Project Management The Managerial Process 5Th Edition Larson Solutions Manual Full Chapter PDF

Project Management The Managerial
Process 5th Edition Larson Solutions

Manual
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Chapter 06 - Developing A Project Plan
Chapter 6
DEVELOPING A PROJECT PLAN
Chapter Outline
1. Developing the Project Network

2. From Work Package to Network
3. Constructing a Project Network
A. Terminology
B. Two Approaches
C. Basic Rules to Follow in Developing Project Networks
4. Activity-on-Node (AON) Fundamentals
5. Network Computation Process
A. Forward Pass—Earliest Times
B. Backward Pass—Latest Times
C. Determining Slack (or Float)
D. Free Slack (Float)
6. Using the Forward and Backward Pass Information
7. Level of Detail for Activities
8. Practical Considerations
A. Network Logic Errors
B. Activity Numbering
C. Use of Computer to Develop Networks
D. Calendar Dates
E. Multiple Starts and Multiple Projects
9. Extended Network Techniques to Come Closer to Reality
A. Laddering
B. Use of Lags
C. An Example Using Lag Relationships—The Forward and Backward Pass
6-1
D. Hammock Activities
10. Summary
11. Key Terms
12. Review Questions
13. Exercises
14. Case: Advantage Energy Technology Data Center Migration
15. Case: Greendale Stadium Case
16. Appendix 6.1: Activity-on-Arrow Method
A. Description
B. Design of An AOA Project Network
i. Forward Pass—Earliest Times
ii. Backward Pass—Latest Times
iii. Computer-Generated Networks
C. Choice of Method—AON or AOA
D. Summary
17. Appendix Review Questions
18. Appendix Exercises
Chapter Objectives
• To establish the linkage between the WBS and the project network
• To diagram a project network using AON methods
• To provide a process for computing early, late, and slack activity times and identify
the critical path
• To demonstrate understanding and application of “lags” in compressing projects or
constraining the start or finish of an activity
• To provide an overview framework for estimating times and costs
• To suggest the importance of slack in scheduling projects.
Review Questions
1. How does the WBS differ from the project network?
a. The WBS is hierarchical while the project network is sequential.

b. The network provides a project schedule by identifying sequential dependencies
and timing of project activities. The network sets all project work, resource
needs, and budgets into a sequential time frame; the WBS does not provide this
information.
c. The WBS is used to identify each project deliverable and the organization unit
responsible for its accomplishment within budget and within a time duration.
d. The WBS provides a framework for tracking costs to deliverables and
organization units responsible.
2. How are WBS and project networks linked?
6-2
The network uses the time estimates found in the work packages of the WBS to develop
the network. Remember, the time estimates, budgets, and resources required for a
work package in the WBS are set in time frames, but without dates. The dates are
computed after the network is developed.
3. Why bother creating a WBS? Why not go straight to a project network and
forget the WBS?
The WBS is designed to provide different information for decision making. For
example, this database provides information for the following types of decisions:
a. Link deliverables, organization units, and customer

b. Provide for control
c. Isolate problems to source
d. Track schedule and cost variance. Network doesn’t.
e. Assign responsibility and budgets
f. Focus attention on deliverables
g. Provide information for different levels in the organization.
4. Why is slack important to the project manager?
Slack is important to the project manager because it represents the degree of

flexibility the project manager will have in rearranging work and resources. A project
network with several near critical paths and hence, little slack, gives the project
manager little flexibility in changing resources or rearranging work.
5. What is the difference between free slack and total slack?
Free slack usually occurs at the end of an activity chain—before a merge activity. It
is the amount of time the activity can be delayed without affecting the early start of
the activity immediately following it. Since free slack can be delayed without
delaying following activities, it gives some resource flexibility to the project
manager. Total slack is the amount of time an activity can be delayed before it
becomes critical. Use of total slack prevents its use on a following activity.
6. Why are lags used in developing project networks?
Two major reasons:
a. To closer represent real situations found in projects

b. To allow work to be accomplished in parallel when the finish-to-start relationship
is too restrictive.
7. What is a hammock activity, and when is it used?
6-3
A hammock activity is a special purpose activity that exists over a segment of the life
of the project. A hammock activity typically uses resources and is handled as an
overhead cost—e.g., inspection. Hammock activities are used to identify overhead
resources or costs tied directly to the project. The hammock duration is determined
by the beginning of the first of a string of activities and the ending of the last activity
in the string. Hammock activities are also used to aggregate sections of projects to
avoid project detail—e.g., covering a whole subnetwork within a project. This
approach gives top management an overview of the project by avoiding detail.
Exercises
Creating a Project Network
1.
6-4
Drawing AON Networks
2. Activity A is a burst activity. Activity D is a merge activity
3. Activity C is a burst activity. Activity G is a merge activity
4. Activity A is a burst activity. Activities D and H are merge activities.
6-5
5. Activity A is a burst activity. Activities F, H, and G are merge activities.
6-6
AON Network Times
6. The project will take 14 days
7. Air Control Company
6-7
8. We would expect to penalized for one day past the 15 day deadline
9. The project is expected to take 9 days. The project is very sensitive with 3 interrelated
critical paths. None of the activities have slack.
6-8
11.
6-9
12. The project is expected to take 16 days. The project is not very sensitive with one dominant critical
path. Activities B, D, E, G, H and J all have total slack of 7. Activities B, D, E, and G have zero free
slack. Activities H and J have 7 days of free slack.
6-10
13.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Identify topic
Research topic
Draft paper
Edit paper
Create graphics
References
Final Draft
6-11
14.
6-12
Computer Exercises
15.
The estimated completion date is 30 weeks which is well ahead of the 45 week
deadline.
16. Whistler Ski Resort Project
Assignment:
1. Identify the critical path on your network.
2. Can the project be completed by October 1?
The critical path for this schedule is: Build road to site → Clear chair lift →
Construct chair lift foundation → Install chair lift towers → Install chair lift cable →
Install chairs. If the project starts on April 1, it should be completed by September 29
(based on a 2010 schedule)—1 day ahead of schedule.
Hint: When assigning this exercise you should remind students to use an April 1 start
date.
Below is the MS Project Entry Table and Gantt Chart for the Whistler Ski Resort
project.
6-13
MS Project files generated for this exercise can be found either on the teacher’s CD-
Rom or at the Instructional Support Web Site.
17. Optical Disk Preinstallation Project
Next is the MS Project Entry Table for the Optical Disk Preinstallation project. The
estimated completion time is 44 weeks, so yes, the project can be completed in 45
weeks if everything goes as planned.
Note: Prior to assigning this exercise you should announce to the students that they
should assume that the project workweek will be 5 days (Monday - Friday) and that
the project is scheduled to start January 1.
6-14
A drawn network for the optical disk project is presented below detailing the critical
path.
6-15
Lag Exercises
18.
6-16
19.
6-17
20.
21.
6-18
22. CyClon Project
The CyClon project team has started gathering information necessary to develop
a project network-predecessor activities and activity time in days. The results of
their meeting are found in the following table:
Activity Description Duration Predecessor

