The Neuropsychology of Emotion
The Neuropsychology of Emotion
The Neuropsychology of Emotion
NEUROPSYCHOLOGY
OF
EMOTION
Edited by
Joan C. Borod
OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
2000
OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
Oxford New York
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To my husband, parents, and sisters
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Preface
During the past few decades, the study of the neural mechanisms that underlie
emotion has blossomed, even though speculations about such mechanisms date
back several centuries. Currently, a wide range of neuroanatomical structures and
neurophysiological systems has been implicated in the phenomenon of emotion.
Furthermore, many theories have emerged from the neuropsychological litera-
ture and from basic emotion research to explain aspects of emotional process-
ing. Evidence for these theories comes from animal and human studies, the lat-
ter involving healthy normal, neurological, and psychiatric populations. In
addition to elucidating brain mechanisms underlying emotional processing, re-
search pertaining to the neuropsychology of emotion has far-reaching implica-
tions for the assessment, diagnosis, treatment, and rehabilitation of individuals
with deficits in emotional processing.
For many years, I had wanted to produce a book about the neuropsychology
of emotion. The controversy surrounding lateralization for emotion was a moti-
vating factor. Although much was known about laterality for cognitive functions,
especially language, hemispheric asymmetries for emotional functioning were
less clear-cut. During the 1980s and early 1990s, I organized several symposia
on the topic at meetings of the International Neuropsychological Society, some
of which led to special journal issues and sections. The first of these issues (Alpert,
Borod, & Welkowitz, 1990) presented experimental studies and discussed theo-
vii
viii PREFACE
dealing with patient populations suffering from emotional disorders and affec-
tive processing deficits.
This volume contains contributions from some of the most accomplished and
innovative researchers in the field. They were all asked to synthesize the major
work in their area and to provide an overview of the newer studies. In addition,
they were asked to discuss research problems and point out avenues for future
research. The central theme of all the chapters is the question of which neural
mechanisms underlie emotion.
The main aim of this endeavor is to provide a basic textbook and reference
work on emotion for the field of neuropsychology. The volume is designed for
emotion researchers, their students and trainees, and clinicians working with neu-
rological, psychiatric, and geriatric populations. Besides neuropsychologists, this
volume should be useful to colleagues and students in a wide range of related
fields, including clinical and experimental psychology, cognitive neuroscience,
speech and hearing sciences, behavioral neurology, biological psychiatry, neu-
ropsychiatry, gerontology, and rehabilitation medicine.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
REFERENCES
Alpert, M., Borod, J., & Welkowitz, J. (Eds.) (1990). Faces, voices, and feelings: Exper-
imental techniques and clinical implications [Special Issue]. Journal of Communica-
tion Disorders, 23(4,5).
Borod, J. (Ed.) (1993). Neuropsychological perspectives on components of emotion [Spe-
cial Section]. Neuropsychology, 7, 4.
Borod, J., & van Gelder, R. (Eds.) (1990). Facial asymmetry: Expression and paralysis
[Special Issue]. International Journal of Psychology, 25, 2.
Contributors, xv
Part I Introduction
1. Neuropsychology of Emotion and Emotional Disorders: An Overview
and Research Directions, 3
Joan C. Borod and Nancy K. Madigan
xi
xii CONTENTS
XV
XVI CONTRIBUTORS
In the past 25 years, the study of neural mechanisms involved in emotional pro-
cessing has flourished, although findings in this area emanate from the end of
the nineteenth century. By emotion, we refer to reactions to an appropriately
evocative stimulus involving cognitive appraisal (or perception), expressive mo-
toric behavior, subjective experience (or feelings), physiological arousal, and
goal-directed behavior (Plutchik, 1984). Researchers have identified numerous
neuroanatomical structures and neurophysiological systems that modulate emo-
tion at cortical, subcortical, and limbic levels of the nervous system. From a neu-
ropsychological perspective, a range of theories has been proposed to account
for cerebral hemispheric specialization of emotion (e.g., right hemisphere, va-
lence, and motoric-direction hypotheses) and for componential and modular pro-
cessing. Evidence for these various theories stems from both clinical observation
and experimental studies, involving normal, neurological, and psychiatric popu-
lations. Experimental studies have employed a variety of methodologies, in-
cluding behavioral paradigms, the natural lesion method, neurosurgical proce-
dures, electrophysiological techniques, and hemodynamic neuroimaging. In
addition to delineating brain mechanisms involved in aspects of emotional pro-
cessing, this growing body of research has wide-ranging clinical implications for
the assessment, diagnosis, treatment, and rehabilitation of neuropsychiatric pop-
ulations suffering from deficits in emotional processing.
3
4 INTRODUCTION
over, Buck reviews the importance and proper use of language in defining such
experiential concepts to describe the mind-brain relationship and how an under-
standing of the neural substrates involved, formalized by LeDoux's research on
fear conditioning (1996), can alter such concepts. He provides definitions for mo-
tivation, emotion, affect, and cognition derived from a historical perspective and
further suggests that these are not distinct but, in fact, interactive phenomena.
For cognition, which is equated with knowledge, he delineates the difference be-
tween "knowledge-by-acquaintance" and "knowledge-by-description." The for-
mer, also termed affective cognition, is self-evident and based on raw perceptual
input from physical, social, and internal body environments, whereas the latter,
termed rational cognition, is representational in nature and reconstructed from
raw perceptual data. A third level of knowledge is one of language competence,
termed understanding. Finally, he proposes that these levels of knowledge may
be associated with specific neural systems in the brain and that, ultimately, an
understanding of emotion may lead to a better understanding of consciousness
itself.
Tucker, Derryberry, and Luu (Chapter 3), arguing from a developmental-
evolutionary perspective, describe the basic neuroanatomy and neurophysiology
of human emotion. The authors describe the subcortical circuits and cortical sys-
tems involved in emotion regulation. They maintain that "these combined de-
scending and ascending influences suggest that emotional states facilitate a ver-
tical integration of processing systems across the brain stem, limbic system, and
cortex" (p. 64). Throughout the chapter, the classic principles of "hierarchic in-
tegration through inhibitory control" (Jackson, 1879) and encephalization are uti-
lized. One of the creative contributions of this chapter is an attempt to delineate
the emotional and motivational functions of the dorsal (the spatial or "where"
pathway) and ventral (the object or "what" pathway) corticolimbic networks.
The next two chapters in Part II provide some basic information about the
techniques used to study emotion: neuropsychological assessment (Chapter 4)
and neuroimaging (Chapter 5). Although many experimental paradigms have
been used to examine emotional processing, some of the more common are lat-
erality techniques (e.g., dichotic listening, tachistoscopic viewing, and facial
asymmetry), the brain lesion method (i.e., studies of individuals with known brain
damage), and electrophysiological and functional brain imaging techniques. Stud-
ies of patients with unilateral brain lesions and normal adult subjects have pro-
vided most of our knowledge base regarding brain-behavior relationships for
components of emotional processing in humans. For laterality studies in normal
individuals, given the typical contralateral innervation of the central nervous sys-
tem, superiority of one side of the body (e.g., left ear, left visual field, or left
hemiface) implies greater involvement of the contralateral cerebral hemisphere
(for reviews, see Borod et al., 1997, 1998a,b; Bruder, 1991; Bryden, 1982; Ley
& Strauss, 1986). Studies with brain-damaged patients, in contrast, examine level
6 INTRODUCTION
preting the results. Interestingly, the authors point out that such studies remind
". . . us of the inextricable links between the mind and the brain . . . [and] offer
the potential of forcing us to change our language about emotion into a more ex-
act, neuroscientifically based discourse" (p. 128).
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
is based on "the assumptions that emotions are elicited by a cognitive (but not
necessarily conscious or controlled) evaluation of antecedent situations and events
and that the patterning of the reactions in the different response domains ... is
determined by the outcome of this evaluation process" (p. 149). According to
Scherer, one of the major functions of the componential model is the attempt to
more explicitly connect elicitation circumstances and response patterning.
In Chapter 7, Ochsner and Schacter draw from theory and research in both so-
cial psychology and cognitive neuroscience to provide an informative account of
the relationship between emotion and memory. The authors review the literature,
which is peppered with delightful anecdotes and examples to illustrate their
points. Throughout the chapter, certain cognitive concepts are considered, in-
cluding attention, perception, appraisal, working memory, effort, and reasoning.
The chapter is divided into three main discussions of (1) how emotion guides en-
coding, (2) elaboration and consolidation of information, and (3) retrieval
processes. The chapter also includes important implications for mental health
practitioners (e.g., the value of placing a positive spin on stressful life events)
and offers useful suggestions for future research vis-a-vis normal aging and
neuroimaging.
In Chapter 8, Adolphs and Damasio present a neurobiological systems-level
theory of emotion motivated by evolutionary and ecological mechanisms and fo-
cused on "knowledge about emotion." Critical to their definition of emotion is
the idea that emotions engage neural structures that represent body states and
that link perception of external stimuli to body states (Damasio, 1994, 1995).
The heart of the chapter is a description of the role of the amygdala in a variety
of activities—social judgments, recognition of emotional facial expressions, aver-
sive fear conditioning, and learning and emotional development (see also
LeDoux, 1996). Both human and animal experimental data are reviewed, and il-
lustrative case materials are provided. The authors review the neuroanatomical
projections of the amygdala, a collection of nuclei located in the anterior mesial
temporal lobe, which receives highly processed information about all modalities.
A system of numerous reciprocal connections from somatosensory cortices with
many other brain structures (e.g., ventromedial frontal cortex, basal ganglia, thal-
amus, hippocampus, and basal forebrain) and projections to the hypothalamus
defines the anatomical amygdala. According to Adolphs and Damasio, "the amyg-
dala is situated so as to link information about external stimuli conveyed by sen-
sory cortices . . . with modulation of decision-making, memory, attention, and
somatic, visceral, and endocrine processes" (p. 197). They further point out that
all of these processes are influenced by the emotional significance of the exter-
nal stimulus.
Adolphs and Damasio turn next to the role of right-hemisphere somatosensory
cortices in processing emotion, focusing on the parietal cortex. They postulate
why emotions should be lateralized and specifically to the right hemisphere, with
10 INTRODUCTION
an emphasis on the processing of somatic information and body states. The chap-
ter is closed with the suggestion that future research focus on the neural systems
involved in the sociocultural aspects of emotion and in the social emotions (e.g.,
jealousy, pride, and embarrassment; Ross et al., 1994). The authors conclude that
"ultimately . . . , emotions . . . will be seen to arise from relations between
multiple brains and their external environments, embedded in the context of
a particular culture" (p. 209), which well portrays their evolutionary and eco-
logical perspective.
Part III ends with Chapter 9, by Gainotti, on neuropsychological theories of
emotion, which the author describes as "the set of theoretical models that have
accompanied and oriented clinical and experimental studies aiming to clarify the
relationships between emotions and the brain" (p. 214). Chapter 9 gives equal
consideration to psychological models of emotion and to neurological mecha-
nisms. According to Gainotti, these theories have been influenced by (7) the rep-
resentation and organization of emotions in the human brain (i.e., emotional di-
mensions vs. discrete emotional categories) and (2) the componential nature of
emotions, that is, whether there is a "central processor" of emotions or whether
emotional components are subserved by different parts of the brain (see also
Borod, 1993b). The initial discussion in Chapter 9 reviews studies pertaining to
the historical development of neuropsychological theories in terms of subcorti-
cal/limbic mechanisms and hemispheric asymmetries.
The second half of Gainotti's chapter describes current neuropsychological
theories of emotion with a stronger focus on human than on animal research and
with an attempt to take into account the range of neural structures that have been
studied. In developing a viable neuropsychology theory, Gainotti contends that
the following issues need to be considered: (7) the relationship between emo-
tional and cognitive systems, (2) the features distinguishing the emotional from
the cognitive system (see Table 9.1), (3) the componential nature of emotions,
and (4) the hierarchical organization of the emotional processing system. Gain-
otti makes a compelling argument for integrated, rather than independent, emo-
tional and cognitive systems. He points out that the general architectures of the
two systems are similar, whereas their scopes are quite different. The emotional
system is viewed as an emergency one with the ability to rapidly and automati-
cally process stimuli and trigger a response. In contrast, the cognitive system is
both a more advanced and a more complex system with the ability to analyze
information through the selection of appropriate strategies (see also Oatley &
Johnson-Laird, 1987). When discussing the hierarchical nature of emotional pro-
cessing, Gainotti suggests that the two sides of the brain may play complemen-
tary roles in emotional behavior, with the right hemisphere more involved in the
automatic, spontaneous, and schematic aspects of emotion and the left hemi-
sphere more instrumental in controlling and modulating emotion (Buck, 1984).
He concludes with a discussion of the possible relationships between left/right
Neuropsychology of Emotion: An Overview II
EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
The final section of the book, Part V, focuses on clinical implications. In con-
trast to Part IV, where a discrete emotional response system or an emotional dis-
order was emphasized, in Part V a specific illness (i.e., neurological disease, de-
pression, and schizophrenia) is the focus. In addition, information is provided
regarding specific treatments for the various disorders, including rehabilita-
tion, psychotherapy, and brain interventions (e.g., pharmacotherapy and psy-
chosurgery). In general, the chapters are filled with theoretical ideas and con-
ceptualizations that provide yet another route to unravel the nature of emotion
vis-a-vis neuroanatomical and neurophysiological mechanisms. The information
in Part V should be useful to health care professionals dealing with patient pop-
ulations suffering from emotional disorders and affective processing deficits.
The section begins with Chapter 15, by Heilman, Blonder, Bowers, and Cru-
cian, who discuss how various neurological diseases impact on emotional expe-
rience, mood, and the communication of emotion (i.e., comprehension and ex-
pression). The brain structures that figure prominently in Chapter 15 are the
posterior neocortex, basal ganglia, portions of the limbic system, and frontal
Neuropsychology of Emotion: An Overview 15
lobes. The chapter begins with an excellent review of the literature that describes
emotion deficits associated with each disorder and discusses underlying neural
mechanisms. The following brain regions and respective diseases are included:
cortical dysfunction (e.g., left-hemisphere damage, right-hemisphere damage, and
corticobulbar dysfunction), limbic system dysfunction (e.g., amygdalectomy, en-
cephalitis, and complex partial seizures), and basal ganglia diseases (e.g., Parkin-
son's disease, Huntington's disease, progressive supranuclear palsy, Wilson's dis-
ease, striatonigral degeneration, and Sydenham's chorea).
Heilman and colleagues then describe possible mechanisms that link concepts,
theories, and neural substrates. In terms of emotional communication disorders,
concepts involving iconic representation, motoric representation, and innate
cross-cultural mechanisms are discussed. In terms of emotional experience and
mood disorders, the discussion of mechanisms focuses on feedback theories
(i.e., facial, visceral, and autonomic nervous system) and CNS theories (i.e.,
subcortical/diencephalic and modular). They also acknowledge the major con-
tribution of neocortical mechanisms, maintaining that "there is overwhelming ev-
idence that in humans the neocortex is critical for interpreting the meaning of
many stimuli that induce an emotional experience" (p. 391).
The authors focus mostly on modular theories that postulate, according to the au-
thors, dedicated centers and systems for each emotion or nondevoted systems me-
diating more than one emotion or specific emotional dimension. According to Heil-
man (1997), the conscious experience of emotion is mediated by "anatomically
distributed modular networks;" these modules determine valence, control arousal,
and mediate motor activation (approach vs. avoidance). The chapter provides an ex-
cellent critique of the valence dimension. For the arousal dimension, the authors
present a discussion about the specific neural mechanisms underlying attention, stim-
ulus novelty and significance, and asymmetric control of physiological arousal. In
their discussion of the "motor activation" dimension, the authors maintain that the
right hemisphere has a special role in motor activation and intention. In their con-
clusion, the authors summarize their theory on the neural mechanisms underlying
emotional experience, behavior, and communication.
In Chapter 16, Raskin, Bloom, and Borod discuss rehabilitation of a range of
emotional deficits, with a focus on neurological disorders. In keeping with the
spirit of the volume, a multidisciplinary approach is taken. The authors begin by
describing various approaches to rehabilitation, including cognitive remediation,
speech-language therapy, multidisciplinary and milieu treatment, and caregiver
participation programs. In addition, they describe the assessment and evaluative
techniques that accompany rehabilitation and discuss the important principle of
treatment generalization.
The chapter's main focus is on the treatment of the emotional deficits that fol-
low neurological disorders and acquired brain injury. Recent work has indicated
that affective difficulties in such populations are directly amenable to remedia-
16 INTRODUCTION
tion techniques (e.g., Myers, 1998; Tompkins, 1995), although they have rarely
been attempted to date. As a prelude to this part of the chapter, a brief overview
is provided regarding some of the emotional deficits associated with common
neurological disorders (i.e., traumatic brain injury, stroke, Parkinson's disease,
Alzheimer's disease, and multiple sclerosis). Then, specific treatment approaches
are described (e.g., cognitive remediation, behavioral therapies, and relaxation
training) for depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, anger, apathy and
indifference, and affective deficits that reflect channel-specific or mode-specific
impairments. Chapter 16 concludes with the suggestion that the componential
approach to emotional processing described by Borod (1993b), which is similar
to the modular theories described by Heilman et al. (Chapter 15, this volume)
and the componential perspective provided by Gainotti (Chapter 9, this volume),
provides both a potential way to organize and to evaluate the treatment of emo-
tional deficits from a neuropsychological perspective.
This section on clinical implications moves from neurological diseases and
brain injury to two chapters on psychiatric disorders. Kohler, Gur, and Gur, in
Chapter 17, examine affective processes in schizophrenia, with a focus on mood
disorders. They review the schizophrenia literature from a particular conceptual
perspective, broadly covering the literature, as well as highlighting their own re-
search pertinent to the topic. The chapter begins with an informative historical
review of the development of the concept and symptoms of schizophrenia. The
authors then describe affective processes in schizophrenia from the perspective
of deficits in emotional expression (e.g., flat affect), emotional experience (e.g.,
depression), and emotion recognition (e.g., face perception). As a follow-up to
this description of deficits, the authors discuss psychopharmacological treatments
for aspects of schizophrenia, including psychotic symptoms, depression, schizoaf-
fective disorder, and negative symptoms (i.e., flat affect, alogia, and anhedonia).
Chapter 17 concludes with an explanation of how neurobiological studies (i.e.,
brain metabolism and blood flow) have advanced the understanding of emotion-
related symptoms in schizophrenia. The authors make three interesting points in
this regard. First, in their own work (Kohler et al., 1998), schizophrenics with
depression had larger temporal lobe volumes. According to the authors, "the as-
sociation of depression with normal temporal lobe volumes . . . suggests that
some integrity of the temporal lobe is necessary for the experience of depres-
sion, consistent with evidence for the role of the temporal lobe in emotional ex-
perience" (p. 446). Second, depression in schizophrenia is associated with a rel-
ative decrease in left compared with right anterior cingulate activity, consistent
with lesion studies pointing to greater right hemisphere involvement in negative
emotional states (e.g., Gainotti, 1972; Sackeim et al., 1982). Third, because of
altered metabolic functioning in frontal regions, the authors conclude that "the
neurobiology of depression in schizophrenia has features in common with major
depression and depression associated with other brain disorders" (p. 447).
Neuropsychology of Emotion: An Overview 17
The final chapter, Chapter 18, deals directly with mood disorders (i.e., de-
pression and mania) in psychiatric populations. The authors, Lisanby and Sack-
eim, present a comprehensive state-of-the-art review of somatic interventions for
these disorders, including psychopharmacological agents, electroconvulsive ther-
apy (ECT), functional neurosurgery, and repetitive transcranial magnetic stimu-
lation (rTMS). According to Lisanby and Sackeim, these four different treatments
have "mood-altering effects but differ in their mechanisms of action and degree
of anatomical specificity" (p. 456). Besides providing a wealth of material about
treatment, the authors summarize the knowledge gained during treatment of mood
disorders about the neurobiological theories regarding the nature and regulation
of emotion.
One of the considerations that emerges from the discussion of psychophar-
macology pertains to whether there is a direct relationship between the mecha-
nisms that regulate mood alterations (i.e., sadness and happiness) in healthy nor-
mal subjects and those that underlie the psychiatric disorders of major depression
and mania. From the evidence reviewed, the authors suggest that the studies in
normal individuals may be of limited relevance to the psychiatric studies, and
vice versa. Moreover, they suggest that normal people and depressed people may
have different neural representations of emotion. One of the promising new spec-
ulations emerging from the ECT research is that bilateral frontal ECT may be
more effective than the more traditional frontotemporal placement and its asso-
ciated amnestic effects. In their discussion of psychosurgery, the authors provide
an excellent history and review of the procedures utilized to treat psychiatric dis-
orders over the years, including leukotomy, thalamotomy, cingulotomy, subcau-
date tractotomy, and limbic leukotomy. In general, the work in this area supports
the role of limbic structures in mood regulation.
The authors conclude their chapter with a description of an exciting new
technique (i.e., rTMS) that provides a noninvasive method of direct cortical
stimulation as we move into the new millenium. The initial studies reviewed
here have implications for contemporary theories regarding hemispheric spe-
cialization for emotion as a function of valence. Preliminary studies (e.g.,
George et al., 1996) suggest that rTMS of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex
on the left side leads to transient dysphoria and on the right side leads to mood
elevation.1 Clinically, however, there is some suggestion of therapeutic effects
in depression with left-sided stimulation and in mania with right-sided stim-
ulation. Yet again, the findings implicate paradoxical effects in normal ver-
sus psychiatric populations.
l
In a similar vein, Borod et al. (2000) found a "reversed valence" effect in a study of verbal prag-
matic aspects of discourse production in individuals with unilateral stroke. Right-hemisphere dam-
age was associated with impairment in positive emotion and left-hemisphere damage with impair-
ment in negative emotion.
18 INTRODUCTION
We want here to highlight some of the questions raised in this volume, discuss
several related areas of emotion research, and suggest possible directions for fur-
ther exploration of emotional processing in neuropsychological investigations.
Perhaps the most perplexing question of brain-behavior relationships is why
it has been so difficult to delineate the specific neural substrates involved in emo-
tional processing. Intricate brain-behavior models have been proposed in other
areas of neural functioning, such as the visual system (Livingstone & Hubel,
1988; Ungerleider & Mishkin, 1982). In part, this is because visual stimuli per
se lend themselves to concrete and discernible parameters, such as form, color,
movement, and depth perception, variables that are easily tested in animal mod-
els. In the current volume, Buck (Chapter 2, this volume) notes the importance
of defining the components being examined in emotion research and how such
definitions may be altered once the underlying neural organization is understood.
Explicit definitions are crucial to furthering our knowledge of how the brain
processes emotion (e.g., Scherer, Chapter 6, this volume).
Many of the working definitions for describing components of emotional pro-
cessing are, however, quite broad, as are the brain regions that have often been
implicated. Perhaps this is due to the limitations of the currently available tech-
nology for studying human emotional functioning, but, as has been suggested
(e.g., Heilman et al., Chapter 15, this volume), it also might reflect very wide-
spread neural substrates underlying these processes. Functional neuroimaging and
lesion method studies have clarified the specific brain substrates involved to a
degree, but much more work is needed to understand the interplay between such
substrates and processing modes.
A recent example of such an attempt is Mayberg's model of depression (1997),
which delineates potential neural pathways and altered relationships among var-
ious brain regions. Another example, along these lines, is the associative mem-
ory, object-based processing subserved by the amygdala (see Adolphs & Dama-
sio, Chapter 8, this volume), investigations of which in humans have been based
on models developed from animal studies (e.g., LeDoux, 1992, 1993). Offering
theoretical models is an important step (e.g., Davidson & Henriques, Chapter 11;
Gainotti, Chapter 9; Nitschke, Heller, & Miller, Chapter 12; and Scherer, Chap-
ter 6, this volume), but the challenge is to develop rigorous tests of these pro-
posals. In other areas, models are awaiting development, such as the interface
between emotion and memory (e.g., Hamann et al., 1999; LeDoux, 1996; Os-
chsner & Schacter, Chapter 7, this volume), as well as the interaction between
emotion and other aspects of cognition (e.g., attention; LeDoux, 1996).
Most authors in this volume emphasize the need for clear and concise defini-
tions of emotional parameters in order to design experiments that can further our
knowledge regarding the brain substrates implicated by clinical neuropsycho-
Neuropsychology of Emotion: An Overview 19
logical and functional neuroimaging studies. This includes the importance of sub-
typing clinical disorders based on specific symptoms, not only to enhance our
understanding of the neural substrates of emotion but also to refine treatment in-
terventions. Such subtyping, which is essential in emotion research, has emerged
and is reviewed in this volume for anxiety (Nitschke, Heller, & Miller, Chapter
12), schizophrenia (Kohler, Gur, & Gur, Chapter 17), aggression (Scarpa & Raine,
Chapter 13), and apathy (Stuss, van Reekum, & Murphy, Chapter 14). For ex-
ample, many functional neuroimaging studies indicate altered frontal brain asym-
metry in depression, yet the contributing factors (e.g., affective, motivational, or
cognitive) remain enigmatic. Categorizing individuals with symptoms predomi-
nantly representing one type, dimension, or factor may provide further clarifica-
tion. Moreover, subtyping individuals within a particular disorder may eventu-
ally lead to a better understanding of the genetic components involved in certain
disease states and how genetic vulnerabilities (i.e., risk factors) interact with en-
vironmental or neurological (i.e., brain insult) stressors to result in pathological
states.
The issue and need for subtyping individuals parallels the issue concerning in-
dividual differences (or subject characteristics) in emotional processing. The pri-
mary characteristics studied to date are age and gender. In terms of affective
changes with age, most studies have focused on psychopathology and emotional
experience. For example, most studies have reported an increase in depression
with age, whereas most have not found any significant age-related changes in
emotional experience per se (for review, see Grunwald et al., 1999). For emo-
tional expression, studies examining posed facial expressions have found older
participants to be less accurate than younger participants (Levenson et al., 1991;
Malatesta & Izard, 1984; Yecker et al., 2000). In contrast, investigations of spon-
taneous expression have found either no age-related changes as a function of age
(Levenson et al., 1991; Malatesta et al., 1987) or greater expressivity in older
adults (Malatesta et al., 1992).
