Linguistics and Multilingual Studies

This category covers: Bilingualism and Multilingualism Child Language Acquisition Chinese Linguistics Interactive Media and Language Learning Language and Culture Language and Gender Language Attitudes and Identity Language Contact and Language Change

Language Maintenance and

Language Shift Language Policy and Language Planning Morphology Phonetics and Phonology Pragmatics Sematics Syntax World Englishes

The Division of Linguistics and Multilingual Studies (LMS) aims at achieving a detailed understanding of the complex neurological and psychological processes whereby speech and writing are produced and understood, as well as the sociological and cultural underpinnings that inform linguistic communication. As the name "Linguistics and Multilingual Studies" suggests, the faculty of the division work not only on the structural aspects of language, but with a focus on the study of the languages of multilingual individuals and of multilingual societies. Singapore, which is characterized by the widespread practice of bilingualism and multilingualism, is therefore a prime focus of the facultys research. In addition to that, faculty members also work on language issues in countries that are of special relevance to Singapore. The following are some of the broad research areas of the Linguistics and Multilingual Studies faculty (more detail can be found at http://www.ntu.edu.sg/hss/lms/research.htm): Speech research Under this broad umbrella, areas of research include acoustic phonetics, experimental phonetics, perceptual phonetics, prosody, tonal systems and accents. The tonal system of Chinese languages, especially the Chinese languages in Singapore is another area that the faculty members work on. Two particular Min languages, Hokkien and Teochew, are of interest, for these languages have a large number of Malay borrowings through language contact situations, resulting in an assignment of tones (which is not present in Malay) on Malay borrowings in these two languages. Sociolinguistics Sociolinguistic research in Singapore is the study of how the society affects and is impacted by the languages spoken in this country. Singapore is a multilingual nation, where many languages are spoken. Though theoretical and comparative linguistics in Singapore have a relatively long history, the sociolinguistic situation of Singapore still offers a great deal of research opportunities. Sociolinguistics is a high priority area for the Division of linguistics and Multilingual Studies and has the aim of aiding community development through in-depth studies of how Singaporeans use their languages in everyday life. Sociolinguistics research in LMS is carried out by multinational and multilingual staff and focuses on Singapore, the region and beyond. The following are areas currently being investigated: Language maintenance and language shift Italians around the world. Research in the Division focuses on how second generation Sicilian-Australians use their linguistic repertoire in different domains, and what are the motivating factors that lead to the choice of one particular language over another. Local communities in Singapore The multilingual nature of the Singaporean ethnic groups is the focus of a number of sociolinguistic studies within LMS. Research within the Division explore the shifting position of English vis--vis official languages and other vernaculars and how the increasing dominance of English has displaced various languages, including the other three official languages Mandarin Chinese, Malay and Tamil. Language attitudes The study of language attitudes has been an important area of sociolinguistic research in the last 40 years. The process whereby speakers are judged by their linguistic and paralinguistic variation is at the very centre of the languagecommunication intersection. This process affects not only everyday interactions of individuals, but also impacts at the

macrosociological level of how communities react to other speakers and also at public policy levels in terms of whether languages have institutional support or are superseded by more prestigious varieties. Singapore, a multilingual environment is a rich setting for the exploration of language attitudes. Despite the intense interest in this issue in the media and at both the governmental and community levels, there have been little systematic attempts at documenting this phenomenon. Language Identity Research in LMS aims to explore the relationship between Language and Identity in the various communities in Singapore. One of the questions to answer is the relationship between attitudes, identity and language shift. A further aim is to assess the role identity plays in shaping both dominant and minority groups in Singapore. A developing research area is the role of identity in specific sub-cultures. Language Planning and Policy In the area of Language Planning and Policy, Singapores language policies are of specific interest. Many countries have developed comprehensive language policies, but few have well-integrated and balanced ones. Current research at LMS aims to ensure that a well thought out and integrated language policy is developed; that best practice is followed; and that suitable short-, medium- and long-term policies are formulated. Intercultural communication People from different cultures encode and decode messages differently, increasing the chances of misunderstanding. Even when people speak the same language, because of their cultural background the chances of miscommunication are high. Usages and contextual inferences many times are completely different between cultures. Current research in the Division is centred on the perception of accent across cultures. Bilingualism and Multilingualism The study of bilingualism and multilingualism intersects many areas of research with the school. Apart from sociolinguistics issues discussed in previous sections, research on Bilingualism and Multilingualism also looks at patterns of language acquisition in multilingual contexts and factors such as input patterns, bilingual parenting, and language contexts may have an impact on bilingual development. Semantics Semantics is the study of meaning. The approach to the study of semantics in the division is largely empirical. The focus of research in LMS is in looking at how meaningful components are packaged across languages. In particular, current research projects look at numeral classifications and how these classifications develop and change. Other research areas which involve semantic analysis in the division include the study of compound words in Mandarin Chinese, the semantic distribution and shift of Malay loanwords in Hokkien and Teochew and the evaluation and judgment of taboo words in Mandarin Chinese. Applied Linguistics research Applied Linguistics research in the Division of Linguistics and Multilingual Studies specialises in various aspects of language use and language functions related to language and culture in individuals and in classroom applications. Applied Linguistics research in LMS is characterised by a strong cross-linguistic perspective, with staff combining theoretical underpinnings of their various disciplines with attentiveness to the practical implications of those disciplines. Current interdisciplinary research at LMS is dedicated to the description and understanding of language as it is used in real classroom situations.