1 CyClon Project
2 Design 10
3 Procure prototype parts 10 2
4 Fabricate parts 8 2
5 Assemble prototype 4 3,4
6 Laboratory test 7 5
7 Field test 10 6
8 Adjust design 6 7
9 Order stock components 10 8
10 Order custom components 15 8
11 Assemble test production unit 10 9,10
12 Test unit 5 11
13 Document results 3 12
Note: Prior to assigning this exercise you should announce to the students that they
should assume that no work is completed on weekends and that the project is
scheduled to start January 2, 2008.
Part A. Create a network based on the above information. How long will the
project take? What is the critical path?
The project is scheduled to take 80 days. The critical path consists of activities: 2, 3,
5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13.
CyClon Project Entry Table and Gantt Chart Part A.
6-19
Part B. Upon further review the team recognizes that they missed three finish-
to-start lags. Procure prototype parts will only involve 2 days of work but it will
take 8 days for the parts to be delivered. Likewise, Order stock components will
take 2 days of work and 8 days for delivery and Order custom components 2
days of work and 13 days for delivery.
Reconfigure the CyClon schedule by entering the three finish-to-start lags.
What impact did these lags have on the original schedule? On the amount of
work required to complete the project?
The schedule still takes 80 days to complete and there is no change in the critical
path. However instead of taking 98 days of work to complete, the project will only
take 69 days of work! We obtain 69 days by totaling the number of days for each lag.
CyClon Project Entry Table and Gantt Chart Part B.
Part C. Management is not happy with the schedule and wants the project
completed as soon as possible. Unfortunately, they are not willing to approve
additional resources. One team member pointed out that the network contained
only finish-to-start relationships and that it might be possible to reduce project
duration by creating start-to-start lags. After much deliberation the team
concluded that the following relationships could be converted into start-to-start
lags:
• Procure prototype parts could start 6 days after the start of Design.
• Fabricate parts could start 9 days after the start of Design.
• Laboratory test could begin 1 day after the start of Assemble prototype.
• Field test could start 5 days after the start of Laboratory test.
• Adjust design could begin 7 days after the start of Field test.
• Order stock and Order custom components could begin 5 days after Adjust
design.
• Test unit could begin 9 days after the start of Assemble test production unit.
• Document results could start 3 days after the start of Test unit.
6-20
Reconfigure the CyClon schedule by entering all nine start-to-start lags.

What impact did these lags have on the original schedule (Part A)? How long
will the project take? Is there a change in the critical path? Is there a change in
the sensitivity of the network? Why would management like this solution?
CyClon Project Entry Table and Gantt Chart Part C.
The project duration has been reduced 15 days as a result of introducing the start-to-
start lags. The project is now estimated to be completed in 65 days. There is a
change in the critical path but the sensitivity of the network does not change much.
Procure prototype parts is no longer on the critical path and now has 1 day of slack
while Fabricate parts which had 2 days of slack is now critical. Management would
like this solution since it does not appear to involve any additional costs.
Case
Advantage Energy Technology Data Center Migration
Prepared by James Moran, Oregon State University
MS Project files generated for this exercise can be found either on the teacher’s CD-Rom
or at the Instructional Support Web Site.
Hint: We recommend pointing out to students that this is a very sensitive schedule with
multiple critical paths. Students should recognize that a delay in any one of the
Switchover Meetings will not only extend the duration of the project but alter the critical
path configuration.
6-21
Assignment:
1. Generate a priority matrix for AET’s system move.
Priority Matrix
TIME PERFORMANCE COST

Constrain X
Enhance X
Accept X
2. Develop a WBS for Brian’s project. Include duration (days) and predecessors.
3. Using a project planning tool, generate a network diagram for this project.
(Note: Base your plan on the following guidelines: eight-hour days, seven-day
weeks, no holiday breaks, March 1, 2010 is the project start date.)
The size of the network prohibits displaying it here so instead we have included the
Gantt chart below.
6-22
Case
Greendale Stadium Case
The entry table is presented in GB-1 while the Gantt chart for the estimated schedule is
presented in GB-2. GB-3 contains the schedule table which features Free and Total
Slack.
MS Project files generated for this exercise can be found at the Instructional Support Web
Site.
Assignment:
1. Will the project be able to be completed by the May 20 deadline? How long will
it take?
The project is estimated to take 695 days and be completed by March 26, 2014. This
is 55 calendar days ahead of schedule.
2. What is the critical path for the project?
There are two interwoven critical paths:
• Clear Stadium Site → Drive Support Piles → Pour Lower Concrete Bowl → Pour
Main Concourse → Install Seats → Construct Steel Canopy → Light Installation
→ Inspection.
6-23
• Clear Stadium Site → Drive Support Piles → Pour Lower Concrete Bowl →
Construct Upper Steel Bowl → Install Seats → Construct Steel Canopy → Light
Installation → Inspection.
3. Based on the schedule would you recommend that G&E pursue this contract?
Why? Include a one-page Gantt chart for the stadium schedule.
The answer should be “yes” since there is a 55 day buffer between estimated
completion date and the deadline. Furthermore, even though the network is sensitive
with two critical paths, these paths involve only two separate activities. Some
students will point out that over-time and working on weekends could be used to stay
on schedule if delays occur.
A few students may argue that G&E can endure limited penalty costs given the profit
margin for the project. While there is some truth to this logic, the loss of future
business due to damaged reputation is a strong counter argument against this line of
reasoning.
GB-1
6-24
GB-2
GB-3
Appendix Review Questions
1. How do the building blocks of AON and AOA differ?
The building blocks of AON and AOA are the arrow and the node. However, AON
uses the node to depict an activity, while the AOA uses the arrow to depict an
activity. Recall activities consume project time. In both cases the arrow is used to
indicate dependencies among activities. AOA uses the node to represent an event,
which does not consume time. The AOA node marks the beginning or end of a
project activity and can be used as a common beginning or ending event for several
activities.
2. What are the purposes of dummy or pseudo activities?
The purpose of a dummy or pseudo activity is to maintain the logic of an AOA