In terms of gender, several investigations indicate that women are better de-
coders of emotional stimuli than men (e.g., Brody, 1985; Duda & Brown, 1985;
Grunwald et al., 1999; Hall, 1978; LaFrance & Banaji, 1992; Otta et al., 1996;
Shields, 1991) and that women are more emotionally expressive than men (e.g.,
Ashmore, 1990; Brody & Hall, 1993). The findings regarding differences in emo-
tional experience between men and women are, however, equivocal, with some
studies finding that women report experiencing emotion more intensely than men
(Choti et al., 1987; Grunwald et al., 1999; Gross & Levenson, 1993) and other
investigations finding no sex differences (Cupchik & Poulos, 1984; Kring & Gor-
don, 1998; Lanzetta et al., 1976; Wagner et al., 1993; Zuckerman et al., 1981).
Finally, gender may be an important moderating variable in lateralization stud-
ies of emotion, as there is evidence that there is more bilateral hemispheric rep-
resentation of function in women than in men (e.g., Crucian & Berenbaum, 1998;
20 INTRODUCTION
Gur et al., 1982, 1999; McGlone, 1980). Thus, interpretations of findings re-
garding neural correlates of emotion and emotional regulation must take subject
characteristics into account.
Although the emphasis in many neuropsychological studies of emotion has
been on pathological and deficit states, a focus on emotional function (rather than
dysfunction) and the study of positive emotion may also yield important find-
ings. For instance, Tomarken (1998) recently described how pharmacological
treatment of depression may differentially influence the appearance of positive
versus negative affect in depression. Indeed, most studies of emotion have fo-
cused predominantly on negative emotions (see Fredrickson, 1998). Fredrickson
(1998) proposed that positive emotions differ from negative ones in that specific
effector response systems are not elicited by positive emotional states. Rather,
she proposed a "broaden and build" model of positive emotions in which posi-
tive emotions elicit thought/action repertoires that serve to alter attentional focus
and cognitive flexibility. Thus, exploring positive affect in neuropsychological
studies may lead to a richer understanding of emotion in general and may serve
to better predict favorable outcomes in individuals with emotional dysfunction.
In the relatively few neuropsychological studies that examine positive emo-
tion, the findings suggest an involvement of temporal regions. For example, when
true periods of happiness (indicated by a "felt" or Duchenne smile) were elicited
in healthy participants, there was greater activation of left temporal and parietal
regions (Ekman et al., 1990). Similarly, in a case study, laughter and feelings of
mirth were elicited in two patients with gelastic seizures after stimulation of basal
temporal regions, specifically fusiform and parahippocampal gyri (Arroyo et al.,
1993). The findings from functional neuroimaging studies in healthy populations
are less clear and suggest a great deal of overlap between pleasant and unpleas-
ant emotional states (e.g., appetitive and aversive motivational systems) (George
et al., 1995; Lane et al., 1997a,b). Clearly, further work is needed to distinguish
specific neural correlates involved in particular kinds of emotion, especially for
positive emotional states.
Finally, as several of the authors have proposed, neuropsychologists need to
broaden the scope of their research to examine elements of social functioning
and its interaction with emotional processing and regulation. Stuss, van Reekum,
and Murphy (Chapter 14, this volume) note the injurious effects of apathy, with
one subtype leading to "the absence of an abstract model of one's self in soci-
ety" (p. 356). Their work highlights the importance of multifaceted treatments
of such disorders, including both pharmacological and social skill training inter-
ventions. Perhaps models and experimental paradigms from neurodevelopmen-
tal disorders (namely autism) can be used to explore social-emotional function-
ing in other psychiatric and neurological disorders (for review, see Brozgold et
al., 1998). Oschner and Schacter (Chapter 7, this volume) have attempted to un-
derstand how emotion can interact with encoding and retrieval mechanisms of
Neuropsychology of Emotion: An Overview 21
memory to function within the social context of goals and personal motivations.
Scherer (Chapter 6, this volume) notes the importance of emotional appraisal in
eliciting specific emotions, and much work has been done regarding cultural dif-
ferences in appraisal processes, as in the social-emotional construct view of emo-
tion (e.g., Mesquita & Frijda, 1992). In contrast, to our knowledge, few neu-
ropsychological studies have examined the role of appraisal and its relationships
to other parameters of emotional processing, such as the dimensions of valence and
appetitive-aversive components. A final point regarding social-emotional func-
tioning concerns complex social emotions, like shame, embarrassment, jealousy,
and pride. As Adolphs and Damasio (Chapter 8, this volume) point out, "the next
task will be to elucidate what distinguishes emotion in humans from emotion in
other animals" (p. 209). There are almost no studies examining the role of such
emotions in clinical populations, with the exception of Ross, Homan, and Buck's
study (1994) exploring hemispheric differences between primary and social emo-
tions in epileptic patients. Thus, little is known about the neural correlates of such
complex emotions, and this, too, is another area ripe for future study.
SUMMARY
In summary, there are a number of areas that require further investigation to bet-
ter define brain-behavior relationships in emotion as we enter the new millennium.
These principal themes are echoed and expanded in the chapters that follow.
In terms of theory, greater overlap is needed among theoretical models so that
a more direct comparison among different perspectives can be completed. Of
considerable help would be a "common language" that not only includes careful
definition of concepts but also subscribes to using similar terminology. This
would make it easier for investigators to compare findings across studies. Al-
though it is unlikely that there will be one theory to describe all aspects of emo-
tional processing, having such a common language will be helpful when inte-
grating such information.
With respect to the study of specific emotional disorders, further classification
and subtyping of such disorders is essential to delineate homogenous samples.
In addition, individual differences, which contribute further variability, need to
be taken into account. In any case, it is our hope that specific interventions will
be further refined and developed to treat the gamut of emotional disorders. Fur-
thermore, understanding social emotions, how to promote positive emotions, and
the extent to which these emotions have predictive value in outcome may also
be addressed.
In terms of evaluating emotional processing deficits and their disorders, psy-
chometric studies are needed to examine protocols assessing emotional percep-
tion, expression, and experience. To date, most batteries are either not readily
22 INTRODUCTION
available for clinical use or are not practical to administer within a clinical set-
ting. Such assessment measures will provide valuable information regarding in-
dividual functioning that may otherwise be overlooked.
Functional neuroimaging techniques provide other important assessment tools.
As such methods are further refined and allow for greater temporal clarity with-
out sacrificing spatial resolution, additional areas in emotion research can be ad-
dressed. These include understanding how and when particular neural structures
are normally activated in emotional processing and determining interactions
among these structures. Imaging technology can be used to address questions that
have been debated for decades by emotion theorists, such as the relationship
among modes of processing (e.g., experience vs. expression) and channels of
communication (e.g., facial vs. prosodic). Such tools may also allow a greater
understanding of the exact nature of particular brain regions (e.g., frontal lobes)
in emotional processing. The ultimate goal may be to reconcile paradoxical find-
ings from various techniques (e.g., the brain lesion method, neuroimaging data,
and behavioral data from healthy adults), leading to a richer understanding of the
underlying neural mechanisms involved and the causes of dysfunction.
The following chapters, then, provide new insight into the problems facing in-
vestigators of emotion and into interpretations of the neuropsychological mech-
anisms that underlie emotional processing. The authors' thoughtful presentations,
detailed accounts of the research, and provocative ideas will advance the direc-
tion of future research so that many different dimensions and components im-
portant in emotion processing can be explored in a variety of clinical populations
with a wide range of techniques.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We are very grateful to Jack Nitschke, Ronald Bloom, and Sarah Raskin for their insightful com-
ments and input into this chapter.
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II
BACKGROUND AND
GENERAL TECHNIQUES
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2
The Epistemology of Reason and Affect
ROSS W. BUCK
31
32 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
1
Experientialphilosophers, such as the existentialists, also have much to say about consciousness
and emotion, but their views are not considered here due to space limitations. See, for example, Sartre
(1948, 1957).
The Epistemology of Reason and Affect 33
questions in the neurobiology of emotion that may have thus far gone unan-
swered, or unasked.
PHILOSOPHICAL CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF
COGNITION AND EMOTION
Since the time of classical Greece in the fifth century B.C., Western thought has
distinguished between animalistic energies characteristic of the body and ratio-
nal processes associated with "mind" or "soul" unique to human beings. In this
dualistic position, mind and soul were seen as immaterial and beyond investi-
gation except by rational means, that is, by metaphysical speculation. A con-
trasting idea of materialistic monism, that there is only matter, also appeared in
early Greek thought but had less influence at the time. Examples of dualistic
thinking are found in the writings of Plato and Aristotle, who presumed that non-
human animals have rudimentary "souls" capable of dealing with basic bodily
functions but not "rational souls," which were the foundation of human reason
and logic. Aristotle distinguished three grades of soul: the vegetative, found in
all living things; the sensitive, characteristic of animals and humans; and the ra-
tional, possessed only by humans. Following his example, Thomas Aquinas
equipped humans with both a "sensitive soul," shared with animals, and a ratio-
nal soul (Cofer & Appley, 1964).
In Meditations (1641), Rene Descartes contributed the first systematic con-
ceptualization of the interaction between mind, or soul, and body. The body is
mechanical, public, tangible, visible, and extended in space; the mind/soul is pri-
vate, intangible, and invisible. Descartes distinguished between nonhuman ani-
mal behavior, which could be accounted for by the reflex-like actions of me-
chanical "animal spirits," and human behavior, which was partly mechanical but
partly influenced by a rational soul. In his conception, a rational soul makes con-
tact with the body at the pineal gland. Conscious sensation occurs when the ra-
tional soul becomes aware of the animal spirits: body affecting mind. Conversely,
the rational soul can alter the flow of animal spirits: mind affecting body (Woz-
niak, 1992). This interaction between spatial body and unextended mind cannot,
for Descartes, be comprehended in either spatial or nonspatial terms: It is beyond
our capacity to understand. This dilemma has been termed the Cartesian impasse
(Vesey, 1965) and is reflected perhaps in the "explanatory gap" acknowledged
in contemporary theories of consciousness (see Chalmers, 1995; Clark, 1995).
The philosophic tradition from Descartes flowed in two streams: the rational-
ism of Spinoza and Leibniz and the empiricism of Locke, Berkeley, and Hume.
34 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
Both rationalists and empiricists recognized both analytic statements of logic and
mathematics and synthetic statements of fact and regarded this classification as
mutually exclusive. To Hume, it was mutually exhaustive as well: Metaphysical
speculation that was neither analytic nor synthetic could be nothing but "sophistry
and illusion" (Levi, 1959, p. 333). This argument was to support and sustain a
resurgence of materialistic monism in the form of positivism.
Pragmatism
American pragmatism derived its emphasis on science and "hard" facts from the
tradition of British empiricism. This was combined, however, with the idea that
truth is not absolute and that when we say "this is true" we mean that it is use-
ful in some way (Hill, 1961). This doctrine of the functional nature of truth re-
flected a basic compatibility between pragmatism and evolutionary theory.
Pragmatism has ties to nineteenth century idealism in its doctrine that the
knower conditions the known: "reality is and can be nothing more than reality-
as-known. . . . '[O]bjective' reality is nothing but the most inclusive and co-
herent system of ideas that the human mind can entertain" (Aiken, 1962a, p. 54).
The mind is conceived of as an active agent, not a passive acceptor of sense data.
What is "given" in experience is already invested with meaning and significance.
A related similarity with idealism is the notion that ideas relate to their cultural
and historical context. Furthermore, ideas are purposive: They are always goal-
oriented and change with our needs and interests. These themes occur also in re-
cent contextualism and hermeneutic analysis (Taylor, 1992). The pragmatists,
however, differ from the idealists and recent theorists in their empirical and be-
havioral concept of mind and in their emphasis on sense perception and the guid-
ance of the scientific method (when practical) as the best way to reach the ob-
jectives of thought. Also, the influence of Darwin's theory on pragmatism placed
its spirit worlds apart from that of idealism. Pragmatists regarded thought to be
a product of the natural order and conceived of it in essentially biological terms
(Aiken, 1962a).
Early nineteenth century philosophy was dominated by what William James
was to term "tender-minded" philosophies, such as Emersonian trancendental-
ism in the United States and neo-Hegelian idealism in England. Darwin's Ori-
gin of Species (1859) and other scientific advances threatened the adherents of
these philosophies: They had to defend their concerns for inner self and spiritual
values against the encroachments of positivistic and materialistic scientism, which
were supported by Darwin's findings and were actively advanced by Darwinists
such as Spencer. The pragmatists did not accept either of the "two extremes of
crude naturalism on the one hand and transcendental absolutism on the other"
(James, 1907, p. 301). They looked consciously for a position that would rec-
oncile these points of view (White, 1955).
The Epistemology of Reason and Affect 35
C.S. Peirce
William James
and the desired experience was a feeling of satisfaction. Thus the statement "S is
true" is translated into "if you believe S, you will experience a feeling of satisfac-
tion." The "meaning" lies in those experiences to which the belief, if true, will lead.
Verification consists of the occurrence of those experiences (White, 1955).
James' reformulation enabled him to formulate an original theory of meaning,
truth, and verification that threw light on many speculative statements bypassed by
Peirce. The choice between belief and disbelief in God is meaningful because the
adoption of one alternative would lead to different life experiences than the choice
of the other (Hill, 1961). Thus, subjective human experience was taken as the ul-
timate test of truth. This implication led James to be hailed as a savior by some
and to be brutally caricatured by others. Peirce dissociated himself from James'
formulation by renaming his own view "pragmaticism," a term he described as
"ugly enough to be safe from kidnappers" (quoted in White, 1955, p. 158).
White (1955, p. 159) summarized James' position succinctly: "The true is what
we ought to believe. That which we ought to believe is what is best for us to be-
lieve. Therefore, the true is that which is best for us to believe." This view, how-
ever, reflected an ambiguity in utilitarian ethics: What is best for whom? James
often answered "the individual," but, as Peirce stated in a letter to James, "What
is utility, if it is confined to a single person? Truth is public" (quoted by White,
1955, p. 159). This is the particular theme of pragmatism emphasized by John
Dewey.
John Dewey
To Dewey, James' account of truth was too individual and capricious. Dewey
used Peirce's pragmatic theory of meaning as the foundation for a theory of so-
cial and public morality. Where James used pragmatic theory to explain the
"true," Dewey used it to explain the "good" and, with George Santayana, the
"beautiful" as well (White, 1955). Dewey offered an ethical theory that, like
James', attempted to steer a moderate course between ideas of "transcendent eter-
nal values" and the "empirical" view that value is defined by mere personal lik-
ing, desire, enjoyment, or interest.
Peirce's question of "what is best for whom?" can be viewed in terms of Dar-
win's theory: What is best is that which promotes successful adaptation. The idea
of adaptation is consonant with pragmatism, and indeed Dewey approached the
idea of public good from a Darwinian point of view. He wrote that Darwinism
"led straight to the perception of the importance of distinctive social categories
especially communication and participation." He continued, arguing that "a great
deal of our philosophizing needs to be done over again from this point of view,
and that there will ultimately result an integrated synthesis in philosophy con-
gruous with modern science and related to actual needs in education, morals, and
religion" (Dewey, 1931, p. 3). One of his contributions was the idea of a "prob-
lematic situation," which was at once biologically rooted and socially enveloped.
The Epistemology of Reason and Affect 37
Conclusions
In pragmatism, one finds the idea of knowledge as a product of the natural or-
der, suggesting that emotional knowledge may be evaluated according to bio-
logical criteria. Also, the essence of scientific methodology is distilled in Peirce's
operationism: that to be scientifically meaningful, a proposition must be trans-
latable into an operation that must reliably produce an observation or experi-
ence. James extended this so that emotional experiences—for example, of
satisfaction—could be used as criteria of meaning and truth. Dewey and others
suggested that common values, not individual satisfaction, be used as the crite-
rion not of "truth" but of "good" and "beauty." While James' and Dewey's con-
ceptions tended to moderate and expand the venue of Peirce's operationism into
the realm of emotional meaning, the logical positivists applied it much more
strictly and rigorously.
Positivism
Positivism is the doctrine that the highest form of knowledge is a simple de-
scription of sensory phenomena (Carnap, 1937; Runes, 1962). In contrast with
the pragmatists, the positivists of the early twentieth century based their con-
ceptualizations on mathematics and logic: They tended to be uncompromisingly
"tough-minded" and were not greatly influenced by biological thinking. In log-
ical positivism was found most directly the faith that human beings come to
knowledge through erecting abstract concepts that are based ultimately on pub-
licly verifiable operations. The positivists considered that difficulties arise when
concepts are not clearly grounded in observations. They considered the function
of philosophy to be analysis and clarification, and a major goal of the early pos-
itivists was to construct a perfectly simple, clear, and logical artificial language
for science that could clarify scientific statements, free of the entanglements of
ordinary language. Judgments of value and beauty and statements expressing
feeling were seen to be devoid of cognitive content and were largely ignored.
English neorealism
Bertrand Russell and Alfred North Whitehead formulated the basis for the
analysis and construction of ideal, artificial systems of language, logic, and math-
ematics in three volumes of Principia Mathematica (1910-1913). Their objec-
tive was to demonstrate that mathematics is derivable from logic, and they in-
troduced technical innovations that both contributed to modern symbolic logic
and gave positivism a methodology and the model for an artificial but unam-
biguous symbolic language (Levi, 1959).
Another major contribution of Russell to positivism was his logical atomism
in which he attempted a logical reconstruction of physics. This described the
38 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
physical assertions, being neither analytic nor synthetic, are meaningless" and
"all normative assertions ... are scientifically imverifiable, and are therefore to
be classified as forms of non-cognitive discourse." Noncognitive discourse was
termed emotive discourse. Emotive statements are not meaningless, for they ex-
press how we feel, but they are not "cognitive" (Levi, 1959).
When the Vienna Circle was formed, the positivists thought that they were
absolutely right and were spoiling for a fight with other positions. At this time,
their principal weapons were simplicity and clarity (Bochenski, 1961). Begin-
ning in the mid-1930s, however, the positivists came to realize that things were
not as clear and simple as they had seemed. Their methods were found to be
quite limited, and they were forced to become more flexible, moving in the
process toward "a rapprochement with pragmatism" (Barrett, 1962, p. 13). On
of the changes in the positivist outlook reflected the fact that their definition of
cognitive discourse was so restrictive that large areas of experience remained un-
touched. The neat analytic-synthetic dualism did not deal with the meaning of
"emotive discourse," including value statements like "the painting is beautiful"
as opposed to the cognitive statement "the painting is red." Also, statements
feeling, while seen as "noncognitive" were not held to be meaningless.
Ludwig Wittgenstein
that we call "language." The elements of language are related to one another in
myriad ways, and one common relationship cannot be found. "Language" is the
name of these related elements, just as "games" is not an expression of some
common trait that can be found in all of the activities that we call "games." That
series of relationships and similarities, overlapping and crisscrossing like the
twisted fibers, makes up the thread called "language" or "games." This thread of
similarities is termed a "family," exhibiting "family resemblances," rather than
a unitary "essence" that characterizes all examples of the phenomenon of "lan-
guage" or "games" (Wittgenstein, 1953).
This concept of language gave Wittgenstein a new viewpoint on philosophi-
cal puzzles and their resolution. He became interested in the things that drive
philosophers into bizarre and maddening enigmas, suggesting that the origin of
such riddles stems from the improper use of language and that such riddles can
be eliminated only by the meticulous analysis of language as it is actually used
(White, 1955). "Philosophy," he said, "is a battle against the bewitchment of our
intelligence by means of language" (Levi, 1959, p. 441).
glass broke because it is brittle" or "the glass broke because it was struck," only
the latter statement denotes an occurrence. Ryle (1949, p. 83) continued: "feel-
ings, on the other hand, are occurrences, but the place that mention of them should
take in descriptions of human behaviour is very different from that which the
standard theories accord to it." He noted that James defined feelings in terms of
bodily sensations, but wrote "for our purposes it is enough to show that we talk
of feelings very much as we talk of bodily sensations, though it is possible that
there is a tinge of metaphor in our talk of the former which is absent from our
talk of the latter" (Ryle, 1949, p. 84).
Ryle suggested that feelings are signs of agitations and offered an analogy
with a stomach ache as a sign of indigestion. He asserted that there are no nec-
essary or sufficient criteria for either: "[Feelings] are signs of agitations in the
same sort of way as stomach-aches are signs of indigestion. Roughly, we do not,
as the prevalent theory holds, act purposively because we experience feelings;
we experience feelings, as we wince and shudder, because we are inhibited from
acting purposively" (Ryle, 1949, p. 106). He goes on, "we can induce in our-
selves genuine and acute feelings by merely imagining ourselves in agitating cir-
cumstances. Novel-readers and theatergoers feel real pangs and real liftings of
the heart, just as they may shed real tears and scowl unfeigned scowls. But their
distresses and indignations are feigned. They do not affect their owners' appetites
for chocolates, or change the tones of voice of their conversations. Sentimental-
ists are people who indulge in induced feelings without acknowledging the fic-
titiousness of their agitations" (Ryle, 1949, p. 107).
Discussion
Ryle hoped that the proper use of language would resolve the Cartesian impasse,
but that particular quandary remains: In the words of Crick and Koch (1997, p.
19), "the overwhelming question in neurobiology today is the relation between
the mind and the brain." The new ability to observe brain functioning may, how-
ever, allow us to reformulate the issues in useful ways. In this regard, Barrett
(1962, p. 62) pointed out that there are "large areas of experience where our lan-
guage is not yet ripe for any significant attempt at formalization." As areas
amenable to public observation expand with improved techniques for "making
private events public," in Skinner's words (1953, p. 282), formalization of lan-
guage will naturally follow. Arguably this is occurring today in the realm of emo-
tion theory.
In this regard, Barrett (1962, p. 17) also suggested that the positivistic under-
standing of "cognitive" is constructed on an overly narrow model. He described
and critiqued the positivists' position on feeling and emotion, noting that in their
writings feelings are "some kind of subcutaneous twinges, throbs, or tremors that
in some odd way lie on the opposite side of mind from intellect and reason, which
42 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
are the truly cognitive faculties." But, he pointed out, "Ordinary language con-
tains plenty of uses where we speak of knowledge in connection with the pres-
ence of feeling and ignorance in connection with its absence." He concluded,
"Feeling is not a blind stab or spasm of some psychic substance underlying mind,
but a form of consciousness that, like every other mode of consciousness, has its
own intentionality and revelation."
Barrett's critique (1962) of the positivist view of cognition and emotion is
compatible with recent analyses of emotion as constituting a type of cognition.
Arguably emotional knowledge is functional—it has survival value in an evolu-
tionary sense—and is "meaningful" from the pragmatic perspective. The next
section considers the nature of emotional and cognitive knowledge from a neu-
robiological viewpoint.
We have seen that many modern philosophers have considered "emotion" and
"cognition" to be mutually exclusive, with cognition being associated with pub-
lic knowledge and discourse and emotion consigned to a "noncognitive" private
knowledge of doubtful epistemological status. Recent research in the neuro-
sciences has afforded a greater objective understanding of how the brain processes
underlying what have traditionally been termed emotional and cognitive knowl-
edge differ, and this understanding offers insights into the functions of this knowl-
edge. More specifically, there is evidence that "emotion" and "cognition" differ
in level and speed of brain processing.
tors the quantitative aspects, of emotion. Russell recognized, however, that "phys-
iological" factors could be responsible for qualitative aspects of emotion as well.
He suggested that some emotions such as melancholia, "presumably, can be
caused in their entirety by administering the proper secretions" (Russell, 1927,
p. 227).
We now know that the physiological bases of emotion involve far more than
the autonomic and endocrine systems: There are basic emotion circuits that re-
flect primal survival demands, prompting rapid and coherent responses. These
interact with higher level brain systems that contribute increased flexibility that
can reflect strategic considerations (Panksepp, 1994a).
with the amygdala and slower but more elaborate representation associated with
the neocortex. Specifically, stimuli reach the amygdala directly via the thalamus:
a short and fast route. Because it bypasses the cortex, the amygdala receives di-
rectly only a "crude, almost archetypical" representation of the stimulus, which
is shortly followed by a more accurate representation involving cortical pro-
cessing (LeDoux, 1996, p. 166). This neural organization indicates that we "be-
gin to respond to the emotional significance of a stimulus before we fully rep-
resent that stimulus" (LeDoux, 1994a, p. 221).
LeDoux (1996, p. 202) also found that the memories of fearful experiences in-
volve at least two sorts of neural organization: an implicit emotional memory sys-
tem associated with the amygdala and a declarative or explicit memory system
associated with the hippocampus that is associated with conscious recollection.
These normally operate simultaneously and in parallel, but their functioning can
be dissociated in experimental animals and in rare case studies in human beings
(LeDoux, 1994b).
LeDoux's data suggest that both Zajonc and Lazarus are correct, but the for-
mer limits the definition of "cognition" to the slower, representational process
and the latter regards the initial fast response as "cognitive." In any event, the
labeling becomes trivial once the neural organization is understood. However we
choose to label what goes on (relatively) early and late in the response to events,
there is a fast initial response that biases slower representational processing and
a more elaborate processing that feeds back and alters the fast response.
