integrated care would improve outcomes and quality of life. This,
they say, would also subsequently reduce healthcare costs.
1. During the last month, have you often been bothered by feeling down, depressed or
hopeless?
2. During the last month, have you often been bothered by having little interest or
pleasure in doing things?
If the answer is ‘yes’ to either of these questions, then further questions are asked in
order to decide on the next step, and this is usually based on the severity of symptoms.
NICE guidelines, based on existing evidence, also recommend the use of physical
activity groups, motivational interviewing, and group or family therapy.
Some people prefer group rather than individual support as it can promote a sense of
belonging, sharing stories and feeling less isolated.
Specific guidelines for supporting people with long-term conditions (including diabetes)
have only very recently (April 2018) been developed and are yet to be widely available.
At the same time, direct access to psychological support in primary or secondary
diabetes clinics remains scarce.
The treatment of diabetes and its physiological consequences is often seen as the
main priority of care, with psychological well-being further down the list, and worries
about the most appropriate service to offer or receive are common.
The language used within clinical settings can also influence the discussions. Using
words such as ‘adherence’ or ‘compliance’ with treatment can have serious negative
effects. Conversely, using non-discriminatory words can open up conversations and
help identify the particular needs of the person with diabetes.
The concept of a healthy life style must be holistic and consider all factors that
contribute to hypertension. This requires identifying the connection of the systolic (top
number) and diastolic (bottom number) pressure to the cause when developing a
holistic treatment plan for each patient. Perhaps the 21st century treatment for
hypertension patients includes total mind, body and soul.
A patient hears their numbers and information about a healthy blood pressure reading
during their visits to the doctor. A blood pressure (BP) reading has a top and bottom
number referred as systolic and diastolic pressure In adults, a good systolic pressure
is 120 mm Hg and a good diastolic pressure 80 mm Hg or less Each number is a snap
shot of each patient’s healthcare needs.
High blood pressure shakes the core of all patients and they want to correct the
problem by any means necessary. Doctors prescribe medication, a healthy diet, and
exercise to their patients and many follow the doctor’s orders This treatment is
effective in many patients. However, there are some patients living a healthy lifestyle
and still have a high diastolic pressure
The question they ask in frustration is what is causing a high diastolic pressure despite
a healthy life style of diet and exercise. This leads to the analysis of stress and
physical health
A holistic care plan should use medications as the last option and if used it should be
temporary as the patient makes their holistic care life style changes. A holistic plan of
care for HBP is mind, body, and soul.
The mind, body, and soul treatment should align with the patient’s beliefs. Many
doctors and psychiatrist agree people become healthier when they reduce their
exposure to a busy and noisy environment]. Therefore, spending time in nature
enjoying its serine sounds is therapeutic and reduces the cortisol levels causing
elevations in diastolic pressure that will increase with time of systolic pressure A
healthy life style goes beyond diet and exercise. The mind, body, and soul are a
lifelong preventive care plan and an effective treatment plan for HBP.
Conclusion
Patients’ lifestyles have an impact on their BP. Doctors need to assess holistically the
cause of patient’s HBP to provide an appropriate treatment plan. In the 21st century,
medication is not the first choice of treatment for HBP. Doctors encourage their
patients to switch to a healthy diet, exercise, and relax However, relaxing is the most
difficult part of the treatment plan for most patients who do not know the cause of their
stress. In conclusion, physicians should recommend psychiatric care within their HBP
treatment plan.
Coronary heart disease is a common term for the buildup of plaque in the heart’s
arteries that could lead to heart attack. But what about coronary artery disease? Is
there a difference?
The short answer is often no — health professionals frequently use the terms
interchangeably.
With coronary artery disease, plaque first grows within the walls of the coronary
arteries until the blood flow to the heart’s muscle is limited. View an illustration of
coronary arteries. This is also called ischemia. It may be chronic, narrowing of the
coronary artery over time and limiting of the blood supply to part of the muscle. Or it
can be acute, resulting from a sudden rupture of a plaque and formation of a thrombus
or blood clot.
The traditional risk factors for coronary artery disease are high LDL cholesterol,
low HDL cholesterol, high blood pressure, family history, diabetes, smoking, being
post-menopausal for women and being older than 45 for men, according to Fisher.
Obesity may also be a risk factor.
“Coronary artery disease begins in childhood, so that by the teenage years, there is
evidence that plaques that will stay with us for life are formed in most people,” said
Fisher, who is former editor of the American Heart Association journal, ATVB.
“Preventive measures instituted early are thought to have greater lifetime
benefits. Healthy lifestyles will delay the progression of CAD, and there is hope that
CAD can be regressed before it causes CHD.”
Living a healthy lifestyle that incorporates good nutrition, weight management and
getting plenty of physical activity can play a big role in avoiding CAD.
“Coronary artery disease is preventable,” agreed Johnny Lee, M.D., president of New
York Heart Associates, and an American Heart Association volunteer. “Typical warning
signs are chest pain, shortness of breath, palpitations and even fatigue.”
In a nutshell, PNI studies the connection between psychological processes and the
nervous and immune systems of the body. A more detailed description of PNI was
given in an interview with Dr. Robert Ader, a Distinguished University Professor at the
University of Rochester School of Medicine and Dentistry, and one of the pioneers of
this rapidly growing branch of research. It reads as follows:
The field grew from the work of Russian psychologist Ivan Pavlov and his classical
conditioning model. Pavlov was able to condition dogs to salivate when they heard the
ring of a bell by ringing a bell when they were given food. Eventually, they came to
automatically associate the sound of the bell with the act of eating, so that when the
food was no longer given, the sound of the bell would automatically cause them to
salivate.
With PNI, Russian researchers conducted a series of experiments that showed that the
body’s other systems may be altered by conditioning as well. Although their research
does not live up to today’s rigorous standards, they were able to cause immunologic
reactions in animals in much the same way that Pavlov created salivation in his dogs.
American researchers like Ader took the research further in the United States, and we
now know for certain that immune responses can be enhanced or suppressed with a
wide variety of conditioned cues. We also have a deeper understanding of the placebo
effect—some researchers are beginning to believe that it might be a conditioned
response as well.
Psychoneuroimmunology Applications
Psychoneuroimmunology research sheds a great deal of light on many aspects of
wellness and provides important research on stress. PNI studies have found may
correlations between life events and health effects.
As PNI has gained greater acceptance in the scientific community, the finding that
emotional states can affect immunity has been an important one, and research in this
area helps us to gain a clearer understanding of stress and its effects on health. We
are gaining a clearer understanding of the links between lifestyle and personality
factors and immunity as research continues.
Research that has attempted to link psychosocial stressors with tumour development
or progression has faced many obvious diYculties [1]. For example, stage of disease
can have a profound eVect on how patients feel, and cancer treatments such as
chemotherapy and radiation are associated with a number of side-eVects, including
immunological alterations. One obvious area of interest is the possibility of in¯uencing
the course of cancer through behavioural interventions.
One of the best studies in this area evaluated both the immediate and longer-term
eVects of a 6-week structured group intervention that consisted of health education,
enhancement of problem-solving skills regarding diagnosis, stress management
techniques such as relaxation, and psychological support [42, 43].
The patients had stage I or II malignant melanoma, and they had not received any
treatment after surgical excision of the cancer. Noteworthy eVects included reduced
psychological distress and signi®cant increases in the per cent of NK cells, as well as
an increase in NK cell cytotoxicity, compared with controls.
Consistent with results of the intervention study with melanoma patients, Spiegel and
colleagues [44] showed that a year of weekly supportive group therapy sessions with
selfhypnosis for pain was associated with extended survival time in women with
metastatic breast cancer. It is not known if these data re¯ect immunological alterations
that in¯uenced the course of the cancer, and a number of other interpretations are
plausible. As the authors note, patients in the intervention condition could have been
more compliant with medical treatment, and/or they might have had better health
behaviours such as exercise and diet. Such behavioural differences could contribute to
the observed outcome.
Other researchers have linked stress to poorer immune function in cancer patients
whose immune systems are already aVected by disease. Among 116 women recently
treated surgically for invasive breast cancer, greater stress (assessed via a self-
reported measure of intrusive and avoidant thoughts and behaviours related to cancer)
was associated with lower proliferative responses of PBLs to mitogens and to a
monoclonal antibody against the T cell receptor [2]. Importantly, stress was also related
to lower NK cell lysis, as well as diminished responsiveness of NK cells to rIFN-g.
Earlier studies from Levy and Herberman and colleagues [4, 5] had shown that three
variables accounted for 51% of variance in baseline NK cell activity among women with
breast cancer: patient `adjustment', lack of social support and fatigue/depressive
symptoms. On reassessment of NK cell activity after 3 months, the investigators found
that they could account for 30% of the variance on the basis of baseline NK cell
activity, fatigue/depression and lack of social support. Most importantly,
NK cell activity remained markedly lower in patients with positive nodes than in patients
with negative nodes, that is average levels of NK cell activity were lower for patients
with greater tumour burden. Even though neither radiation nor chemotherapy appeared
to be related to subsequent NK cell activity, tumour burden was again associated with
NK cell activity.
Additional data collected from breast cancer patients were consistent with evidence
described earlier linking NK cell activity with social support in healthy individuals [46].
Among women with stage I or II cancer, higher NK cell activity was associated with the
perception of high-quality emotional support from a spouse or signi®cant other,
perceived social support from the patient's physician, oestrogenreceptor negative
tumour status, having an excisional biopsy as surgical treatment, and actively seeking
social support as a major coping strategy.
Among psychiatrists who treat patients with HIV/AIDS, the question of how
psychosocial distress effects the progression of HIV disease is likely to arise. Even for
healthy individuals, we are only beginning to clarify the complex pathways by which
thoughts and emotions impact immune function. Due to the bidirectionality of the
communications of the brain and the immune system, this is a complicated scenario.
The fact that HIV alters the function of the immune system during the course of its
progression creates greater confounds to the understanding of these systems. We will
address the rationale that progression from HIV infection to AIDS may be modulated
by psychosocial factors, discuss possible reasons for conflicting findings and posit
some clinically relevant recommendations drawn from research findings.
Among psychiatrists who treat patients with HIV/AIDS, the question of how
psychosocial distress effects the progression of HIV disease is likely to arise. Even for
healthy individuals, we are only beginning to clarify the complex pathways by which
thoughts and emotions impact immune function. Due to the bidirectionality of the
communications of the brain and the immune system, this is a complicated scenario.