In sociolinguistics a variety, also called a lect, is a specific form of a language or language cluster. This may include languages, dialects, accents, registers, styles or other sociolinguistic variation, as well as the standard variety itself.[1] "Variety" avoids the terms language, which many people associate only with the standard language, and dialect, which is associated with non-standard varieties thought of as less prestigious or "correct" than the standard.[2] Linguists speak of both standard and non-standard varieties. "Lect" avoids the problem in ambiguous cases of deciding whether or not two varieties are distinct languages or dialects of a single language. Variation at the level of the lexicon, such as slang and argot, is often considered in relation to particular styles or levels of formality (also called registers), but such uses are sometimes discussed as varieties themselves.[1]

Dialects

Main article: Dialect O'Grady et al. define dialect as, "A regional or social variety of a language characterized by its own phonological, syntactic, and lexical properties."[3] The term dialect is often associated with regional varieties of speech. In addition, though, there are dialect varieties associated with particular ethnic groups (sometimes called ethnolects), socioeconomic classes (sometimes called sociolects), or other social or cultural groups. Dialectology is the study of dialects and their geographic or social distribution.[3] Traditionally, dialectologists study the variety of language used within a particular speech community, a group of people who share a set of norms or conventions for language use.[1] More recently, sociolinguists have adopted the concept of the community of practice, a group of people who develop shared knowledge and shared norms of interaction, as the social group within which dialects develop and change.[4] Sociolinguists Penelope Eckert and Sally McConnell-Ginet explain, "Some communities of practice may develop more distinctive ways of speaking than others. Thus it is within communities of practice that linguistic influence may spread within and among speech communities."[5] Although the words dialect and accent are sometimes used interchangeably in everyday speech, linguists and scholars define the two terms differently. Accent, in technical usage, refers only to differences in pronunciation, especially those associated with geographic or social differences. Dialect, which refers to differences in syntax, morphology, and vocabulary, as well as pronunciation, is the broader term.

[edit] Standard varieties

Main article: Standard language Most languages have a standard variety; that is, some variety that is selected and promoted by either quasi-legal authorities or other social institutions, such as schools or media. Standard varieties are more prestigious than other, nonstandard varieties and are generally thought of as "correct" by speakers of the language. Since this selection constitutes an arbitrary standard, however, standard varieties are "correct" in the sense that they are highly valued within the society that uses the language. As linguist Harold Fasold puts it, "The standard language may not even be the best possible constellation of linguistic features available. It is general social acceptance that gives us a workable arbitrary standard, not any inherent superiority of the characteristics it specifies."[6] Sociolinguists generally recognize the standard variety of a language as one of the dialects of that language.[7] In some cases, an official body, such as the Acadmie franaise, describe the grammar and usage of a standard variety. More often, though, standard varieties are understood only implicitly. Writing of standard English, John Algeo suggests that the standard variety "is simply what English speakers agree to regard as good."[8]