The LeDoux resolution of the Zajonc-Lazarus debate suggests how language can
become trivial once we understand the neural organization underlying what we
call emotion and cognition, and objective neurobiological investigation has the
potential to inform other semantic puzzles as well. At that level of understand-
ing, what Barrett (1962) termed the formalization of language becomes possible,
and we move away from everyday language toward a more specific variety more
like the sort championed by the positivists. The formalization of language in a
given area of inquiry follows naturally upon public verifiability of fundamental
phenomena in that area. If phenomena are not publicly observable, it does not
necessarily mean that discourse concerning them is meaningless but rather that
consensual and accurate communication using such discourse is difficult to
achieve because of the slippery nature of language. Verifiability lays the ground-
work for formalizing language, but at the same time the language per se in a
sense becomes less important. If a theoretical statement is testable it is also triv-
ial, in the sense that it is the testing that is really important. This was demon-
The Epistemology of Reason and Affect 45
Motivation is defined as the potential for behavior that is built into a system
of behavior control and emotion as the manifestation or readout of motivational
potential when activated by a challenging stimulus (Buck, 1985, 1988, 1994a;
Buck et al., 1997). The relationship between emotion and motivation is seen to
be analogous to that between matter and energy in physics. Energy is a poten-
tial that is not seen in itself but rather is manifested in matter: in heat, light, force,
and so forth. The energy per se is never shown. Similarly, motivation is con-
ceptualized as a potential that is not seen in itself but rather is manifested in emo-
2
Emotion can be communicated spontaneously via biologically based sending and receiving mech-
anisms. This topic is beyond the scope of this chapter, but see Buck and Ginsburg (1997) for a dis-
cussion of the evolutionary epistemology of empathy.
46 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
tion. Motivation and emotion are thus seen as two sides of the same coin or as
aspects of a common core phenomenon: the motivational-emotional system. Phy-
logenetically structured primary motivational-emotional systems (primes) are
considered to be "special-purpose processing systems" that over the course of
development interact with "general purpose processing systems" that reflect the
capacity of the species for learning via classical conditioning, instrumental learn-
ing, higher order cognitive processing, and, in human beings, language.
Cognition
Cognition is defined as knowledge that is based on "raw" awareness or
knowledge-by-acquaintance. This basic knowledge, driven and guided by
motivational-emotional systems, is spontaneously restructured into representa-
tional knowledge-by-description over the course of development (Piaget, 1971).
Knowledge-by-acquaintance was described by Bertrand Russell (1912/1959, p.
46) as the presentational immediacy of experience that is completely self-
evident. William James (1890/1952, p. 144, italics in the original) noted: "I know
the color blue when I see it, and the flavor of a pear when I taste i t . . . but about
the inner nature of these facts or what makes them what they are, I can say noth-
ing at all. I cannot impart acquaintance with them to any one who has not made
it himself." Thus knowledge-by-acquaintance is always "true," or veridical, in a
sense. In contrast, knowldege-by-description is not self-evident and can be false.
Knowledge-by-acquaintance constitutes the raw data of perception based on per-
ceptual systems evolved to detect information in the form of stimulus energy: in
light, vibration, and volatile chemical substances physically present in the envi-
ronment (Gibson, 1966,1979). James J. Gibson's theory of ecological realism pro
vides a coherent and detailed account of the evolution of knowledge from the ear-
liest organisms to human perception. Gibson (1979, p. 255) termed raw perception
awareness: "To perceive is to be aware of the surfaces of the environment and of
oneself in it." Awareness is direct, self-evident, and nonrepresentational: "percepts
qua percepts are the ultimate actualities and are not experienced as representing
something else. . . . " (Kuhlenbeck, 1965, p. 144. Italics in the original).
According to Gibson, species evolved to be sensitive to those aspects of the
environment that afford possibilities or opportunities for behavior: affordances.
There are three sorts of "raw" awareness. First, there is awareness of affordances
in the terrestrial environment, such as those provided by physical objects as sup-
port, obstacles to motion, and so forth. Second, there is awareness of social af-
fordances provided by other animals: "other animals afford, above all, a rich and
complex set of interactions, sexual, predatory, nurturing, fighting, playing, co-
operating, and communicating" (Gibson, 1979, p. 128). Emotional displays can
be considered to be social affordances (Buck, 1984; Buck & Ginsburg, 1997;
McArthur & Baron, 1983). Third, Gibson (1966, p. 31) recognized awareness
via interoceptors of vague sensations of internal origin—feelings and emotions—
The Epistemology of Reason and Affect 47
the "pangs and pressures of the internal environment." These may be conceptu-
alized as bodily affordances, and in the present view subjectively experienced
affects—feelings and desires—constitute awareness of bodily affordances.
In contrast to raw awareness or knowledge-by-acquaintance, knowledge-by-
description is representational, constructed from the restructuring or processing
of raw perceptual data. Thus we have direct perceptual acquaintance with events
in the terrestrial environment, social environment, and internal bodily environ-
ment and representational knowledge about these events based on information
processing and inference. Agnosias, where elementary perception is intact but
"stripped of meaning" (Bauer, 1984, p. 457), might constitute an inability to trans-
fer specific sorts of knowledge by acquaintance into knowledge-by-description
(Buck, 1990).
Affect
The subjective experience of emotion involves a direct interoceptive knowl-
edge-by-acquaintance of bodily processes serving functions of self-regulation.
"Bodily processes" in this context do not refer to feedback from autonomic re-
sponses or expressive behaviors; rather, they are specific neurochemical systems
of internal perception that have evolved to inform the organism of functionally
important events in the bodily milieu. The experiential aspects or qualia associ-
ated with these interoceptive perceptual systems are feelings and desires (Buck,
1993). The events of which they inform include needs for food (hunger), for wa-
ter (thirst), for warmth or cold, for sex, and so forth; these are drives involving
specific bodily needs. We are also informed of more general need states involv-
ing primary affects, such as happiness, sadness, fear, and anger.
Affect is defined formally as the direct knowledge-by-acquaintance of feelings
and desires based on readouts of specifiable neurochemical systems evolved by
natural selection as phylogenetic adaptations functioning to inform the organism
of bodily events important in self-regulation (Buck, 1985, 1994a). Affects are
special-purpose, gene-based, neurochemical readouts. The subjective phenome-
nal reality of affect is self-evident and is experienced directly and immediately.
Also, affects are always present: A constant readout of feelings and desires is
available at all times. We can always turn our attention to "pick up" how hun-
gry, or thirsty, or warm we are and also how happy, sad, or angry. We tend spon-
taneously to notice this information only when it is strong or sudden, but, like
the feel of our shoes on our feet, it is always with us. Relatively strong affects
associated with specific elicitors are typically termed emotions as compared with
moods, which last longer and are not so associated with specific elicitors (Ek-
man & Davidson, 1994).
49
50 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
the right. Finally, the dimension can represent the evolution of the nervous sys-
tem, with functions served by more "primitive" structures to the left and to the
right increasingly complex functions based on brain stem, midbrain, paleocorti-
cal, and neocortical processing.
Levels of Knowledge
A hierarchy of knowledge
The relationship between affect and reason can also be presented in terms of
three levels of knowledge, which is illustrated in the lower section of Figure 2.1.
The most fundamental sort of knowledge is Gibson's awareness (1966) consti-
tuting knowledge-by-acquaintance: Thus we have an immediate acquaintance
with the external physical environment (terrestrial awareness), of other organ-
isms (social awareness), and of oneself (self/bodily awareness). The latter in-
cludes the affects. All living creatures, even the simplest, manifest this basic
awareness: In this sense it is similar to Aristotle's "vegetative soul." Knowledge-
by-description is termed cognizance, and Figure 2.1 shows three levels of cog-
nizance: associative classical conditioning, goal-directed instrumental learning,
and higher order cognitive processing. These progressively complex sorts of
learning came into existence successively over the course of evolution, and they
conferred progressively greater behavioral flexibility. Knowledge about the en-
vironment is terrestrial cognizance, knowledge about others is social cognizance,
and knowledge about the self, including the affects, is self/body cognizance. Such
representational knowledge is characteristic both of human beings and other an-
imals and is perhaps analogous to Aristotle's "sensitive soul." The level of knowl-
edge that differentiates human beings and nonhuman animals involves language
(Buck, 1994b): Arguably linguistic competence is also what distinguishes Aris-
totle's "rational soul." Linguistic knowledge might be termed understanding,
yielding terrestrial understanding, social understanding, and self and body un-
derstanding. Self-understanding involves a system of rules that is structured by
learning, cognition, and language over the life of the individual, including rules
about the experience and expression of affects.
enced, such as counting the number of angels standing on the head of a pin or
falling into a black hole. This perhaps is the origin of an essential dualism in the
human species apart from the mind-body issue. Language imparts to human be-
havior a formal, logical structure that does not exist in nonhuman animals.
Whereas the forces of natural selection have shaped animal behavior, human be-
havior is influenced as well by formal, linguistically structured, and socially con-
structed social rules. This formal linguistic influence is perhaps in fact analogous
in some ways to Ryle's "ghost in the machine" (Buck, 1994b). Specifically, lan-
guage competence involves principles for organizing behavior that are absent in
nonhuman animals.
Consciousness
SUMMARY
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3
Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion:
Vertical Integration of Brain Stem, Limbic, and
Cortical Systems
The neural organization of human emotion spans multiple levels of the brain,
from the elementary adaptive reflexes of the lower brain stem, to the complex
visceral and somatic integration of the hypothalamus and thalamus, to the con-
trol of memory and cognition in corticolimbic networks. At each level, there are
implications not only for the experience and expression of emotion but also for
the effective motivation of behavior.
At the level of the pontine brain stem, for example, there are neural represen-
tations of elementary patterns of laughing and crying. These emotional displays
become disinhibited when lesions disrupt the fiber tracts that mediate limbic and
cortical modulation of the brain stem responses (Rinn, 1984). Anencephalic in-
fants, born with only a brain stem, show well-organized facial displays of plea-
sure and distress (Buck, 1988). At the pontine level, we also find critical moti-
vational mechanisms in the nuclei of the ascending monoamine projection
systems that regulate arousal and alertness according to both internal states and
environmental events (Bloom, 1988). The challenge for a neuropsychology of
emotion is to explain how the elementary levels of the neuraxis are coordinated
with higher cortical systems to control behavior adaptively.
In this chapter, we review the basic outlines of the anatomy and physiology
of human emotion, describing the multiple levels of emotional control that have
resulted from the progressive elaborations of the mesencephalic, diencephalic,
56
Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion 57
of the telencephalon has become highly unique in each avian and mammalian
species. A key insight into mammalian cortical architecture has been achieved
in recent years by the study of the connectivity of the primate cortex (Pandya,
Seltzer, & Barbas, 1988). This research has suggested that the mammalian neo-
cortex evolved from the limbic structures at two points of origin, with the
archicortical base of the cingulate gyrus, parietal lobe, and dorsal frontal lobe
(the spatial or "where" pathway) emergent from the hippocampus and the pale-
ocortical base of the inferior temporal and orbital frontal lobe (the object or
"what" pathway) emergent from primitive olfactory cortex. A theoretical chal-
lenge, thus far unmet, is to determine whether there are unique emotional and
motivational properties of these limbic divisions that are integral to their
mnemonic and cognitive functions. In this chapter, we outline the anatomical or-
ganization of the dorsal and ventral corticolimbic networks, and we raise the
question of the differing motivational and emotional functions of these divisions
of the cortex.
The human brain has a massive frontal cortex and functionally differentiated
cerebral hemispheres. As other chapters in this volume illustrate, these cortical
features have been primary targets for theorizing on the uniqueness of human
cognition and emotion. In the present chapter, we emphasize that the study of
neuroanatomy and neurophysiology not only points out the evolved hierarchy of
the human brain; it leads directly to the question of how the flexible operations
of the human cortex have come to coexist with the homeostatic drives, arousal
mechanisms, and adaptive reflexes of the limbic structures, striatum, and brain
stem.
We address this question with two key classic principles of brain function.
These emerged from the developmental-evolutionary analysis of the nineteenth
century that is again popular in biology (Pennisi & Roush, 1997). The first is
Hughlings Jackson's principle of hierarchic integration through inhibitory con-
trol (Jackson, 1879). Along with his contemporaries, Jackson was impressed by
the evolutionary order in the anatomy of the brain, which is traced by the pro-
gressive differentiation in embryogenesis. Observing that brain stem reflexes dis-
appear as the infant matures, but then reappear following cortical lesions, Jack-
son proposed that the higher (e.g., telencephalic) brain structures evolved to
extend, inhibit, and modulate, rather than to replace, the earlier (e.g., mesen-
cephalic) functional systems. Only in rare instances (e.g., the pyramidal motor
tract) does a higher brain structure actually replace or bypass lower structures.
From this perspective, we may better understand the various forms of disin-
hibitory psychopathology seen in humans with brain lesions. We may also un-
derstand how complex patterns of human emotional experience and behavior are
the composite of hierarchic, vertical integration, through which cortical repre-
sentation networks are regulated by limbic and brain stem control mechanisms.
Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion 59
The component subsystems arise from cell groups and nuclei located primarily
within the spinal cord and lower brain stem. Many of these cell groups serve ef-
fector functions through their descending influence on peripheral muscles and
organs. Within the caudal medulla, for example, the medial tegmental field con-
trols the axial trunk and head muscles, whereas the more rostral red nucleus con-
trols the distal limb muscles. Other cell groups control specific behaviors such
as chewing, vocalization, facial expressions, eye movements, and locomotion. In
addition to these somatic functions, medullary cell groups regulate various au-
tonomic reflexes. Some regions appear to control sympathetic activity (e.g., the
rostral ventrolateral medulla), whereas others are concerned with parasympathetic
functions (e.g., nucleus ambiguus) (Holstege, Bandler, & Saper, 1996; Loewy &
Spyer, 1990; Van Bockstaele, Pieribone, & Aston-Jones, 1989).
While these effectors control specific behaviors, additional brain stem systems
serve a more general function of adjusting the gain of spinal transmission. These
include descending projections employing serotonin (raphe pallidus and raphe
obscurus), norepinephrine (locus coeruleus), and dopamine (A 11 cell group).
The monoamines' relatively diffuse projections throughout the ventral horn of
the spinal cord appear to be modulatory; that is, they do not activate the mo-
torneurons, but enhance responses to inputs converging from other brain stem
systems. In addition, they inhibit the transmission of sensory information as it
ascends within the dorsal horn, thereby promoting analgesia in stressful situa-
tions. These descending modulatory systems appear to adjust the balance between
motor and sensory processing within the spinal cord (Holstege, 1991; Holstege,
Handler, & Saper, 1996; White et al., 1996).
A third set of brain stem components includes ascending projections to the
forebrain. Traditionally associated with the reticular activating system, these sys-
tems include (among others) norepinephrine (locus coeruleus), serotonin (dorsal
and median raphe), dopamine (ventral tegmental area), and acetylcholine (nu-
cleus basalis) projections. These cell groups appear responsive to emotional stim-
uli, and their target effects are primarily modulatory (i.e., facilitating or attenu-
Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion 61
ating converging sensory information). Such effects are consistent with recent
studies showing how emotional states regulate attention (Niedenthal & Kitayama,
1993). It has been suggested, for example, that during positive states noradren-
ergic projections may promote an expansive, present-centered state of cortical
processing. In contrast, negative states may recruit dopaminergic projections to
promote a more focused, future-oriented attentional state (Tucker & Williamson,
1984).
When viewed as a whole, the brain stem consists of discrete subsystems serving
somatic, autonomic, and modulatory components. To produce emotional behav-
iors, however, these components must be coordinated by higher level structures.
Although such coordination is facilitated by limbic and cortical projections, its
primitive basis can be found within the brain stem itself. Some of these integra-
tive mechanisms are relatively specific. For example, the nucleus paragiganto-
cellularis provides the main source of sympathetic drive within the organs of the
autonomic nervous system while also providing the most potent afferent input to
the locus coeruleus. Such projections suggest a mechanism for coordinating the
ascending noradrenergic influence on the forebrain with sympathetic tone
throughout the body (Aston-Jones, Chiang, & Alexinsky, 1991; Van Bockstaele,
Pieribone, & Aston-Jones, 1989).
More rostral brain stem structures appear to provide more elaborate integra-
tive influences. The midbrain periaqueductal gray (PAG) possesses descending
projections to somatic, autonomic, and modulatory cell groups, allowing it to co-
ordinate their activities in patterns related to general motivational states. Recent
findings indicate that the PAG is organized into columns of cells, with each col-
umn related to a motivational pattern. The lateral column organizes active forms
of defensive behavior and appears particularly responsive to superficial pain.
Stimulation of the intermediate region of the lateral column elicits confronta-
tional defensive behavior (i.e., defensive aggression) and blood flow to the face,
whereas stimulation of the caudal region of the lateral column elicits flight be-
havior and increased blood flow to the limbs. Both of these defensive patterns
are accompanied by increased heart rate and a nonopioid analgesia. In contrast,
the adjacent ventrolateral column orchestrates a more passive strategy in response
to deep pain. This pattern involves a cessation of ongoing motor activity, hy-
poreactivity, hypotension, decreased heart rate, and opioid-mediated analgesia.
In its primitive form, the passive pattern may serve defensive purposes (e.g., play-
ing dead), or it may serve recuperative functions following serious injury (Ban-
dler & Keay, 1996; Bandler & Shipley, 1994). Future studies of the PAG promise
a better understanding of some of the brain's most basic emotional functions in
62 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
terms of both their identity (e.g., defensive, recuperative, and sexual) and their
patterned organization.
The more recently evolved limbic structures that surround the brain stem serve
a number of functions central to emotion and cognition. In terms of emotion,
these circuits provide higher levels of integrative control over the brain stem. At
the diencephalic level, the hypothalamic nuclei receive extensive exteroceptive
and interoceptive sensory information and innervate multiple brain stem struc-
tures. Hypothalamic projections to the motor and autonomic pools of the lower
brain stem allow for a fine tuning of homeostatic functions based on a detailed,
integrative monitoring of ongoing metabolic conditions (Swanson, 1987). By
means of additional projections to the pituitary, the hypothalamus (paraventric-
ular nucleus) can coordinate peripheral endocrine activity in light of ongoing so-
matic, autonomic, and modulatory activity (Loewy & Spyer, 1990). In addition,
hypothalamic projections appear capable of regulating brain stem integrative
mechanisms. For example, the ventromedial hypothalamus exerts a descending
inhibitory influence on cell groups within the PAG that are responsible for de-
fensive aggression. It has been suggested that such suppression of brain stem ag-
gressive tendencies has been crucial in the evolution of prosocial behaviors in-
volving trust, play, and affection (Panksepp, 1986).
Hypothalamic projections also regulate the fearful forms of defense organized
within the brain stem. Gray and McNaughton (1996) suggested that the hypo-
thalamus and PAG function together, along with the amygdala, as part of a dis-
tributed fight-flight system. The PAG mobilizes defensive behavior given prox-
imal sources of threat (e.g., pain or a predator) when there is little time for
analysis. If the threat is very close and allows no avenue of escape, then fight-
ing is elicited, but, given more distance or more room for escape, undirected
flight is elicited. In contrast, the ventromedial hypothalamus mobilizes defense
in situations involving more distal threats and more time for sensory analysis.
The hypothalamic organization takes the form of directed escape behavior, and
it is coordinated by regulating the PAG and recruiting additional brain stem re-
gions involved in orientation (superior colliculus) and locomotion (cuneiform
nucleus) functions. It is worth emphasizing that these primitive forms of de-
fensive behavior are based on threats that are physically present and temporally
urgent. Several theorists have suggested that they give rise to emotional states
of panic, which are distinct from the anticipatory states of anxiety orchestrated
by higher limbic and cortical circuitry (Graeff, 1991; Gray & McNaughton,
1996). The evolutionary progression in motivation can be seen as moving from
reflexive responses to systems that engage defensive or other adaptive behav-
ior in the face of proximal stimuli to systems that maintain an emotional state
Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion 63
More anticipatory emotional capacities appear to have evolved along with two
telencephalic limbic structures, the amygdala and hippocampus. Both of these
structures have extensive descending inputs to the hypothalamus, and the amyg-
dala also projects throughout the brain stem. Although the amygdala is a com-
plex structure with multiple nuclei, recent evidence suggests a crucial role in as-
sociating exteroceptive information with information concerning rewarding and
aversive outcomes. Such learned associations allow the amygdala to organize
emotional activity in light of potential rather than actual events. For example,
when a rat is exposed to an auditory tone that signals an impending shock, the
auditory information is delivered to the amygdala's lateral nucleus. The amyg-
dala can respond based on relatively crude input delivered from the thalamus or
on more highly processed information from the cortex. In either case, an imme-
diate conditioned fear response is initiated by projections from the lateral nucleus
to the basal nucleus (which projects to the ventromedial hypothalamus) and the
central nucleus (which projects to the brain stem) (Davis, 1992; Petrovich, Risold,
& Swanson, 1996; Savander et al., 1995).
Although it is supported by activity within the PAG and the hypothalamus,
the amygdaloid fear response differs from the more primitive forms of ex-
plosive and directed escape. In Gray and McNaughton's terms (1996), the
amygdala facilitates anticipatory, active avoidance. Thus, the response inte-
grates a more flexible set of response options in relation to a potential, im-
pending danger. Because these options depend on complex, distal sensory in-
formation, the amygdala must be crucially involved in coordinating response
and attentional functions. In locomotion, for example, the animal must em-
ploy attention to seek out sources of threat (to avoid) and safety (to approach).
Such flexibility is based on the amygdala's control over more ballistic brain
stem and hypothalamic functions. In addition, projections to response-
programming mechanisms within the basal ganglia and frontal cortex allow a
finer tuning of selected response options. Furthermore, the amygdala projects
(together with the PAG and hypothalamus) to the brain stem's ventral tegmen-
tal area, allowing it to adjust the focused attentional state related to the as-
cending dopaminergic projections. Finally, the amygdala projects extensively
on the sensory and association areas within the posterior cortex, allowing a
more direct modulation of the sensory information that is converging on the
response systems. Thus, the amygdala's integrative capacities are quite ex-
tensive, coordinating somatic, autonomic, and sensory processing within the
brain stem, limbic system, and cortex.
64 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
In reptiles and amphibians the cortex is only incipient, with a highly undiffer-
entiated organization. Based on his comparative anatomical studies, Herrick
(1948) proposed that cortical morphogenesis is shaped by adaptation of cortical
regions to subcortical inputs. The primitive pallium (hemisphere) can be divided
into two fields: the paleocortex (olfactory) and the archicortex (hippocampal).
Based on modern anatomical findings and on a consideration of the subcortical
and brain stem connections, we can use Herrick's reasoning to see how the two
fields of the pallium differentiated under the influence of unique subcortical
inputs.
The clarification of cortical anatomy by Pandya and associates has shown the
patterns of connectivity that must constrain efforts to frame computational mod-
els of memory in neuroanatomical terms (McClelland, McNaughton, & O'Reilly,
1995; Treves & Rolls, 1994). The evolutionary analysis helps to explain why the
limbic system forms the base for both sensory integration and motor organiza-
tion: The cortex evolved by differentiating from limbic structures. This analysis
Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion 67
impaired in new learning, but not in access to previously learned material, the
assumption has been that the neocortex is adequate for storage and retrieval of
memory once the limbic structures and paralimbic cortices have participated in
the consolidation process (Squire, 1986).
Nadel and Moskovitch (1997) have recently reviewed the literature on human
amnesia and have drawn conclusions that may point to the importance of moti-
vational factors in memory access. They point out that the evidence is actually
fairly weak for full access to memories laid down before the medial temporal in-
sult, particularly if memory is tested for autobiographical information rather than
for general semantic knowledge. Therefore, intact limbic structures may be im-
portant to retrieval as well as to consolidation of memory. The fact that the lim-
bic contribution is particularly important to accessing autobiographical memory
is consistent with the view that the limbic system is important to evaluating the
emotional and motivational significance of information to be retained in mem-
ory (Kornhuber, 1973).
In addition to showing how subcortical controls are brought to bear on the cog-
nitive functions of the cortex, the evidence on the anatomy of corticolimbic net-
works provides important insights into the cortical influences on subcortical sys-
tems. Nauta's initial delineation (1964) of the dorsal and ventral pathways of the
frontal lobe showed the connections through which the frontal lobe can modu-
late limbic function, and these pathways have been confirmed by recent anatom-
ical studies (Barbas & Pandya, 1986). Two carefully studied examples, the star-
tle response and primate emotional vocalizations, illustrate the role of cortical
and limbic networks in regulating brain stem emotional systems.
The startle response shows how emotional states modulate brain stem func-
tion in humans as well as rodents and carnivores (Lang, Bradley, & Cuthbert,
1990; Vrana, Spence, & Lang, 1988). The startle response is a simple reflex me-
diated by a brain stem circuit of five synapses (auditory nerve, ventral cochlear
nucleus, nuclei of the lateral lemniscus, nucleus reticularus pontus caudallis, and
spinal interneuron) plus the neuromuscular junction. This circuit is modulated by
higher control from limbic structures, particularly the amygdala (Davis, Hitch-
cock, & Rosen, 1987). In humans, complex emotional states, engaging wide-
spread cortical networks (such as when subjects view photographic slides of nudes
or mutilated bodies), result in inhibition of the startle response for pleasant states
and in facilitation for aversive states (Lang, Bradley, & Cuthbert, 1990; Vrana,
Spence, & Lang, 1988). The implication is that the cognitive representations of
the cortex are associated with an appropriate adaptive set established across mul-
tiple levels of the neural hierarchy. Although startle may not be a significant mo-
tivational mechanism in humans, the orderly modulation of this reflex illustrates
Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion 69
Connectivity implies function. Although this has always been the assumption of
the anatomical method, modern connectionist models provide specific examples
of how patterns of connectivity constrain the functional architecture of distrib-
uted networks (McClelland, McNaughton, and O'Reilley, 1995; Rumelhart &
McClelland, 1986). Papez's initial formulation (1937) of a limbic system came
from observations of connectivity, indicated by the propagation of seizures
through the dorsal limbic circuitry. The hierarchic organization of emotional be-
havior was recognized in MacLean's pioneering studies of the limbic system
(e.g., MacLean, 1993; Pribram & MacLean, 1953). Maclean emphasized that the
development of the cingulate cortex in mammals occurred with the appearance
of fundamentally new forms of behavior, including social attachment and play.
We now recognize that these new capacities are essential to support the in-
creasingly extended juvenile period that allows the plasticity of the mammalian
cortex (Tucker, Luu, & Pribram, 1996).