The fact that HIV alters the function of the immune system during the course of its
progression creates greater confounds to the understanding of these systems. We will
address the rationale that progression from HIV infection to AIDS may be modulated
by psychosocial factors, discuss possible reasons for conflicting findings and posit
some clinically relevant recommendations drawn from research findings.
Given that certain immune parameters are modulated by physiologic mediators of the
stress response (i.e., catecholamines and glucocorticoid hormones), it would seem
logical to investigate the role of stress and other psychosocial factors in the
progression of HIV infection. In fact, changes in immune function and disease
susceptibility have been well documented in healthy individuals during times of psychic
distress (Ader et al., 1995; Miller et al., 1997), and studies over the past 15 years have
shown significant correlations between psychosocial variables and HIV progression.
However, there have also been a number of studies showing no such correlation.
Stressful Life Experiences. Studies examining stressful life events and HIV have
shown interesting but conflicting results. For example, Rabkin et al. (1991) studied 124
HIV-positive men and found no association between clinician-rated anxiety and CD4+
lymphocyte counts at study entry and at six-month follow-up. However, Evans et al.
(1995), performing a similar cross-sectional study of HIV-positive men, did show a
significant correlation between increased frequency of negative life events over the six
months prior to interview and decreased CD8+ cytotoxic T-cells.
Evans et al. (1997) continued with a two-year prospective study and found that not only
were severe life stressors predictive of greater declines in some lymphocyte
populations (natural killer [NK] cells and CD8+ cytotoxic lymphocytes), but also that
such stressors increased the rate of HIV progression to AIDS.
The researchers emphasized that their results were noted only in those experiencing
severe life stress, not stresses associated with everyday living. For every severe life
stress reported, they found the risk of HIV disease progression to AIDS doubled. In
their most recent work, these investigators followed 82 HIV-positive gay men at six-
month intervals for up to 5.5 years. They found that more cumulative life stress and
less cumulative social support doubled or tripled the probability of progressing to AIDS
(Leserman et al., 1999).
Depression. Studies examining the effect of depression on HIV progression have had
variable results. For example, Rabkin et al. (1991) found no correlation in their cross-
sectional study between depression and CD4+ lymphocyte count or stage of HIV
illness; however, a relationship was found between clinician-rated depression and
increased report of HIV-related symptoms.
In 1993, Burack et al. reported findings of a five-year prospective cohort study that
showed a significant correlation between depressive symptoms and more rapid decline
in CD4+ lymphocyte counts, although not with increased HIV/AIDS-related morbidity or
mortality. Conversely, in a similar eight-year study of 1,809 HIV-positive gay men,
Lyketsos et al. (1993) found no significant relationship between depression and
indicators of HIV disease progression or clinical outcome. Likewise, results from a
seven-year prospective cohort study of 402 gay men showed that depressed affect
was associated with a greater AIDS-related mortality rate, although no correlation was
found for measures of CD4+ lymphocytes (Mayne et al., 1996). In a meta-analytic
review, Zorilla et al. (1996) concluded that no significant correlations could be made
between depressive symptoms and markers of HIV disease progression. There did
seem to be a relationship between depression and increased reporting of HIV-related
symptoms.
Social Interaction. It is widely accepted that social isolation is a significant risk factor for
several disease entities and that significant interruptions in social relationships can
have deleterious effects. With regard to HIV/AIDS, this is exemplified among studies
examining the death of an intimate partner, an event generally associated with
bereavement and social role disruption.
Kemeny et al. (1995) studied 39 HIV-positive gay men who had experienced the death
of an intimate partner within the previous 13 months. Looking at various markers of HIV
progression pre- and postbereavement, they found significant increases in serum
neopterin (a product of activated monocytes and a predictor of HIV disease
progression) in the bereaved group. This finding was independent of ratings of
depression, suggesting a qualitative difference between bereavement and depressive
disorders. Another study unexpectedly found that greater self-reports of loneliness
were associated with a slower decline in CD4+ lymphocytes over a three-year period,
but not associated with time to AIDS diagnosis or AIDS-related death (Miller et al.,
1997).
Coping Responses. There is growing evidence that one's coping style may modulate
the progression of HIV infection. For example, in a study by Byrnes et al. (1998), an
increased measure of pessimism was related to lower NK-cell cytotoxicity in a group of
HIV-seropositive black women at risk for cervical cancer. Furthering this hypothesis,
Cole et al. (1996) found in a nine-year
study that the degree of "closetedness," or concealment of gay identity, was strongly
correlated with more rapid decline of CD4+ lymphocytes, more rapid progression to
AIDS diagnosis and more rapid time to AIDS-related mortality. These findings were
unrelated to health practices, medical treatment or other demographic differences and
suggest a relationship between disease progression, poor coping and the stress of
concealing one's sexual orientation.
Examining specific coping styles in a group of 74 gay men diagnosed with AIDS, Reed
et al. (1994) showed that higher measures of "realistic acceptance" of their AIDS
diagnosis was a significant predictor of decreased survival time.
They point out that, in the past, researchers have shown unrealistic optimism to be
associated with better psychological adjustment and more active coping styles. Studies
of the converse of this idea have found a "fighting spirit" to be associated with reduced
progression to AIDS over a 12-month period (Solano et al., 1993). In an examination of
the impact of perceived causes of events on HIV progression, Segerstrom et al. (1996)
showed that the tendency to attribute negative events to the self was predictive of
faster CD4+ lymphocyte decline over the 18-month study period.
Currently, several known laboratory findings correlate with HIV progression, but their
predictive value is questionable. The most common marker, the CD4+ lymphocyte, is
predictive of increased risk for opportunistic infections once it drops below a critical
level. Another promising marker is the plasma viral load. However, with the advent of
newer antiretroviral therapies, CD4+ lymphocyte levels can rise markedly and viral load
can become undetectable for years.
Exercise training has been studied among several HIV-positive cohorts, revealing
numerous psychological benefits including decreases in anxiety and depression and
increases in active, positive coping styles. In a review of pertinent literature, LaPerriere
et al. (1997) concluded that a typical regimen of aerobic exercise can result in
increases in CD4+ lymphocyte counts in all HIV-positive patients, except those with
AIDS. However, even among AIDS patients, the CD4+ lymphocyte counts remained
stable over an 18-month study (whereas control patients' levels continued to decline).
The impact of HIV on neural tissue remains questionable. There is evidence, at least in
the case of depression, that HIV-positive individuals respond to antidepressant therapy
at rates similar to seronegative controls. The side-effect profiles of these medications
also seem to differ minimally based on HIV status (Rabkin et al., 1994).
A significant finding about HIV and depression in the meta-analysis by Zorilla and
colleagues (1996) was that depression was associated with increased reporting of HIV
systems. The goal is to produce software and hardware that is useful, usable, and
aesthetically pleasing.
A closely aligned area is the evaluation of systems in use. This is of course related to
design, because to know if a design is useful or usable requires observing it in use.
However, this also extends to the study of the larger social consequences of use.
Increasingly, evaluation takes place at multiple levels of analysis: the individual, the
group, the organization, and the industry or societal sector.
The methodological and conceptual issues at these different levels of evaluation are
quite different. Psychologists are typically most interested in the smaller levels of
aggregation, though Landauer (1995) attempted to provide a largely psychological
account of the “productivity paradox,” a phenomenon first identified by economists who
found a disappointing lack of correlation between the amount of money invested in
information technology and changes in industry productivity measures.
This chapter updates and expands the last review of HCI in the Annual Review of
Psychology (Carroll 1997). There has been steady growth in the field since then, and in
our brief chapter we can only highlight some of the most significant changes. We also
give explicit attention to the emergence of research at the group and organizational
level, often referred to as computer-supported cooperative work or CSCW.
The field of HCI is fundamentally interdisciplinary. The fields of cognitive, social, and
organizational psychology are all important to research in the area, but other social
sciences such as sociology and anthropology have played key roles, as have such
related fields as communication, management, operations research, and ergonomics.
Also, a variety of technical specialties from computer science are important. Research
in HCI requires literacy in the related fields and often involves multidisciplinary
collaboration. Some think of HCI as a purely applied field.
However, being applied does not mean lacking in relevance to basic science. Stokes
(1997) argued that the quest for fundamental understanding and considerations of use
are two separate dimensions of a 2 × 2 table rather than opposite ends of a continuum.
He used Pasteur as an example of research that sought both fundamental
understanding and practical solutions. Whereas some research in HCI is close to
purely applied, as we hope to show in this review, much of it falls in Pasteur’s
quadrant.
more social level, there is work on distributed cognition, focusing on the interplay of
people with their teammates and the artifacts of their interaction.
Another class of tasks, that of information retrieval, is receiving attention from HCI
researchers. What we do not have yet is a detailed model of social interaction or of
some of the larger issues of adoption of innovation. There is significant work to be
done to understand what might be unique about the adoption of computation as an
innovation, because computational artifacts can be designed in so many different
ways.
To model this behavior they drew on foraging theory from biology. They saw the
analogy between the movement of animals from one food source to another (a “patch”)
and people’s movement from one information source to another.
These bits of information give the user clues as to whether the selection of that item is
likely to be useful. The Card and Pirolli information-foraging work is remarkable not
only in its novelty of task and approach, but in the variety of methods they bring to play
in their work. They motivate the investigation with some descriptions of real people
searching for information—a team of MBAs doing an industry analysis and a consultant
writing his monthly report on a topic. From phenomena gleaned from these cases,
they worked with mathematical foraging theory, applying various concepts and
equations to information rather than food-seeking behavior. Of particular relevance
here were calculations on the time a person would spend in a fruitful region of
information before moving on to another and the factors that drove the decision to
The mathematical analyses show aggregate behavioral trends (e.g., average time to
linger as a function of richness of the scent), whereas the ACT-IF model allowed them
to explore various mechanisms that might account for this behavior. They concluded
with an empirical laboratory study of people making such switching decisions in a
particular information-retrieval system called the “Scatter/Gather” interface. They made
very specific predictions of when someone would stop searching a source (when the
average value of a found item dropped below an estimated middle point). They also
encouraged designs to give “scent,” hints as to the ultimate value of continuing
searching on a particular path, such as meaningful labels and revealing search results.
