Micmac Semantics
Micmac Semantics
Micmac Semantics
MICMAC SEMANTICS:
MEDIALS FOR N O U N CLASSES
J. Peter Denny
University of Western Ontario
only the second, /-ak-/ '2D', and fourth, /-oq-/ 'ID rigid' seem to be
reflexes of Proto-Algonquian forms. Thefirstmight correspond to P A
*/-a:peOk-/ 'mineral solid'; in Ojibwa and Cree the meaning '3D' is
conveyed by /-minak-/.
The Micmac forms appear as medials in verbs with number roots
and other roots describing the classified object: /nan-apsk-e-kl/ (inan-
imate intransitive (II) verb) 'five 3D S T A T I V E 3rd plur - they (3D) are
five'.e.g., sugar cubes; /piptoqo-psk-asi-t/ (animate intransitive (A
verb) 'round 3 D S T A T I V E 3rd sing - he (3D) is round', e.g., potato;
/nes-ak-i-kl/ (II) 'three 2D A B S T R A C T F I N A L 3rd plur - they (2D)
are three', e.g., furs; /toq-aq-sa:-k/ (II) 'short 2D be cut 3rd sing -
it (2D) is (cut) short', e.g., piece of cloth; /nes-oq-te-kl/ (II) 'three
ID rigid placed 3rd plur - there are three (ID rigid)', e.g., pieces of
stovewood; /pit-oq-si-t/ (AI), long ID rigid S T A T I V E 3rd sing - he
(ID rigid) is tall', e.g., a tree; /tapu-taq-pi=cik/ (AI) 'two ID flexible
placed 3rd plur - there are two (IDflexible)',e.g., ropes; /epun-taq-a:l/
(transitive animate (TA) verb) 'lower IDflexiblecause - put him (ID
flexible) lower', e.g., a rope.
Morphological Problems
One hardly knows where to begin with the morphological irregular-
ities and extensive morphophonemic alterations these four morphemes
can undergo or trigger in adjacent morphemes. Let us lookfirstat the
stative abstractfinals(AF). For the II verbs it is clear that /-apsk-/
'3D' takes /-e-/ as its stative A F , e.g., /nes-apsk-e-kl/ 'they (3D) are
three', and /-ak-/ '2D' takes A F /-i-/, e.g., /nes-ak-i-kl/ 'they (2D) are ,
three'. The reduced form /newt-taq=q/ 'it (IDflexible)is one' might be
analyzed as /-taq-/ 'IDflexible'taking A F /-i-/: /newt-taq-i-k/ 'one ,
IDflexibleA F 3rd'. In the plural, vowel harmony is usually added:
/nan-taq-i-k-d/ /nantaqqal/ 'they (IDflexible)are 5'. Further com-
plexities appear for the fourth morpheme /-oq-/ 'ID rigid', since in
II statives it has allomorph /-aq-/ which commonly yields /-a:-/, per- '
haps by some productive process: /nes-a:«qd/ 'they (ID rigid) are 3' is
usually used but a less altered form /nes-aq-qal/ [note vowel harmony \
again] is possible, both presumably from /nes-aq-i-k-d/ 'three ID rigid
A F 3rd plur'. From the above it seems that /-oq-/ 'ID rigid' takes II
A F /-i-/ but appears in its /-aq-/ allomorph. W e have now seen that )
both /-ak-/ '2D' and /-oq-/ 'ID rigid' have homonymous allomorphs t
/-aq-/ which can cause confusion to speakers unless the context makes |
Micmac Semantics 365
clear what sort of object one is dealing with. For instance /toq-aq-ci:c-
i-t/ (containing diminutive final /-ci:c-/) 'he is short' is probably an
occurence of /-oq-/ 'ID rigid' classifying the person's body, but one
speaker felt it might be /-ak-/ '2D' because it seemed to be 'low' or
'flat', this latter meaning coming from the root /toq-/ 'short'.
If we look just beyond this basic sub-system of classificatory medials
for the dimensionality of objects we find another medial whose form is
/-aq-/, this one meaning 'together'. Some morphological adjustments
seem to have developed to keep /-ak-/ '2D', with its allomorph /-aq-/,
separate from /-aq-/ 'together'. The expected forms of the II and AI
statives appear for /-aq-/ 'together': /nes-aq-e-kl/ (II) 'they (together)
are three', /nes-aq-si-cik/ (AI) 'they (together) are three', e.g., poles
tied together. The abnormal forms appear for /-ak-/ '2D': /nes-ak-
i-kl/ (II) 'they (2D) are 3', /nes-ak-i-cik/ (AI) 'they (2D) are 3'. These
forms are unusual in two important ways: 1) the general phonological
process by which k - q/ a is not applied (Fidelholtz 1968:64-74);
and 2) the normal stative A F -asi- is not used, although it appears with
the other three medials for dimensionality: /nes-apsk-asi-cik/ 'they
(3D) are three' /nesu-taq-si-cik/ 'they (IDflexible)are three', /nes-oq-
si-cik/ 'they (3D rigid) are three'.