Several lines of evidence suggest that limbic mechanisms are critical to the in-
tegration of motivational controls with the cognitive capacities of human corti-
cal networks. Mesulam (1988) proposes that the ascending cholinergic projec-
tions of the nucleus basalis provide modulatory control over the corticolimbic
interactions in memory consolidation. Studies of the cholinergic projections to
the sensory input pathways of the amygdala show increasingly strong choliner-
gic modulation as the pathways approach the limbic system. Mesulam suggests
that the cholinergic control may be important for gating cortical information ex-
change into and out of the limbic system.
Most of the cortical areas do not, however, project to the nucleus basalis; rather,
it is controlled primarily by the limbic structures and paralimbic cortices. Thus, an
important aspect of the memory architecture of the mammalian cortex shows a fan-
in of control through which the limbic areas respond to the motivational and emo-
tional content of the corticolimbic traffic and determine the feedback to be applied
to the nucleus basalis; the nucleus basalis then projects back in a fan-out pattern
to regulate widespread regions of corticolimbic traffic (Mesulam, 1988).
Because connections between cortical regions and limbic structures are re-
quired for memory consolidation (Squire, 1992), we can look to corticolimbic
Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion 71
(1969), the epileptics with right temporal focus showed affective instability and
emotional expressiveness in their behavior, possibly suggesting an exaggeration
of the right hemisphere's role in affective prosody and emotional communica-
tion. As if reflecting an exaggeration of the left hemisphere's verbal cognitive
capacities, the epileptics with left temporal focus were found to show an
"ideative" pattern of traits, with a preoccupation with intellectual, philosophical,
and religious concerns.
The Bear and Fedio (1977) findings were predictably controversial, but they
have been replicated in independent samples (Fedio, 1986; Fedio & Martin,
1983). Although the subsequent findings may seem at first to confirm charac-
terizations of the right hemisphere as emotional and the left hemisphere as non-
emotional, closer inspection shows that the psychological operations of the epilep-
tic hemisphere were charged with emotional significance for the left as well as
the right sides. The left temporal lobe-affected patients were obsessed with the
personal importance of their intellectual concerns, often writing long treatises on
the topics. To explain the exaggerated personal significance associated with the
intellectual as well as the affective behavior, Bear and Fedio proposed that the
epileptic disorder resulted in a "functional hyperconnection" of limbic areas with
the cortex.
These several observations on limbic reactivity may provide a way of under-
standing, in both psychological and neurophysiological terms, how limbic areas
use their privileged connectivity with subcortical control systems to motivate
memory consolidation and therefore cognitive processing. These observations
may also help to integrate the emphasis on vertical integration in the present
chapter with the evidence on hemispheric specialization reviewed in other chap-
ters of this volume (Gainotti, Chapter 9, this volume; Davidson & Henriquez,
Chapter 11 this volume). The massive human cortices provide extensive, but lim-
ited, representational capacity. The selection for a representation to be consoli-
dated within cortical networks is based on the adaptive resonance it recruits within
limbic structures and paralimbic (archi and paleo) cortices. The adaptive reso-
nance may be extended in time, as in ruminations, obsessions, and fantasies. The
linked networks from sensory areas to limbic cortex (Pandya & Yeterian, 1985)
are engaged by this resonance, stabilizing memory representations in a distrib-
uted fashion across the paralimbic and neocortical levels.
As Pandya and associates have pointed out, the "back projections" from lim-
bic toward cortical areas are as extensive as the "forward projections" carrying
sensory data from primary sensory cortex to the intermediate association areas
to paralimbic cortex. In modern psychological theories of perception, the per-
ceptual process is seen as one in which memory and expectations resonate with
and shape the organization of sensory input (Shepard, 1984). Shepard (1984) em-
phasizes the active, constructive role of memory by suggesting that perception
is "hallucination constrained by the sensory data." In the context of the corti-
Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion 73
colimbic architecture for perception, we would add that the resonance is shaped
by inherent motivational constraints incorporated with the representation at the
paralimbic level. Because they are the most densely interconnected of cortical
networks, the paralimbic cortices provide a global, integrative, and yet undiffer-
entiated, mnemonic context for cognition. Given their connectivity to subcorti-
cal controls and their intrinsic excitability, the paralimbic cortices may provide
the motivational drive for evaluating and consolidating significant contents in
memory.
The physiology of motivated perception may thus be seen as a kind of arbi-
tration across layered networks, anchored at the superficial layers by sensory an-
alyzers and energized in the deep layers by a resonance of the information with
a global representation of adaptive need states (Derryberry & Tucker, 1991). Be-
cause the paralimbic representations are the composite of the person's develop-
mental experience, the "limbic drive" structuring perception is formed not
just by immediate homeostatic needs, but by more extended processes of self-
representation. In this manner, the self may be understood as the implicit con-
text of autobiographical memory. In normal personalities, there is an effective
arbitration of perception between limbic drive, with its inherent motivational,
self-referential constraints, and the requirements for maintaining veridical and
complex representations in the neocortex. Judging from the personality disorders
of temporal lobe epileptics, limbic drive occurs not only in the emotionally ex-
pressive right hemisphere but also in the verbal and analytic left hemisphere as
well. We may speculate that the charged intellectualizations of epileptics with
left temporal lobe focus may have their counterparts in disorders in which lim-
bic kindling may be psychopathological rather than neuropathological, such as
in the forced ruminations of the obsessive or the rigid delusions of the paranoid
(Shapiro, 1965). In contrast, excessive limbic drive may take a more affectively
labile form within the right hemisphere, supporting the loose modes of self-
regulation of the histrionic, psychopathic, and impulsive personalities (Tucker,
1981).
Motive Persistence
Although the distorted cognition in emotional disorders may be most easily un-
derstood in terms of temporal-limbic dysfunction, there are more subtle deficits
of motivation that occur with damage to the frontal lobe that result in profound
deficits in life adjustment. Patients with mild frontal lesions may appear entirely
normal during clinical examination and cursory neuropsychological testing. De-
spite the popular "working memory" idea of frontal lobe function, the memory
deficits of these patients are typically not a significant feature of their clinical
presentation (Squire, 1987). Yet within a short time of returning to work and
family life, patients with frontal lesions often experience complete failures of ad-
74 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
justment. The problem seems to be not just a memory defect but also an inabil-
ity to motivate ongoing behavior in relation to long-term goals (Lezak, 1983;
Luria, 1973).
The frontal lobe's expansion in human evolution may support a vertical integra-
tion of multiple adaptive systems to allow complex behavior to be organized over
time. The massive cortical networks provide cognitive representational capacity, yet
this capacity is not effective unless it is controlled in relation to the adaptive chal-
lenges that humans must organize over increasingly extended intervals of time. Ex-
tended challenges, such as keeping a job or maintaining a relationship, are the tasks
at which frontal-lesioned patients fail. As recognized in classic formulations, the
frontal cortex mediates between the motivational and emotional representations in
limbic areas and the organization of action in premotor areas (Nauta, 1971; Pribram,
1950). In doing so, the frontal networks are able to integrate functions such as arousal
control that require contributions from lower as well as higher levels of the neuraxis
(Luria & Homskaya, 1970; Yakovlev & Lecours, 1967).
In the extended plasticity of frontal networks through the long human juvenile
period, cortical representations appear to form that mirror not only the percep-
tual operations of the posterior brain but also the regulatory controls of limbic
and subcortical structures. The effect seems to be a kind of encephalization of
vertical integration such that, toward the end of the juvenile period, human frontal
cortical networks may be prepared to take on increasing control of the multiple
levels of the neural hierarchy required for effective self-regulation.
not just to facilitate a reflex but also to facilitate memory consolidation across
distributed cortical networks. The task of detecting the adaptive significance of
a perception is important both to release an endocrine secretion and to code a
sensory pattern for the limbic resonance that excites corticolimbic consolidation.
In many ways, the neurophysiology of human motivation has become en-
cephalized in a way that inverts the relation between cortical and subcortical sys-
tems. Whereas the cortex was initially a device for elementary representation and
memory, supporting the integration between the stimulus and response circuits
in the reflexes of the subcortical control systems, in human evolution the tables
are turned. The support of cortical operations has now become the primary task
of the subcortical systems. Although humans continue to struggle with biologi-
cal needs, there are now many people who are motivated, at least briefly, by in-
tellectual interests. Activities such as curiosity, reasoning, and the search for un-
derstanding are a kind of inversion of the vertebrate control hierarchy. The
corticolimbic networks that once served a subordinate support function for brain
stem adaptive mechanisms have now commandeered the motivational systems to
support cognition as an end in itself.
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Anatomy and Physiology of Human Emotion 79
BACKGROUND
80
Assessment of Emotional Processing 81
Our goal has been to simplify and organize the literature on the neuropsycho-
logical assessment of emotional processing. We assumed a componential ap-
proach (Borod, 1993b), which conceptualizes emotion as consisting of a number
of aspects or components that are presumed to be mediated by different neural
substrates (Borod et al., in press; Cripe, 1997; Gainotti, Chapter 9, this volume).
For our purposes, the components and their respective elements include pro-
cessing modes (i.e., perception, arousal, experience, expression, and goal-directed
behavior) (Plutchik, 1984) and communication channels (i.e., facial, prosodic,
lexical, gestural, postural, and scenic). By a scene, we refer to the total arrange-
ment and interactions of stimuli that form the envkonment in which a situation
occurs, for example, a line drawing of a man being held at gunpoint for the emo-
tion of fear (Cicone, Wapner, & Gardner, 1980). Given the complexity of the
brain-behavior relationships for emotion, the componential approach provides a
useful model for organizing this literature. This approach is predicated on a long-
standing issue in the overall emotion literature (Buck, Miller, & Caul, 1974;
Levitt, 1964; Mebrabian & Reed, 1968), including more recent work in the neu-
ropsychology of emotion literature (e.g., Borod et al., 1986; Bowers, Bauer, &
82 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
Heilman, 1993; Gainotti, Caltagirone, & Zoccolotti, 1993; Semenzaet al., 1986),
namely, whether there are separate or overlapping systems in the brain underly-
ing emotional processing.
Based on this theoretical perspective, we selected batteries of emotion tests
with more than one element within a component (i.e., processing mode and/or
communication channel). In this review, the primary modes included are per-
ception, expression, and experience, and the channels included are facial,
prosodic, lexical, gestural, postural, and scenic. Batteries reviewed were designed
or specifically adapted for brain-damaged populations. For each battery, we pro-
vide a brief description of each task included; targeted populations; psychomet-
ric properties, where available; and general research findings. In addition, related
studies including measures of emotion, although not necessarily called "batter-
ies" by the authors of the studies, were reviewed and integrated into this section.
Table 4.1 lists the batteries and related studies, specified by mode and channel.
Psychometric information regarding reliability, validity, standardization, and
norms is not systematically included because it was not provided for many of
the published reports reviewed in this chapter. Accordingly, we refer the reader
to individual authors. Due to space limitations, our focus here is descriptive. Fu-
ture reviews of this literature would benefit from a more systematic conceptual
and methodological critique of emotion assessment techniques.
Perception
Profile of Nonverbal Sensitivity. Benowitz and colleagues (1983) used the Profile
of Nonverbal Sensitivity (PONS) (Rosenthal et al., 1979) to assess emotional
perception ability across three channels (facial, prosodic, and body movement).
The body movement channel examines the neck to the knee, focusing on ges-
tural and postural expression. Stimuli involved 220 2-second film segments
extracted from 20 different emotional scenes portrayed by a woman poser in
four emotional categories (positive-dominant, positive-submissive, negative-
dominant, and negative-submissive). Each of the 20 scenes is presented in 11
different formats: face (F) alone, body (B) alone, prosody via content-filtered
speech (PCF), prosody via randomly spliced speech (PRS), F/B, F/PCF, F/PRS,
B/PCF, B/PRS, F/B/PCF, and F/B/PRS. For each item, the subject is required to
select one of two alternative descriptions (e.g., positive-dominant). In the
Benowitz et al. study (see Benowitz, 1980; Benowitz et al., 1983), the full PONS
was administered to seven right brain-damaged (RBD) (M age = 48.9 years) and
four left brain-damaged (LBD) (M = 46.3 years) patients, and an abbreviated
version of the PONS (containing 80 items in which only single-channel items
Table 4.1. Literature Included in the Emotional Assessment Review as a Function of Processing Mode and Communication Channel
PROCESSING MODE COMMUNICATION CHANNEL
BODY
BATTERY PERCEP- EXPRES- EXPERI- BE- LEXI- GES- MOVE- MISCELLA-
CATEGORY STUDY (IF AVAILABLE) TION SIGN ENCE AROUSAL HAVIOR FACIAL PROSODIC CAL TURAL MENT SCENES NEOUS
Single
mode/ Benowitz et Profile of X X X X
multiple al. (1983) Nonverbal
channels Sensitivity
(PONS)
Egan et Perception X X X X
al. (1990) of Emotion
Test
(POET)
Mountain Victoria X X X
(1993) Emotion
Perception
Test
(VERT)
Bowers et Florida X X X
al. (1991); Affect
Blonder et al. Battery
(1991) (FAB);
selected X X
study
(Continued)
Table 4.1. Literature Included in the Emotional Assessment Review as a Function of Processing Mode and Communication Channel (Continued)
PROCESSING MODE COMMUNICATION CHANNEL
BODY
BATTERY PERCEP- EXPRES- EXPERI- BE- LEXI- GES- MOVE- MISCELLA-
CATEGORY STUDY (IF AVAILABLE) TION SIGN ENCE AROUSAL HAVIOR FACIAL PROSODIC CAL TURAL MENT SCENES NEOUS
Lalande et Selected X X x
al. (1992) study
Cicone et Selected X X x x
al. (1980) study
Heath et Selected X X x X x*
al. (1997) study
Single
channel/ Ross et Aprosodia X x X
multiple al. (1997) Battery (AB)
modes Meadows Selected X x X
& Kaplan study
(1994)
Multiple
modes/ Cancelliere Battery of X X
multiple & Kertesz Emotional
channels (1990) Expression & X X x X
Comprehension
(BEEC)
Borod et X X x
N e w YorkzyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
X X X
al. (1992) Emotion
Battery
(NYEB)
Hornak et Selected X X X
al. (1996) study X X
Weddell Selected X X X X
(1994) study X X
X
Cohen et Selected X X X
al. (1994) study X X
Blonder et Selected X X X X
al. (1989) study X X
Scott et Selected X X X
al. (1984) study X X
Borod et Experimental X X X X
al. (1990) affect
battery
*Affective state.
86 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
Victoria Emotion Perception Test The Victoria Emotion Perception Test (VERT)
(Mountain, 1993) evaluates emotional perception across two channels (facial and
prosodic), both separately and combined. The VERT is comprised of three sub-
tests (facial, prosodic, and combined), each consisting of 24 paired-items in-
volving photographs of facial emotional expressions and prosodic emotionally
intoned strings of nonsense words. There are four emotions (anger, sadness, hap-
piness, and fear) presented at three intensity levels (mild, moderate, and extreme).
For each item-pair, the subject is required to make four separate forced-choice
judgements: a same-different discrimination with respect to emotional category
and intensity level, and an identification of the discrete emotion and the inten-
sity level.
The battery (VERT Research) was designed for use with clinical populations
suffering from emotional disorders and was originally normed and standardized
on young and elderly normal adults. The VERT Clinical consists of half of the
items selected for item stability. The VERT provides age-related norms (based
on two samples of young adults [N1 = 13, M = 27.2 years; N2 = 18, M = 24.5
years] and one sample of older adults [N = 9,M = 72 years]) and reliability data
(internal consistency and test-retest). For construct validity, a significant posi-
tive correlation was found between the PONS and both versions of the VERT
(Mountain & Spreen, 1993).
Assessment of Emotional Processing 87
Florida Affect Battery and related study. The Florida Affect Battery (FAB) (Bow-
ers, Blonder, & Heilman, 1991) is a comprehensive battery, consisting of ten
subtests, for the assessment of emotional perception across facial and prosodic
channels. For both channels, five emotions are studied (i.e., happiness, sadness,
anger, fear, and neutrality), and there are an emotional identification and dis-
crimination task, as well as a nonemotional discrimination task. For face, there
are two additional emotional subtests, one involving comprehension and one in-
volving matching. Finally, there are two reciprocal cross-modal subtests involv-
ing facial and prosodic emotional stimuli. All subtests for these two channels
have 20 items (5 emotions X 4 items) except for the prosodic nonemotional sub-
test, which has 16 items.
Blonder, Bowers, and Heilman (1991) included two lexical tasks in a study
incorporating the FAB. The tasks were comprised of 56 verbal sentence de-
scriptors of nonverbal expressions (face, voice, and gesture; e.g., "tears fell from
her eyes" and "she laughed") and comprehension of 75 emotional sentences (e.g.,
"you were delighted by the bonus"). The latter task contains no words describ-
ing facial, prosodic, or gestural signals and contains three levels of inferential
complexity (denotations, words and phrases associated with particular emotions,
and contextual cues requiring inferences).
The FAB and the two lexical tasks were administered (Blonder, Bower, &
Heilman 1991) to ten RBD (M = 64.1 years), ten LBD (M = 59.6 years), and
ten normal control (NC) (M = 63.2 years) right-handed adults. Right brain-
damaged subjects showed deficits in discriminating and matching facial emotion,
identifying and discriminating emotional prosody, and identifying sentences
depicting nonverbal expressions. The FAB has also been administered to
Alzheimer's disease patients (Cadieux & Greve, 1996), who showed some
deficits, and to a global aphasic patient with a large left hemisphere lesion (Bar-
rett et al., 1999), who showed preserved performance on nonverbal affect recog-
nition tasks.
Related studies. Lalande et al. (1992) examined verbal and prosodic emotional
perception in unilateral right (N = 12, M = 61.8 years) and nonaphasic left (N =
10, M = 58 years) stroke patients and in 16 NCs (M = 61 years). Six emotions
were studied (joy, anger, fear, disgust, surprise, and sadness), and 36 taped
phrases were used for all tasks. For the verbal contextual task, neutrally intoned
phrases were presented auditorily. For the pure prosody task, hummed phrases
with emotional intonation were presented auditorily (e.g., "propulsive growling,"
"whining," and "screaming"). For single-channel tasks, an identification para-
digm was used. For the cross-modal task, a discrimination paradigm was used;
18 phrases were presented in a content-concordant tone, and 18 were discordant.
Hemisphere-specific deficits were reported, with RBDs impaired on the pure
prosody and cross-modal tasks and LBDs on the verbal contextual task.
88 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
Cicone, Wapner, and Gardner (1980) studied the perception of positive emo-
tions (happiness, surprise-glee, excitement, and/or love) and negative emotions
(i.e., sadness, disgust, fear, and anger) in facial expressions, verbal/phrasal de-
scriptors, and pictorial scenes. Six emotions were used per task, and a multiple-
choice recognition paradigm was employed with both verbal and pictorial for-
mats. Subjects were 18 LBD patients (M = 49 years) and 21 RED patients (M =
58 years) of various etiologies. Demographically matched and age-matched con-
trol subjects were ten hospital patients being treated for non-neurological illness.
A second group of control subjects included 13 bifrontal leukotomy patients (M =
55 years). Although LBDs showed a selective deficit for linguistic stimuli, RBDs
demonstrated a reduction in emotional sensitivity across channels.
Expression
Prosody
pression for which one positive and three negative scenarios are used to elicit re-
sponses. The posed repetition tasks include 12 stimuli in each of three conditions
(words, monosyllables [e.g., "ba"], and asyllables [e.g., "aaahhhhhhhh"]). The
comprehension tasks include 24 stimuli for identification across three conditions
(words, monosyllables, and asyllables) and for discrimination across one condi-
tion (filtered words). For the identification tasks, subjects are required to select
one of six choices presented as line drawings of faces with verbal labels. For the
expression tasks, Ross has developed extensive procedures for computer-assisted
acoustical analysis (e.g., Ross, 1997; Ross, Edmondson, & Seibert, 1986; Ross
et al., 1987). Trained judges also rate the posed voice recordings for affective
category and for intensity. Ross's battery has been used to determine the
relationship between aprosodic syndromes (e.g., sensory aprosodia and motor
aprosodia) and neuroanatomical sites via template mapping of brain lesions for
functional-anatomical correlations (Gorelick & Ross, 1987; Ross, 1981). Find-
ings from the work of Ross and colleagues have suggested that anterior portions
of the right hemisphere are important for the production of emotional prosody,
whereas posterior regions of the right hemisphere are important for the compre-
hension of emotional prosody.
Emotional situations/scenes
Related study. In a study by Meadows and Kaplan (1994), autonomic and sub-
jective responses to emotional and neutral slides (Buck, 1978) were evaluated in
12 RBD subjects (M = 63.2 years) and nine LBD subjects (M = 64.6 years) with
cerebrovascular accidents and in 25 NC subjects (M = 55.8 years). The com-
munication channel utilized in this study (i.e., "scenes") employed emotionally
charged scenarios or scenes. The psychophysiological measures were skin con-
ductance and heart rate, and subjects were required to identify the content of each
slide and rate their subjective experience on a 9-point Likert pleasantness scale.
Although the groups did not differ in subjective ratings, the RBDs showed a sig-
nificant reduction in autonomic arousal as measured by skin conductance.
ity). Procedures are described for the evaluation of prosodic expressions, via
trained raters, for both valence and pitch (on a 7-point Likert scale). For per-
ception, each identification subtest contains the four expressions mentioned
above. There are 20 items for facial and prosodic emotion and 16 items for line
drawings of emotional scenes (e.g., a child opening a Christmas gift). The BEEC
was administered to unilateral stroke patients (who were relatively acute) (28
RBDs and 18 LBDs [M = 62.5 years]) and to 20 NCs (M = 62.4 years) and was
studied with respect to computed tomography scan lesion localization and
aprosodic syndromes (Cancelliere & Kertesz, 1990). Results did not reveal dif-
ferences as a function of lesion side, but lesion site differences were observed,
with deficits most prominent for basal ganglia, anterior temporal, insula, and peri-
sylvian regions.
for spontaneous facial expressions, and by Borod et al. (1996) for spontaneous lex-
ical expression. (See also Tabert et al. [1997] for a word error-type analysis of the
posed lexical expression data). Emotional experience is evaluated via Likert-scale
self-report measures of intensity and accuracy after each monologue.
The perception measures of the NYEB were administered to 11 RED stroke
patients (M = 67.1 years), 10 LBD stroke patients (M = 63.2 years), and 15 NC
adults (M = 64.8 years) (Borod et al., 1998). On identification measures, RBDs
were significantly impaired relative to LBDs and NCs across all three channels;
for discrimination measures, no group differences emerged. In a follow-up study
focusing on language deficits, Cicero et al. (1999) found that the performance of
LBDs with language deficits was facilitated, whereas the performance of RBDs
was suppressed on the emotional sentence identification task. In addition, parts
of or adaptations of aspects of the NYEB have been used in Borod's laboratory
to study emotional communication in temporal lobe epileptics (Santschi-Hay-
wood et al., 1996,1997), hemiparkinson's disease patients (St. Clair et al., 1998),
and healthy normal adults across the lifespan (Grunwald et al., 1999), and to ex-
amine the recovery of emotional functioning after stroke.
Related studies
Hornak, Rolls, and Wade (1996} examined emotional facial and prosodic per-
ception, subjective experience, and behavior in brain-injured patients with postin-
jury histories of socially inappropriate behavior. Patients had either head injury
or stroke; there were 12 patients with ventral frontal lobe damage (M = 41.4
years) and 11 with nonventral (e.g., parietal or basal ganglia) damage (M = 47.4
years). For facial perception, the emotions used were happiness, surprise, anger,
disgust, fright, sadness, and neutrality; for prosodic perception, the emotions used
were contentment, puzzlement, anger, disgust, fright, sadness, and neutrality. The
prosodic paradigm involved nonverbal expressions (e.g., "ugh" and "yuck" for
disgust) rather than emotionally modulated speech to make it easier for brain-
injured patients to process. To evaluate experience, a subjective emotional change
questionnaire was used. To evaluate "behavior," a questionnaire was used in-
volving a range of behavioral problems (e.g., disinhibition) occurring in social
milieus. A member of the patient's rehabilitation team completed the question-
naire. There was a positive correlation between the degree of altered emotional
experience and the severity of behavioral problems. The use of both subjective
and objective measures of emotion enables a more refined examination of pro-
cessing mode relationships and has implications for clinical rehabilitation. The
focus of this work (Hornak, Rolls, & Wade, 1996) was on caudality rather than
laterality. Results demonstrated that the ventral patients were more impaired than
the nonventral patients on the perceptual and experiential measures.
Weddell (1994) examined the effects of subcortical lesion site on emotional
expression and perception. Subjects were 10 patients with damage to structures
92 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
of the third ventricle (M = 43.5 years), 61 patients with focal cerebral lesions
(M = 50.7 years; 27 RBDs and 24 LBDs), and 15 non-brain-damaged patients
with spinal cord lesions. For expression, both spontaneous and posed facial ex-
pressions were elicited and evaluated via the Facial Action Coding System (Ek-
man & Friesen, 1978). Spontaneous expression included both positive and neg-
ative responses (Weddell, Trevarthen, & Miller, 1988); posed expressions
included happiness, anger, disgust, and surprise (Weddell, Miller, & Trevarthen,
1990). For perception, facial, prosodic, and lexical channels were evaluated via
emotional and neutral-content sentences and utterances; emotions included hap-
piness, sadness, anger, surprise, and neutrality. In addition, a recognition mem-
ory paradigm (Weddell, 1989) was used for the facial channel. Finally, behavior
was assessed with a semistructured interview that focused on social-emotional
behaviors, appetitive disturbances, and psychiatric symptoms. In general, patients
with hypothalamic damage exhibited appetitive disorders; patients with cerebral
lesions, especially right medial temporal involvement, demonstrated impaired
emotional recognition; and patients with frontal and basal ganglia damage dis-
played impoverished facial emotional expression.