Much of the design of early GUIs was influenced by psychological research (e.g.,
Johnson et al. 1989). Such systems have been around long enough that they have
achieved some level of stability in design, even across different hardware and software
platforms.
Now all kinds of new situations are emerging that are challenges to humancomputer
interaction specialists. We briefly describe some examples of these and indicate the
character of some of the psychological issues involved. As applications move from the
desktop to more mobile, immersive environments and to a wider set of users, there
remain a number of challenges for basic psychology.
The user interface challenges are daunting. These devices typically have small
screens, and interactions are with a stylus and a small set of buttons. Some models
have optional folding keyboards that allow for more traditional interactions. Despite
these user interface challenges, such devices have a number of very useful functions
and are very popular. Combinations of mobile devices, such as the merging of PDAs
and cell phones, are just appearing. One specialized user interface issue is how to
integrate such mobile devices with more traditional computing. For instance,
Milewski & Smith (2000) developed a digital address book with location sensors that
could be accessed from a regular workstation or from a PDA and that provided
information about the availability of others that could be used to coordinate phone calls
regardless of where the participants might be. The interface had to be adapted to the
capabilities of each device in a way that users found intuitive and natural.
According to one teacher survey regarding the problem with technology in schools
(Washington Post 2013):
Nearly 90% of teachers felt technology has created a distracted generation with
short attention spans.
60% felt it hindered writing and face-to-face communication; i.e., communication
with full sentences and longer has lost out to short snippets in writing or media.
Almost 50% felt it hurt critical thinking and homework ability.
76% felt students were conditioned to find quick answers.
In short, technology is changing the way our students learn, and not always for the
better.
In another survey, university students were asked how often they use their cell phones
while in class for non-class related uses (Baron 2015). The average college student
reported such use 11 times daily. 15% of students used their cell more than thirty times
during class. All of this activity comes at a price in learning. In one study, students who
sent text messages while watching a lecture had exam scores 19% below those who
did not text (Thompson 2014).
When students were asked themselves about texting during class time, the following
percent of them agreed or strongly agreed:
77% felt that receiving text messages hurts my ability to learn during lecture.
72 % felt that sending text messages hurts my ability to learn during lecture.
37% felt that they get distracted when someone else receives a text during class.
31% felt that they get distracted when someone else sends a text during class.
Thus, students recognize that texting in school not only interferes with their own
learning, but also interferes with other student’s attention—yet 49% of them still felt it
was okay to text during class (Rosen, 2012).
Not surprisingly, allowing web access (i.e., not just texting access) to students during a
lecture doesn’t fare well, either. One group of students was allowed to surf the web
during class, and the other kept their laptop closed. Students did indeed look at lecture
related sites, but also went shopping, watched videos and caught up on e-mail. Even
those students who surfed only on topics related to the lecture showed significantly
worse memory of the lecture’s content than those who kept their laptop closed (Carr
2011).
Yet, multiple studies reveal that the majority of students say that they use their
electronic devices during class to text, browse, or consume media. The results of these
studies agree with my own informal survey of my patients who, when asked, almost
uniformly say that students are using the classroom laptops/iPads for non-educational
activities. Even those who have monitored or limited Internet access still use their
laptops for offline gaming. If an adult comes around, they simply hit a button which
switches the screen to a legitimate activity.
The CD (remember those?) version of MAD magazine even contains a “panic button”
which, if pressed when an adult checks in, pulls up a Word document that reads
something to the effect that, “I can’t believe my parents fell for this again.” School
systems that are switching to all digital experiences for their students must ask
themselves if the advantages are worth the distractions.
Etiquette, the word, means “The forms required by good breeding or prescribed by
authority in social or official life”. The origins of the word stems from the French word
“ticket”; if you knew the etiquette for the group or society you would have a ‘ticket’ to
gain access (Shea, V. 2004).
Importance of Netiquette
to note that 55% of the communication is made up of body language, 38% is the tone
of voice, with the remaining 7% being the actual words (Psychology Today (Thompson,
J. 2011).
When communicating on a phone we lose the body language component but the tone
is still there to support the message. However, communicating online, or in the written
form, we lost 93% of the communication – the words become the sole mechanism for
communication!
Business is about building relationships, which at times can take years. Creating the
rapport is incredibly important in establishing trust, authenticity and credibility. Any
disregard for netiquette can break this down with a single email, post or online
comment. It is key for businesses to focus on the digital skills of their employees;
moreover the focus should be on communication with a nuance on digital
communication.
We know that the socio-cultural environment has the deepest, strongest, and perhaps
most prevailing effect on social behaviour. In fact etiquette are societal norms,
therefore netiquette would be the rules society dictates we utilise when we are online.
The Online Disinhibition Effect
People disclose or act out more frequently, at times more intensely, when they are
online. More so than when they are off- line. Because of this loss of inhibition, users
show tendencies, such as being more affectionate, more open, and less guarded, in an
attempt to achieve emotional well being (Suler, 2004)
(N)Etiquette is all about the code of behaviour established for communicating and
behaving
These guidelines will differ, in terms of the context and the medium available. However,
there are some core principles that we need to be aware of and adhere to. According
to Shea (1994), an academic who has been dubbed the ‘network manners guru’, these
guidelines are:
1. Remember the Human Never forget that the person reading your communication is
actually a person with feelings and can get hurt. Essentially never say anything online
that wouldn’t say to your reader’s face.
2. Adhere to the same standards of behaviour online that you follow in real life Be
ethical in your engagement and know that breaking the law is bad netiquette.
3. Know where you are in cyberspace The netiquette required will differ from domain
to domain. If you are in a forum of experts, your netiquette should reflect respect.
Whereas if you are in a chat room with a group of friends (you know in real life) then
the netiquette will differ!
4.Respect other people’s time and bandwidth When sharing files or documents, bear in
mind the audience’s bandwidth. Furthermore, make sure you read the FAQs first
before asking mundane questions where the answers already exist. If you disagree
with a group’s discussion, don’t waste their (or your) time by telling them how stupid
they are: Just stay away.
5. Make yourself look good online Check grammar and spelling before you post. Most
people judge others’ intelligence based on the use of grammar and spelling. Only post
on things you know about, it is not worth it to look like the fool.
6. Share expert knowledge Offer answers and help others where you can
7. Help keep flame wars under control Don’t respond to flame-bait, don’t post spelling
or grammar flames, and apologise if you have done so or perpetuated a flame-war.
8. Respect other people’s privacy Don’t give out other people’s details, online or offline.
9. Don’t abuse your power The more power you have, the more important it is how you
use it.
10. Be forgiving of other people’s mistakes We all were once a newb (and no we don’t
mean noob – those who know little and have no will to learn any more).
Over the past twenty years, as the internet and mobile phones have become
embedded in our lives, we have heard about children and adults who have been
targeted by bullies online. We seem to have improved our understanding of how bullies
operate and we are more likely to believe the stories of those who have been bullied
but we do not seem to have made much progress in preventing bullying or dealing with
bullies.
For those of us who are less familiar with social media or do not feel confident in
understanding the online context it might feel overwhelming and confusing if, either
professionally or personally, someone seeks our support or advice on addressing
cyberbullying. I hope that the following information serves as a way of familiarizing
oneself with some of the issues that might come up and suggest ways we can support
people who have experienced cyberbullying.
What is cyberbullying?
‘Cyberbullying’ is a range of behaviours that people use to intimidate, shame or
alienate another person online. Cyberbullying includes, but is not limited to, using
offensive or dehumanizing language against someone; blackmail; ‘outing’ someone;
threatening physical violence. In the same way that bullies often try to isolate someone
‘in real life’ they might also try to rally others to isolate someone else in the online
context and/or in ‘real life’.
One of the most striking aspects of these cases is the way that a ‘pack’ descends onto
the scene and, also, how online platforms appear to be ill-equipped to deal with
bullying and so people are sometimes ‘bullied off’ the platform.
The internet also enables a person to bully strangers, without geographical limitations,
via social media, comment sections, dating apps etc. in a way that wouldn’t have been
possible previously.
Additionally, a cyberbully can send abusive messages at any moment, not limited by
the time restrictions of face to face contact.
Young people who have experienced cyberbullying describe a feeling of not being able
to get away from it; that there is no respite. Older people might think that the solution is
to disconnect from the online spaces where the bully can send messages or, perhaps,
even to disconnect from social media altogether but it seems that young people are
usually unwilling to sacrifice the more positive interactions they have in those online
contexts in order to avoid the bully. Young people’s online lives are often so embedded
in their day to day lives telling them to quit social media is like telling them to stop going
to the town centre so they can avoid the bully.
However, there are always new platforms coming and going and it’s difficult to keep up
with the trends in the lesser known platforms and to understand what they entail. The
NSPCC website ‘net aware’ (link in references section below) is very helpful as it
provides descriptions of different apps and social media platforms and gives advice on
how to use them as safely as is possible.
When we’re thinking about how to help or protect others from cyberbullying it’s
important to be aware that platforms such as Netflix (TV and film streaming service),
videogames and music apps (e.g Spotify) that are not necessarily marketed as ‘social
media’ or communication apps also provide the possibility to send messages (and
therefore provide another platform for bullies to send abusive messages).
Since the emergence of smart phones around 2010 it seems that more and more
parents use mobile phones and/or portable devices to entertain or occupy babies and
small children. Following on from this, it seems plausible that a child’s first negative
online experience must be becoming progressively younger and that it’s not unrealistic
that their first experience of cyber bullying (whether it is observing, participating or
being on the receiving end) could happen whilst they are still attending primary school.
As is the same with the face to face context, cyber bullying can provide a way for
individuals to project their own feelings of distress into another person. It also seems
plausible that a nasty message provides the sender with some temporary excitement
or temporarily relieves some feelings of frustration. By sending nasty messages under
the cloak of the internet (not necessarily anonymously) the sender is protected from
any possible physical backlash from the receiver.
However, they have also left an ‘electronic trail’ that could land them in trouble with
their employer, their school, the online platform, or the police. Perhaps this is one of
the reasons for the ‘pack’ behaviour mentioned previously: that bullies have a feeling of
‘safety in numbers’ and if the pack unleash their anger and frustration on particular
individuals they feel that they are less likely to be sanctioned than if they are the sole
bully.
A long standing explanation of the behaviour of bullies in face to face contexts is that
they are people who are unable to form a positive connection with others and so a
negative, destructive communication is more rewarding for them than to be alone or
isolated. It seems plausible that this explanation also holds up for cyberbullies.