network and ensure each activity has its own unique identification number.
3. How do activities differ from events?
Activities consume time while events do not. The latter represent an instant in time
when an activity begins or ends.
Appendix Exercises
1.
6-25
2.
6-26
3.
4.
6-27
5.
6-28
6.
6-29
Extra Review Exercise—for quiz, class exercise.
6-30
TRANSPARENCIES (for exercises)
Exercise 6-6
6-31
Exercise 6-7 Air Control Company
6-32
Exercise 8
6-33
Exercise 6-9:
6-34
6-35
6-36
Exercise 6-12
6-37
Exercise 6-13
6-38
Exercise 6-13
Group Term Paper
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Identify topic
Research topic
Draft paper
Edit paper
Create graphics
References
Final Draft
6-39
Exercise 14
6-40
Exercise 14
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Contract signed
Survey designed
Target market ID
Data collection
Develop presentation
Analyze results
Demographics
Presentation
6-41
6-42
6-43
6-44
6-45
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against harboring her. It has been plain to see in all such cases
which I have chanced upon in colonial records that the Court had a
strong leaning towards the husband’s side of the case; perhaps
thinking, like Anneke Schaets, that the wife should “share the sweets
and the sours like a Christian spouse.”
In 1697 Daniel Vanolinda petitioned that his wife be “ordyred to go
and live with him where he thinks convenient.” The wife’s father was
promptly notified by the Albany magistrates that he was “discharged
to shelter her in his house or elsewhere, upon Penalty as he will
answer at his Perill;” and she returned to her husband.
In the year 1665 a New Amsterdammer named Lantsman and his
wife, Beletje, were sorely estranged, and went to the courts for
settlement of these differences. The Court gave the matter into the
hands of two of the Dutch ministers, who were often assigned the
place of peacemakers. As usual, they ordered the parents of Beletje
to cease from harboring or abetting her. The husband promised to
treat her well, but she answered that he always broke his promises
to her. He was determined and assiduous to retrieve her, and finally
was successful; thus they were not made “an example to other evil
housekeepers.” A curious feature of this marriage quarrel is the fact
that this Lantsman, who was so determined to retain his wife, had
been more than recreant about marrying her. The banns had been
published, the wedding-day set, but Bridegroom Lantsman did not
appear. Upon being hauled up and reprimanded, his only proffered
excuse was the very simple one that his clothes were not ready.
When Anniatje Fabritius requested an order of court for her
husband to vacate her house with a view of final separation from
him, it was decided by the arbitrators that no legal steps should be
taken, but that “the parties comport themselves as they ought, in
order that they win back each other’s affections, leaving each other
in meanwhile unmolested”—which was very sensible advice. Another
married pair having “met with great discouragement” (which is
certainly a most polite expression to employ on such a subject),
agreed each to go his and her way, after an exact halving of all their
possessions.
Nicasius de Sille, magistrate of New Utrecht and poet of New
Netherland, separated his life from that of his wife because—so he
said—she spent too much money. It is very hard for me to think of a
Dutch woman as “expensefull,” to use Pepys’ word. He also said she
was too fond of schnapps,—which her respected later life did not
confirm. Perhaps he spoke with poetic extravagance, or the nervous
irritability and exaggeration of genius. Albert Andriese and his wife
were divorced in Albany in 1670, “because strife and difference hath
arisen between them.” Daniel Denton was divorced from his wife in
Jamaica, and she was permitted to marry again, by the new
provincial law of divorce of 1672. These few examples break the
felicitous calm of colonial matrimony, and have a few companions
during the years 1670-72; but Chancellor Kent says “for more than
one hundred years preceding the Revolution no divorce took place in
the colony of New York;” and there was no way of dissolving a
marriage save by special act of Legislature.
Occasionally breach-of-promise suits were brought. In 1654
Greetje Waemans produced a marriage ring and two letters,
promissory of marriage, and requested that on that evidence Daniel
de Silla be “condemned to legally marry her.” He vainly pleaded his
unfortunate habit of some days drinking too much, and that on those
days he did much which he regretted; among other things, his
bacchanalian love-making of Greetje. François Soleil, the New
Amsterdam gunsmith, another recreant lover, swore he would rather
go away and live with the Indians (a terrible threat) than marry the
fair Rose whom he had left to droop neglected—and unmarried.
One curious law-case is shown by the injunction to Pieter Kock
and Anna van Voorst. They had entered into an agreement of
marriage, and then had been unwilling to be wedded. The
burgomasters and schepens decided that the promise should remain
in force, and that neither should marry any other person without the
permission of the other and the Court; but Anna did marry very
calmly (when she got ready) another more desirable and desired
man without asking any one’s permission.
It certainly gives us a great sense of the simplicity of living in those
days to read the account of the suit of the patroon of Staten Island in
1642 against the parents of a fair young Elsje for loss of services
through her marriage. She had been bound out to him as a servant,
and had married secretly before her time of service had expired. The
bride told the worshipful magistrates that she did not know the young
man when her mother and another fetched him to see her; that she
refused his suit several times, but finally married him willingly
enough,—in fact, eloped with him in a sail-boat. She demurely
offered to return to the Court, as compensation and mollification, the
pocket-handkerchief which was her husband’s wedding-gift to her.
Two years later, Elsje (already a widow) appeared as plaintiff in a
breach-of-promise suit; and offered, as proof of her troth-plight, a
shilling-piece which was her second lover’s not more magnificent
gift. Though not so stated in the chronicle, this handkerchief was
doubtless given in a “marriage-knot,”—a handkerchief in which was
tied a gift of money. If the girl to whom it was given untied the knot, it
was a sign of consent to be speedily married. This fashion of
marriage-knots still exists in parts of Holland. Sometimes the knot
bears a motto; one reads when translated, “Being in love does no
harm if love finds its recompense in love; but if love has ceased, all
labor is in vain. Praise God.”
Though second and third marriages were common enough among
the early settlers of New Netherland, I find that usually attempts at
restraint of the wife were made through wills ordering sequent loss of
property if she married again. Nearly all the wills are more favorable
to the children than to the wife. Old Cornelius Van Catts, of
Bushwick, who died in 1726, devised his estate to his wife Annetje
with this gruff condition: “If she happen to marry again, then I geff her
nothing of my estate, real or personal. But my wife can be master of
all by bringing up to good learning my two children. But if she comes
to marry again, then her husband can take her away from the farm.”
John Burroughs, of Newtown, Long Island, in his will dated 1678
expressed the general feeling of husbands towards their prospective
widows when he said, “If my wife marry again, then her husband
must provide for her as I have.”
Often joint-wills were made by husband and wife, each with equal
rights if survivor. This was peculiarly a Dutch fashion. In Fordham in
1670 and 1673, Claude de Maistre and his wife Hester du Bois,
Pierre Cresson and his wife Rachel Cloos, Gabriel Carboosie and
Brieta Wolferts, all made joint-wills. The last-named husband in his
half of the will enjoined loss of property if Brieta married again.
Perhaps he thought there had been enough marrying and giving in
marriage already in that family, for Brieta had had three husbands,—
a Dane, a Frieslander, and a German,—and his first wife had had
four, and he—well, several, I guess; and there were a number of
children; and you couldn’t expect any poor Dutchman to find it easy
to make a will in all that confusion. In Albany may be found several
joint-wills, among them two dated 1663 and 1676; others in the
Schuyler family. There is something very touching in the thought of
those simple-minded husbands and wives, in mutual confidence and
affection, going, as we find, before the notary together and signing
their will together, “out of love and special nuptial affection, not
thereto misled or sinisterly persuaded,” she bequeathing her dower
or her father’s legacy or perhaps her own little earnings, and he his
hard-won guilders. It was an act significant and emblematic of the
ideal unison of interests and purposes which existed as a rule in the
married life of these New York colonists.
Mrs. Grant adds abundant testimony to the domestic happiness
and the marital affection of residents of Albany a century later. She
states:—
“Inconstancy or even indifference among married couples
was unheard of, even where there happened to be a
considerable disparity in point of intellect. The extreme
affection they bore their mutual offspring was a bond that
forever endeared them to each other. Marriage in this colony
was always early, very often happy, and very seldom indeed
interested. When a man had no son, there was nothing to be
expected with a daughter but a well brought-up female slave,
and the furniture of the best bed-chamber. At the death of her
father she obtained another division of his effects, such as he