[edit] Registers and Styles

Main articles: Register (sociolinguistics) and Style shifting A register (sometimes called a style) is a variety of language used in a particular social setting.[9] Settings may be defined in terms of greater or lesser formality,[10] or in terms of socially recognized events, such as baby talk, which is used in many western cultures when talking to small children, or a joking register used in teasing or playing the dozens.[9] There are also registers associated with particular professions or interest groups; jargon refers specifically to the vocabulary associated with such registers. Unlike dialects, which are used by particular speech communities and associated with geographical settings or social groupings, registers are associated with particular situations, purposes, or levels of formality. Dialect and register may be thought of as different dimensions of variation. For example, Trudgill suggests the following sentence as an example of a nonstandard dialect used with the technical register of physical geography: There was two eskers what we saw in them U-shaped valleys.[7] Most speakers command a range of registers, which they use in different situations. The choice of register is affected by the setting and topic of speech, as well as the relationship that exists between the speakers.[11] The appropriate form of language may also change during the course of a communicative event as the relationship between speakers changes, or different social facts become relevant. Speakers may shift styles as their perception of an event in progress changes. Consider the following telephone call to the Cuban Interest Section in Washington, DC. Caller: Es la embajada de Cuba? (Is this the Cuban embassy?) Receptionist: S. Dgame. (Yes, may I help you?) Caller: Es Rosa. (It's Rosa.) Receptionist: Ah Rosa! Cma anda eso? (Oh, Rosa! How's it going?)[11] At first, the receptionist uses a relatively formal register, as befits her professional role. After the caller identifies herself the receptionist recognizes that she is speaking to a friend, and shifts to an informal register of colloquial Cuban Spanish. This shift is similar to metaphorical codeswitching, but since it involves styles or registers, is considered an example of style shifting.

[edit] Idiolect
Main article: Idiolect An idiolect is defined as "the language use typical of an individual person."[12] An individual's idiolect may be affected by contact with various regional or social dialects, professional registers, and in the case of multilinguals, various languages.[13] For scholars who view language from the perspective of linguistic competence, essentially the knowledge of language and grammar that exists in the mind of an individual language user, the

idiolect is a way of referring to this specific knowledge. For scholars who regard language as a shared social practice, idiolect is more like a dialect with a speech community of one individual.[14]
Linguistic Varieties and Multilingual Nations

Holmes says that a multilingual acquires a number of languages because they need them for different purposes in their everyday interactions (p. 74). These contacts play important roles in language development. When people of many language backgrounds engage in extensive trading, or forced labour, or due to massive population dislocation and movement, pidgin is used as a means of communication. It is always spoken in addition to ones native language. When a pidgin is used massively by parents at home and the society for whatever reasons, the children growing up in these communities will express their experience of love, fear, and other interactions through this pidgin. As they grow older and use it with others of their age, the pidgin develops into a Creole. Creole is then used between people in the same ethnic groups. As the first variety acquired at home, it develops into vernacular language. It refers to a language which has not been standardized and which does not have official status (p. 75). A vernacular language can be a standard language if it has undergone some degree of regularization or codification. It is recognized as a prestigious variety or code by a community, and it is used for H functions alongside a diversity of L varieties. According to the writer, the debate about a common origin of all pidgins should not continue because the process occurs to ease the communication. Therefore, I agree that no one should claim his variety more prestigious than the others. These language varieties enrich an individuals linguistic repertoires. From this chapter I learnt how a language develops. It is a natural that human beings will communicate to others to fulfill their needs. The contact of one speech community with another can create a new language. I can understand why new words appear everyday. If I do not have the contact with the groups using those new words, I will not understand.

hampir setiap pasar/tempat perdagangan. Bahasa Swahili di Afrika Timur adalah bahasa perdagangan yang paling sering digunakan hingga membuat Tanzania memilih bahasa itu sebagai bahasa nasional mereka. Karena dasar pemilihan lingua franca adalah saling pengertian antara para penggunanya, maka bahasa apa pun, termasuk pidgin atau creole dapat mejadi sebuah lingua franca.
Pidgins and Creoles

Pidgin adalah bahasa yang berkembang sebagai alat komunikasi antara dua kelompok orang yang belum mempunyai bahasa yang umum. Bahasa ini merupakan penyederhanaan dari dua bahasa atau lebih. Bahasa pidgin tidak mempunyai penutur asli (native speaker). Bahasa ini terbentuk secara alami di dalam suatu kontak sosial yang terjadi antara sejumlah penutur yang masing-masing memiliki bahasa ibu. Bahasa pidgin cenderung mencampuradukkan kosa kata, bunyi, dan bentuk-bentuk gramatikal dari kedua bahasa. salah satu terbentuknya bahasa pidgin karena ada latar belakang perdagangan, misalnya suatu komunitas perdagangan memakai bahasa A untuk berkomunikasi kemudian datang pedagang lain ( bukan pengguna bahasa A ) dan tidak satupun dari mereka yang pengguna bahasa itu ( pedagang yang menggunakan bahasa A dan pedagang lain ) mengerti bahasa masing-masing sehingga terjadilah bahasa pidgin dimana mereka membuat bahasa ketiga sehingga bahasa ketiga itu lebih dominan. Bahasa pidgin juga bisah terjadi pada masa penjajahan, misalnya pada bahasa pidgin karibia, karena pulau-pulau tropis dijajah, masyarakatnya direstrukturisasi, yaitu minoritas bangsa Eropa sebagai penguasa dan sejumlah orang-orang non eropa sebagai buruh. Para buruh itu, baik penduduk asli maupun buruh datang dari kelompok yang memiliki bahasa berbeda-beda dan perlu berkomunikasi sehingga muncullah bahasa pidgin.
4

Bagaimanakan bentuk struktur linguistik dari bahasa pidgin?