Gilbert (2006) outlines our most basic behaviour displays and defences: courting,
sharing, fight, flight, submission and freezing and our basic cognitive competencies:
Theory of Mind; symbolic representations of ourselves and others; and meta cognitions
and meta presentations. Perhaps one of the reasons why smart phones have become
so pervasive is because they draw on so many of our most primitive cognitive and
physical capacities.
It seems that many people are emotionally attached to their mobile phones in a more
profound way than other electronic devices. This emotionally attachment makes sense
if the phone is recognised as a device that enables us to meet some of our most
primitive needs.
Negotiating our social ranking is the one of the primitive activities that we use mobile
phones for. I remember in 1997 when I was a waitress in Pizza Hut in Manchester and
customers first began to put their mobile phones on the tables; when just having a
mobile phone was a way to increase social ranking. Now, mobile phones are
ubiquitous but provide a way of accessing higher social rank through the popularity or
cleverness of the images or information that we share. And for those who have gained
social rank via social media, or aspire to gain social rank via social media, it is not
surprising that they will try to resist losing that rank if the bullies come along.
It’s also helpful to be reminded of Gilbert and McGuire’s (1998) work on aggressive
and attractive strategies for gaining social rank as, again, the very primitive nature of
these behaviours fits well in the context of understanding online behaviour. I think this
work helps to explain the polarisation that appears to be endemic to Twitter in
particular. Gilbert and McGuire outline how, to gain and maintain social rank, people
use either ‘attractive’ strategies such as showing talent and competence in order to be
valued and stimulate positive affect in others or they use ‘aggressive’ strategies such
So far, we have outlined several motivations for why people bully others online: feeling
emboldened to express their offensive beliefs because others are doing so; projection
of their own unwanted, unpleasant feelings into another person; personality traits on
the severe end of the dimensions of jealousy, obsessionality and/or lack of empathy
(callousness); attempts to use aggressive tactics to increase their social rank and/or
inhibit someone else’s social rank.
One way of partly relieving shameful feelings is when we meet others who are willing
or able to empathise with us. At the end of the Netflix documentary ‘Audrie and Daisy’
(2016) Daisy meets other teenage girls who were also bullied (online and face to face)
by their peers after reporting sexual assaults to the police and the meeting appears to
go some way towards relieving feelings of shame for those concerned.
Professor Gilbert’s book, ‘The Compassionate Mind’ (2009) is a useful resource for
developing self-compassion as an antidote to feelings of shame.
Where bullies have distributed videos or images that are of a sexual nature and there
is recourse to legal avenues it seems plausible that obtaining justice through the legal
system might help to relieve some of the feelings of shame.
Supporting those who have been frightened by bullies online
When bullies are making threats or have made threats the first step should always be
to ensure the person’s safety by contacting the police.
Paladin is a UK service offering advice and support to people who are being stalked
and also provides advice to professionals who are working with people who are being
stalked.
It is also important to contact the support services for the online platforms where the
bullying has taken place to ensure that the intimidation is prevented from reoccurring.
Each social media platform has its own code of conduct and sanctions if the rules are
broken.
In terms of providing emotional support to those who have felt frightened by online
bullies the most important priority is to ensure that the person is now safe. If we can be
sure the person is now physically safe only then can we support them in processing
their feelings of anxiety about what happened in the past.
I have worked with families who have taken their child out of school due to bullying
only for it to happen in the new school. In these cases it must be very difficult for the
child not to believe that the problem is with them when, in reality, starting a new school
is likely to be a moment of vulnerability that bullies are vigilant to. It seems important to
ensure that if the decision to change schools is made that the child receives proper
support on how to approach starting their new school in light of their previous
experiences.
From working across the lifespan we know that people who have experienced face to
face bullying continue to experience the consequences for many years after: finding it
difficult to trust others, internalising the bully’s voice and so on. As online bullying is a
relatively new phenomenon only time will tell if the consequences are as longstanding.
What we do know is that people who have been bullied in either of these contexts have
taken their own lives indicating that the short term impact of cyber bullying can be as
devastating as face to face bullying.
Conclusion
I’ve met several young people who have been worried that if they tell someone about
the bullying that they’re experiencing that ‘it will make things worse’. Of course, this
plays directly into the hands of the bully who seeks to isolate the person that they’re
bullying. By listening very carefully, paying attention to the fine details of the situation
and providing emotional support to the young person we can work out the most
appropriate solutions together.
Schools, social media platforms, families and any other place where people are
interacting are vulnerable to the possibility of bullying taking place. In terms of
supporting people (of all ages) who are targeted by cyber bullies, I think we should
have at least a basic understanding of social media in order to provide appropriate
support and advice. As in any other form of tyranny the minority of people who engage
in cyber bullying depend on the fragmentation, impassivity and indifference of the wider
society. By having a better understanding of social media, even if we do not have a
personal interest in it ourselves, we will be better able to provide appropriate support
and advice to those who are targeted by cyber bullies.
Pornography
A study of Internet pornography users suggests a person's own feeling of being
addicted to online pornography drives mental health distress, not the pornography
itself.
Grubbs is part of a research team that did a study titled "Perceived Addiction to
Internet Pornography and Psychological Distress: Examining Relationships
Concurrently and Over Time." The article is now published in Psychology of Addictive
Behaviors, a journal of the American Psychological Association.
With Grubbs on the research team are Nicholas Stauner and Julie J. Exline, also of
Case Western Reserve University; Kenneth I. Pargament of Bowling Green State
University, and Matthew J. Lindberg of Youngstown State University.
Grubbs said Internet pornography viewing online is increasingly common, more among
adult males than adult females. The study did not involve minors. Data used for the
study came from research participants who were granted anonymity. These
participants were assigned numerical identities for confidentiality and were paid for
their participation. A second group involved psychology undergraduate students at
three separate universities in the United States. Those students received course credit
for participation. The research team used these two cross-sectional samples and a 1-
year longitudinal study.
Implications of Psychology
Early Years STEM Learning Emerging from the literature review, further research is
likely to illuminate how different individuals respond to instruction during early years
education. The literature review reveals the fact that children start school with
potentially very different levels of ability in some key areas that predict achievement in
STEM subjects (including linguistic ability, quantitative ability, spatial ability and
executive function). We are beginning to understand the way in which these skills
combine to provide a foundation for STEM Learning, but in the future education is likely
to benefit from: Improved methods of identifying the individual needs of children. Tests
for various abilities are already used in research, but these are not always convenient
or appropriate to apply in classroom practice.
This can be due to the time required to administer the tests, or to the need to
administer them on a 1-to-1 basis. In the future, novel methods of measuring precursor
abilities in classroom contexts, with good levels of reliability and validity, will provide
schools and teachers with new and more effective methods by which to target
differentiated support and instruction. Improved methods of supporting children with
low levels of precursor skills and abilities.
Given that these skills and abilities are strong predictors of future
learning, it may be important that children identified as having low levels of particular
abilities on entering formal education are supported in ways that focus on these
abilities. Research cited in the literature review indicates some limited success has
already been demonstrated in raising levels of these precursor skills, but further pursuit
of research in this area will help identify more effective interventions for children with
different levels of need and at different ages. Some research has already taken
seriously the need to focus on individual differences in response to STEM instruction,
and to explore interventions that can address diverse needs for support. An excellent
example of this approach is Dowker’s (2005a; 2005b) componential model of
arithmetic,
that led to the development of the Catch-Up Numeracy programme. This research was
not included in the literature review as its theoretical basis appears more educational
than psychological or neuroscientific. However it provides clear evidence that a focus
on individual differences in children’s
learning can lead to improved outcomes. In the next 20 years,
Most children of the current generation grow up in media-rich homes. Media are
present in the majority of households and new technologies, such as tablets and
smartphones, have emerged in Euro-American contexts. As indicated in a systematic
review of European research (Ólafsson, Livingstone, & Haddon, 2013), most research
on children and digital media has focused on children aged 9 and above. However,
due to the recent, rapid adoption of touch-screen devices most children use digital
media and the internet at an earlier age (Findahl, 2013).
Even children aged 3-4 use electronic gadgets and are avid users of technology
(Ofcom, 2014). However, children are substantially influenced by their parents and
their daily practices. Parental mediation is defined as the parental management of the
relationship between children and media, including simple restrictions, conversational
and interpretive strategies, and parental monitoring activities (Livingstone & Helsper,
2008).
Parental mediation is a key factor in the online lives of young children; however, there
is a dearth of research on the parental mediation of young children (Nikken & de Haan,
2015; Shin & Huh, 2011) and we do not know how parental mediation is related to
specific risks and opportunities.
We also lack a greater understanding of the role of children and their characteristics in
the mediation process. Consistent with the new sociology of childhood (Christensen &
James, 2008) we consider the child as an active subject who is not only formed by the
system of family and exogenous factors, but also plays an active role in the
construction of the family and its environment. Children are not passive recipients of
parental mediation.
They can influence the approaches by which their parents regulate their activities
(Prout, 2008). Therefore, in the present research, we sought to understand how
parents mediate the online experiences of young children in the family context, what is
the role of the child in the mediation, and how parents mediate specific online risks and
opportunities.
The risks and opportunities for adolescents and youth are well-documented, and to
some extent also for the population in middle childhood. There are wide national
studies for these ages in the United States (Youth Internet Safety Survey, ages 10-17)
and in Europe (EU Kids Online II and III, ages 9-16). They focus on the prevalence,
related factors, associated risks and opportunities, and coping strategies for selected
online activities. Research on younger children and their use of digital technology is
more scarce and has only recently begun to expand; for example, recent research in
the USA focuses on the role of media in children’s development, especially in the
context of education (e.g., Blackwell, Lauricella, & Wartella, 2014). However, most
research has mainly been published in descriptive research reports (e.g., Chaudron et
al., 2015; Rideout & Katz, 2016) or in reports that have a dominant focus on
preschoolers (e.g., Marsh et al., 2015).
Research findings indicate that preschool children (Marsh et al., 2015) and children
around 7 years old (Chaudron et al., 2015; Nikken & Jansz, 2014) are engaged in
more limited online activities and thus are exposed to different risky situations than the
older population – such as different content that is evaluated as uncomfortable, or
commercial risks. Children aged 8 and older progressively expand the range of their
activities in comparison with younger children (e.g., they start using social networking
sites, play online games; Ofcom, 2016), which may lead to experiencing more varied
risks as well as opportunities. New activities that children engage in represent unique
experiences for children to cope with, but also pose a challenge for the whole family,
which must dynamically react to the children’s development.