thought she needed or deserved, for there was no rule in
these cases.
“Such was the manner in which those colonists began life;
nor must it be thought that those were mean or uninformed
persons. Patriots, magistrates, generals, those who were
afterwards wealthy, powerful, and distinguished, all, except a
few elder brothers, occupied by their possessions at home,
set out in the same manner; and in after life, even in the most
prosperous circumstances, they delighted to recount the
‘humble toils and destiny obscure’ of their early years.”
Weddings usually took place at the house of the bride’s parents.
There are some records of marriages in church in Albany in the
seventeenth century, one being celebrated on Sunday. But certainly
throughout the eighteenth century few marriages were within the
church doors. Mrs. Vanderbilt says no Flatbush marriages took place
in the church till within the past thirty or forty years. In some towns
written permission of the parents of the groom, as well as the bride,
was required by the domine before he would perform the marriage
ceremony. In the Guelderland the express consent of father and
mother must be obtained before the marriage; and doubtless that
custom of the Fatherland caused its adoption here in some localities.
The minister also in some cases gave a certificate of permission for
marriage; here is one given by “ye minister at Flatbush,”—
Isaac Hasselburg and Elizabeth Baylis have had their
proclamation in our church as commonly our manner and
custom is, and no opposition or hindrance came against
them, so as that they may be confirmed in ye banns of
Matrimony, whereto we wish them blessing. Midwout ye
March 17th, 1689.
Rudolph Varrick, Minister.
This was probably to permit and authorize the marriage in another
parish.
Marriage fees were not very high in colonial days, nor were they
apparently always retained by the minister; for in one of Domine
Selyns’s accounts of the year 1662, we find him paying over to the
Consistory the sum of seventy-eight guilders and ten stuyvers for
fourteen marriage fees received by him. The expenses of being
married were soon increased by the issuing of marriage licenses.
During the century dating from the domination of the British to the
Revolutionary War nearly all the marriages of genteel folk were
performed by special permission, by Governor’s license, the
payment for which (a half-guinea each, so Kalm said) proved
through the large numbers a very welcome addition to the
magistrates’ incomes. It was in fact deemed most plebeian, almost
vulgar, to be married by publication of the banns for three Sundays in
church, or posting them according to the law, as was the universal
and fashionable custom in New England. This notice from a New
York newspaper, dated December 13, 1765, will show how
widespread had been the aversion to the publication of banns:—
“We are creditly informed that there was married last
Sunday evening, by the Rev. Mr. Auchmuty, a very
respectable couple that had published three different times in
Trinity Church. A laudable example and worthy to be followed.
If this decent and for many reasons proper method of
publication was once generally to take place, we should have
no more of clandestine marriages; and save the expense of
licenses, no inconsiderable sum these hard and depressing
times.”
Another reason for “crying the banns” was given in Holt’s “New
York Gazette and Postboy” for December 6, 1765.
“As no Licenses for Marriage could be obtained since the
first of November for Want of Stamped Paper, we can assure
the Publick several Genteel Couple were publish’d in the
different Churches of this City last Week; and we hear that the
young Ladies of this Place are determined to Join Hands with
none but such as will to the utmost endeavour to abolish the
Custom of marrying with License which Amounts to many
Hundred per annum which might be saved.”
Severe penalties were imposed upon clergymen who violated the
law requiring license or publication ere marriage. The Lutheran
minister performed such a marriage, and the schout’s “conclusion”
as to the matter was that the offending minister be flogged and
banished. But as he was old, and of former good services, he was at
last only suspended a year from power of preaching.
Rev. Mr. Miller, an English clergyman writing in 1695, complains
that many marriages were by justices of the peace. This was made
lawful by the States-General of Holland from the year 1590, and thus
was a law in New Netherland. By the Duke’s Laws, 1664, it was also
made legal. This has never been altered, and is to-day the law of the
State.
Of highly colored romance in the life of the Dutch colonists there
was little. Sometimes a lover was seized by the Indians, and his fair
betrothed mourned him through a long life. In one case she died
after a few years of grief and waiting, and on the very day of his
return from his savage prison to his old Long Island home he met the
sad little funeral procession bearing her to the grave. Another
humbler romance of Gravesend was when a sorrowing widower fell
in love with a modest milkmaid at first sight as she milked her
father’s cows; ere the milking was finished he told his love, rode to
town on a fast horse for a governor’s license, and married and
carried off his fair Grietje. A century later a fair Quakeress of
Flushing won in like manner, when milking, the attention and
affection of Walter Franklin of New York. Another and more strange
meeting of lovers was when young Livingstone, the first of the name
in New York, poor and unknown, came to the bedside of a dying Van
Rensselaer in Albany to draw up a will. The dying man, with a
jealousy stronger than death, said to his beautiful wife, Alida
Schuyler, “Send him away, he will be your second husband;” and he
was,—perhaps the thought provoked the deed.
Even if there were few startling or picturesque romances or
brilliant matches, there was plenty of ever-pleasant wooing. New
Amsterdam was celebrated, just before its cession to the English, for
its young and marriageable folk and its betrothals. This is easily
explained; nearly all the first emigrants were young married people,
and the years assigned to one generation had passed, and their
children had grown up and come to mating-time. Shrewd travellers,
who knew where to get good capable wives, wooed and won their
brides among the Dutch-American fair ones. Mr. Valentine says:
“Several of the daughters of wealthy burghers were mated to young
Englishmen whose first occasions were of a temporary character.”
The beautiful surroundings of the little town tempted all to love-
making, and the unchaperoned simplicity of society aided early
“matching.” The Locust-Trees, a charming grove on a bluff elevation
on the North River a little south of the present Trinity Churchyard,
was a famous courting-place; or tender lovers could stroll down the
“Maiden’s Path;” or, for still longer walks, to the beautiful and baleful
“Kolck,” or “Collect,” or “Fresh Water,” as it was sequentially called;
and I cannot imagine any young and susceptible hearts ever passing
without some access of sentiment through any green field so sweetly
named as the “Clover Waytie.”
There were some curious marriage customs,—some Dutch, some
English. One very pretty piece of folk-lore, of bride-honoring, was
brought to my notice through the records of a lawsuit in the infant
town of New Harlem in 1663, as well as an amusing local pendant to
the celebration of the custom. It seems that a certain young Harlem
couple were honored in the pleasant fashion of the Fatherland, by
having a “May-tree” set up in front of their dwelling-place. But certain
gay young sparks of the neighborhood, to anger the groom and cast
ridicule on his marriage, came with unseemly noise of blowing of
horns, and hung the lovely May-tree during the night with ragged
stockings. We never shall know precisely what special taunt or insult
was offered or signified by this over-ripe crop of worn-out hosiery;
but it evidently answered its tantalizing purpose, for on the morrow,
at break of day, the bridegroom properly resented the “mockery and
insult,” cut down the hateful tree, and committed other acts of great
wrath; which, being returned in kind (for thrice was the stocking-full
tree set up), developed a small riot, and thus the whole affair was
recorded. Among the State Papers at Albany are several letters
relating to another insulting “stocking-tree” set up in Albany at about
the same date, and also fiercely resented.
Collections for the church poor were sometimes taken at
weddings, as was the universal custom for centuries in Holland.
When Stephanus Van Cortlandt and Gertrude Schuyler were married
in Albany, in 1671, thirteen guilders six stuyvers were contributed at
the wedding, and fifteen guilders at the reception the following day.
At the wedding of Martin Kreiger, the same year, eleven guilders
were collected; at another wedding the same amount. When the
daughter of Domine Bogardus was married, it was deemed a very
favorable time and opportunity to take up a subscription for building
the first stone church in New Amsterdam. When the wedding-guests
were all mellow with wedding-cheer, “after the fourth or fifth round of
drinking,” says the chronicle, and, hence generous, each vied with
the other in good-humored and pious liberality, they subscribed
“richly.” A few days later, so the chronicle records, some wished to
reconsider the expensive and expansive transaction at the wedding-
feast, and “well repented it.” But Director Kieft stiffly held them to
their contracts, and “nothing availed to excuse.”
It is said that the English drink of posset was served at weddings.
From the “New York Gazette” of February 13, 1744, I copy this
receipt for its manufacture:—
“A Receipt for all young Ladies that are going to be Married.
To Make a
SACK-POSSET.
From famed Barbadoes on the Western Main