Karena bahasa pidgin terbentuk sebagai bahasa campuran dan hanya digunakan sebagai alat komunikasi diantara mereka yang berbeda bahasa ibu tersebut maka bahasa pidgin tidak memiliki standarisasi, otonomi, historitas dan vitalitas. Bahasa pidgin terbentuk oleh bunyi, perbendaharaan kata, dan beragam jenis gramatikal bahasa. Ketika satu komunitas memakai bahasa yang lebih tinggi derajatnya dan komunitas lainnya memakai bahasa daerah

atau bahasa yang lebih rendah tingkatannya, bahasa yang tingkatannya lebih tinggi akan memberikan sumbangan kosa kata lebih banyak, sedangkan bahasa daerah atau bahasa yang tingkatannya lebih rendah menyumbangkan aturan tata bahasanya dalam perkembangan bahasa pidgin. bahasa pidgin tidak memiliki tingkatan tinggi ( high ) atau rendahnya ( low )

suatu bahasa.

bahasa pidgin dibagi menjadi tiga klasifikasi :

1. Bahasa pidgin digunakan pada domain tertentu dan dalam fungsi tertentu

2. Bahasa pidgin memiliki struktur yang sederhana dibandingkan dengan bahasa sumber 3. Bahasa pidgin pada umumnya merupakan bahasa yang tingkatannya rendah dan mengundang pandangan negatif, khususnya dari para pendatang Bahasa pidgin tidak bertahan lama, jika perkembangannya hanya untuk fungsi tertentu, maka mereka akan punah ketika fungsi itu musnah. Sebagai alternatif, ketika perdagangan berkembang, kemudian kontak bahasa banyak dilakukan sehingga membawa sedikitnya satu pembelajaran bahasa lain, sehingga kebutuhan akan bahasa pidgin menghilang. Pada kasus-kasus tertentu, bahasa pidgin berkembang penuh menjadi bahasa kreol.
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Kreol

Kreol adalah bahasa pidgin yang telah berkembang dan kemudian menjadi bahasa ibu bagi sekelompok orang yang mempunyai latar belakang berbeda-beda. Bahasa kreol juga dipegaruhi oleh kosa kata-kosa kata yang dibawa oleh penuturnya. Bahasa kreol mempunyai kosa kata yang lebih kaya dan struktur yang lebih kompleks. Bahasa kreol mengembangkan cara-cara untuk menandakan makna seperti bentuk waktu pada kata kerja, infleksi, maupun afiks. Jika bahasa creole telah bekembang, ia dapat berfungsi secara politis, pendidikan, kesusastraan, administrasi, dan lain-lain. Bahasa creole bisa menjadi bahasa standar, bahasa nasional, maupun bahasa resmi, misalnya Tok Pisin yang menjadi bahasa resmi di Papua New Guinea. Dalam masyarakat dengan pembagian sosial yang masih kaku, bahasa creole bisa tetap menduduki fungsi ( low ), di samping bahasa ( high ) yang resmi disetujui, misalnya pada bahasa diglosia Haiti.

Jika bahasa creole digunakan bersama bahasa standar dalam suatu masyarakat di mana rintangan sosialnya (social barrier) bisa diatasi, bentuk-bentuk bahasa creole cenderung berubah berdasarkan bahasa standar itu. Proses ini disebut decreolisasi. Pada akhirnya, akan ada rangkaian kesatuan (continuum) ragam antara bahasa standar dan bahasa creole. Hal ini dikenal dengan nama post-creole continuum. Contohnya bisa ditemukan di Jamaica dan Guyana.

Linguistic terms and varieties of English

What is meant by variety?

In present-day linguistics the term variety is used to refer to any variant of a language which can be sufficiently delimited from another one. The grounds for such differentiation may be social, historical, spatial or a combination of these. The necessity for a neutral term such as variety arose from the loaded use of the term dialect: this was not only used in the neutral sense of a regionally bound form of a language, but also with the implication that the linguistically most interesting varieties of a language are those spoken by the older rural (male) population. This view is understandable given the origin of dialectology in the nineteenth century, that is in the heyday of historical linguistics. Nowadays, sociolinguistic attitudes are prevalent and the need for a term which can include the linguistic investigation of urban populations, both male and female, from a social point of view became evident. The neutrality of the term variety must be stressed. It simply refers to a distinguishable variant of a language. This means that there are a large number of varieties of any given language. The sole criterion to be fulfilled by a particular variety is delimitation vis vis other varieties. Dialects within a variety framework are frequently referred to as regional varieties and sociolects as social varieties, though the label dialect can be retained if used objectively.