Parental Mediation
According to Youn (2008), parental mediation is a form of parental socialization
because parents, as the primary socialization agents, influence their children’s
behaviors and attitudes to become more competent technology users. We defined
parental mediation above as parental management of the relation between children
and media in line with Livingstone and Helsper (2008).
The first studies of parental mediation in children’s television viewing identified three
main types of parental mediation: active/instructive mediation, restrictive mediation,
and co-viewing (Nathanson, 1999; Warren, 2003). Based on previous classifications,
Livingstone and Helsper (2008) created four widely-used mediation types specifically
for the mediation of children’s digital media usage: active co-use, technical restrictions,
interaction restrictions, and monitoring.
The active co-use category suggests that sharing the media is more active when the
child uses the internet than when they watch television. It refers to behavior in which
the parent is sitting near the child and talks to them about the online activity. Co-use
also involves restrictions associated with the communication of personal information
online, shopping online, completing forms, etc. These restrictions are included in this
category because parents can explain and enforce such restrictions during co-use.
Diverse restriction strategies were divided into two different categories: technical
restrictions and interaction restrictions.
The previous research on the styles of parental mediation was mostly carried out
among families with children 9 years old and older (i.e., Haddon, 2015; Talves &
Kalmus, 2015). Research on families with younger children is more scarce. Research
on the mediation of younger children was carried out by Nikken and Jansz (2014) with
Dutch parents of children aged 2 to 12.
The authors revealed the following five mediation styles: co-use (e.g., using the
internet together); active mediation (e.g., helping children understand what to do when
being harassed online); restrictive mediation of access (e.g., general restrictions, time
limitations); restrictive content-specific mediation (e.g., banning certain sites); and
supervision (e.g., parent’s monitoring of their children’s internet use when nearby).
The authors identify supervision as a new mediation in the context of online behavior.
In contrast to Livingstone and Helsper (2008), Nikken and Jansz (2014) did not find
monitoring the child’s activities after the child’s use of the internet to be a distinct type
of mediation. They hypothesized that this kind of mediation applies more to older
children.
Zaman et al. (2016) carried out a qualitative, mixed-method study in Belgium that
included 24 Flemish parents and their 36 children, aged 3 to 9. They investigated the
strategies the parents used to mediate their young children’s media use and what
contextual factors influenced the parental mediation practices.
Parents behaving as helpers guided their children when they learned how to use the
medium or when problems with usage arose. Parents as buddies shared some media
activities with their children purely for enjoyment. Active mediation included discussions
between the parents and their children.
The distant mediation included “deference” when parents decide not to intervene and
to respect the autonomy of their children, and “supervision”, which is associated with
situations where the parents allow their children to use digital technology
independently but under close parental supervision.
Zaman et al. (2016) also revealed several external and internal contextual factors that
are associated with parental mediation. Situational factors were related to weather,
family composition and schedule, social contact, the disposition of media devices, and
the architecture of the house. Internal factors were related to attitudes, digital media,
health, and parenting. The authors describe how parental mediation is changing in
relation to the contextual demands that evolve over time (such as the popularity of
devices) or vary between locations (such as less strict rules in the car).
In the present article, we follow this line of research on the situational factors of
parental mediation. We aim to develop an understanding of specific parental
mediations in relation to online opportunities and risks in the family context.
Parental mediation is also associated with the parents’ perceptions of their children’s
digital skills (Livingstone, Ólafsson, et al., 2017); the level of the child’s (Lee & Chae,
2012) and the parents’ media literacy (Mendoza, 2009); the level of the parents’ digital
skills (Livingstone & Helsper, 2008); the child’s motivation to use media; the frequency
of media use in the family (Lee & Chae 2007; Livingstone & Helsper, 2008); and the
parents’ views on the various effects of media content on their children (Sonck et al.,
2013). On the socio-cultural level, studies have indicated that parental mediation of
their children’s internet use is affected by the culture of their country (i.e., countries’
individualistic or collectivistic values; Kirwil, 2009) and their country’s level of welfare
(Kalmus & Roosalu, 2012). These studies focused on factors associated with parental
mediation and they were based on investigations within families with children aged 9
and older.
The other relevant factors for families with younger children were investigated even
less. One project researched 896 Dutch parents of children under 7 and investigated
which factors on both the side of the child and the parent characteristics predicted
mediation by the parent (Nikken & Schols, 2015).
The authors revealed that children’s media use is predicted by the children’s skills to
use the media and the age of the child. Furthermore, parental mediation strategies
depended on the parents’ attitudes toward media. Finally, the authors revealed that
mediation strategies varied among families with infants, toddlers, preschoolers, and
early-childhood children. The study indicated that parental mediation was also
associated with the children’s media skills and media activities.
Research Goals
As we explained above, our research assumed that the child is an active subject in the
family system and that the child plays an active role in the process of technology
mediation. The role of young children in the mediation process has not been
sufficiently investigated in previous research and we aim to fill this gap with our
research. In our investigation, we focus on the mediation strategies that parents use to
shape the online experiences of 7-8-year-old children and we investigate the parental
mediation of specific online opportunities and online risks for young children. We
sought also to understand the situational factors that play a role in the parental
mediation of technology risks and opportunities, and the active role of the child from
the perspective of the parents.
Method
Participants
The sample consisted of 10 families from the Czech Republic (N mother = 8, Nfather =
6, Nchildren= 21) who had at least one 7-8-year-old child (N = 10, M = 7.5 years SD =
0.39) who used a tablet, PC, or smartphone at least once a week.
The parents' ages ranged from 35 to 41. For detailed information see Table 1. Seven
families had two parents; three had a single parent (a mother); and one family shared
their household with a grandfather. All of the parents were Czech. Their education
ranged from vocational to university level.
The income of the families also varied from under half of the national median to above
the national median. All the families had PC/laptops, smartphones, and mobile phones
in the household. Seven families owned at least one tablet. The children had access to
these devices. Some children had possession of their own devices (specified in Table
1). Within this research, we analyzed data from interviews with parents.
Procedure
Our research was part of a research project called “Young Children (0-8) and Digital
Technology” carried out by the Joint Research Centre, Institute for the Protection and
Security of the Citizen (see Chaudron et al., 2015).
The present research is based on a more detailed re-analysis of the data collected in
the Czech Republic only. Individual face-to-face interviews — separately with the
parent(s) and separately with the child/children — were carried out from September
2014 to October 2014. Interviews took place in the home of the participants. The semi-
structured interviews with parents were between 35 and 85 minutes long (60 minutes
on average). Parents were interviewed about four main areas: (1) devices employed,
activities, and skills; (2) parental mediation; (3) family rules about technology usage;
and (4) the parents’ perceptions of new technologies and parental concerns of
technologies. The interviewers used an interview guide to follow questions and
observation protocol as developed by the Joint Research Centre (for detailed
information, see Chaudron et al., 2015).
To find participants, six primary schools in the South Moravia region were sent a
request to forward invitations for participation to students of second-year classes,
which were then delivered to parents. Approximately 350 invitations were distributed in
this way. Thirty families registered to participate in the study and interviews were
subsequently held in 10 of them.
Families where chosen to create a variable sample – in order to have two- and one-
parent families; to have families with one and more children; to have families with
child/children who owned a device on their own etc. The parents received gifts for their
children provided by the Joint Research Centre and 1,000 CZK (approximately 37
EUR) for participating in the research (the national median monthly income for a two-
member family is 24,000 CZK, approximately 888 EUR).
All of the participants were informed about the purpose of the research and they
provided written informed consent. The study received ethical approval from the
European Commission. For more information, see the general report from all seven
countries (Chaudron et al., 2015).
Analyses
All interviews were transcribed verbatim. For the purpose of this study, only interviews
with parents were analyzed. A Thematic Analysis procedure was applied as the
analytic method (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The first and second authors conducted the
analyses. The six steps of the Thematic Analysis method were used:
(1) getting familiar with the data through multiple readings of the transcripts in an excel
file
(2) generating initial codes to highlight topics in the data
(3) grouping the codes into categories and searching for recurring themes
(4) reviewing the emergent themes
(5) defining and naming the themes
(6) producing the report (Braun & Clarke, 2006)
To increase the validity of the findings and to strengthen the inter-coder triangulation of
results, an audit was completed. The third author validated the themes developed by
the first and second authors.
Results
The parents of 7-8-year-old children face the necessity of using mediation strategies
for technology usage. We describe three themes (see Table 2) related to the mediation
strategies of parents: (1) Mediation strategies of technology usage; (2) Time and place
management of mediation strategies; and (3) Child as a co-creator of mediation
strategies.
Mediation strategies for general technology usage are related more to general rules
and beliefs than to specific risks and opportunities. The parents’ mediation strategies
for young children are often linked to the belief that children are too young and they do
not do inappropriate things with technologies, such as communicating with strangers or
finding inappropriate content. As one family (C5) reveals:
Father: “For now they are visiting just appropriate sites, for now they are not going
elsewhere, but we will see how it will be in the future. (…) such as they could find
websites that are not for them where is…
Mother: …where is some advertisement and she [daughter, 7 years old] will click on it
and there will be a porn site or something. (…)
Father: But now it is ok, we are waiting [for what will be in the future].
The majority of the families do not have strict rules for technology usage. Those
families usually set rules situationally: “I never really had the intention to set [rules],
because sometimes he doesn’t even touch it and sometimes he sits there for a bit
longer, for example. But it is not really like – well now you have an hour. I never really, I
never intend to impose it” (Mother, C10). Technology usage in such families was
perceived to be one of many activities. Therefore, they did not have any special rules.
Nevertheless, general rules were applied. For example, free-time activities (including
technologies) were allowed after chores and schoolwork were completed, and children
had to request permission to use technologies.
Some of the families had strict rules. These rules related to the time spent with
technologies and to the more accurate control of technology usage. Some parents set
up rules specifically for technologies that were perceived as something special. For
example, in some families technology usage was a form of reward or punishment:
“Anyway, for a reward, and when there is time, that means when… they have a lot of
free-time activities, so when we come home, the first thing is to do the homework.