Fetch sugar half a pound; fetch sack from Spain
A pint; and from the Eastern Indian Coast
Nutmeg, the glory of our Northern toast.
O’er flaming coals together let them heat
Till the all-conquering sack dissolves the sweet.
O’er such another fire set eggs, twice ten,
New born from crowing cock and speckled hen;
Stir them with steady hand, and conscience pricking
To see the untimely fate of twenty chicken.
From shining shelf take down your brazen skillet,
A quart of milk from gentle cow will fill it.
When boiled and cooked, put milk and sack to egg,
Unite them firmly like the triple League.
Then covered close, together let them dwell
Till Miss twice sings: You must not kiss and tell.
Each lad and lass snatch up their murdering spoon,
And fall on fiercely like a starved dragoon.”
Many frankly simple customs prevailed. I do not know at how early

a date the fashion obtained of “coming out bride” on Sunday; that is,
the public appearance of bride and groom, and sometimes entire
bridal party in wedding-array, at church the Sunday after the
marriage. It certainly was a common custom long before
Revolutionary times, in New England as well as New York; but it
always seems to me more an English than a Dutch fashion. Mr.
Gabriel Furman, in his manuscript Commonplace Book, dated 1810,
now owned by the Long Island Historical Society, tells of one groom
whom he remembered who appeared on the first Sunday after his
marriage attired in white broadcloth; on the second, in brilliant blue
and gold; on the third, in peach-bloom with pearl buttons. The bride’s
dress, wholly shadowed by all this magnificence, is not even named.
Mrs. Vanderbilt tells of a Flatbush bride of the last century, who was
married in a fawn-colored silk over a light-blue damask petticoat. The
wedding-waistcoat of the groom was made of the same light-blue
damask,—a delicate and deferential compliment. Often it was the
custom for the bridal pair to enter the church after the service began,
thus giving an opportunity for the congregation to enjoy thoroughly
the wedding-finery. Whether bride and groom were permitted to sit
together within the church, I do not know. Of course ordinarily the
seats of husband and wife were separate. It would seem but a poor
show, with the bride in a corner with a lot of old ladies, and the
groom up in the gallery.
On Long Island the gayety at the home of the bride’s parents was
often followed on the succeeding day by “open house” at the house
of the groom’s parents, when the wedding-party, bridesmaids and all,
helped to keep up the life of the wedding-day. An old letter says of
weddings in the city of New York:—
“The Gentlemen’s Parents keep Open house just in the
same manner as the Bride’s Parents. The Gentlemen go from
the Bridegroom’s house to drink Punch with and give Joy to
his Father. The Bride’s visitors go in the same manner from
the Bride’s to her mother’s to pay their compliments to her.
There is so much driving about at these times that in our
narrow streets there is some danger. The Wedding-house
resembles a bee-hive. Company perpetually flying in and out.”
All this was in vogue by the middle of the last century. There was
no leaving home by bride and groom just when every one wanted
them,—no tiresome, tedious wedding-journey; all cheerfully enjoyed
the presence of the bride, and partook of the gayety the wedding
brought. In the country, up the Hudson and on Long Island, it was
lengthened out by a bride-visiting,—an entertaining of the bridal
party from day to day by various hospitable friends and relations for
many miles around; and this bride-visiting was usually made on
horseback.
Let us picture a bride-visiting in spring-time on Long Island, where,
as Hendrick Hudson said, “the land was pleasant with grass and
flowers and goodly trees as ever seen, and very sweet smells came
therefrom.” The fair bride, with her happy husband; the gayly
dressed bridesmaids, in silken petticoats, and high-heeled scarlet
shoes, with rolled and powdered hair dressed with feathers and
gauze, riding a-pillion behind the groom’s young friends, in satin
knee-breeches, and gay coats and cocked hats,—all the
accompanying young folk in the picturesque and gallant dress of the
times, and gay with laughter and happy voices,—a sight pretty to see
in the village streets, or, fairer still, in the country lanes, where the
woods were purely starred and gleaming with the radiant dogwood;
or roads where fence-lines were “white with blossoming cherry-trees
as if touched with lightest snow;” or where pink apple-blossoms
flushed the fields and dooryards; or, sweeter far, where the flickering
shadows fell through a bridal arch of the pale green feathery foliage
of the abundant flowering locust-trees, whose beautiful hanging
racemes of exquisite pink-flushed blossoms cast abroad a sensuous
perfume like orange blossoms, which fitted the warmth, the glowing
sunlight, the fair bride, the beginning of a new life;—let us picture in
our minds this June bride-visiting; we have not its like to-day in
quaintness, simplicity, and beauty.
CHAPTER IV
TOWN LIFE
The earlier towns in New Netherland gathered usually closely