The notion of dialect

1) Dialect Strictly speaking the term dialect refers to a geographical variant of a language. However, it is used loosely, not only by non-linguists, to talk about any variety of language. For sociolinguistic purposes one must distinguish various sub-types of dialect. The term dialect is used to denote a geographically distinct variety of a language. There is no reference to the social dimension of language here. It is also important to stress that the standard of a language is nothing more than a dialect which achieved special political and social status at some stage in the past and which has been extensively codified orthographically. a) koin This is a term deriving from ancient Greek common and refers to the situation where, in a group of dialects, one is predominant and used outside of its natural boundaries as a means

of inter-dialectal communication. This was the case with Athenian Greek and the remaining dialects in Classical Greece and - at least for writing - also held for West Saxon vis vis the other dialects of English in the Old English period. b) patois This is a French term which refers to a dialect which is unwritten and as such without a literary tradition. The (French) term dialecte conversely refers to a geographical variety which has an associated literature. This use is to be found in other countries of Europe as well, such as Sweden. 2) Standard and non-standard In a country whose language shows a long written tradition it makes sense to talk of a codified standard. By implicit or explicit comparison with this standard one can then classify other varieties as non-standard (though not substandard, this is a loaded term). Countries usually have a term for their standard. In England there are various terms such as The Queens English, Oxford English, BBC English, Received Pronunciation. Only the last of these finds favour with linguists. Although the laypersons may use these terms indiscriminately and although they may not be able to be precise about what they mean by them, they are always able to recognise them and may not infrequently be in a position to imitate them also. Here one sees that the receptive ability of speakers is greater that their productive ability. There are a number of further labels which are used to refer to language variation along various axes. Students should be aware of at least the following three terms. Diatopic Diastratic Diachronic Refers to variation in language on a geographical level. Refers to variation in language between social classes. Refers to variation in language over time.

3) Vernacular This is a term which refers to the language spoken naturally by the inhabitants of a country as opposed to a possible classical language which may have a position of dominance in cultural or ecclesiastical spheres. 4) Mutual intelligibility of dialects This consideration helps to distinguish between language and dialect and to broach the related problem of how to decide what a language is. One way of characterising language and dialect is to regard a language as a collection of mutually intelligible dialects and a dialect as a recognisable variety within this group. Unfortunately, the criterion of mutual intelligibility is not entirely successful. One common problem with this criterion is that some languages like Norwegian and Swedish are usually considered different languages, for political reasons, but speakers of these languages can generally understand and communicate with each other. It may also be that dialects belonging to the same language lack mutual intelligibility. German, for instance, would be considered a single language because some types of German are not intelligible to speakers of other types. Furthermore, mutual intelligibility may not be equal in both directions. It is said, for instance, that Danes understand Norwegians better that Norwegians understand Danes.

5) Polylectal grammars Obviously, speakers of different dialects are able to understand each other more or less. This can be seen with speakers of English and other languages such as French, Italian or German. The reason is that the linguistic systems involved do not differ fundamentally. The understanding of different dialects implies that the speakers know the overall system of the language (group of dialects). This view is what is called polylectal, from lect, meaning form of language. However, there is reason to question the knowledge of common underlying forms. The phenomenon of hypercorrection shows that underlying forms are not present for all speakers. For instance, some speakers use an /r/ in the first syllable of lager /l:g/, i.e. they introduce an /-r/ because they feel the back pronunciation /:/ implies a following /-r/ which is true of r-ful dialects but not of those without syllable final r. 6) Dialect continua In many parts of the world, if we examine rural areas, we recognise a geographical dialect continuum. There are differences between dialects, some large and some small, but the further we get from a particular starting point in an area, the larger the differences become. The striking point is that a chain of mutual intelligibility links all the dialects spoken throughout the area. At any point on this extensive continuum, speakers of one dialect can understand speakers of other dialects who live in adjacent areas, that is there is a chain of mutual intelligibility. At no point is there a complete break, but the cumulative effect of the linguistic differences will be such that the greater the geographical separation, the greater the difficulty of comprehension. This situation is clearly illustrated by German dialects which form an uninterrupted continuum from the Dutch border in the north west to the Hungarian border in the south-east. The varieties in these extremes are not mutually intelligible but at any two points on the continuum they are.