Cohen, Riccio, and Flannery (1994) reported a case study of a 16-year-old girl
with a unilateral right-hemisphere basal ganglia embolic stroke that used multi-
ple channels and modes. For perception, the patient was administered a test in-
volving the identification of emotional gesturing via videotape, emotional
prosody in audiotaped sentences, and a combination of gesturing and prosody.
The emotions used were happiness, sadness, and anger. For expression, the pa-
tient was required to intone sentences and to imitate prosodically intoned sen-
tences; expressions were evaluated for appropriateness by two independent raters.
The measures were administered immediately after the stroke and again 4 months
later. During both assessments, the patient was able to comprehend emotional
gestures and prosody but showed a deficit in expressing emotional prosody. Pro-
cedures for the evaluation of gestural communication have been previously de-
scribed by Ross (1985, 1997) for clinical examination and by Blonder et al. (1995)
in an experimental paradigm.
In another study examining unilateral hemispheric pathology (in hemi-
parkinson's disease [HPD]), Blonder, Gur, and Gur (1989) evaluated the ex-
pression of emotional prosody and the perception of emotion across three chan-
nels. There were 14 right HPDs (M = 61 years), 7 left HPDs (M = 62 years),
and 17 NCs (M = 62.4 years). For the expressive task, subjects were required
to make and imitate semantically neutral sentences in five different emotional
tones (happiness, puzzlement, anger, sadness, and neutrality). These expressions
were subsequently rated for intensity and/or accuracy. For perception, subjects
were required to identify emotions conveyed by facial expressions (Ekman &
Friesen, 1975), intoned neutral sentences, and semantically emotional sentences.
Assessment of Emotional Processing 93
Nonemotional control tasks for the prosodic (e.g., receptive linguistic prosody
[Weintraub, Mesulam, & Kramer, 1981]) and facial ( e.g., identification of fa-
mous faces) channels were included to control for cognitive and perceptual
deficits (e.g., visuospatial deficits for the facial channel) commonly seen in
Parkinson's disease. Although there were expressive and receptive emotional
deficits for HPDs relative to NCs, there were no differences as a function of lat-
erality, suggesting bilateral involvement in emotional processing at the subcor-
tical level. To our knowledge, this was the first study to examine emotional pro-
cessing in HPD.
An evaluation of Parkinson's disease conducted by Scott, Caird, and Williams
(1984} involved 28 patients with Parkinson's disease (M = 63 years) and 28 el-
derly NCs (M = 70 years). Perception was evaluated in two channels, and ex-
pression was evaluated in one. For expression, prosodic production of a single
emotion (i.e., anger) via a brief sentence was examined and scored for accuracy.
For perception, matching tasks containing several facial and prosodic emotional
stimuli were administered. Overall, the Parkinson's disease patients were im-
paired relative to NCs in expressing and perceiving emotion.
Finally, we conclude with a study by Borod et al. (1990) that examined emo-
tional expression and perception in 20 Parkinson's disease patients (M = 65.7
years), 19 unilateral right-sided stroke patients (M = 63.5 years), psychiatric pa-
tients (i.e., 20 schizophrenic [M = 39.1 years] and 12 unipolar depressive [M =
56.4 years]), and 21 NCs [M = 56.9 years]). An experimental affect battery was
used to examine the perception and expression of facial and prosodic emotion.
As emotional valence was a focus of this study, three positive emotions (happi-
ness, pleasant surprise, and interest) and four negative emotions (anger, sadness,
fear, and disgust) were assessed across all tasks. For expression, subjects were
required to pose, facially and prosodically, these emotions to oral command.
Video and audio recordings of the expressions were later evaluated by naive
judges for emotional intensity, category accuracy, and valence accuracy. For per-
ception, both identification and discrimination paradigms were used, involving
photographs of facial emotion (Ekman & Friesen, 1976) and intoned neutral-con-
tent sentences (e.g., "fish can jump out of the water"; Tucker, Watson, & Heil-
man, 1977). Reliability data were provided for the tasks—interrater agreement
for expression and internal consistency for perception. Schizophrenics showed
the most impairment in expressing and perceiving emotions, followed by RBDs
and Parkinson's disease patients, then by unipolar depressive patients, with NCs
showing the least impairment. Borod et al. (1990) examined relationships be-
tween facial and prosodic channels and between expressive and perceptual pro-
cessing modes. Although there were positive associations between facial and
prosodic channels, measures of perception and expression were less strongly
correlated.
94 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
EMOTIONAL EXPRESSION
Elicitation Procedures
Evaluation Procedures
and intensity (for review, see Borod, 1993a). Subjects' expressions are recorded
(via audio, video, and/or transcription procedures) and then evaluated by judges
who are naive to the characteristics of the patients. It is essential to train the judges
and to establish a high degree of interrater reliability. The following references pro-
vide examples of rating procedures frequently used, by channel: facial channel—
Blonder et al., 1993; Borod et al., 1988; Kolb & Taylor, 1990; Malatesta & Izard,
1984; Oster, Hegley, & Nagel, 1992; Weddell, Miller, & Trevarthen, 1990; prosodic
channel—Banse & Scherer, 1996; Borod et al., 1990; Ross, 1997; Sobin & Alpert,
1999; lexical channel—Bloom et al., 1990, 1992; Borod et al., 1996; Cimino et al.,
1991; and gestural channel—Blonder et al., 1995; Ross, 1997. Some investigators
have developed rating procedures that are standardized across multiple channels
(Borod et al., 1990; Canino et al., 1999).
There are also a number of techniques for quantification of features related to
each of the communication channels: muscle action units for the facial channel
(Facial Action Coding System [Ekman & Friesen, 1978] and the Maximally Dis-
criminative Facial Movement Coding System [Izard, 1983]); acoustical parame-
ters (e.g., frequency, duration, pitch, and amplitude) for the prosodic channel
(Alpert et al., 1989; Martz & Welkowitz, 1977; Ross et al., 1987; Shapiro &
Danly, 1985; Welkowitz, Bond, & Zelano, 1990); and discourse and word analy-
sis (e.g., length, frequency, structure, and grammatical type) for the lexical chan-
nel (Bloom et al., 1994; Davitz, 1964; Tabert et al., 1997). For a review of com-
puterized voice analysis software (i.e., Computerized Speech Laboratory,
CSpeech, and Sound Scope), see Bielamowicz et al. (1996).
CONCLUSION
In summary, several tests have been developed recently to assess emotional pro-
cessing in brain-damaged individuals. In their current state, these measures are
best regarded as research tools. Although these tests and batteries hold consid-
erable promise, much more work needs to be done if they are to be used in the
clinical setting.
Assessment of Emotional Processing 97
Currently, these batteries and procedures have both conceptual and method-
ological limitations. From a conceptual perspective, there is the issue of construct
validity. Many tasks/inventories have been developed, yet few provide both con-
vergent and divergent evidence for construct validity. Furthermore, most studies
have been performed by the authors of the particular tests. Data from diverse lab-
oratories are important to provide validating evidence. In addition, large-scale
studies of normal persons and a range of patient populations are needed to allow
meaningful evaluation of the performance of an individual patient. Another type
of validity that needs to be addressed is ecological validity because "the scores
derived from such tests may have little bearing on the patient's ability to function
in his or her environment or society" (Sbordone, 1996, p. 16). With regard to fu-
ture work in this area, investigators might want to borrow from the literature on
functional communication (e.g., Borod et al., 1989; Holland, 1980; Sarno, 1969)
and social skills training (e.g., Brozgold et al., 1998; Mueser et al., 1996); they
have dealt with ecological validity in perhaps a more direct fashion and have de-
veloped measures that can be used in more naturalistic settings. In general, test
validity depends on three elements: content, criterion-related, and construct va-
lidity. Although these principles have typically been central to the development
of tests within the cognitive domain, attention to such procedures should also help
to clarify and refine the meaning of various aspects of emotional processing.
From a methodological perspective, the measures reviewed here need consid-
erable work with respect to psychometric features (e.g., standardization, norms,
and reliability). Several emotion tests do provide substantive information about
the psychometric properties of the procedures used. These tests focus on a sin-
gle channel and on a single processing mode and thus were not reviewed above.
One is a test of facial emotion identification, using standard slides (Ekman &
Friesen, 1976), developed by LeFever (1988) for use with normal adults. A sec-
ond is a facial emotion discrimination task developed by the Gurs and colleagues
for use with normal (Erwin et al., 1992), depressed (Gur et al., 1992), and schiz-
ophrenic (Heimberg et al., 1992) individuals. The third is a prosodic emotion
identification task (Emotional Perception Test) that has been normed for children
(Allen, personal communication, 1998) and for adults across the lifespan (Green,
1996). To move beyond a single channel and mode, in our own work on the
NYEB, we are currently establishing reliability for both perception measures
(Borod et al., in press) and expression measures (Canino et al., 1999) across mul-
tiple channels, and we are developing norms across the lifespan.
An interesting area for future research entails the use of emotional stimuli in
neuropsychological evaluations of cognitive functions (e.g., attention via the
Emotional Stroop Task [Williams, Matthews, & McLeod, 1996] and memory via
the Affective Auditory Verbal Learning Test [Snyder & Harrison, 1997]). In ad-
dition, such procedures may allow researchers to unravel the interplay and in-
terdependence between cognitive and emotional processes. Bartolic et al. (1999)
98 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
recently demonstrated that cognitive processing (i.e., fluency) associated with the
frontal lobes can vary as a function of dysphoric mood induction (figural flu-
ency, right hemisphere) versus euphoric mood induction (verbal fluency, left
hemisphere). For discussions that explore the relationship between cognition and
emotion, see Oschner and Schacter (Chapter 7, this volume) and Adolphs and
Damasio (Chapter 8, this volume).
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This project was supported, in part, by NIMH grant MH42172 to Queens College, by PSC-CUNY
Research Award 668268 to Queens College, and by the Natural Sciences and Research Council of
Canada. We are grateful to Jack Nitschke for his helpful comments on this manuscript.
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5
Neuroimaging Approaches to the
Study of Emotion
BACKGROUND
106
Neunoimaging Approaches to the Study of Emotion 107
tions in healthy controls, allowing for more direct testing of hypotheses con-
cerning normal and abnormal neural mechanisms. Studies with these techniques
have confirmed and refined some of the earlier models of how the brain regu-
lates mood and emotion. Functional neuroimaging, however, a field with im-
mense promise, is still in its infancy. Regardless of the imaging method used,
most modern functional imaging studies applied to understanding emotion have
one of the following basic approaches.
1. Single-case study. The classic single-case method involves finding a pa-
tient with a brain lesion who has some disorder related to emotion (e.g., patho-
logical crying). With functional and structural imaging, one then attempts to un-
derstand how the brain regions that were damaged produce this disorderly change
in behavior.
2. Between-group analysis. With between-group analysis, one images a group
of subjects who have a mood disorder and compares them with one or two groups
who vary on an important emotional feature or who were chosen to represent
different ends of a continuous feature. For these analyses to work, attention must
be paid to the activity at the time of the scan and whether there were differences
between groups in the performance of this behavior (commonly used is an au-
ditory continuous performance task). Also, because the sizes and shapes of dif-
ferent brains vary widely, attempts must be made to account for the differences
in brain size for group comparisons. One approach is to measure activity in brain
regions on each individual scan, typically guided by a template or magnetic res-
onance image (MRI) of the subject, and then compare (called a region of inter-
est analysis). Alternatively, one can transform and reshape (called stereotacti-
cally normalizing) the images into a common brain space. The most common
brain atlas used in functional neuroimaging is the Talairach atlas (Talairach &
Tournoux, 1988). The most popular method of normalizing brain scans into
Talairach Space is the statistical software package Statistical Parametric Map-
ping developed by Karl Friston and colleagues at the Hammersmith Hospital
(currently at the National Hospital for Neurological Diseases at Queen's Square)
(Friston et al., 1989, 1990).
3. Within-group analysis. In the within-group method, one commonly per-
forms functional imaging on a group with a disorder of mood or emotion before
and after a change in state (e.g., depressed patients before and after medication
treatment). With nondiseased populations, subjects are imaged at rest and then
during an emotional task, commonly either a mood state induced neuropsycho-
logically or pharmacologically, or while performing a task related to processing
emotion. Again, with this method one must transform the functional brain maps
into a common space and then attempt to examine changes before and after and
then reason back to the role of key brain region changes as a function of the be-
havior, treatment, or state change. Designing carefully constructed activation par-
adigms in which the control condition accounts for everything but the behavior
108 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
in question is challenging but vitally important (George, Ketter, & Post, 1994;
Haxby et al., 1991; Ring et al., 1991) (see discussion below as well).
4. Within-individual analysis. The faster, nonradiation-based techniques like
echoplanar blood oxygenation level-dependent (BOLD) functional MRI now al-
low for rapid acquisition of many brain images within an individual. For exam-
ple, in the most common protocol in our laboratory, we acquire an entire brain
volume every 3 seconds continuously over 6 minutes, generating 120 separate
volumes of brain function. By subtly changing activity across these 6 minutes,
one can test, within an individual, for regional brain changes associated with a
specific behavior or emotion. This within-individual ability then eliminates the
need for pooling of data across different individuals in a common brain space.
Certainly functional imaging is not limited to these paradigms or statistical
analysis methods. The near future will likely see many more complex and dy-
namic uses of functional imaging to explore the regional brain basis of mood dis-
orders and emotion. For example, several research groups have developed MRI
sequences that can image regional brain perfusion without requiring paramag-
netic contrast agents (serial perfusion MRI scanning) (Bohning et al., 1996,
1997b; Schwarzbauer, Morrisey, & Haase, 1996; Warach et al., 1994; Ye et al.,
1996). Thus, unlike functional neuroimaging with single photon emission com-
puted tomography (SPECT), positron emission tomography (PET), and tradi-
tional radioligands, MRI perfusion scanning is free of the yoke of radiation, al-
lowing for repeated scanning as well as for scanning in previously excluded
populations like healthy children. This technological advance will likely expand
functional imaging from the binary pretreatment/post-treatment, snapshot mode
of investigation commonly used today into a more dynamic serial tool able to
provide longitudinal analyses of regional brain changes. This serial scanning abil-
ity will perhaps result in a shift of the language used in imaging studies from
"on, off" and "ill, well" to the language of "half-lives" and directions and "vec-
tors of change." We would argue that these new tools are shedding light on how
different brain regions coordinate normal emotions and how regional brain dys-
function might cause mood dysregulation resulting in clinical depression and
mania.
Another important imaging development that will likely reshape functional
neuroimaging research into emotion is the new ability to noninvasively stimu-
late brain tissue with powerful hand-held electromagnets, a field called tran-
scranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) (George, Lisanby, & Sackeim, 1999b;
George, Wassermann, & Post, 1996c). One of the more profound difficulties with
functional neuroimaging is determining whether a signal observed on an image
is related to a behavior or disease in question. Noninvasive but direct stimula-
tion of brain regions in awake human subjects while measuring changes in be-
havior or emotion is an important advance in emotion research. Later in this chap-
Neuroimaging Approaches to the Study of Emotion 109
ter we discuss several of the initial pilot studies using TMS to induce mood
changes in healthy controls as well as in patients with depression. Furthermore,
we describe developments in merging the new technology of transcranial mag-
netic stimulation with conventional neuroimaging. Combining transcranial mag-
netic stimulation with neuroimaging is an important new chapter in the evolu-
tion of the understanding of brain function, particularly the neural correlates of
emotion (George et al., 1999c).
Several other concepts and caveats are important to bear in mind when assess-
ing functional imaging studies. First, psychiatric conditions in general, and emo-
tion research in particular, challenge researchers and clinicians to simultane-
ously integrate information from multiple conceptual levels to explain and
understand these processes and illnesses. Models of mood and emotion regula-
tion must account for genetic factors of disease susceptibility and temperament
while also integrating knowledge about the effects of family, cognitive, and
pharmacological therapies. Functional neuroimaging studies focus attention at
the level of regional neuroanatomical defects. Obviously, this is not the total
answer or method to understanding mood-related illnesses or even normal mood
regulation in health. Eventually, modern psychiatry and psychology must inte-
grate knowledge from diverse conceptual levels to fully understand the com-
plexity of such behaviors as "emotion" and such neuropsychiatric conditions as
"mood disorders."
Second, understanding the distinction between overt brain structural abnor-
malities and brain dysfunction is critical in conceptualizing mood regulation
and dysregulation. In the 1860s, the British neurologist John Hughlings Jack-
son noted that abnormal brain function is not always associated with aberrant
brain structure (Jackson, 1874). When dealing with patients with focal epilepsy,
he noted that even when brain structure was grossly normal, abnormal seizure
discharges could cause behaviors to temporarily disappear (e.g., the ability to
move an extremity) or even bring out emergent properties (e.g., hallucinations
or auras) (Jackson, 1873; Jackson & Stewart, 1899). Thus, problems in behav-
ior (or function) could exist in the setting of grossly normal structure. In pri-
mary mood disorders, visually apparent structural abnormalities are generally
absent in most individuals, although studies of groups of mood disorder patients
have revealed structural differences in the prefrontal and temporal cortices (see
Robinson & Manes, Chapter 10, this volume). Therefore, mood disorders, like
primary generalized epilepsy (which lacks macroscopic cerebral lesions), may
belong to a class of neuropsychiatric diseases with abnormal brain activity de-
I I0 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
Neuroscience operates under the assumption that behavioral events are mediated
by neuronal events. This assumption is part of the larger assumption that char-
acterizes modern science—that all events have physical causes (as opposed to
nonmaterial causes, like ghosts, goblins, or souls). What follows from this is that
every event occurs within a chain of events; every cause has a cause of its own.
Notwithstanding the difficulties involved in determining that some neuronal ac-
tivity is actually part of the causal chain of the behavior rather than being merely
correlated with it (see, for example, the later discussion of TMS), there is still
the problem of the appropriate level on which to assign causality. Often within
the field of neuroscience, one assumes that a behavior is caused by some struc-
tural and/or functional problem with some neuronal group. For that behavior that
has as its cause a neuronal event, however, we may still consider the cause of
that neuronal event. Consider the causal chain: John pokes Mary, setting off a
neuronal event that results in Mary's behavior of becoming angry. What is the
cause of Mary's anger, the neuronal event or John's poking at her? The issue at
stake is the appropriateness of stopping at the neuronal group in the chain of
causality. The limitations we have in how to control behavior (i.e., where we can
intervene in the causal chain) may help to answer this question, but at this point
Neuroimaging Approaches to the Study of Emotion 11 I
In contrast to CT and traditional MRI, which image the structure of the brain, sev-
eral techniques have been developed recently with the power to look at brain Junc-
tion. As discussed above, brain structure does not equal function, and vice versa
(Jackson, 1873; Taylor, 1958). That is, structural brain damage, such as a tumor,
can produce either obliteration of the function normally subserved by that portion
of the brain, or it can heighten the function of that portion of the brain (e.g., in the
case of a seizure discharge [Jackson, 1874]). Additionally, one can have normal
brain structure (at least to the limit of current technology) and have markedly ab-
normal function (i.e., areas of the brain that are normal structurally but are "off
line" functionally). This commonly occurs following cortical strokes where the
contralateral cerebellum is hypofunctional on PET or SPECT images even though
it is structurally intact, a phenomenon referred to as cerebellar diaschisis (George
et al., 1991). We now review these functional imaging tools (Table 5.1).
Quantitative Electroencephalograms
arises from the combined activity of brain neurons, at the level of the skull. The
patterns of electrical activity over different brain regions reflect brain activity.
EEG is temporally very precise (on the order of milliseconds) but is spatially
very poor, even with many surface leads or electrodes. Furthermore, in addition
to being spatially crude at the brain surface, it is unclear where the majority of
the brain activity arises that comprises the EEG pattern. Several studies have
now attempted to examine the relationship between surface EEG activity and
regional brain activity (Parekh et al., 1995; Wheeler, Davidson, & Tomarken,
1993). Because of the problems with spatial resolution, many researchers have
largely ignored EEG as an investigative probe. Several researchers, however,
have used complex techniques to quantify the EEG patterns (quantitative
EEG [qEEG]) and are using this as a tool for the study of emotion (Davidson,
1994; Leuchter et al., 1997; see also Davidson & Henriques, Chapter 11, this
volume).
SPECT involves the peripheral injection into a vein of a radiotracer, which then
travels into the brain and is deposited into neurons and glia (George et al.,
1991). The gamma rays (or photons) that these radiotracers emit are then de-
tected by rotating cameras and reconstructed into a three-dimensional image.
Different SPECT radiotracers bind to brain structures and have different half-
lives, which determine when the image can be acquired. A popular current
tracer is 99mTc-hexamethyl propylene amine oxide (HMPAO), which distrib-
utes to the brain in a fashion roughly equivalent to blood flow (Devous et al.,
1986; Ell, Cullum, & Costa, 1985). The tracer can be injected when the patient
is anywhere in the hospital or in a research laboratory and then "sets" within
the active brain regions within the next 2-5 minutes. Patients can then be trans-
ported to the nuclear medicine suite for actual image acquisition. If necessary,
tranquilizing medications can be given to sedate the patient for scanning that
will not affect the actual image acquired, as the perfusion pattern has already
been deposited. This ability to inject while subjects are away from the nuclear
medicine suite and outside of the actual camera makes SPECT imaging par-
ticularly useful for studying diseases such as epilepsy or mania or for inject-
ing tracer in naturalistic settings for emotion activations. As reviewed above,
those areas of the brain that are more active demand either more blood flow
(the basis of perfusion SPECT, 15O PET, and echoplanar BOLD fMRI) or more
glucose (the basis of fluorodeoxyglucose [FDG] PET) (Sokoloff, 1977, 1978).
Functional images thus change as a result of alterations in brain activity due
to differences in the subjects' behavior during the scan.
Migliorelli, Starkstein, and colleagues have used SPECT injections in acutely
Neuroimaging Approaches to the Study of Emotion 1 15
manic patients who could not have been scanned without sedation (which would
then unfortunately affect the functional image). They injected the tracer into
the manic subjects when the subjects were away from the camera, and the tracer
deposited in the brain. They were then able to sedate the subjects so that they
could sit still for the scanning uptake without affecting the picture of brain ac-
tivity, which reflected activity during the moments around injection. Consis-
tent with a valence model of mood regulation, Migliorelli, Starkstein, and col-
leagues have found relative right temporal hypoactivity during mania
(Migliorelli et al., 1993) (see also Robinson & Manes, Chapter 10, this vol-
ume). Recently in our laboratory at the Medical University of South Carolina,
we used this ability of SPECT perfusion imaging to be injected when away
from the camera to image brain activity while subjects were being stimulated
with TMS over the left prefrontal cortex (George et al., 1999d; Stallings et al.,
1997). Because of a concern that the presence of a TMS coil within a PET or
SPECT camera might produce an artifact, we were able to stimulate when away
from the camera and still image brain activity at that moment (Fig. 5.1) . This
study demonstrates the possibility of perhaps using TMS to activate discrete
neural circuits involved in emotion and then image the brain activity using
SPECT.
Figure 5.1. Perfusion SPECT results from eight healthy adults. The maps represent brain
regions that were significantly different in activity from baseline to the task condition in
which subjects were receiving intermittent high-frequency TMS over the left prefrontal
cortex. The areas of peak significance (P < 0.01) are mapped onto a rendered MRI. Dur-
ing stimulation, there is decreased activity at the coil site and in the cingulate gyrus (top).
There was increased activity in the brain stem during stimulation.
I I6 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
Blood flow
Positron emission tomography involves the peripheral injection of radiotrac-
ers that, when they degrade, emit positrons. These are highly unstable particles
that travel a short distance and then collide with an electron. This reaction re-
leases two photons travelling in exactly the opposite direction (180° apart). These
photons are then detected by rotating cameras outside of the head and computer
reconstructed. In PET, as opposed to SPECT, the cameras are instructed to in-
clude for final analysis only those particles that are recorded simultaneously in
a camera and in its 180° counterpart (called coincidence detection), thus enabling
a more precise reconstruction of exactly where the photon originated. This, in
general, gives PET a higher image resolution than SPECT (see Table 5.1). Most
PET imaging in normal and pathological moods has been done with labeled glu-
cose (18FDG) or oxygen (15O) in the form of water. These compounds have to
be produced in a nearby cyclotron, which adds greatly to the cost as well as lim-
its the availability of these types of scans. Additionally, both PET and SPECT
offer the possibility of imaging more selective pharmacological systems in the
brain with specific radiotracers. Examples with SPECT include dopamine re-
ceptors (George et al., 1994b; Ring et al., 1992), acetylcholine receptors, and
benzodiazapine receptors with flumazenil. To date, PET studies with specific lig-
ands have imaged dopamine, opiate, and acetylcholine receptors. PET radiotrac-
ers have also been made by attaching a labeled carbon to various neuroactive
compounds such as labeled deprenyl or fluoxetine. PET 15O image acquisition
takes approximately 1-5 minutes, with FDG requiring on the order of 30 min-
utes. Thus, the differences between SPECT and PET are simply in their use of
different tracers (photons, SPECT; positrons, PET) and cameras (photon colli-
maters, SPECT; coincidence detection, PET). The need for nearby production of
positron-emitting tracers will likely continue to make PET more expensive and
less available than SPECT. Advances in camera design may allow combined
PET/SPECT cameras or SPECT cameras that can create metabolic images with
FDG.
15
O PET has been used frequently in studies designed to elucidate the brain
basis of emotion. 15O deposits in the brain within 2-5 minutes in proportion to
blood flow and then quickly washes out, leaving no radiation, so that another
scan can be performed 12 minutes later with another injection. Depending on the
camera and safety limits, one can acquire 12 or more separate scans in an indi-
vidual within a 2-hour imaging session.