around a fort, both for protection and companionship. In New
Amsterdam, as in Albany, this fort was an intended refuge against
possible Indian attacks, and also in New Amsterdam the established
quarters in the new world of the Dutch West India Company. As the
settlement increased, roads were laid out in the little settlement
leading from the fort to any other desired point on the lower part of
the island. Thus Heere Straat, the Breede Weg, or Broadway, led
from the fort of New Amsterdam to the common pasture-lands.
Hoogh Straat, now Stone Street, was evolved from part of the road
which led down to the much-used Ferry to Long Island, at what is
now Peck Slip. Whitehall Street was the shortest way to the East
River. In front of the fort was the Bowling Green. Other streets were
laid out, or rather grew, as needs increased. They were irregular in
width and wandering in direction. They were not paved nor kept in
good order, and at night were scarcely lighted.
In December, 1697, city lamps were ordered in New York “in the
dark time of the moon, for the ease of the inhabitants.” Every
seventh house was to cause a lanthorn and candle to be hung out
on a pole, the expense to be equally shared by the seven neighbors,
and a penalty of ninepence was decreed for every default. And
perhaps the watch called out in New York, as did the watch in Old
York, in London and other English cities, “Lanthorne, and a whole
candell-light! Hang out your lights here.” An old chap-book has a
watchman’s rhyme beginning,—
“A light here! maids, hang out your light,