When they are finished with the homework and there is time left and there were no
problems at school, then there is some kind of reward” (Father, C2).
Mediation strategies for specific opportunities and risks were also identified. Parents
reported
(a) co-use – the parent uses technology together with the child; (b) active mediation –
the parent explain issues related to technology;
(c) supervision – the child uses technologies while a parent is nearby;
(d) parent as role model – the parent use technology while the child is observing the
parent’s activities;
(e) restrictive mediation – the parent set up restrictions in the context of technology
usage; and
(f) trial and error – the parent knowingly lets the child use trial and error while using
technology. The next two subthemes describe the content of the parental mediation –
the mediation of opportunities and the mediation of risks as perceived by the parents.
That means that the parents themselves linked some of their specific mediation
activities to the opportunities, such as digital skills or possible risks. We believe it is
important to clarify what the goal is for these mediation activities from the parental
perspective, especially because parents are very active only in the mediation of
opportunities and almost completely inactive in the mediation of risks, as we show
below.
Parents also mentioned digital skills that children could learn/improve during all of the
above-mentioned opportunities. In terms of the mediation strategies of online
opportunities, from parent reports we identified the following strategies: co-use, active
mediation, supervision, parent as role model, and restrictive mediation, and some
parents let their children learn themselves by trial and error.
Digital skills. Trial and error was linked to digital skills. Some parents let their children
learn to use technologies themselves, like how to download applications, and use
them: “Intuitively. Trial and error, so it is not like it would be targeted… she tries it
herself” (Mother, C10). Co-use was also used to manage digital skills.
This strategy was initiated by either the children or the parents. Some parents pointed
out that their children ask how to continue a game, and they ask for help when they
can not read or speak the language. As a father (C8) explained: “They [daughter, 7
years old, and son, 10 years old] could download games on their own, (…) when the
game asked for some information they asked what to do and we [father and mother]
told them.” Co-use initiated by parents was linked to active mediation when parents
explain, for example, how to use PC components, like a mouse or a keyboard, and
how bookmarks, browsers, and some applications work. As a father (C4) pointed out:
“I showed him that he has a bookmark there. Then when he wants to look at
something, there it is. And then I saved him tutorials for rubber-band knitting [a popular
activity for children in the Czech Republic] into the bookmarks. I told him that he does
not need to look for it, he does not need to google it. It is just enough to open it in the
bookmark bar. He knows that now.”
Parents as role models improves digital skills because it allows children to observe
their parents’ technology usage. Parents motivate their children to use technologies in
the same way as they use them: “Otherwise, he, of course, sees us working, so for
example when they are waiting for when a person finishes their work and lets them go
on the internet, they see part of the work” (Mother, C3).
Parents usually use active mediation in combination with co-use while they search for
timetables (e.g., so children get to school on their own), vacation destinations (e.g.,
show pictures of places and the possibilities for how to get there), free-time activities
(e.g., websites of different free-time activity clubs), and shop online. For example, a
father (C5) described how they look for free-time activities in their family (daughters 5
and 7 years old): “…photos and also the virtual tours are really great… for example,
Wikyland [Child Park]. So we just looked, how it looks there, so we looked at the
photos – Yeah, we want to go there [the daughters said].”
A mother (C9) talked about an educational program on a CD that her son used to learn
languages while she supervised the process: “[My son, 8 years old] learns Czech
language and English. He had this CD, there are some assignments and when he fills
them in he goes to the next level and he travels around the world.”
“Now we really cannot do anything, because like my husband says, they are not at the
stage when they would have some need for social networking sites, so there is no
point in telling them. Now we tell them not to sit in a car with a stranger after school.
We don’t jumble their minds with the internet.”
This do-nothing strategy could also be linked to the belief that mediation strategies will
only be needed when something happens: “I deal with things when they come. Like, I
don’t worry about something that is not an issue. I try not to forbid something that has
not yet happened” (Mother, C1). So far, parents wait and do not pay attention to this
potential problem.
For every parent in our sample, technology risks for their children in the future were
connected to social networking sites (SNS). Two parents revealed that they do not
want their children to know that SNS exists. They try to avoid the sites as long as
possible, and they would rather lie about their SNS use than explain it. Other parents
linked the start of technology risks with the development of reading and social skills,
and the necessity to increase technology usage because of schoolwork.
Parents expect to deal with those risks in the future when the children start to visit SNS
and develop an online social life. For example, a father (C8) shared his fear of
cyberbullying:
“We are probably afraid of contacts with different people on social sites, but we are
afraid maybe more of bullying or cyberbullying than of contacts with older people with
the inclination to pedophilia. Not that, I don’t think so. I think that our children are
cautious enough.”
Another father (C2) shared his struggles about the mediation of danger from contact
with strangers. Once he tried to talk about it with his 8-year-old son, but he did not
know how and he found it difficult to use appropriate language and not scare him;
therefore, he had not yet done it:
“Here you have a person, a small child, second grade, so how to tell him this fact about
these people that abuse children or they pretend to be someone else… And at the
same time it is probably difficult to do it in a way the child can understand, that things
like this happen, and that it can be unpleasant, but at the same time not to scare them
with something that it is dreadful.”
Parents differ about the strategies for how to mediate those risks in the future. Some
parents do not yet know how they will manage it. Others would like to use mediation
strategies that they already know from the offline world, and apply them to the online
environment, i.e. the mediation of meeting strangers in the offline world applies
similarly in the online one. Some parents also rely on school and the schools’
technology risk-mediation programs. However, every parent agreed that the mediation
of technology risks will be necessary in the future.
There are also changes for exceptional occasions, like traveling, a doctor visit, an
illness, or bad weather. As a mother (C10) remarked: “These mobile phones, during
travelling when there are long periods of waiting, then there (we use
them).” Exceptions may also be made for visits by friends and a family member, like
grandparents who may apply different mediation strategies than the parents.
Another special occasion is when the parents need time for their own work and they
required the children to be engaged and to entertain themselves. Technologies are
perceived as helpful in such occasional situations. As a mother (C10) reflected: “At
home, when I need to do something quickly and I need to somehow, like, put her away.
When I say it bluntly, it really is for putting her away.”
Additionally, special occasions are also related to situations when children are alone,
such as when they go to school or to a free-time activity. During such situations
parents perceived smartphones as a communication and a monitoring tool to stay in
touch with their children. This motivation is pivotal for some parents: “That is why I
bought him the mobile phone, so I could control him when he would sometimes go with
a friend and now I could just call him to check and know where he is” (Mother, C6).
Nevertheless, when children have their own smartphones they also have the
opportunity to use them without parental supervision. Consequently, these occasions
usually lead to a more liberal mediation strategy, where children are not adequately
controlled, or no mediation strategy. Parents let their children use technologies by
themselves, sometimes without supervision, during exceptional occasions like an
illness or while parents are working or doing household chores. As a mother pointed
out (C9): “I can use the PC to let them watch something so they would not be scared
while I go out for a walk with the dog.”
We can conclude that situational factors in the mediation process are strong. Parental
mediation strategies are co-constructed by parents and their children and are changing
according to the specific family situation. The mediation of technology is not a stable
parental behavior, but it is always developing and changing in context, according to
time, place, and the children’s characteristics and behavior.
Parents appreciated that their children communicated with them about their technology
usage. This subtheme is linked to some mediation strategies, namely co-use initiated
by children and parent as role model. Parents reported that their children were able to
ask for help when they struggled while using technology, and they asked for
permission to use technology. As a father (C4) reported: “Every time there is some kind
of problem or when he needs help with something,
He just comes to me and asks.” Parents as role models reported that their children also
liked to observe their technology usage to learn new things. Consequently, parents
reported that their children shared their curiosity and had a tendency to ask questions
about several topics connected to the technologies. These strategies soothe parents.
Parents trust their children and rely on their ability to ask for help.
As a mother (C9) put it: “I was surprised, my daughter [6 years old] is not envious that
her brother [8 years old] already has a mobile phone. She is active herself. She is
drawing, playing with dolls…she had more activities than technologies.“ Some parents
reported that they have a tendency to set less rules or no specific rules at all. For
example, children spend an acceptable amount of time on technologies by themselves,
so the parents do not need to set time restrictions. Some parents believed their
children behave responsible. As a father (C5) reported:
“During the school year, the older daughter is so responsible that she deleted the
games where you have to take care of animals. That means, she uninstalled them…
and when the holidays come she will install them again so she will have time for them.”
For these children, parents reported the tendency to set more rules and control more
media usage. Some parents remarked that they talked with their children and
explained things to them, such as the difference between fiction and reality.
The parents of three families reported having one child who was fascinated by the
technologies and another who balanced technology usage with other activities. These
parents distinguished those two preferences and had the tendency to compare their
children. They are able to mediate each child in a different way according to that child’s
habits with technology preference. As the mother (C3) pointed out:
“As far as computers are concerned, a tendency of almost addiction appeared with [my
older son – 7 years old]. Like, from early ages he was fascinated. And, for example,
the younger son [3 years old] does not have it at all. There I don’t have the need to
look at it as closely, because when he, for example, watches or does something on the
computer for a while, then he comes to me and says that he had enough.“
Discussion
Our study contributes to the current stage of knowledge of the parental mediation of
technology risks with in-depth qualitative insight and focus on the situational factors in
families with children aged 7-8. Our findings indicate that the parental mediation of
digital media is a dynamic process that is co-constructed by the parents and the
children in the context of the actual situation.
In the next three sections, we discuss our findings concerning the mediation strategies
of online opportunities and risks, the time and place management of mediation
strategies as a factor related to parental mediation, and the child as a co-creator of
mediation strategies.
previous research on older children were not directly present in our results. Some
parents used games or programs in the educational context, which could improve
some aspects of their children’s social skills, such as fair play.
Parents also did not mention any conduct opportunities for their children. This could
be linked to the characteristics of their children’s activities. Children in our sample do
not participate in SNS, blogs, or online games. Parents also did not mention these
applications as possible opportunities in the future.
Concerning the mediation of online risks for young children, it seems that parents in
our sample underestimated the possible online risks. The parents were mostly afraid of
the “contact risk”, such as the possibility that their children could communicate with
strangers online, like within social networking sites. Therefore, it seems that parents
from our sample were mostly afraid of the future, which is in line with the study carried
out in Singapore on the population of families with children aged 7 to 12 (Shin, 2015).