Using this technique, Pardo, Pardo, and Raichle (1993) initially found that left
anterolateral prefrontal cortex activity increases when subjects are asked to think
sad thoughts. As an added task at the end of a scanning session, subjects were
asked to close their eyes and imagine a sad event. This initial study suffered from
Neuroimaging Approaches to the Study of Emotion 117
the lack of a control task with a memory component. Shortly thereafter, work in
our own laboratory with 11 healthy adult women demonstrated that transient sad-
ness is associated with increased activity in the left anterior cingulate, left me-
dial frontal cortex, and the anterior temporal lobes bilaterally (George et al.,
1995a) (Fig. 5.2). We employed a combined method of inducing the mood state
neuropsychologically by having the subjects recall a personal emotional event
and then having them examine mood-appropriate faces during 15O injection. The
control task involved the subjects remembering a neutral event and examining
neutral faces. Others have now replicated and expanded on this work (Lane et
al., 1997). Interestingly, the brain regions activated vary not only as a function
of the mood (happy, sad, neutral) but also by how the mood state was achieved
(Reiman et al., 1997). In general, emotional states achieved when subjects recall
affectively laden past events involve more of the hippocampus, whereas exter-
nally generated emotions (e.g., with films, videos, or pharmacological challenges
like procaine) are more likely to involve the amygdala.
Following up on our initial findings of sadness induction in adult women, we
explored potential sex differences in the brain regions activated during emotional
states. Men are less likely than women to experience disorders of mood or anx-
iety. We thus wondered if sex differences exist in the ability to self-induce tran-
sient emotional states (sadness or happiness) and also if regional cerebral blood
Figure 5.2. Statistical parametric maps of brain regions in 11 healthy adult women. Re-
gions were activated during a state of self-induced transient sadness (P < 0.01 for dis-
play). Note the activity in the medial prefrontal cortex and other anterior paralimbic struc-
tures. SPM, statistical parametric mapping; VAC, anterior commisure; VPA, posterior
commisure.
I I8 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
flow (rCBF) would differ between men and women either at rest or during tran-
sient emotional states. In a follow-up study, we scanned ten adult men and ten
age-matched women, all healthy and never mentally ill, with PET and H215O at
rest and during happy, sad, and neutral states self-induced by recalling affect-
appropriate life events and looking at happy, sad, or neutral human faces (George
et al., 1996a). There were no differences between men and women in the sub-
jective ratings of difficulty, effort required, or degree of happiness or sadness in-
duced. Women activated a significantly wider portion of their limbic system than
did men during transient sadness, despite similar changes in mood. Although men
self-induced transient emotional states to the same degree as women, women had
more extensive rCBF changes than men (eight times as many voxels) in anterior
limbic regions during transient sadness. The reason for these sex differences in
rCBF, both at rest and during the transient emotional states, remains unclear. Po-
tential sex differences with respect to emotion are, however, important and should
be kept in mind in most functional imaging studies (Baxter et al., 1987; Shay-
witz et al., 1995).
15
O PET can also be used to examine how our brains understand the emotional
content of the external world. For example, important clues about the emotional
states of others are conveyed in noncontent aspects of speech, referred to as
prosody. In collaboration with Drs. Heilman, Bowers, and Bauer of Florida, we
designed an 15O PET study of 13 healthy volunteers. These subjects activated
bilateral prefrontal cortex (left more than right) when listening for the emotional
prepositional content of a sentence. In contrast, when listening to the same set
of sentences but responding based on the emotional prosodic content, they acti-
vated the right prefrontal cortex and insula. The results of this first PET study
of emotional prosody agree with those in a substantial lesion and neuropsycho-
logical literature that implicates right lateralization of prosody (George et al.,
1996b).
Metabolism
In addition to measuring blood flow, PET can be used to measure the meta-
bolic activity of the brain by tagging glucose with a radiotracer (typically
18
FDG) and calculating how much of this tracer deposits in the brain. Like
SPECT perfusion tracers, FDG can be infused away from the actual PET cam-
era, allowing some flexibility. Because of the uptake time of 20-30 minutes
and the long half-life, however, FDG PET is not an ideal instrument for acti-
vation studies, although some have used paired FDG in selected instances in
which one scan serves as a baseline for comparison with a task in the second
scan (Bremner et al., 1996; Wu et al., 1992). More typically, FDG PET has
been used as a baseline measure to compare across groups of mood-disordered
subjects (Baxter et al., 1985, 1989).
Neuroimaging Approaches to the Study of Emotion I19
susceptible to artifacts in areas where brain is near air, such as the air in the mas-
toid sinus. This is a perplexing problem with this technique in the study of the
brain basis of emotion. Newer imaging sequences and the use of coronal slices
has largely eliminated this susceptibility artifact; however, BOLD fMRI still re-
quires precise on/off task cycling, which may be difficult in studies of induced
emotions. The newest advances in BOLD fMRI are the use of a single event to
generate the signal, which may expand this technique's use in emotion research
by eliminating the need for on/off tasks as well as the concerns about movement
during the task (for a general overview of this area, see Davidson & Irwin, 1998).
Figure 5.3. The relationship between global brain activity and mood state is complex,
with several earlier reports indicating a positive correlation between global brain activity
and mood (more activity in mania). Using the new technique of perfusion functional MRI,
we have been directly addressing this issue. Shown are the global perfusion rates in the
middle of the brain (horizontal line) (open squares) as a function of mood state.
clinical ratings. These pilot studies, with a novel noninvasive technology that
permits measurement of absolute brain perfusion, are perhaps yet another win-
dow into the brain of BPAD subjects, allowing for the first time serial assess-
ment of the regional brain changes associated with mood cycling. This advance
hopefully will allow better examination of regional brain changes over time and
of how they relate to clinical symptoms.
Another recent technological development that will likely impact heavily on the
field of functional imaging and emotion research is TMS. With the ability to non-
invasively activate neurons, TMS offers the promise of overcoming the formidable
barrier of the skull, with real-time noninvasive probing and testing of neuronal cir-
cuits and behavior. Transcranial magnetic stimulation uses the principle of induc-
tance to convey electrical energy across the scalp and skull without the painful side
effects of direct percutaneous electrical stimulation (for reviews, see George,
Lisanby, & Sackeim, 1999b; George, Wassermann, & Post, 1996c). It involves
placement of a small coil of wire on the scalp and a very powerful current passing
through it (Barker, Jalinous, & Freeston, 1985; Roth et al., 1991; Saypol et al., 1991).
A magnetic field is produced that moves unimpeded through the tissues of the head.
The magnetic field, in turn, induces a much weaker electrical current in the brain.
The shape of the electromagnet coil is important because different coil shapes
produce different magnetic fields (Cohen et al., 1990; Murro et al., 1992). The
main differences are in the size and focality of the magnetic field. For instance,
so-called butterfly or eight-shaped coils consist of two loops of windings that in-
tersect in the middle. The magnetic field is maximal at the intersection and weaker
elsewhere. This allows fairly focal stimulation of the brain and has allowed the
technique to be used for cortical mapping (Bohning et al., 1997a; Pascual-Leone,
Grafman, & Hallett, 1994; Pascual-Leone et al., 1995; Roberts et al., 1997; Wasser-
mann et al., 1992; Wilson, Thickbroom, & Mastaglia, 1993). The stimulators and
coils in production today develop about 1.5-2 Tesla at the face of the coil and are
able to activate neurons 1.5-2 cm from the surface of the coil in the cortex (Ep-
stein et al., 1990). Activation of neurons deeper in the brain may be possible with
solid-core coils, formed by coiling wire around a bar of a paramagnetic material
such as iron (Davey, Cheng, & Epstein, 1991; Weissman, Epstein, & Davey, 1992),
Neuroimaging Approaches to the Study of Emotion 123
Armed with a general understanding of the choice of imaging tools, one can now
understand why different techniques are better suited for investigating different
aspects of mood or emotion. Regardless of the imaging tool, there are several
common problems that confront all researchers in this area. We discuss them
briefly here.
126 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
Figure 5.4. Statistical parametric maps of regional brain changes in eight healthy adults
undergoing split-dose FDG PET. In the task condition, subjects received low-frequency
TMS over the left prefrontal cortex. Compared with the control state, global brain me-
tabolism significantly dropped during the prefrontal TMS, which was not seen in a par-
allel study with sham TMS over the same region. Note the decreases in normalized ac-
tivity at the coil site, in the medial prefrontal cortex, and in the contralateral medial
temporal cortex.
For any imaging study, measuring emotion is a thorny issue. One main problem
is whether sampling disturbs the mood or emotion. That is, too frequent sam-
pling of a subject's self-rated mood might interfere with the mood induction pro-
cedure. This issue is discussed in more detail elsewhere in this volume. The other
issue is how to integrate psychophysiological measurements like heart rate and
skin conductance into the imaging laboratory. In some environments, such as a
SPECT study in a psychophysiology laboratory, this is trivial. In other situations,
such as with an MRI scanner, this is very complex.
Just as measuring the emotion under study is difficult, it is not easy to deter-
mine the baseline for comparison with the emotional state. For studies with both
healthy and mood-disordered individuals, the comparison is simple. In activation
studies, however, the appropriate baseline is sometimes difficult to achieve. Even
when comparing two groups, the choice of what mental task to have individuals
Neuroimaging Approaches to the Study of Emotion 127
focus on is also important. In general, groups now have subjects engage in a mod-
erately difficult task, like an auditory continuous performance task, during "base-
line scans." This ensures that the subjects are awake and alert and that the differ-
ences that are detected are less likely to have arisen from different cognitive tasks
during the scan. This area is not settled, however, and there is no true consensus.
In general, imaging studies that build on hypotheses generated from other ap-
proaches (lesion studies, brain stimulation, the Wada procedure, and tachisto-
scopic studies) are the most straightforward. The statistical analysis can be lim-
ited to the region under question with a region of interest analysis. When
researchers begin to perform more exploratory studies, however, both the choice
of appropriate study design and the proper statistical analysis becomes less clear.
Depending on the question, one can choose an event-related study (inject tracer
during acute anxiety) or a block design (scan before and after an intervention or
task, regardless of the subjective emotion).
A particularly perplexing problem within the field of functional imaging in-
volves how to appropriately test for statistical significance within or between
groups when numerous brain are compared. With limited comparisons and
hypothesis-driven questions, traditional statistical analyses suffice. Once brain
activity has been pooled and normalized into a common brain space, however,
how can one effectively perform an exploratory analysis that accounts for the
total number of comparisons (typically on the order of thousands)? An entire new
branch of statistics has arisen within the field of functional imaging to deal with
these thorny issues (Friston et al., 1990, 1994). Much as each of the separate
imaging tools has particular advantages and disadvantages for a particular ques-
tion, there are numerous approaches to statistical analysis. Common approaches
to reduce the number of total comparisons involve smoothing of the data (thus
decreasing the independence of each pixel and decreasing the total number of ef-
fectively discrete regions) (Friston et al., 1994), restriction of the initial search
to key regions, or division of the group in half and two separate analyses, with
the first half being exploratory in nature and the second half potentially con-
firming the results in the first half (Fox & Mintun, 1989). All approaches have
their relative advantages and disadvantages.
Functional imaging has recently evolved into a complex area with multiple tech-
niques for investigating brain function. Within the past 20 years, the field has gone
from having only one functional imaging tool (EEG) with poor spatial resolution
I 28 BACKGROUND AND GENERAL TECHNIQUES
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Dr. George thanks NARSAD, the Stanley Foundation, NIAAA, NIDA, Dupont Pharma, Dantec In-
ternational, Picker International, Solvay, Jansenn, and Lilly for financial support of many of the imag-
ing projects discussed.
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Ye, F.Q., Pejar, J.J., Jezzard, P., Duyn, J., Frank, J.A., & McLaughlin, A.C. (1996). Per-
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Ill
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
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6
KLAUS R. SCHERER
Although one occasionally encounters the position that organisms are always
emotional, only more or less so, a sizeable number of emotion psychologists
stress the episodic nature of emotion (Ekman, 1992a; Frijda et al., 1991; Scherer,
1993). The fundamental assumption of this position is that a noticeable change
in the functioning of the organism is brought about by some triggering event,
which can be external (such as the behavior of others, a change in a current sit-
137
I 38 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
1
In this sense, Zajonc's insistence (1986) on the independence of affective preferences from "cog-
nitive" processing does not appear to be very pertinent for theories of emotion.
Table 6.1. Design Feature Delimitation of Different Affective States*
BRIEF DEFINITIONS EVENT APPRAISAL RAPIDITY BEHAVIORAL
OF AFFECTIVE STATES INTENSITY DURATION SYNCHRONIZATION FOCUS ELICITATION OF CHANGE IMPACT
some terms has created semantic constructs that are less than optimal for exact
scientific description. The use of a clearly identified design feature approach, as
exemplified in Table 6.1, seems to be more promising in the long run.
Plato's suggestion that the soul has a tripartite structure, composed of the sepa-
rate and opposing areas of cognition, emotion, and motivation, has influenced
philosophers and psychologists for over two millennia. Aided by the "faculty"
doctrines of eighteenth and nineteenth century philosophy, the urge to postulate
separate systems for cognition, emotion, and motivation has been a near-constant
source of controversy in the psychology of emotion (Hilgard, 1980). This ancient
debate has been revitalized in recent years under the name of "cognition-emotion
debate" (Lazarus, 1984a,b; Leventhal & Scherer, 1987; Zajonc, 1980, 1984a,b).
Fifty years after Plato formulated the doctrine of the tripartite soul, Aristotle ar-
gued for the impossibility of such a separation and for the assumption of an in-
teraction between the different levels of psychological functioning (Fortenbaugh,
1975). Echoing Aristotle, many modern theorists are trying to overcome think-
ing in separate systems and to highlight the interwovenness of cognitive, moti-
vational, and emotional processes.
William James's revolutionary suggestion (1884) that the emotion is the per-
ception of differentiated bodily changes, specific for each emotion, has had a
mixed impact on emotion psychology. While it catapulted the study of emotion
to the forefront of the concerns of the young science of psychology at the time,
it also led to a number of enduring confusions and quite sterile cul-de-sacs in re-
search. As mentioned above, if one focuses on feeling as one of the components
of emotion and as a reflection of what is happening in other components or modal-
ities, James's suggestion that emotion is equal to feeling, as determined by the
patterning of expressive and physiological reactions, is certainly acceptable, at
least in part, to many modern psychologists. However, James' use of the term
emotion, thereby referring to the complete process, including antecedent evalu-
ation, while addressing only one component of the reaction, has muddled the is-
144 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
sue. James himself became aware of this problem later and added that the bod-
ily changes were determined by the overwhelming "idea" of the significance of
the elements of a situation for the well-being of the organism (James, 1894,
p. 518; see Scherer, 1996, pp. 282, 291-292).
The issue was further complicated by Schachter (1970), who proposed a the-
ory of emotion that has dominated the textbooks for the last 30 years. Because
there was little evidence for James's postulate of highly differentiated response
patterning for specific emotions, Schachter suggested that an increase in general
arousal would be sufficient to render the organism attentive to an emotion being
experienced and to engage the organism in cognitive interpretations of the envi-
ronment to find suitable emotion labels as justification for the increased arousal.
Although this scenario might well happen under certain circumstances, it is highly
improbable that this is the typical pattern for emotional processes. Consequently,
the scenario is hardly a sufficient basis for a theory of emotion. Yet Schachter
and Singer's ingenious experiment (1962), which has yet to be clearly replicated,
plus Schachter's persuasive argumentation have maintained the popularity of this
peripheral theory until quite recently.
These examples show to what extent the "giants" of the past have influenced
theorizing and debate in emotion psychology and still do so today. They also in-
dicate the necessity for current and future theorists to distance themselves from
these early influences and to reevaluate the degree to which conceptualiza-
tions dating back hundreds of years provide a reasonable basis for present-day
theorizing.
Although there are several criteria with which to categorize the many current con-
ceptualizations of emotion, the criterion of differentiation seems one of the most
useful. Current emotion theories differ greatly with respect to both the number of
emotions the theory is expected to explain and the principles that are evoked for
the differentiation. In the following discussion, the currently used models are clas-
sified into four categories to highlight the principles that seem common to the re-
spective approaches. Although there is obviously some variance between the mod-
els within each category, it is suggested that between-category variance is quite
a bit larger than the within-category variance. It should be noted that both cate-
gorization and labeling are the result of the author's personal analysis of the bulk
of theoretical work and may not be shared by other theorists.2
2
In this discussion, the terms theory and model are used interchangeably and generously (in the
sense that some of the approaches mentioned might fall short of the requirements for a theory in the
full-fledged sense).
Psychological Models of Emotion 145
Dimensional Models
Unidimensional models
Proponents of unidimensional models, while acknowledging the existence of
a multitude of fine distinctions between emotional states bearing different names,
are convinced that one dimension is sufficient to make the important analytic
distinctions. Depending on the theorist, this dimension is activation/arousal or
valence, respectively. The idea that the major difference between emotional states
is the relative degree of arousal from very little to very much was quite influen-
tial when general arousal models in physiology were popular. A pertinent ex-
ample is the work of Duffy (1941), who is frequently cited as having advocated
the abolishment of the term emotion in favor of the adoption of a continuum of
terms to denote general excitation. Although such activation or arousal dimen-
sion models (with low versus high excitation poles) are no longer used much,
the fundamental idea still permeates some of the theorizing and research in the
area.
Many early psychologists argued that the pleasantness-unpleasantness dimen-
sion was the most important determinant of emotional feeling. This approach
holds that the most important principle for emotion differentiation is valence,
ranging from a bad, disagreeable, or unpleasant pole to a good, agreeable, or
pleasant pole. This dimension allows one to distinguish between negative and
positive emotions, a distinction that is intuitively appealing because it not only
captures what is generally seen as the most important dimension of feeling but
also reflects the two fundamental behavioral orientations of approach and avoid-
ance (Schneirla, 1959). The distinction between positive and negative affect has
been highly popular in sociopsychological treatments of emotional and affective
states (e.g., Diener & Iran Nejad, 1986; Isen, Niedenthal, & Cantor, 1992) and
it is currently one of the most accepted criteria for studying affect and mood
states in social psychology, particularly social cognition (Clore & Parrot, 1991;
Forgas, 1991; Schwarz, 1990) and personality. In the latter area, the idea of in-
dependent positive and negative dimensions, as in the so-called PANAS model
(positive and negative affect scales) (Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988) is in-
creasingly popular.
Multidimensional models
One of the first suggestions for a multidimensional system was made by Wundt
(1905), who advocated the use of both introspective and experimental methods,
using physiological measurement, to study emotional feeling. He proposed that
the nature of the emotional state was determined by its position on three inde-
pendent dimensions: pleasantness-unpleasantness, rest-activation, and relax-
ation-attention. This three-dimensional model had a strong impact on early emo-
146 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Circuit models
Circuit models, committed to a neuropsychological approach to emotion, sug-
gest that the number of fundamental emotions and their differentiation are de-
termined by evolutionarily developed neural circuits. The first such attempts to
demonstrate emotional circuits in the brain were made by Cannon (1927), Papez
(1937), and Arnold (1960). More recently, the two most prominent protagonists
of this tradition have been Gray (1990) and Panksepp (1982, 1989).
3
Evidence for a circumplex arrangement (Russell, 1980, 1983) is difficult to establish unequivo-
cally because the spatial arrangement resulting from proximity analyses depends strongly on the se-
lection of appropriate labels or expressions. Thus, one can demonstrate that by choosing a large ar-
ray of verbal labels, one can fill the complete two-dimensional space with clouds rather than
circumplex donuts (Gehm & Scherer, 1988; Scherer, 1984b).
Psychological Models of Emotion 147
Among the most popular conceptualizations of the nature of emotion have been
theories suggesting the existence of basic or fundamental emotions such as anger,
fear, joy, sadness, and disgust. The theorists in this tradition suggest that, during
the course of evolution, a number of major adaptive emotional strategies devel-
oped (this is similar to the claims of circuit models). These strategies are thought
to consist of a limited number, generally between 7 and 14, of basic or funda-
mental emotions each of which has its own specific eliciting conditions and its
own specific physiological, expressive, and behavioral reaction patterns. Thus,
Plutchik (1962, 1980) has proposed a set of basic emotions according to funda-
mental, phylogenetically continuous classes of motivation as identified by etho-
logical research (Scott, 1969).
Many of the discrete emotion models are derived from Darwin's The Expres-
sion of Emotion in Man and the Animals (1872/1998). In this ground-breaking
work, Darwin used a number of major emotion terms in the English language as
chapter headings and demonstrated for each of these their functionality, evolu-
tionary history, the universality across species, ontogenetic stages, and cultures.
The theorist most responsible for the application of Darwin's seminal work to
psychology was Tomkins (1962, 1963, 1984), who extended Darwin's theoriz-
ing to argue that a number of basic or fundamental emotions could be conceived
of as phylogenetically stable neuromotor programs. Although Tomkins did not
describe the nature of these programs in detail, the assumption was that specific
eliciting conditions (which Tomkins sought in different gradients of neural fir-
ing) would automatically trigger a pattern of reactions ranging from peripheral
physiological responses to muscular innervation, particularly in the face (which
Tomkins considered as the primary differentiating effector system).
This concept has been popularized by two scholars strongly influenced by
Tomkins, Ekman and Izard, who extended the theory and attempted to obtain
pertinent empirical evidence, particularly with respect to early ontogenetic onset
of the discrete emotion patterns (Izard, 1994; Izard et al., 1980, 1995), the dis-
crete patterning of prototypical facial expressions for a number of basic emo-
148 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
tions, and the universality of these patterns (Ekman 1972, 1973, 1980, 1992b,
1994; Ekman et al., 1987; Izard, 1971,1990, 1994; Levenson et al., 1992). Given
the limited number of such basic or discrete emotions, theorists in this tradition
have had to postulate a mechanism of emotion mixing or blending to explain the
large variety of emotional states that are popularly described by laymen and po-
ets alike. In recent years, both Ekman and Izard have elaborated their theoreti-
cal ideas to account for both the large variety of emotional states (thus Ekman
[1994] talks about "families of emotion") and the effects of the environment and
culture on emotional development (Izard, 1994).
Given that the works of Tomkins, Izard, and Ekman have been responsible for
the renaissance of work on emotion in post-war psychology, which was first dom-
inated by behaviorism and then by cognitivism, much of present-day emotion
psychology is in one way or another strongly influenced by the assumption of
discrete fundamental emotions. Obviously, this idea is strongly supported by the
existence of verbal labels with a very high frequency of usage, such as anger,
fear, sadness, and joy, which serve to describe overarching concepts or proto-
types.
Lexical models
The structure of the semantic fields of emotion terms has often been used as
the basis for model building in emotion psychology. The basic assumption is that
the wisdom of the language somehow will help the theoretician to discover the
underlying structure of a psychological phenomenon. Although it is debatable
whether the denotative and connotative structures of the emotion lexicon in a
particular language will neatly map to psychophysiological processes that are
largely unconscious, this type of emotion modeling is intuitively appealing be-
cause it activates common cultural interpretation patterns. One such approach has
been suggested by Oatley and Johnson-Laird (1987), focusing on goal structures.
Ortony, Clore, and Collins (1988) performed a structural analysis of the emotion
lexicon in order to demonstrate the underlying semantic implicational structure.
A different approach was used by Shaver and colleagues (1987), starting from
work on conceptual structure (Rosch et al., 1976), to illustrate different levels of
generality in the classification of emotional states. They used the method of clus-
ter analysis to produce trees of emotion terms with differential degrees of gen-
erality. It is not always clear in the writings of the theorists in this tradition
whether they are mostly interested in understanding the labeling of emotional
states by lay persons, including the accompanying prototypical schemata, or
whether they intend to extend the theoretical modeling to the emotion mecha-
nism as a whole.
Psychological Models of Emotion 149
Componential Models
Theorists of componential models start with the assumptions that emotions are
elicited by a cognitive (but not necessarily conscious or controlled) evaluation
of antecedent situations and events and that the patterning of the reactions in the
different response domains (physiology, expression, action tendencies, and feel-
ing) is determined by the outcome of this evaluation process. Although theorists
in this tradition share these fundamental assumptions, their ideas diverge rather
significantly with respect to both the conceptualization of emotion differentia-
tion and the number of major emotions thus predicted.
One of the most restrictive of the componential models is that of Lazarus
(1991). Together with Arnold (1960), Lazarus pioneered the notion of subjective
appraisal, including the significance of an event for an organism and its ability
to cope with the event, on the nature of the ensuing emotion (Lazarus, 1968,
1991). In his most recent modeling, Lazarus postulates a "theme"-based approach,
which argues that a limited number of fundamental themes in appraisal generate
a limited number of major emotions. While more explicitly modeling the elici-
tation process, this idea rejoins some of the fundamental assumptions of the dis-
crete emotion theories, reviewed above.
At the other extreme of the componential models is the component process
model proposed by Scherer (1982, 1984a,b, 1993), which assumes that there are
as many different emotional states as there are differential patterns of appraisal
results. Other theorists in this tradition (e.g., Ellsworth, 1991; Frijda, 1986, 198
Roseman, 1984; Roseman, Wiest, & Swartz, 1994; Smith, 1989; Smith &
Ellsworth, 1985; Smith & Lazarus, 1993) represent intermediate positions. Al-
though these theorists generally do not endorse the idea of a small number of ba-
sic emotions, they tend to agree that there are overarching emotional prototypes
or families. Thus, Scherer (1987, 1994) has suggested the concept of modal emo-
tions, defined as frequently occurring patterns of appraisal or event types that are
I 50 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
As is often the case in science, none of the classes of theories can be considered
completely erroneous. Because the proponents of these theories are able to muster
theoretical and empirical support for their claims, it is likely that each of the
models captures and explains at least some aspects of reality. When comparing
competing theories, one must determine exactly which of the many aspects of
reality are highlighted by the respective theories and to what extent these aspects
can be mapped onto each other given their relationships in reality. It seems use-
ful to compare models with respect to their major focus. In doing so, it is ap-
propriate to consider the need to rely on verbal labels of emotion to describe the
phenomena to be modeled, something that all emotion models have in common.