And see your horns be clear and bright
That so your candle clear may shine,” etc.
Broad Street was in early days a canal or inlet of the sea, and was
called De Heere Graft, and extended from the East River to Wall
Street. Its waters, as far as Exchange Place, rose and fell with the
tide. It was crossed by several foot-bridges and a broader bridge at
Hoogh Straat, or Stone Street, which bridge became a general
meeting-place, a centre of trade. And when the burghers and
merchants decided to meet regularly at this bridge every Friday
morning, they thus and then and there established the first Exchange
in New York City. It is pleasant to note, in spite of the many miles of
city growth, how closely the exchange centres have remained near
their first home. In 1660 the walks on the banks of the Graft were
paved, and soon it was bordered by the dwellings of good citizens;
much favored on account of the homelikeness, so Mr. Janvier
suggests, of having a good, strong-smelling canal constantly under
one’s nose, and ever-present the pleasant familiar sight of squat
sailor-men and squat craft before one’s eyes. In 1676, when simple
and primitive ways of trade were vanishing and the watercourse was
no longer useful or needful, the Heere Graft was filled in—reluctantly,
we can believe—and became Broad Street.
The first mention of street-cleaning was in 1695, when Mr.
Vanderspiegle undertook the job for thirty pounds a year. By 1701
considerable pains was taken to clean the city, and to remove
obstructions in the public ways. Every Friday dirt was swept by each
citizen in a heap in front of his or her house, and afterwards carted
away by public cartmen, who had threepence a load if the citizen
shovelled the dirt into the cart, sixpence if the cartman loaded his
cart himself. Broad Street was cleaned by a public scavenger at a
salary of $40 per annum paid by the city; for the dirt from other
streets was constantly washed into it by rains, and it was felt that
Broad Street residents should not be held responsible for other
people’s dirt. Dumping-places were established. Regard was paid
from an early date to preserving “the Commons.” It was ordered that
lime should not be burnt thereon; that no hoopsticks or saplings
growing thereon should be cut; no timber taken to make into
charcoal; no turfs or sods carried away therefrom; no holes dug
therein; no rubbish be deposited thereon.
Within the city walls all was orderly and quiet. “All persons who
enter ye gates of ye citty with slees, carts and horses, horseback, not
to ride faster than foot-tap.” The carters were forced to dismount and
walk at their horses’ heads. All moved slowly in the town streets.
Living in a fortified town, they still were not annoyed by discharge of
guns, for the idle “fyring of pistells and gunns” was prohibited on
account of “ill-conveniants.”
The first houses were framed and clap-boarded; the roofs were
thatched with reeds; the chimneys were catted, made of logs of
wood filled and covered with clay; sometimes even of reeds and
mortar,—for there were, of course, at first no bricks. Hayricks stood
in the public streets. Hence fires were frequent in the town, breaking
out in the wooden catted chimneys; and the destruction of the
inflammable chimneys was decreed by the magistrates. In 1648 it
was ordered in New Amsterdam that no “wooden or platted chimney”
should be built south of the Fresh-water Pond. Fire-wardens—
brandt-meesters—were appointed, who searched constantly and
pryingly for “foul chimney-harts,” and fined careless housekeepers
therefor when they found them.
It is really surprising as well as amusing to see how the citizens
resented this effort for their safety, this espionage over their
hearthstones; and especially the wives resented the snooping in
their kitchens. They abused the poor schout who inspected the
chimney-hearths, calling him “a little cock, booted and spurred,” and
other demeaning names. In 1658 Maddaleen Dirck, as she passed
the door of the fire-warden, called out tantalizingly to him, “There is
the chimney-sweep at his door,—his chimney is always well-swept.”
She must have been well scared and truly repentant at the enormity
of her offence when she was brought up before the magistrates and
accused of having “insulted the worshipful fire-warden on the
highway, and incited a riot.”
In spite of vigilance and in spite of laws, foul chimneys were
constantly found. We hear of the town authorities “reciting that they
have long since condemned flag-roofs, and wooden and platted
chimneys, but their orders have been neglected, and several fires
have occurred; therefore they amplify their former orders as follows:
All flag-roofs, wooden chimneys, hay-barracks, and hay-stacks shall
be taken down within four months, in the penalty of twenty-five
guilders.”
The magistrates further equipped the town against conflagration
by demanding payment of a beaver skin from each house, to
purchase with the collected sum two hundred and fifty leather fire-
buckets from the Fatherland. But delays were frequent in ocean
transportation, and the shoemakers in town finally made the fire-
buckets. They were placed in ten groups in various houses
throughout the town. For their good order and renewal, each
chimney was thereafter taxed a guilder a year. By 1738, two engines
with small, solid wooden wheels or rollers were imported from
England, and cared for with much pride.
In Albany similar wooden chimneys at first were built; we find
contractors delivering reeds for roofs and chimneys. “Fire-leathes”
and buckets were ordered. Buckets were owned by individuals and
the town; were marked with initials for identification. Many stood a
century of use, and still exist as cherished relics. The manner of
bucket-service was this: As soon as an alarm of fire was given by
shouts or bell-ringing, all citizens of all classes at once ran to the
scene of the conflagration. All who owned buckets carried them, and
from open windows other fire-buckets were flung out on the streets
by persons who were delayed for a few moments by any cause. The
running crowd seized the buckets, and on reaching the fire a double
line was made from the fire to the river. The buckets filled with water
were passed up the line to the fire, the empty buckets down. Any
one who attempted to break the line was promptly soused with a
bucket of water. When all was over, the fire-warden took charge of
the buckets, and as soon as possible the owners appeared, and
each claimed and carried home his own buckets.
There was a police department in New Amsterdam as well as a
fire department. In 1658 the burgomasters and schepens appointed
a ratel-wacht, or rattle-watch, of ten watchmen, of whom Lodewyck
Pos was Captain. Their wages were high,—twenty-four stuyvers
(about fifty cents) each a night, and plenty of firewood. The Captain
collected fifty stuyvers a month from each house,—not as has since
been collected in like manner for the private bribing of the police, but
as a legalized method of paying expenses. The rules for the watch
are amusing, but cannot be given in full. They sometimes slept on
duty, as they do now, and paid a fine of ten stuyvers for each
offence. They could not swear, nor fight, nor be “unreasonable;” and
“when they receive their quarter-money, they shall not hold any
gathering for drink nor any club meeting.”
Attention is called to one rule then in force: “If a watchman receive
any sum of money as a fee, he shall give the same to the Captain;
and this fee so brought in shall be paid to the City Treasurer”—oh
the good old times!
The presence of a considerable force of troops was a feature of
life in some towns. The soldiers were well cared for when quartered
within the fort, sleeping on good, soft, goose-feather beds, with warm
homespun blankets and even with linen sheets, all hired from the
Dutch vrouws; and supplied during the winter with plentiful loads of
firewood, several hundred, through levy on the inhabitants; good
hard wood, too,—“no watte Pyn wood, willige, oly noote, nor
Lindewood” (which was intended for English, but needs translation
into “white pine, willow, butternut, nor linden”).
No doubt the soldiers came to be felt a great burden, for often they
were billeted in private houses. We find one citizen writing seriously
what reads amusingly like modern slang,—that “they made him
weary.” Another would furnish bedding, provisions, anything, if he
need not have any soldier-boarders assigned to him. One of the
twenty-three clauses of the “Articles of Surrender” of the Dutch was
that the “townsmen of Manhattans shall not have any soldiers
quartered upon them without being satisfied and paid for them by
their officers.” In Governor Nicholl’s written instructions to the
commander at Fort Albany, he urges him not to lend “too easey an
eare” to the soldiers’ complaints against their land-lords.
Since in the year 1658 the soldiers of New Amsterdam paid but
twenty cents a week for quarters when lodged with a citizen, it is not
surprising that their presence was not desired. A soldier’s pay was
four dollars a month.
They were lawless fellows, too lazy to chop wood for their fires;
they had to be punished for burning up for firewood the stockades
they were enlisted to protect. Their duties were slight,—a drill in the
morning, no sentry work during the day, a watch over the city gates
at night, and cutting wood. The military code of the day reveals a
very lax condition of discipline; it wasn’t really much of an army in
Dutch days. And as for the Fort and the Battery in the town of New
Amsterdam, read Mr. Janvier’s papers thereon to learn fully their
innocuous pretence of warlikeness.
There was very irregular foreign and in-land mail service. It is with
a retrospectively pitying shiver that we read a notice, as late as
1730, that “whoever inclines to perform the foot-post to Albany this
winter may make application to the Post-Master.” Later we find the
postmaster leisurely collecting the mail during several weeks for “the
first post to Albany this winter.” Of course this foot-post was only
made when the river was frozen over; swift sloops carried the
summer mail up the river in two or three weeks,—sometimes in only
ten days from New York to Albany. I can fancy the lonesome post
journeying alone up the solemn river, under the awe-full shadow of
old Cro’nest, sometimes climbing the icy Indian paths with ys-
sporen, oftener, I hope, skating swiftly along, as a good son of a
Hollander should, and longing every inch of the way for spring and
the “breaking-up” of the river.
In 1672, “Indian posts” carried the Albany winter mail; trustworthy
redmen, whose endurance and honesty were at the service of their
white friends.
The first regular mail started by mounted post from New York for
Boston on January 1, 1673. His “portmantles” were crammed with
letters and “small portable goods” and “divers bags.” He was “active,
stout, indefatigable, and honest.” He could not change horses till he
reached Hartford. He was ordered to keep an eye out for the best
ways through forests, and accommodations at fords, ferries, etc.,
and to watch for all fugitive soldiers and servants, and to be kind to
all persons journeying in his company. While he was gone eastward
a locked box stood in the office of the Colonial Secretary at New
York to collect the month’s mail. The mail the post brought in return,
being prepaid, was carried to the “coffee-house,” put on a table, well
thumbed over by all who cared to examine it, and gradually
distributed, two or three weeks’ delay not making much difference
any way.
As in all plantations in a new land, there was for a time in New
Netherland a lack of servants. Complaints were sent in 1649 to the
States-General of “the fewness of boors and farm-servants.”
Domestic servants were not found in many households; the capable
wife and daughters performed the housework and dairy work. As
soon as servants were desired they were speedily procured from
Africa. The Dutch brought the first negro slaves to America. In the
beginning these slaves in New Netherland were the property of the
Dutch West India Company, which rented their services. The
company owned slaves from the year 1625, when it first established
its authority, and promised to each patroon twelve black men and
women from ships taken as prizes. In 1644 it manumitted twelve of
the negroes who had worked faithfully nearly a score of years in
servitude. In 1652 the Government in Holland consented to the
exportation of slaves to the colony for sale. In 1664 Governor
Stuyvesant writes of an auction of negroes that they brought good
prices, and were a great relief to the garrison in supplying funds to
purchase food. Thus did the colony taste the ease of ill-gotten
wealth. Though the Duke of York and his governors attempted to
check the slave-trade, by the end of the century the negroes had
increased much in numbers in the colony. In the Kip family were
twelve negro house-servants. Rip van Dam had five; Colonel de
Peyster and the Widow Van Courtlandt had each seven adult
servants. Colonel Bayard, William Beeckman, David Provoost, and
Madam Van Schaick each had three.
On Long Island slaves abounded. It is the universal testimony that
they were kindly treated by the Dutch,—too kindly, our English lady
thought, who rented out her slaves. Masters were under some bonds
to the public. They could not, under Dutch rule, whip their slaves
without authorization from the government. The letters in the Lloyd
Collection in regard to the slave Obium are striking examples of
kindly consideration, and of constant care and thought for his
comfort and happiness.
The wages of a hired servant-girl in New York in 1655 were three
dollars and a half a month, which was very good pay when we
consider the purchasing power of money at that time. It is not till the
eighteenth century that we read of the beginning of our vast servant-
supply of Irish servants.
There was much binding out of children and young folk for terms
of service. In Stuyvesant’s time several invoices of Dutch children
from the almshouses were sent to America to be put to service, and
the official letters concerning them show much kindliness of thought
and intent towards these little waifs and strays. Early in the next
century a sad little band of Palatines was bound out in New York
families. It may prove of interest to give one of the bonds of
indenture of a house-servant in Albany.
“This Indenture witnesseth that Aulkey Hubertse,
Daughter of John Hubertse, of the Colony of Rensselaerwyck
deceased hath bound herself as a Meniall Servant, and by
these presents doth voluntary and of her own free will and
accord bind herself as a Meniall Servant unto John Delemont
of the City of Albany, weaver, by and with the consent of the
Deacons of the Reformed Dutch Church in the Citty of Albany,
who are as overseers in the disposal of the said Aulkey
Hubertse to serve from the date of these present Indentures
unto the full end and term of time that the said Aulkey
Hubertse shall come to Age, all which time fully to be
Compleat and ended, during all which term the said servant
her said Master faithfully shall serve, his secrets keep, his
lawful commands gladly everywhere obey, she shall do no
Damage to her said Master nor see it to be done by others
without letting or giving notice thereof to her said Master: she
shall not waste her Master’s goods or lend them unlawfully to