T H e conditions of alternation between /-oq-/ and /-aq-/ 'ID rigid'
are certainly obscure. However, it may be conditioned by the final
which follows it. W e have seen that AI stative abstractfinal/-asi-/
takes /-oq-/, II abstractfinal/-i-/ takes /-aq-/, and the diminutive fi-
nal /-ci:c-/ takes /-aq-/ (AI form given above; II: /nes-aq-ci:c-kl/ 'they
(ID rigid) (small) are three'). Otherfinalstaking /-oq-/ appear in /nes-
oq-pi-cik/ (AI) 'there are three (ID rigid)', /nes-oq-te-kl/ (II) 'there
are three (ID rigid)'. If /-oq-/ comes as expected from P A */a:xkw/,
metathesis of the */w/ may somehow be involved. Perhaps the neces-
sary rules are in Fidelholtz but I haven't been able to apply them.
Relational classes
So far we have had a look at the four basic noun classes for ob-
jects which Micmac shares with Central Algonquian languages. More
interesting is the hint of other noun classes which might be Micmac in-
novations - we saw a medial /-aq-/ 'together', e.g., /wel-aq-sa-k/ (AI)
'good together S T A T I V E 3rd sing - he is plentiful' referring to a good
growth of trees or blueberries. Such noun classes are concerned with
the spatial relations among objects rather than with their dimension-
366 Peter Denny
ality, and they occur in many language families. However, they do not
seem to be present in Cree or Ojibwa, except for one medial given by
Baraga (1878) for Ojibwa which I have not found for current speakers:
/-oshk-/ 'side by side' in /nij-oshk-ad/ (II) 'it is two (side by side)'
describing a double-barreled gun. O n the other hand, Micmac seems
to have three others expressed by classificatory medials in c o m m o n
use besides /-aq-/ 'together'. One is the opposite of this latter one,
/-ampk-/ 'apart', e.g., /nes-ampk-ate-kl/ (II) 'there are three (spread
out)'. This one interacts with the "collective" and "distributive" plu-
rals in an interesting way. With the collective (or "internal") plural it
is the individual objects that are spread out: e.g., /nes-ampk-api-cik/
(AI) 'there are three (spread out)' describes three rose bushes planted
apart; with the distributive (or external) plural it is the groups of ob-
jects that are spread out: e.g., /nes-ampk-ap-ulticik/ (AI) 'there are
three's (spread out)' describes groups of three rose bushes each, the
groups being planted apart. These two plurals were discussed by Hew-
son (1976).
The other two relational noun classes are concerned with objects
joined together, either as "layers" expressed by /-anq-/, or as "tiers"
expressed by /-coq-/. The layers seem usually to be 2D objects, e.g., /el-
anq-e-k/ (II) 'it is a layer' [of wallpaper], /el-anq-api-cik/ (AI) 'there
is a layer' [of clouds], /nes-anq-api-cik/ (AI) 'there are three layers'
[plywood piled on top of each other], /nes-anq-ate-kl/ (II) 'there are
three layers' [deer hides, piled-up empty potato bags], /nes-anq-asi-t/
(AI) 'it is three-ply' [clothing]. O n the other hand, the tiers usually
seem to be 3D objects, e.g., /tapu-coq-te-kl/ (II) 'there are two tiers'
[small cubes, boxes, dishes,filledpotato bags], /newkt-icoq-a:si-t/ (AI)
'he is one (object with tiers)' [a cup placed in its saucer], /nesu-coq-
te-kl/ (II) 'there are three tiers' [books]. For some speakers books
seemed to be a borderline item between '3D tier' and '2D layer', so
that avoiding both classificatory medials seemed best, /nesu-te-kl/ (II)
'there are three'. Thin books like scrapbooks could be layers, /nesu-
anq-ate-kl/ (II) 'there are 3 layers' [scrapbooks piled up]. Layers and
tiers seem to involve things which are joined along reasonablyflatsides.
Consequently many ID objects such as logs and ropes cannot be so
joined. Those ID objects that do haveflatsides seem to be included
in the tiers class presumably because they are not thin enough to be
layers, e.g., /nesu-coq-pi-cik/ (AI) 'there are three tiers' could be used
Micmac Semantics 367
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thanks are due to my Micmac language consultants: Bernie Francis at Member-
tou Reserve in Nova Scotia, Manny Metallic at Restigouche Reserve in Quebec, and
Jane Simon and Michael Francis at Big Cove Reserve in New Brunswick. Good ad-
vice came from linguists specializing in Micmac, Watson Williams and Paul Proulx.
Mildred Milliea and Rebecca Simon helped with the arrangements at Big Cove. This
368 Peter Denny
research was supported by a grant from the Social Science and Humanities Research
Council of Canada.
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