The bases of verbal labels of emotional states are the changes in conscious
subjective feeling states. Although the feeling states may reflect all the changes
characterizing an emotion process in all of the organismic subsystems, verbal la-
bels often represent only a salient part of those changes, those that reach aware-
ness (see Kaiser & Scherer, 1997). In many cases, this process of becoming aware
of a change and labeling it may be restricted to individual emotion components.
For example, the term tense, which is frequently used as an affect descriptor,
seems to refer almost exclusively to a special tonic state of the somatic nervous
system, the striated musculature. If a certain set of terms is preferred in one the-
ory of emotion and another set of terms with different referents in terms of com-
ponent coverage is preferred in another theory, it is not surprising to find dis-
agreements between the theories. It can be argued that because of this and related
reasons the different classes of theories mentioned above tend to focus on dif-
ferent components of the emotion process.
Table 6.2 presents the unique profiles of each class of emotion model with re-
spect to its main focus and to the way in which it deals with elicitation and re-
Psychological Models of Emotion 151
The issue of what determines whether an emotion is elicited and which kind of
emotion will ensue can be approached from two different vantage points, an ex-
ogenous one, involving external events and situation changes outside of the or-
ganism or behaviors of self and others, and an endogenous one, based on the ac-
tivation of memorized schemata or neurohormonal changes within the organism.
The exogenous point of view has been receiving renewed attention since the
pioneering work of Arnold (1960) and Lazarus (1968) on the important role of
the subjective appraisal of an event in emotion differentiation. Since the mid-
1980s, many psychologists have proposed appraisal models of emotion
(Ellsworth, 1991; Frijda, 1986; Oatley & Johnson-Laird, 1987; Roseman, 1984;
Scherer, 1984a,b, 1986; Smith & Ellsworth, 1985), postulating that organisms
evaluate events and situations in a number of given dimensions with the result
of the appraisal process determining the nature of the ensuing emotion. This area
has shown some remarkable convergence among the different appraisal theories
that have received very strong and consistent support in experimental work de-
signed to test the predictions (for a detailed review of this tradition, see Scherer,
1999).
One of the major criticisms leveled against appraisal theory is its presumed
cognitive bias. Critics, however, have offered little with respect to alternative ex-
planations of the elicitation and differentiation of the vast majority of emotional
episodes. Appraisal theorists do not deny that emotions and particularly other af-
fective states (as defined in Table 6.1) can be caused by other mechanisms, for
example, the endogenous factors discussed below. Appraisal theorists have
pointed out (Leventhal & Scherer, 1987; Scherer, 1984a) that the emotion-
antecedent evaluation process can occur in a highly automatic fashion (for a dis-
cussion of the distinction between controlled and automatic processing, see
Shiffrin & Schneider, 1977) and in a largely unconscious way. The idea of
emotion-antecedent appraisal occurring at different levels of the central nervous
system (e.g., the sensorimotor, schematic, or conceptual level) has been proposed
I 54 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Much of the research on the psychology of emotion has been concerned with the
patterns of changes in motor expression, physiology, and subjective feeling (the
reaction triad described above). With respect to physiology and expression, one
of the major goals has been to demonstrate empirically the specificity of pat-
terning. As discussed earlier, many of the psychological models described in this
chapter require at least some degree of specificity. The discrete emotion models
are located at one extreme of the specificity debate, suggesting a rather high de-
gree of neuromotor and neurophysiological patterning. It has generally been the
work of the proponents of these models (such as Ekman, Davidson, Levenson,
and Izard) that has yielded empirical results showing a fairly high degree of
emotion-specific patterning. With respect to expression, the fact that judges are
reliably able to decode patterns of facial and vocal expressions of emotion pro-
duced by trained encoders (Ekman, 1984, 1992b; Scherer, 1989) suggests that
the assumption of specificity of patterning, even though somewhat difficult to
establish for actual facial movements (Gosselin, Kirouac, & Dore, 1995) or
acoustic features (Banse & Scherer, 1996), remains viable. Because similar
Psychological Models of Emotion 155
to focus on the interaction between cognition and emotion rather than trying to
separate the two. The phenomena of particular interest to this new research are
the effects of implicit or unconscious processing (Kihlstrom, 1987; Mathews et
al., 1989; Niedenthal, 1990). Although most of this research has been driven by
the valence-oriented dimensional theories, one might expect interesting findings
from experiments in which other emotion conceptualizations are used to influ-
ence cognitive functioning. The specific effects of anger on cognitive pro-
cessing, for example, are almost part of the popular lore. Clearly, research into
hot cognition is a promising meeting point for emotion psychologists and
neuropsychologists.
CONCLUSIONS
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7
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience
Approach to Emotion and Memory
In the movie Blade Runner, a woman named Rachel discovers that what she has
always believed to be her most poignant childhood recollections are not her mem-
ories at all. Rachel learns that she is an artificially created, genetically engineered
entity known as a replicant She is physically indistinguishable from ordinary
humans, and her psychological identity is based on memories taken from the life
of her creator's niece. But if the personal past revealed in her recollections is
imaginary, then who is Rachel? How can she think about herself in the present
or plan for the future unless there is a past self to serve as a point of departure?
As one of us put it recently, "Memory's usefulness does not lie in its ability
to replay the details of our lives with total accuracy, but in its power to recreate
and sustain the important emotional experiences of our lives" (Schacter, 1996a).
For Rachel, memories of childhood were certainly not accurate in the conven-
tional sense, but they did provide her with an essential backdrop against which
her present experiences could be evaluated. This backdrop is as essential for us
as it is for replicants because memories, be they real or artificial, are an essen-
tial means of grounding our emotional lives; indeed, the behavior and reactions
of replicants without a personal history was childlike and unpredictable, and they
experienced life not as a coherent flow of comprehensible experience, but as a
series of unexpected actions, consequences, and potential threats. This fictional
example serves to illustrate that recreating emotional experiences is an essential
163
I 64 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
means of making sense of who we were in the past, who we are now, and who
we might become in the future (Ross & Conway, 1986).
In this chapter, we examine how emotion influences memory by exploring the
functional role that the appraisal and encoding of emotional experiences, and sub-
sequent recall of them, plays in everyday life. Rachel's story illustrates the im-
portance of recalling emotional events for defining the self. But certainty of self
is only one functional end that memory of the emotional past makes possible.
Recalling significant events serves current goals and can aid in the regulation of
moods, can motivate current actions, and can be used to predict the consequences
of future ones.
Traditional approaches to the question of how emotion influences memory
have framed the issue in absolute terms, asking whether emotion makes mem-
ory better or worse, whether emotional memories are indelible, whether pleasant
or unpleasant experiences are recalled more readily, or whether emotion pro-
motes memory for central or peripheral detail (e.g., Bradley, 1994; Christianson,
1992; Conway, 1997; Matlin & Stang, 1978). From our perspective, the answer
to each of these questions would include an important qualifier: it depends (see
also Ochsner & Schacter, in press). We include this qualification because, as we
will argue, the exact manner in which emotion influences memory cannot be
specified without reference to how, in a specific situation, memory of one's emo-
tional reactions serves a specific goal.
In this context, emotion is viewed as a process that identifies significant per-
sons, objects, or events (e.g., Frijda, 1986; Lazarus, 1991) and readies appropri-
ate responses to them. Emotions are therefore constructions based on current,
contextually bound evaluations of personal significance and are not enduring
properties of stimuli; the bully I fear today I might embrace tomorrow if I dis-
cover that he is a blood relative. Remembering an emotional experience is also
a constructive process, but one that involves appraisal with respect to past events
rather than current ones, and is similarly shaped by the significance of a given
memory to one's current goals and desires. To say that emotional appraisal or
that remembering is constructive is not to say that the construction process is al-
ways conscious or deliberative; in fact, as we argue below, in both cases con-
struction first involves the operation of quick and automatic processes, with more
deliberative processes coming into play only if need be. Therefore, to understand
the relationship between emotion and memory, we need to understand two kinds
of constructive processes and their interaction: (7) how we determine what is
emotionally significant; (2) how we encode, store, and retrieve information; and
(3) how the former guides the latter. Encoding and retrieval of explicit memory
for specific emotional, and primarily nontraumatic, life episodes are the focus of
this chapter (for an excellent review of the effects of moods on cognition and
judgment, see Bower & Forgas, 1999; for a review of the research and theory
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 165
concerning memory for especially traumatic events, see Conway, 1997; for a re-
view of emotion and implicit memory, see Tobias, Kihlstrom & Schacter, 1992).
Lazarus, 1991). Each emotion thus results from appraisals of different kinds of
self-relevance: At turns, we might be sad if we think about the possible irrevo-
cable loss of a loved one from illness, angry if we attribute responsibility for this
outcome to a doctor's failure to give proper care, or hopeful if we feel that the
medical care might result in a cure (Lazarus, 1991).
Although theorists differ in their specifications of which emotions result from
which types of appraisal, most theories specify that appraisal involves the oper-
ation of fast, automatic, and mainly nonconscious processes, as well as conscious
and more deliberate ones (Frijda, 1986; Lazarus, 1991; Ohman, Flykt, & Lundq-
vist, 1999; Zajonc, 1998). The fast and automatic processes seem adapted to mak-
ing a quick bottom-up evaluation of a stimulus in terms of its valence, indicat-
ing that it is good or bad, to be approached or avoided. The slower and more
deliberate processes involve memory retrieval and reasoning to counteract, aug-
ment, or reshape the more diffuse bottom-up signals. Both steps in the appraisal
process can influence what is encoded and later remembered, and we consider
the contributions of each in turn.
If benefits the rabbit to be able to identify the hungry fox as quickly as possible.
Indeed, the more quickly an organism can determine if an event or object should
be approached or avoided, the more likely that organism is to survive (David-
son, 1992). Evolutionary survival pressures have served us well: There is good
evidence that merely looking at a stimulus leads to evaluation of it, and once a
stimulus is identified as emotionally self-relevant, it may be difficult to ignore
(Ohman et al., 1999).
Studies of the automatic evaluation effect indicate that bottom-up perception
of a stimulus may reflexively activate information in memory about its affective
properties, thereby providing the first source of information about how to re-
spond to it (Bargh et al., 1992). In these studies, subjects judge the valence of a
target word that has been preceded by a prime word of similar or different va-
lence. Speeding or facilitation of this judgment for prime-target pairs that have
similar valence appears to occur automatically and has been found across a va-
riety of conditions that vary awareness of the prime-target relation (e.g., Bargh
et al., 1992; Fazio, Sambonmatsu, Powell, & Kardes, 1986).
Emotional information also attracts and holds attention, as revealed by stud-
ies employing the emotional Stroop paradigm. In the standard Stroop task, sub-
jects must attend to the color of a word and ignore its identity; the task is diffi-
cult because the relatively automatic process of reading the word interferes with
the relatively controlled process of naming its color. In the emotional Stroop par-
adigm, it takes longer to name the color of emotional stimuli than it takes to
name the color of neutral stimuli, and this difference is taken to reflect a per-
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 167
ceptual bias favoring the automatic encoding of affective information (for re-
view, see Williams, Mathews, & MacLeod, 1996). In a prototypical experiment,
Pratto and John (1991) found that normal subjects took longer to name the col-
ors of positive and negative words than it took them to name the colors of neu-
tral words, suggesting that attention was indeed captured by the emotional sig-
nificance of these stimuli. What is positive or negative may differ from person
to person, however, depending on their current goals and concerns. Consistent
with this suggestion, Riemann and McNally (1995) found interference effects
only for emotionally valenced words that were relevant to topics of current con-
cern to their subjects (as assessed by pre-experimental questionnaires). Impor-
tantly, emotion-specific interference effects may disappear when clinical symp-
toms go into remission (Matthews et al., 1995), suggesting that it is the emotional
salience of words specific to the presence of the disorder—not just greater ex-
perience with these words—that underlies the interference effects.
The ability of emotional, and especially threatening, information to attract and
hold attention may help explain why people tend to recall best information that
is most relevant to extracting the affective significance of a stimulus (often re-
ferred to as central details), causing memory for other kinds of information (of-
ten referred to as peripheral details) to suffer. Thus, for example, Loftus and
Burns (1982) found that subjects who watched a videotape of a staged bank rob-
bery in which the escaping robbers shot a small boy in the face had impaired
memory for the events immediately preceding the attack compared with subjects
who viewed a tape in which the robbers simply ran past the boy. This phenom-
enon is sometimes referred to as "weapon focus" in which witnesses to an ac-
tual or simulated crime tend to recall information about the weapons at the ex-
pense of other details about the setting and (Loftus, Loftus, & Messo, 1987).
It is possible that information central to appraising a stimulus is remembered
more accurately simply because subjects look at it longer. A series of studies by
Christianson et al. (1991) suggest, however, that improved memory for emotional
information can occur even when the amount of viewing time for emotional and
neutral information is equated. In studies with either tachistoscopic presentations
or records of eye movements and fixation duration to equate looking time across
emotional and neutral slides, memory was consistently more accurate for infor-
mation central to the content of a set of emotional images. It seems that more
information per unit time can be extracted about central, emotional details, and
heightened attention to these details may be the mechanism that facilitates this
process.
way. But in many instances, we need more information about the events we are
reacting to, including why they have happened. For example, suppose you are
bumped roughly while waiting in line at the supermarket. Your quick appraisal
might be negative, perhaps initiating a rush of anger, but it would be smart to
check this reaction if you realize that the bump was accidental, was not a threat,
and was not intended to cause harm. Drawing inferences about the nature of our
feelings in light of additional inferences about the causes of the events that elicited
them, including the intentions and motivations of others, enables us to have
greater complexity of emotional experience and expression (Lazarus, 1991; Stein,
Wade, & Liwag, 1997).
Although there is debate about exactly which parts of the appraisal process (or
which kinds of appraisals) are conscious and controlled as opposed to noncon-
scious and automatic, it seems clear that making inferences about causality and
intentionality relies on the look-up of information in memory (Lazarus, 1991;
Zajonc, 1998). Depending on the emotion elicited, different emotion-specific
scripts or schemas will be accessed, each of which specifies what kinds of in-
formation are important to identify and evaluate (Lazarus, 1991). This knowl-
edge then can be used effortfully to guide attention to the emotionally relevant
internal (e.g., feelings, goals, and plans) and external (e.g., goal-relevant actors
and events) stimuli specific to a given situation (Lazarus, 1991; Stein, Wade, &
Liwag, 1997). In contrast to early accounts of emotion, which suggested that
arousal results in a global disruption of attentional control (Easterbrook, 1959),
this approach suggests that emotion directs attention in a specific way: Schema-
relevant information will be noted and remembered well, whereas schema-
irrelevant information will not be noted and will be remembered poorly (Levine
& Burgess, 1997; Stein, Wade, & Liwag, 1997).
For most emotional schemas or scripts, the actions of others are more relevant
than their appearance. Thus, people recall actions more often than the appear-
ance of perpetrators of real (Yuille & Cutshall, 1986) or simulated (Clifford &
Scott, 1978) attacks and recall themes better than perceptual detail in films de-
picting either a bank robbery or a boy being hit by a car (Christiansen & Lof-
tus, 1987). Studies that have compared memory for central and peripheral details
generally have found increased memory for central, thematic, and appraisal-
relevant information, including weapons (Burke, Heuer, & Reisberg, 1992; Lof-
tus et al., 1987). It is possible that "weapon focus" may result in part from an
effortful direction of attention.
Although schemas may help guide attention to important information, they
may also limit our ability to draw accurate inferences about the causes of oth-
ers' behavior. One way this can happen is when schema-guided encoding leads
us to fill in missing or unattended information as an emotional event unfolds.
Thus, we may recall feelings, motivations, and reactions that were inferred and
not stated explicitly (Heuer & Reisberg, 1990). The need to fill in information
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 169
& Felman-Barrett, in press, for complete discussion; see also Reiman, Lane,
Ahern, Schwartz & Davidson, 1996). Support for the existence of a separate pro-
cessing pathway for the quick affective evaluation of objects and events comes
primarily from studies of conditioned emotional responses and functional neu-
roimaging studies of responses to emotional stimuli. In extensive research with
rats, LeDoux and colleagues have shown that learning to associate a light or a
tone with the fearful anticipation of a shock requires only a direct and fast con-
nection between a sensory organ and the amygdala, and the connection can com-
pletely bypass a longer route that sensory percepts take through the neocortex
(see LeDoux, 1995). Research measuring classic conditioning of galvanic skin
responses in humans has also indicated that the amygdala is necessary for learn-
ing to associate aversive physical states with specific visual stimuli (LaBar,
LeDoux, Spencer, & Phelps, 1995).
In humans, functional neuroimaging studies and studies of patients with brain
damage have shown the amygdala to be linked to the encoding of emotional in-
formation. For example, amygdala lesions will disrupt recognition of the emo-
tions conveyed through facial expression, especially fear (e.g., Adolphs et al.,
1994; Calder et al., 1996; for review of lesion studies, see Borod, 1992), and fear
but not happy faces activate the amygdala, even when presented subliminally
(Whalen et al., 1998). Similarly, amygdala activity measured during presentation
of an emotional story has been found to be highly correlated with greater sub-
sequent recall of the emotional elements of the story (Cahill et al., 1996), whereas
patients with degenerative decay of the amygdala show impairments in their mem-
ory of these elements (Cahill et al., 1995). The selective importance of the amyg-
dala for encoding emotional memories also has been demonstrated by studies of
amnesic patients with an intact amygdala. Such patients can acquire affective
preferences for music (Johnson, Kim, & Risse, 1985), can develop valenced at-
titudes toward people based on their experience with them (Johnson, Kim, &
Risse, 1985), and can acquire conditional fear responses (Bechara et al., 1995)
even though they cannot consciously remember their experiences with these var-
ious sorts of stimuli. Release of the neurotransmitter norepinephrine within the
amygdala appears to be the mechanism by which the amygdala "stamps" in emo-
tional memories, as shown by the memory-impairing effects of drugs that block
norepinephrine in animals and humans alike (Cahill et al., 1994; McGaugh &
Cahill, 1997). LeDoux (1995) has suggested that a neural "significance code" is
quickly computed and stored by the amygdala and may provide a template for
further, more complex stimulus evaluation.
The system responsible for this more complex and deliberative control of af-
fective appraisals seems to involve aspects of the frontal lobe (Damasio, 1994;
Stuss, Eskes, & Foster, 1994). The ability to generate top-down plans, revise or
inhibit habitual responses, and monitor the task relevance of information is im-
paired by lesions of the lateral and dorsal prefrontal cortices (Shimamura, 1995;
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 171
Summary
The preceding analysis suggests that emotion is a product of the process by which
we appraise the significance of stimuli and that the interaction of at least two
types of appraisal processes can explain the results of many studies of memory
for emotional events. Quick, automatic processes evaluate the valence of stim-
uli and maintain attention on them, while more deliberate, reflective processes
modify, amplify, or inhibit this initial response, depending on how the signifi-
cance of the given stimulus is appraised relative to current goals and needs. Each
process may involve the action of distinct, but highly interactive neural systems:
172 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
The amygdala helps to evaluate stimulus significance quickly, and the prefrontal
cortex can modify an initial appraisal and generate new ones if necessary.
Role of Rehearsal
Every time we ask ourselves about the appearance of the attacker who stole our
wallet, or wonder how our last court case ended in a disappointing loss, we are
rehearsing and re-encoding our memories of those events. Emotional events by
their very nature are significant and self-defining, with our major successes and
failures denoting milestones in our personal development (Ross & Conway, 1986;
Singer & Salovey, 1996). Except for very traumatic experiences (e.g., Chris-
tianson & Nilsson, 1984), in many cases our emotional memories are more of-
ten thought about and recounted to others than are their pallid, nonemotional
cousins (Schacter, 1996b). Public events of personal emotional consequence, such
as the assassination of President Kennedy or the explosion of the space shuttle
Challenger, afford additional opportunities for recoding and rehearsal through
further selective exposure to the event through media, friends, and relatives
(Neisser & Harsch, 1992; Schacter, 1996b).
Negative events are especially likely to be rehearsed, as one repeatedly at-
tempts to understand their significance and why they occurred (Skowronski &
Carlston, 1989); as discussed earlier, if this process becomes habitual and self-
critical, such reappraisals can fuel a ruminative cycle of negative-self evaluation
that may foster depression (Nolen-Hoeksema, 1991). Unfortunately, however, it
may be difficult to avoid rehearsal of negative events, even when one wants not
to do so, because emotional memories may be difficult to ignore or suppress
(Wentzlaff, 1993).
Not surprisingly, therefore, the amount of rehearsal an emotional event re-
ceives generally has been found to influence subsequent memory for it. Thomas
and Diener (1990) asked subjects to record daily experiences in diaries and found
that subjects had a tendency to rehearse and remember more negative than pos-
itive events. Interestingly, we might later overestimate the frequency with which
we experienced negative events, perhaps mistaking frequency of rehearsal for
frequency of occurrence (Singer & Salovey, 1996; Thomas & Diener, 1990).
Broadly consistent results have been obtained by other researchers in studies
showing a modestly positive relationship between affect, rehearsal, and memory
in both old subjects (Cohen, Conway, & Maylor, 1994) and young subjects
(Cohen, Conway, & Maylor, 1994; Conway & Bekerian, 1988; Rubin & Kozin,
1984; see, however, Christianson & Loftus, 1990; Pillemer, 1984). Repeatedly
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 173
Reminiscence Effects
When tested immediately after encoding, memory for arousing stimuli may be
worse than memory for neutral stimuli, although if memory is tested again hours
or days later, recall of the emotional material may have a distinct advantage (for
review, see Revelle & Loftus, 1992). This rebound in memory for emotional ma-
terial as a function of retention interval is known as a reminiscence effect, and,
although at first it appeared to be reliably demonstrable using both words (Klein-
smith & Kaplan, 1963) and pictures (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1969), some later fail-
ures to replicate under conditions that used slightly different stimuli and proce-
dures cast doubt on the reliability of the phenomenon (e.g., Corteen, 1969).
Christianson (1992) suggested that the effect is most reliable with paired asso-
ciate learning and might reflect some idiosyncrasies particular to that paradigm.
More recent research has produced similarly conflicting results. On the positive
side, Bradley and Baddeley (1990) found a reminiscence-like effect for associa-
tions generated to positive, negative, or neutral words after a 1 month delay, al-
though this result may be more attributable to forgetting of neutral words than to
enhanced memory for emotional ones. On the negative side, Burke, Heuer, and
Reisberg (1992) found only a very small effect of retention interval in recall of
both central and peripheral details of an emotional slide sequence. Despite these
inconsistencies, however, a recent meta-analysis of many of the older studies con-
cluded that the effect is reliable, if not especially large (Park & Banaji, 1996).
An initial account of the reminiscence effect postulated that arousal leads to
temporary inhibition during memory consolidation (Walker & Tarte, 1963). Ex-
actly why this should be the case was, however, never adequately specified. A
more likely explanation has been suggested by Revelle and Loftus (1992). Ac-
cording to their "tick-rate" hypothesis, emotional arousal increases the rate at
which information is encoded, and more information is encoded per unit time
from an emotional than a neutral event (cf. Christianson et al., 1991). In the short
term, it may be more difficult to find any one specific detail among the many
that have been encoded. The increased rate of processing also promotes the rapid
integration and assimilation of encoded details into pre-existing knowledge struc-
tures. In the long term, this means that emotional experiences will have under-
gone more consolidation per unit time than nonemotional experiences, resulting
in relatively greater recall of them
A recent study by LaBar and Phelps (1998) has shown that the amydala is re-
sponsible for this consolidation effect. Patients with unilateral temporal lobec-
tomies were aroused by emotional pictures, but failed to show an improvement
in memory for them over time.
I 74 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Summary
The synergistic combination of cue and trace information has been called the
ecphoric process (Schacter, 1982; Semon, 1909/1923; Tulving, 1983), and the
output of the ecphoric interaction is substantially determined by the nature of the
retrieval cue itself. An incomplete, poorly specified, or incorrectly specified cue
may retrieve a memory that is related to, but not an exact match for, the episode
that was desired (Schacter, Norman, & Koustaal, 1998). In the absence of crite-
ria that clearly identify that such close matches are incorrect, these false memo-
ries may be experienced as accurate (e.g., Roediger & McDermott, 1995; Schac-
ter, Israel, & Racine, 1999; Schacter et al., 1996b). This seamless blending of
present and past experience may be a powerful route by which emotion can bias
retrospection.
Sometimes the cues that bias the retrieval process are one's own current af-
fective reactions. For example, Eich et al. (1985) found that individuals currently
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 175
experiencing high levels of headache pain tended to recall the pain they experi-
enced in the past as having been more severe than it actually was. For these pa-
tients, present pain cues may have combined with traces of past painful experi-
ences, thereby systematically shifting estimates of past pain to be more like the
level of the pain currently being felt. Although other studies on memory for pain
(e.g., Linton & Mellin, 1982) and memory for mood (Matt, Vasquez, & Camp-
bell, 1992) are compatible with this view, the exact way in which ecphory may
lead to a recall bias in these studies is difficult to assess. Painful experiences and
diffuse moods may have many components, both positive and negative, and it is
difficult to specify exactly which aspects will synergistically combine with ex-
actly what stored information. Furthermore, recall could be influenced by cur-
rent pain levels not because the ecphoric process has been biased but because
current pain and affect primes memories for past experiences with similar levels
of pain or affect, making them more easily accessible (Bower & Forgas, 1999;
Salovey & Smith, 1997).