But previous research has also indicated that young children (under 8 years old) are
sometimes exposed to interactions with online strangers within online games (Brito &
Dias, 2016). Parents in our sample were not aware of this problem and they planned to
mediate online risks in the future when their young children start to communicate more
online. Future research should investigate this issue on larger samples and in more
cross-cultural contexts.
Further, within our sample none of the parents spoke about the “content risk”, such as
advertising, violent content, sexual content, or idealized thin or muscular images that
can be displayed to children on the internet (Staksrud & Livingstone, 2009). For
instance, media exposure of the ideal physique could be linked with some eating
disorders symptomatology, mostly among users at risk for developing an eating
disorder (Hausenblas et al., 2013).
It seems that parents in our sample underestimate this kind of risk. In the previous
research, about 10% of parents reported that their children under 5 years old had
made in-app purchases by accident and that children had been exposed to content
that made them feel uncomfortable (Marsh et al., 2015). This theme requires further
research that should involve more methods, such as recording the screen devices of
children. It is evident that some parents do not know about inappropriate content and
further research should probably directly investigate the online behavior of children.
The parents in our sample also did not speak about the possible “conduct risk” where
the child becomes an actor within possibly risky scenarios, such as creating aggressive
content, and harassing or bullying others (Staksrud & Livingstone, 2009). However,
Marsh (2010) reported these kinds of behaviors within the virtual world among 5-8-
year-old children, such as throwing virtual snowballs at avatars, excluding avatars from
parties, and name-calling. It seems that parents are not aware that their children aged
7 and 8 might engage in this type of possibly risky behavior.
In our investigation, parents reported almost no mediation strategies related to online
risks, but they reported many strategies for enriching their children’s opportunities,
such as digital skills. The enrichment of digital skills might lead to better resilience
against online risks. Vandoninck and d’Haenens (2014) reported that technical
instrumental actions, such as deleting, unfriending, or blocking certain people, might
lead to successful preventive strategies against online risks.
Our study indicates that rules are not strict in some families, and that the rules are set
more situationally in relation to the context, such as where and when the children use
the technology and also what the needs of the parents are. Therefore, some parents
are not able to report specific rules of technology usage that are more contextual and
they rely on general rules that are valid for both offline and online life, such as when
children finish their homework they can play their dolls or the tablet.
Our results indicate that parental mediation strategies change according to the family
situation. They are not a stable, easily measurable behavior; rather, they emerge over
and over again according to time, place, and the parents’ and children’s characteristics
and behavior. Up-to-date research has mostly measured the socio-demographic
factors of parents and children that impact parental mediation, such as gender, age,
education, digital skills (i.e., Livingstone, Ólafsson, et al., 2017; Nikken & Schols,
2015). We suggest that future research should involve the context of the situation
more, such as the time and place of the application of the mediation strategies,
because there is nothing like stable general mediation.
Therefore, we recommend that future surveys should not only ask about general
parental mediation but also connect the mediation to a concrete situation and context.
Future research should also reflect the role of the parents’ perceptions of their
children’s behavior, such as their ability to ask for help. When parents, for example,
believe that their children will ask them for help if a problem occurs, they apply fewer
mediation strategies than if they believe their children will not ask for help.
The situational factors, such as the time and place management of mediation
strategies, also play a role in the possible underestimation of online risks because, in
certain situations, such as travelling and when parents need time for themselves,
parents apply fewer mediation strategies or they do not use mediation strategies at all.
This result also supports the study of Livingstone, Ólafsson, et al. (2017), which
indicates that the parental mediation of technology usage is interconnected with the
parents’ perception of their child’s digital skills. When parents perceive a child as a
competent internet user they support their activities, such as allowing them to use the
technology for a longer time and without constant supervision.
On the other hand, parents applied more restrictive strategies for less digitally skilled
children which may further limit their possibilities for increasing digital skills. Future
research should also reflect this position and should be focused on the different
aspects of the child’s behavior and the various factors that impact the parental
mediation.
The nature of the sample allowed us an in-depth exploration of the families where
children have regular access to technologies. Unfortunately, we do not know how it
works in families with no regular access to technologies. We also did not have a family
with young children who use social networking sites in our sample. It may be that
families with such young children use different mediation strategies because some
parents said that they will use different strategies in the future when their children meet
people online, such as within social networking sites. It is also possible that the
parental mediation strategies of young children’s technology usage varies across
Implications
Our research indicates that parental mediation is a dynamic process that is co-
constructed by the parents and the child in the context of the actual situation.
This could indicate that it might be more effective to give education concerning digital
skills to both parents and children together, such as in families and/or through online
courses, because such education would affect both of the actors within the mediation
process. It is also important to recognize that there is typically not one parental
mediation strategy, but the strategies vary according to different situations.
The “optimal mediation” could vary at different places (such as at home, on vacation,
while travelling, or with grandparents) and at different times (during weekdays, during
weekends, or during holidays). The future education should be aware of these different
contexts and this knowledge could also be applied to educational programs for
children, parents (Cook, 2016) and teachers (Karaseva, Siibak, Pruulmann-
Vengerfeldt, 2015).
For example, it could be recommended that parents should think more about the
mediation of situations where they have less control over their children’s technology
usage, such as when the child is with grandparents or at summer camps. Parents
should speak with other caregivers about their mediation strategies to balance the
approaches of both sides, or at least to know the mediation strategy of the other side.
It seems from our investigation that parents prefer to not speak with their young
children about online risks. Parents should be informed about the possible online risks
for their children, such as the content or contact risks within online games. It might also
be important to inform parents that they can help children to avoid risks by teaching
their children digital skills.
DIWAKAR
EDUCATION
HUB
(The Learn With Expertise)
1. Coronary artery disease (CAD) can be (3) inflation of a tiny balloon inside an
determined by this test artery
(1) Cardiac catherization (4) None of these
(2) Electrocardiogram Answer: (3)
(3) Treadmill stress test
(4) all of these 6. Doctors place a stent inside the artery
Answer: (4) during angioplasty. A stent is a
(1) A new fragment of the artery
2. The modifiable risk factor associated (2) A wire mesh tube
with coronary artery disease is (3) A cotton tube
(1) Age (4) A slow-release medicine capsule
(2) Obesity Answer: (2)
(3) Heredity
(4) Gender 7. The __________ branches into
Answer: (2) Circumflex artery and left anterior
descendary artery
3. This is one of the symptoms of Coronary (1) Left main coronary artery
artery disease (2) right marginal artery
(1) Sleep problems (3) Posterior descendary artery
(2) Headache (4) None of these
(3) Diarrhoea Answer: (1)
(4) Pain or discomfort in the chest, lower
jaw or arms 8. One of these is not a symptom of acute
Answer: (4) coronary syndrome
(1) ST Segment elevation myocardial
4. If a stent is not used in a few cases who infarction
have coronary angioplasty done, the artery (2) Non ST segment elevation myocardial
tends to narrow down or get blocked again infarction
in 6 months. This is more likely to happen (3) unstable angina
if: (4) No episodes of dyspnea
(1) one smokes Answer: (4)
(2) one has unstable angina before the
procedure 9. Ischemia is
(3) one has diabetes (1) restriction of blood supply to tissues
(4) all of these (2) Overflow of blood to tissues
Answer: (4) (3) Inadequate deoxygenated blood
carrying veins
5. Coronary angioplasty, part of CAD’s (4) the medical term for shortness of
treatment involves: breath
(1) A new part of artery replaces the Answer: (1)
blocked section
(2) to expand artery, medication is used 10. This is the role of the coronary artery
(1) to carry blood away from the heart (3) Individuals who lose property
muscles through forfeiture laws are always charged
(2) to supply blood to heart muscles with crimes
(3) to supply blood to all parts of the body
(4) none of these (4) All of these are true
Answer: (2) Answer: (2)
11. A person who incites or abets the 14. Which of the following is an example
commission of a crime and is of an inchoate crime?
present actually or constructively is (1) attempt
considered to be a(n): (2) murder
(1) accessory before the fact (3) rape
(2) principal in the first degree (4) forgery
(3) accessory after the fact Answer: (1)
(4) principal in the second degree
Answer: (4) 15. Which of the following is true of
solicitation?
12. Which of the following is true in (1) The incitement may be directed at a
regard to conspiracy? crowd, not just a particular individual
(1) Conspiracy permits criminal (2) Solicitation requires a purpose to
prosecution for the behavior of others as promote or facilitate the commission of a
well as for one's own acts crime
(2) Conspiracy is a very important tool (3) In some states renouncing the
for prosecutors solicitation is permitted as a defense to
solicitation
(3) Conspiracy may be distinguished
from attempt in that attempt requires an (4) All of these are true
act or preparation, whereas the agreement Answer: (4)
may be sufficient to constitute the act
requirement in conspiracy 16. ________________ crimes are
(4) All of these are true important not only because they are
Answer: (4) threatening in and of themselves,
but also because they may lead to
13. Which of the following is true of other crimes.
forfeitures? (1) Strict liability
(1) RICO is the only federal statute that (2) Conspiracy
permits forfeitures (3) Inchoate
(2) RICO is used frequently as a basis (4) Petty
for civil cases because of the potentially Answer: (3)
high penalties
39. Which of the following involves a 43. Under common law, unlawful
minor offense, such as drunkenness assembly was considered a
or fighting? ______________.
40. Another word for pandering is: 44. Historically, offenses against
_______ encompasses acts that have
(1) Pimping been considered within the area of
(2) Bribery morality and were to be governed
(3) Prostitution by the church rather than by the
state..
(4) Embezzlement
Answer: (1) (1) Public decency
(2) Public order
41. _________________ is consensual (3) Public morality
sexual intercourse between a
married person and someone other (4) Society
than his or her spouse. Answer: (1)
53. How many different combinations can 57. What is the code rate?
be made from a n bit value? (1) k/n
(1) 2(n+1) (2) n/k
(2) 2(n) (3) All of the mentioned
(3) 2(n)+1 (4) None of the mentioned
(4) None of the mentioned Answer: (1)
Answer: (2) Explanation: Here n is the total bits of
Explanation: 2(n) different combinations sequence and k bits are mappe(4) Amount
can be made from n bit value. For of redundancy introduced is given by n/k
example, from 2 bit value 22 different and its reciprocal is the code rate.
combinations-00,01,10,11 can be made.