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Project Management The Managerial

Process 5th Edition Larson Solutions

DEVELOPING A PROJECT PLAN

1. Developing the Project Network

1. How does the WBS differ from the project network?

a. The WBS is hierarchical while the project network is sequential.

2. How are WBS and project networks linked?

a. Link deliverables, organization units, and customer

4. Why is slack important to the project manager?

Slack is important to the project manager because it represents the degree of

5. What is the difference between free slack and total slack?

6. Why are lags used in developing project networks?

Two major reasons:

a. To closer represent real situations found in projects

7. What is a hammock activity, and when is it used?

Creating a Project Network

Drawing AON Networks

2. Activity A is a burst activity. Activity D is a merge activity

3. Activity C is a burst activity. Activity G is a merge activity

4. Activity A is a burst activity. Activities D and H are merge activities.

5. Activity A is a burst activity. Activities F, H, and G are merge activities.

AON Network Times

6. The project will take 14 days

7. Air Control Company

16. Whistler Ski Resort Project

17. Optical Disk Preinstallation Project

22. CyClon Project

Activity Description Duration Predecessor

CyClon Project Entry Table and Gantt Chart Part A.

CyClon Project Entry Table and Gantt Chart Part B.

Reconfigure the CyClon schedule by entering all nine start-to-start lags.

CyClon Project Entry Table and Gantt Chart Part C.

1. Generate a priority matrix for AET’s system move.

TIME PERFORMANCE COST

2. What is the critical path for the project?

There are two interwoven critical paths:

1. How do the building blocks of AON and AOA differ?

2. What are the purposes of dummy or pseudo activities?

The purpose of a dummy or pseudo activity is to maintain the logic of an AOA

3. How do activities differ from events?

Extra Review Exercise—for quiz, class exercise.

TRANSPARENCIES (for exercises)

From famed Barbadoes on the Western Main

Many frankly simple customs prevailed. I do not know at how early

The earlier towns in New Netherland gathered usually closely

“A light here! maids, hang out your light,

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