58. Pulse shaping is done by which block or
54. How many bytes does a gigabyte have? system?
(1) 1 million bytes (1) Encoder
(2) 10 million bytes (2) Baseband modulator
(3) 1 billion bytes (3) Pulse code modulator
(4) 10 billion bytes (4) Demodulator
Answer: (3) Answer: (3)
Explanation: One gigabyte has 1 billion Explanation: Pulse code modulator does
bytes. filtering process to build pulses that
occupy more than one bit time.
55. What is the ASCII value of space?
(1) 32 59. Equalizer is used for?
(2) 48 (1) Filtering
(3) 96 (2) Diminish distortion
(4) 65 (3) All of the mentioned
100. How many wild life sanctuaries 105. Why do we need safeguards?
covering 1,09,652 square kilometer :- (1) To protect the state
(1) 570 (2) To protect the society
(2) 458 (3) To protect the rich people
(3) 372 (4) To protect minority community
(4) 190 Answer: (4)
Answer: (3)
106. Who plays a crucial role in upholding
101. The areas where tribal originally lived the law enforcing fundamental Rights?
and continue to stay in these fields :- (1) Judiciary
(1) Ancestors (2) Supreme Court
(2) Encroachers (3) High Court
(3) Both (1) & (2) (4) All of these
(4) All of these Answer: (2)
Answer: (2)
107. Every citizen of India can approach
102. Constitution provides safeguards to the courts if they believe that their
religious & _________ minorities as a part fundamental Rights have been :-
of fundamental Rights. (1) Increased
(1) Linguistic (2) Decreased
(2) Cultural (3) Violating
(3) Both (1) & (2) (4) None of these
(4) None of these Answer: (3)
Answer: (3)
108. How many percent of Muslims are in
103. Minority means :- Indian population?
(1) Used for the communities that is (1)13.4%
numerically small in population (2) 61%
(2) Used for the communities that is (3) 14.7%
numerically small in population (4)20%
(3) More groups Answer: (1)
(4) All of these
Answer: (2) 109. How many Muslims live in kutcha
house according to amenties 1994
104. Many tribal children are _______. (1) 63.6%
(1) Balanced (2) 43%
(2) Malnourished (3) 67%
(3) Healthy (4) 87%
Answer: (1)
(2) not equal access of Eduation (3) worldwide this practice is most
(3) Both (1) & (2) prevalent in Australia
(4) None of these (4) one cultural reason for the practice is
Answer: (3) cultural standards of beauty
Answer: (3)
132. How many percent of Muslim children
in the 6 - 14 year of age group have never 136. Richard Shweder argues
been enrolled in schools & dropped out? there is a double standard
(1) 70% with respect to female
(2) 30% genital surgery. Which
(3) 25% statement best supports his
(4) 56% argument?
Answer: (3) (1) the practice exists in part because of
cultural norms and values
133. In Muslim community, there is a link (2) the procedure is acceptable for a
between economic & _________ Western woman who elects the procedure
marginalisation. but barbaric for an African woman who
(1) Political desires the procedure
(2) western (3) this is a procedure that is a cultural
(3) Socio reform collision
(4) Social (4) outsiders are accepting of the
Answer: (4) procedure
Answer: (2)
134. Richard Shweder defines
‘cultural collisions’ as: 137. An attitude is:
(1) when cultural artifacts are combined (1) our reaction to events and experiences
(2) situations where different cultural in our environment that shape our actions
groups come into contact (2) our reaction to events that create
(3) urban planning that takes into account emotions responses
ethnic heritage (3) a perspective present at birth
(4) when individuals from different ethnic (4) a perspective or belief that is not
heritages disagree culture-specific
Answer: (2) Answer: (1)
(1) involves our beliefs about others 151. Negative stereotypes are:
because of their group membership (1) unfavorable perceptions we hold about
(2) is a learned attitude out-group individuals
(3) is a belief system present at birth (2) threats we experience due to our
(4) has an emotional component experiences
Answer: (4) (3) anxiety from real or anticipated contact
with an out-group individual
148. Which of the following is an (4) perceived threats due to cultural
example of discrimination? differences in beliefs and practices
(1) Younger workers are not loyal to their Answer: (1)
companies
(2) I would never want to work for a 152. Realistic threats are:
woman. (1) unfavorable perceptions we hold about
(3) Asian children are high achievers out-group individuals
(4) I hate customer service representatives (2) threats we experience due to actual
who aren’t helpful experiences with our-group members
Answer: (4) (3) anxiety from real or anticipated contact
with an out-group individual
149. In their work on stereotypes, (4) perceived threats due to cultural
Cuddy, Norton, and Fiske differences in beliefs and practices
found: Answer: (2)
(1) most participants viewed the elderly
both positively and negatively 153. Symbolic threats are:
(2) participants in communities that (1) unfavorable perceptions we hold about
emphasize a respect for elders held out-group individuals
different views than other participants (2) threats we experience due to our
(3) one explanation for participant experiences
responses is social media (3) anxiety from real or anticipated contact
(4) no ageism emerged in their study with an out-group individual
Answer: (1) (4) perceived threats due to cultural
differences in beliefs and practices
150. Inter-group anxiety refers to: Answer: (4)
(1) unfavorable perceptions we hold about
out-group individuals 154. In their study with Dutch
(2) threats we experience due to our workers, Curseu and
experiences colleagues found:
(3) anxiety from real or anticipated contact (1) symbolic threats were more influential
with an out-group individual in determining ethnic prejudice toward
(4) perceived threats due to cultural immigrants
differences in beliefs and practices (2) realistic threats were more influential
Answer: (3) in determining ethnic prejudice toward
immigrants
(4) all individuals should receive equal (2) they are subject to oppression and
treatment, care, and access to resources discrimination more than any other ethnic
and power in a society group
Answer: (4) (3) they never received the support of
social service agencies
196. Which of the following is not (4) when living under Chinese rule they
an overriding theme and experienced little oppression
social justice? Answer: (1)
(1) fairness
(2) access 200. The meaning of the gesture
(3) opportunity ‘thumbs up’ is culture
(4) individual wealth specific What does the
Answer: (4) gesture ‘thumbs up’ mean in
Nigeria?
197. Which of the following IS (1) all is well
NOT a difficulty some (2) I’m okay
Moroccan immigrants are (3) it is a rude gesture
experiencing in their new (4) I’m very happy
home, Spain? Answer: (3)
(1) acquiring good jobs
(2) language barriers 201. The bow in many countries
(3) an inability to travel to receive services and cultural communities
(4) living in affluent neighborhoods that practice this custom and
Answer: (4) gesture is a sign of:
(1) respect
198. According to Paloma and (2) humility
colleagues, what is one way (3) submission
to help ensure social justice? (4) a simple greeting
(1) access to community services Answer: (1)
(2) access to good paying jobs
(3) learning the language 202. Recent immigrants, students
(4) assimilating to their new home’s studying abroad, and
cultural values, beliefs, and practices fieldworkers engaging in
Answer: (1) fieldwork in foreign regions
are all likely to experience:
199. What is a distinguishing (1) implicit bias
factor of Tibetan (2) culture shock
immigrants? (3) cultural relativism
(1) they demonstrate a personal and (4) assimilation
cultural connection and concern for social Answer: (2)
justice in their native homeland and new
home 203. Intercultural competence is:
(1) the ability to communicate with people 206. Which of the following
from different cultural communities claims is not true, according
(2) the ability to adjust to a new cultural to social scientists?
setting (1) Gender and ethnicity are both
(3) learning cultural practices very quickly constructed categories.
(4) being sensitive to new cultural customs
and practices (2) Gender and ethnicity intersect with
Answer: (1) political party formation in precisely the
same way.
204. Which of the following (3) One way to try to empower
would reflect prevailing ideas members of disadvantaged groups is
in comparative social science through institutional design strategies like
about the nature of race? quota systems and reserved seats.
(1) Race is fundamentally a matter of (4) Gender and ethnicity have a
biology. complicated and varying relationship with
(2) Racial categories as such appear to the major strategies used to empower
be socially or culturally constructed. members of diverse groups.
Answer: (2)
(3) Since race is not really biological, it
does not have political consequences. 207. Why do social scientists
(4) We live in a “post-racial” world. believe that, even after
Answer: (2) modern progress,
discrimination on the basis of
205. Which of the following race, ethnicity, and gender
statements about gender persists?
would be judged least (1) Evidence from methods like audit
plausible by the social- studies reveal ongoing discrimination.
scientific community?
(2) Different groups have measurable
(1) Gender is receiving greater differences in various socioeconomic
attention from scholars in comparative outcomes.
politics than in the past.
(3) A number of members of
(2) Gender and biological sex mean the disadvantaged groups report experiencing
same thing. discrimination.
(3) Gender is more cultural whereas (4) All of the above
sex is more biological. Answer: (4)
(4) Gender remains an important
factor in politics. 208. Which of the following is a
Answer: (2) type of gender
empowerment discussed in
this chapter?
243. The religion which believe in one God 249. Upanishads are also called
is called (1) Vedanga
(1) Polytheism (2) Vedanta
(2) Henotheism (3) Vedabhashya
(3) Monotheism (4) Vedasadana
(4) Monism Answer: (2)
Answer: (3)
250. Upanishad teaches
244. The religion which believe in one (1) Realism
Ultimate Reality is called (2) Idealistic Monism
(1) Polytheism (3) Monotheism
(2) Henotheism (4) Pragmatism
(3) Monotheism Answer: (2)
(4) Monism
Answer: (4) 251. The word Brahman came from the
word
245. The word ‘Theism’ means (1) Brhanthala
(1) Belief in Caste (2) Brihaspati
(2) Belief in Creed (3) Brh
(3) Belief in Race (4) Brj
(4) Belief in God Answer: (3)
Answer: (4)
252. According to Acosmic view
307. Which one among the following is a 310. Central teaching of Buddha consist of
Buddhist sect ----- Truths
(1) Digambara (1) Three
(2) Mahayana (2) Two
(3) Swethambara (3) Five
(4) Avadhuta (4) Four
Answer: (2) Answer: (4)
308. Buddhists scripture is known as 311.Which one among the following is not
(1) Nigama a Noble Truth of Buddha
(2) Pitika (1) Dukha Marga
(3) Agama (2) Sarvam Dukham
(4) Karika (3) Dukha Nirodha
Answer: (2) (4) Dukha Karana
Answer: (1)
309. Which one among the following is not
a Pitika