The power of ecphoric processes to bias recall of affective information was
examined by Ochsner, Schacter, and Edwards (1997) using a procedure that es-
capes the above-noted problems of studying memory for pain and mood. Sub-
jects studied photographs of faces while listening to a corresponding voice speak-
ing in a happy and excited or angry and frustrated tone. When subjects later were
presented with photos of the same people as cues in a recall test for tone of voice,
they tended to recall the pictured person as having spoken in a tone of voice con-
sistent with the affect conveyed by the retrieval cue in front of them: If the face
had a slightly positive expression, they tended to recall that the person had spo-
ken happily; if the face had a slightly negative expression, they recalled the per-
son as having spoken angrily. This recall bias was quite robust, did not depend
on overall level of recall accuracy, and was accompanied by high confidence that
recall was correct. In these experiments, the ecphoric process seems to have been
dominated by the affect present in the retrieval cue rather than the affect present
in the memory trace, and this effect may be related to the dominance of visual
over auditory cues in the perception of nonverbal affective information (Rosen-
thai et al., 1979). This method of controlling the exact nature and valence of cue
and trace information may allow further examination of the specific ways in
which ecphoric processes can bias memory for emotional experiences.
episodes that enhance or preserve a self-concept or help regulate moods and may
even help fill in memories for affective feelings that were not well encoded in
the first place. Furthermore, the emotional nature of what is recalled may also
influence judgments people make about various attributes of their memories.
Retrieval as self-regulation
The constructive recall of affective events may at times be led by the desire
to remember the emotional past in a way that helps create a particular view of
the self in the present (Conway & Ross, 1984; Ross, 1989). For most people,
this view is quite rosy, which suggests that, by and large, people are good at us-
ing recall of past experiences to bolster positive self-regard (Taylor, 1989). This
does not mean that everyone will have a generalized bias to recall more positive
than negative experiences (although this may be the case for happy people; see
Seidlitz & Diener, 1993), but it does suggest that if it is costly or inconsistent
with a current schematic self-view to recall a past mistake or negative experi-
ence, we may distort memory of it in the present. Indeed, examples of this phe-
nomenon abound: Good students tend to recall poor grades as having been bet-
ter than they were (Bahrick, Hall, & Berger, 1996), gamblers tend to recall
unsuccessful wagers as exceptions rather than the rule (Gilovich, 1983), and mar-
ried men whose emotions toward their wives sour over time may recall feeling
less positive about early marital interactions than they initially reported (Holm-
berg & Holmes, 1994, cited by Levine, 1997).
How we remember positive and negative events will be determined by differ-
ences in the individual nature of the self-concept that we are chronically trying
to regulate. Thus, Higgins and Tykocinski (1992) found that individuals who are
motivated by the attainment of positive experiences will better recall informa-
tion related to the presence or absence of positive outcomes (e.g., finding a $20
bill or going to see an eagerly anticipated film that turns out to no longer be play-
ing), whereas individuals motivated to avoid negative experience will better re-
call information related to the presence or absence of negative outcomes (e.g.,
being stuck in the subway or getting a break from a hectic work schedule). An
important aspect of these data is that recall was driven by the focus of the sub-
jects on positive or negative outcomes as defined relative to their enduring self-
goals—and not by the absolute valence of the events. Thus an individual moti-
vated toward achieving positive experiences might remember more about the
failure to achieve a good grade on a test than she will remember about the fact
that her parents did not scold her afterwards, even though the former experience
was aversive and the latter unexpectedly positive (cf. Singer, 1990).
The ability to re-evaluate past experience as congruent with one's self concept
may have important implications for mental health. Indeed, the tendency to give
even stressful life events a positive spin may lead to happiness (Seidlitz & Di-
ener, 1993), whereas a bias to initially interpret situations as confirmations of a
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 177
more painful than it actually was (Kent, 1985), and mothers tend to rate labor
pain as having been less intense 2 weeks after birth than they did during deliv-
ery (Norvell, Gaston-Johansson, & Fridh, 1987). Importantly, current levels of
pain may bias memory for past pain only if current pain influences one's emo-
tional state (Eich, Rachman, & Lopatka, 1990). This suggests that, if current pain
is not aversive enough to affect mood, it will not lead people to recall their past
pain inaccurately.
Whether we view an important, self-defining event as a success or failure can
determine whether it makes us happy or sad (Moffitt & Singer, 1994; Strack,
Schwarz, & Gschneidinger, 1985). In general, reinterpretation of the past can
promote coping and emotional change and may improve mood by allowing peo-
ple to feel that they have learned, grown, and gained control over the factors that
influence their happiness (Folkman & Lazarus, 1984; Janoff-Bulman, 1992). Our
construals of the past are not, however, infinitely malleable: If an experience has
positive or negative effects that are too far-reaching, it may serve as a weighty
anchor that constrains the way we evaluate subsequent life events. In such situ-
ations, a sense of control may be hard to come by. For example, Brickman,
Coates, and Janoff-Bulman (1978) found that lottery winners took less pleasure
than controls in mundane everyday activities, presumably because the extremely
positive experience of winning the lottery had changed the scale against which
they measured the quality of their present experience. Accident victims who had
been rendered paraplegic showed a similar effect, though not because they had
actually experienced a greatly positive event in the past but because they ideal-
ized the past relative to their current state. Paraplegics thus took less pleasure
than controls in daily activities, but did so because they were comparing the pre-
sent to a past that was made more positive in retrospect than it actually was.
Nevertheless, with some limits, recall and causal thinking about even very trau-
matic experiences can benefit mental and physical health. Pennebaker and col-
leagues have shown that systematic writing or talking about traumatic personal
experiences such as the death of a loved one, or instances of physical or sexual
abuse, may boost immune system functioning, reduce anxiety, and improve
grades and work performance (for a brief summary, see Pennebaker, 1997). Im-
portantly, a significant predictor of these effects appears to be how often the nar-
ratives of traumatic episodes include reference to their causes and eliciting cir-
cumstances (Pennebaker, 1997).
These studies illustrate an important point about the way in which we recall
emotional events: Our initial interpretation of a given event's emotional signifi-
cance need not be the last one we ever have, and how we encoded it initially
need not determine how we react to it at recall. Re-evaluation of the significance
of an event in the context of one's current circumstances, with the goal of un-
earthing the factors that lead us to experience maladaptive emotions, can be a
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 179
powerful tool for building a happy life (Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Seidlitz & Diener,
1993).
praisals helped to "fill in the gaps" in their spotty memories. Thus, when Perot
withdrew, the feelings experienced by a loyal supporter may not have been
strongly encoded, and thus their postelection feelings in November served as a
template for fleshing out their incompletely stored feelings from the past.
Researchers on pain and the affect associated with body states have also sug-
gested that affective reactions may not be stored well in memory: When trying
to recall them, we have no recourse other than to use our current feelings as a
starting point and to use theories about how our feelings may have changed to
revise our initial estimate accordingly (Ross & Buehler, 1993; Salovey & Smith,
1997).
Duration is another dimension of emotional experience that may be poorly en-
coded. Consequently, overall duration of an event may not influence our retro-
spective evaluations of the pleasantness of an experience. Frederickson and Kah-
neman (1993) found that retrospective liking judgments for films were determined
entirely by their positive and negative content and not at all by how long they
lasted. If duration is not well encoded, when asked to explicitly recall the dura-
tion of an emotional episode, we may use memory of its intensity as a guide.
Loftus et al. (1987) found that, as the violent content of film clips increased, so
did subjects' retrospective evaluations of their durations.
We may fail to encode the duration of emotional episodes in part because the
peaks and valleys of pain and pleasure capture and hold our attention so that a
given experience is encoded in terms of its most salient or most recent emotional
aspect. Noting changes in the emotional qualities of a situation could have great
survival value: Knowing when guilt slips into shame, frustration into anger, or
sadness into depression can help us to predict and better understand our own and
others' emotional reactions in the future. In keeping with this idea, Varey and
Kahneman (1992) found that memory for extended emotional experiences was
determined by the rise or fall of pleasant and unpleasant sensation and not by
how long each kind of feeling lasted. In further research, they found that this
bias may even lead people to prefer painful stimulation that lasts for a longer
amount of time as long as it tapers off at the end. Kahneman et al. (1993) had
subjects hold their hand in an unpleasant cold water bath for 60 seconds in one
trial and in another had them hold their hand in the bath for 60 seconds plus an
additional 30 seconds during which the water temperature slowly rose 1°C. Most
of the subjects preferred to repeat the longer trial even though it produced a
greater amount of total painful stimulation.
Finally, it is worth noting that poor memory for perceptual details that are pe-
ripheral and not relevant to extracting the central emotional theme of an evolv-
ing emotion episode (Frijda, 1986) may be due in part to reconstruction of these
details during retrieval because they were not well encoded initially. Attention
does tend to be inwardly directed during emotional experiences (Lazarus, 1991;
Stein, Wade, & Liwag, 1997), and subjects may infer the nature of perceptual
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 181
details on the basis of stored knowledge of similar events or from cues in the en-
vironment.
tantly, it is not clear what memory attributes drive ratings of vividness: Memo-
ries could have been rated as vivid because the subjects were confident in the
memories, because the subjects felt they re-experienced the memories, or because
the subjects thought the memories were intense. Whatever the reason for the re-
lationship, the correlation between emotional intensity and vividness does not
mean the former caused the latter.
A more reliable means for assessing the relationship between recollective ex-
perience and emotion involves what has come to be known as the remember/know
procedure (Gardiner & Java, 1993; Tulving, 1985). In this procedure, when an
item is recognized on a memory test, participants are asked to decide if they "re-
member" that item with attendant sensory, semantic, and/or emotional detail or
if they just "know" that it was seen previously but cannot recollect anything spe-
cific about its prior occurrence. "Remember" responses are sensitive to factors
influencing explicit memory, and, given that judged personal emotional signifi-
cance and self-relevance may boost recall, we would expect that these factors
would make one more likely to "remember" an event as well. Indeed, Conway
and Dewhurst (1995) found that self-referential encoding selectively increases
the prevalence of "remember" recollective experiences. Similarly, Ochsner
(2000) found that highly negative and arousing photographs were more likely to
be "remembered" than were neutral or positive photos (cf. Mogg et al., 1992).
This finding is important because it runs counter to previous failures to find a
difference in memory for positive and negative events (Bradley et al., 1992; Reis-
berg et al., 1988). The previous studies tested only recognition memory, a quan-
titative measure that may not be sensitive to the qualitative effects that emotion
may have on memory.
tions, and even fewer have studied emotional memory using functional neu-
roimaging. A few studies have shown that right-hemisphere but not left-
hemisphere lesions selectively impair the expression of emotion (Borod et al.,
1996), as well as decrease the specificity of events reported during autobio-
graphical recall. This is consistent with evidence that the right hemisphere is pref-
erentially involved in the perception and expression of emotional behavior more
generally (Borod, 1992; Borod et al., 1996). Given the consistent finding of right
frontal involvement in retrieval of episodic memories, these data suggest that
there may be some linkage between the mechanisms that govern the retrieval of
episodic memories and the mechanisms that imbue them with emotional flavor.
It is interesting to speculate that one reason the right frontal lobe is specifically
involved in episodic memory is because it may help to re-instantiate the emo-
tional context present during encoding (Cimino, Verfaellie, Bowers, & Heilman,
1991).
A larger body of data come from animal and human studies that support in-
volvement of the amygdala in the encoding of affectively significant information
but demonstrate that the amygdala is necessary for the storage and retrieval of
these associations as well. In studies of fear conditioning, for example, the amyg-
dala appears to be the site where the critical stimulus-visceral response associ-
ation is coded, so if the amygdala is lesioned after training, expression of con-
ditioned fear is prevented (LeDoux, 1995). Studies of rats (Phillips & LeDoux,
1992), monkeys (Zola-Morgan et al., 1991), and human patients with amygdala
or hippocampal lesions have suggested that, although it is the hippocampus and
not the amygdala that is critical for storing the perceptual or conceptual aspects
of an event, the coding of visceral reactions by the amygdala gives a boost to
memory for emotional information (Bechara et al., 1995; Cahill et al., 1994,1995;
Hamann, Cahill, & Squire, 1997; Johnson, Kim, & Risse, 1985).
A handful of neuorimaging studies involving recall of emotional events have
also revealed the activation of structures involved in the encoding and genera-
tion of one's initial emotional reactions to the recollected events. This may be
due, at least in part, to the fact that these studies have been concerned primarily
with identifying the neural structures that support the generation and experience
of emotion and elicit emotion by asking subjects both to recall specific personal
emotional episodes and to view emotionally evocative pictures. These studies
have consistently revealed activation of medial prefrontal cortex and thalamus
(George et al., 1995; Lane et al., 1997a,b), regardless of the kind of emotion be-
ing recalled. As discussed earlier, these areas are also involved in learning and
modulating the expression of emotional responses (e.g., Damasio, 1994). Some
areas of activation specific to the recall of individual emotions have been ob-
served (e.g., the insula has been associated with sadness; Lane et al., 1997b), but,
given the small number of studies conducted thus far, no consistent patterns have
yet emerged.
184 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Summary
CONCLUSION
This chapter has drawn from research in both social psychology and cognitive
neuroscience to inform an account of the relationship between emotion and mem-
ory that converges on three important principles: (7) Encoding of emotional ex-
periences is guided by both automatic and deliberative appraisal processes that
capture and guide attention to, and promote elaboration of, information that is
judged to be most personally significant in the context of current goals and de-
sires. (2) Retrieval of past emotional experiences is often biased such that mem-
ories of them make sense when evaluated from the perspective of one's current
goals and feelings about them. (3) Separate but interacting neural systems are in-
volved in the quick and automatic, or more effortful and reflective, encoding and
retrieval of these memories.
A Social Cognitive Neuroscience Approach to Emotion and Memory 185
Hamlet said, "nothing is either good nor bad, but thinking makes it so," and
this review has outlined some ways that people make use of this ability to rein-
terpret their past in order to serve current and future-looking goals. In doing so,
we have not offered specific directives about exactly which types of details, emo-
tions, or events will be remembered most accurately. Instead, we have attempted
to highlight the individualized nature of emotional processes and the importance
of understanding the reasons why an emotional event is recalled in order to un-
derstand the content of subjective reports about the past. As noted at the outset,
this emphasis reflects our contention that research on emotion and memory should
move beyond questions such as whether emotional memories are indelible or
highly fallible or which kinds of emotion make memory better or worse (e.g.,
see Bradley, 1994; Christiansen, 1992; Conway, 1997; Matlin & Stang, 1978).
These questions often are ill-posed, seek absolute answers that cannot be ob-
tained (Tulving, 1985), and overlook the constructive, goal-driven nature of emo-
tional encoding and recollection (Ochsner & Schacter, in press).
In closing, it is important to note that the work reviewed in this chapter
was weighted most heavily toward the social and cognitive end of the social-
cognitive-neuroscience spectrum. This bias stems from the fact that researchers
only now are beginning to explore the neural bases of emotion and memory, and
as future work maps the structures involved in motivated remembering of emo-
tional experiences, the scales should balance out. Our thinking suggests that this
balancing act will be most successful if researchers remember that remembering
begins with a goal in mind and that feelings follow after.
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8
Neurobiology of Emotion at a Systems Level
Our understanding of emotion has lagged behind our knowledge of most other
domains of cognition, both theoretically and empirically. In large part, this can
be attributed to the fact that emotion was not considered part of cognition until
very recently. In fact, adherents of both behaviorism and cognitivism made it a
point to exclude emotion and motivation from the study of the mind. Ironically,
it was work in computer intelligence that perhaps first pointed to the impossi-
bility of cognition without emotion. The problem is that information processing,
devoid of emotion and motivation, is without any intrinsic value. Given a con-
strained task, or a specific piece of information to process, a system without emo-
tion can be designed to perform the task or to process the information (as mod-
ern "expert systems" do). But how, in the real world, would such a system ever
decide what to do? Attention, memory, and decision-making all require selec-
tivity; the system must be able to distinguish between inputs and outputs that are
important and those that are irrelevant out of the vast multitude of stimuli and
of behaviors available. Emotion provides such guidance and is indispensable for
the adaptive functioning of higher organisms.
In this chapter, we survey the field from the perspective of large-scale neural
systems that provide the underpinnings of cognitive functions. Our goal is to pro-
vide a modern framework for thinking about emotion that is consistent with stud-
ies in animals and humans and that suggests specific testable hypotheses. Given
194
Neurobiology of Emotion at a Systems Level 195
the constraints of this chapter, our emphasis is on the neural systems responsi-
ble for retrieval of knowledge about emotions, and we focus on two neural struc-
tures: amygdala and right somatosensory cortices.
THEORETICAL OVERVIEW
communication, and can be found in a larger number of organisms. Our folk psy-
chological concept of emotion may not acknowledge the continuity, at the level
of neural systems, between hunger, thirst, pain, and emotions. This does not,
however, mean that they are not fundamentally similar; it just means that our
concept of emotion has some arbitrary boundaries (see Griffiths [1997] for an
extended treatment of this issue, although we do not endorse his eliminativism).
The topic of emotion subsumes several distinct processes, which can be oper-
ationalized in different ways. Three useful domains in which emotion can be
studied are knowledge about emotion (including recognition, naming, evaluation,
and appraisal), experience of emotion (a domain that we have labeled feelings
(Damasio, 1995), and expression of emotion (through language, facial expres-
sion, and other behaviors related to social communication).
While recognition, experience, and expression of emotion are all dissociable,
they are also closely linked (for review, see Borod, 1993a). Several lines of ev-
idence bear this out. Perhaps expectedly, the experience and expression of emo-
tion are highly correlated (Rosenberg & Ekman, 1994), although such correla-
tion will depend on the circumstances under which the emotion is expressed
(Fridlund, 1994). Production of emotional facial expressions (Adelman & Za-
jonc, 1989) and other somatovisceral responses (Cacioppo, Berntson, & Klein,
1992) directly cause changes in emotional experience, brain activity (Ekman &
Davidson, 1993), and autonomic state (Levenson, Ekman, & Friesen, 1990).
Viewing emotional expressions on others' faces causes systematic changes in
one's own facial expression (Dimberg, 1982) and emotional experience (Schnei-
der et al., 1994).
KNOWLEDGE OF EMOTION
pression of anger, asking the same questions about it as one might ask about the
label.
THE AMYGDALA
Arguably, the brain structure that has received the most attention with regard to
its role in emotion is the amygdala. The amygdala is a collection of nuclei situ-
ated in the anterior mesial temporal lobe that receive highly processed sensory
information from all modalities (although the amygdala receives direct olfactory
input from the olfactory bulb) and that have extensive, reciprocal connections
with a large number of other brain structures whose function can be modulated
by emotion (for review, see Amaral et al., 1992). Thus, the amygdala has mas-
sive connections, both direct and via the thalamus, with the ventromedial frontal
cortices, known to play a key role in planning and decision-making. The amyg-
dala connects with hippocampus, basal ganglia, and basal forebrain, all structures
that participate in various aspects of memory and attention. Of course, the amyg-
dala also projects to structures, such as the hypothalamus, that are involved in
controlling homeostasis and visceral and neuroendocrine output. Consequently,
the amygdala is situated so as to link information about external stimuli con-
veyed by sensory cortices, on the one hand, with modulation of decision-
making, memory, attention, and somatic, visceral, and endocrine processes, on
the other hand. All the latter processes will be influenced by the emotional sig-
nificance of the external stimulus that is being processed. Thus, our decisions,
our memory, our attention, and our somatic responses depend in part on the emo-
tion associated with, or elicited by, a stimulus or event.
Insights into the function of the amygdala date back to lesion studies in ani-
mals that focused on abnormal behavioral responses to emotional and social stim-
uli (Kling & Brothers, 1992; Weiskrantz, 1956). The most consistent finding from
these studies resembled an agnosia for the emotional and social significance of
stimuli, often resulting in pathological tameness and placidity of the animal, to-
gether with a tendency to approach stimuli that normal animals would avoid. Al-
though some broadly similar results have been reported after lesions of the amyg-
dala in humans (Aggleton, 1992; Davis, 1992b), several cases of bilateral
amygdala damage have been reported without the obvious placidity that is typi-
cally found in animal studies (Markowitsch et al., 1994; Tranel & Hyman, 1990).
We have conjectured that amygdala damage may have less obvious consequences
on social behavior in humans than it does in monkeys or rats because humans
possess special compensatory mechanisms, such as language and much greater
general problem-solving skills (Adolphs et al., 1995). Nonetheless, recent data
have confirmed a critical role for the human amygdala in making social judg-
ments about other people, in particular in judging whether another individual is
I 98 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Figure 8.1. High-resolution MR images of the brain of patient SM, who has complete
and selective bilateral amygdala damage. There is minor damage to the anterior entorhi-
nal cortex. All other brain structures are normal. (Top left): Three-dimensional recon-
struction of SM's brain, showing planes of sections. (A) Horizontal section at the level
of the amygdala. (B) Coronal section at the level of the hippocampus. (C) Coronal sec-
tion at the level of the amygdala. All images were obtained by computing an average from
three separate MR scans of SM's brain, providing superior resolution. (Images provided
by H. Damasio, Human Neuroimaging and Neuroanatomy Laboratory.)
gether (they all received nearly identical ratings on a variety of tasks) and judged
different emotions to be very dissimilar (Adolphs et al., 1994). The above results
could not be accounted for by visuoperceptual impairments because the subject
performed normally on a large number of visuoperceptual tasks, including dis-
crimination among unfamiliar faces (Tranel & Hyman, 1990), ability to recog-
nize people's identity from their faces (Adolphs et al., 1994), and ability to dis-
criminate between subtly different expressions on the same face or between sexes.
The finding that the amygdala is important to process facial expressions of fear
has now been replicated in several other studies with both the lesion method
(Calder et al., 1996; Young et al., 1995, 1996) and functional imaging (Breiter
et al., 1996; Morris et al., 1996).
200 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Figure 8.2. Impaired labeling of facial expressions of fear following amygdala damage.
Seven normal control subjects and SM were shown 39 facial expressions of emotion from
Ekman & Friesen (1976) (six of each of the basic emotions, and three neutral faces) and
asked to provide a label of the emotion spontaneously. SM was impaired in labeling faces
expressing fear (she only labeled a single face of fear correctly in the figure). Subjects'
labels are shown as data points when synonymous with the words in the figure (e.g., when
calling angry faces "mad"); labels that are not clear synonyms (e.g., calling a sad face
"guilty") were omitted from the figure (accounting for the absent data points for some of
the control subjects).
Additional studies with subject SM have revealed that the impairment extends
to the retrieval of conceptual knowledge regarding emotions in tasks that do not
involve facial expressions as stimuli. She was unable to draw facial expressions
of fear from memory (Adolphs et al., 1995), and she was also impaired in re-
trieving some conceptual knowledge of emotions when given lexical stimuli, such
as words or stories denoting emotions (Adolphs, Russell, & Tranel, 1999); again,
the impairment was most striking with regard to fear.
We have attempted to decompose SM's impaired retrieval of knowledge of
some facial expressions of emotion by asking her to judge specific components
of knowledge. In one recent experiment, we found that SM was severely im-
paired in knowing that negatively valenced emotions (notably fear and anger)
were highly arousing, while she was entirely normal in knowing that they were
unpleasant (Adolphs, Russell, & Tranel, 1999) (Fig. 8.4).
It is not obvious how to characterize SM's impaired performance on the above
tasks. Interpretations that clearly cannot be made are to conclude that she has no
fear or that she does not know what fear is. The impairment is more specific and
appears to consist of an inability to access some knowledge regarding the emo-
tion signaled by external sensory stimuli, such as facial expressions. This sug-
Figure 8.3. Impaired recognition of fear in
facial expressions following amygdala
damage. Raw rating scores of facial ex-
pressions of emotion are shown from seven
normal controls (top panel), 16 brain-dam-
aged controls without damage to amygdala
(middle panel), and eight subjects with bi-
lateral amygdala damage (bottom panel).
(From Adolphs et al., 1999.) The emotional
stimuli (36 faces; six each of each of the
six basic emotions indicated) are ordered on
the y-axis according to their perceived sim-
ilarity (stimuli perceived to be similar, e.g.,
happy and surprised faces, are adjacent;
stimuli perceived to be dissimilar, e.g.,
happy and sad faces, are distant; cf.
Adolphs et al., 1995). The six emotion la-
bels on which subjects rated the faces are
displayed on the x-axis. Greyscale brigh-
ness encodes the mean rating given to each
face by a group of subjects, as indicated in
the scale. Thus, a darker line would indi-
cate a lower mean rating than a brighter line
for a given face; and a thin bright line for
a given emotion category would indicate
that few stimuli of that emotion received a
high rating, whereas a thick bright line
would indicate that many or all stimuli
within that emotion category received high
ratings. Because very few mean ratings
were < lor > 4, the graphs were truncated
outside these values. Data from subjects
with bilateral amygdala damage indicate
abnormally low ratings of negative emo-
tions (thinner bright bands across any
horizontal position corresponding to an
expression of a negative emotion). (From
Adolphs et al., 1999; copyright Elsevier
Science Publishers, 1999.)
201
202 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Figure 8.4. Mean ratings of arousal and valence for 39 facial expressions of emotion.
Subjects were asked to explicitly rate the same 39 stimuli used in the studies shown in
Figures 8.2 and 8.3 with respect to the valence (pleasantness) and arousal depicted. Data
were averaged for all faces that express the same emotion (six of each basic emotion;
three neutral). Means and standard deviations are shown for 24 normal controls (white
bars) and for subject SM (three experiments; gray bars). SM's ratings of arousal of neg-
ative emotions were more than 2 SD below the control mean (*). (Data are from Adolphs,
Russell, & Tranel, 1999. Reproduced from Adolphs, Russell, & Tranel, 1999.)
gests a role for the amygdala not in storage of knowledge about fear, or in the
experience of fear, but rather in linking external sensory stimuli to systems into
which knowledge about fear is acquired during learning and from which such
knowledge can be subsequently retrieved. The amygdala thus connects percepts
of emotional sensory stimuli, on the one hand, with a variety of neural systems
involved in acquisition of, response to, and knowledge about such stimuli, on the
other. Taken together, the above data support the idea that the amygdala is im-
portant in order to link perception of stimuli that signal potential threat/danger
with behaviors, or with knowledge, related to emotional arousal.
This interpretation makes some specific predictions. First, amygdala damage
should impair the ability to acquire associations between emotional sensory stim-
uli and some components of the normal response to such stimuli. Second, the
amygdala's role in the acquisition of knowledge regarding emotion would pre-
dict that damage to the amygdala early in life would result in more severe im-
pairments in such knowledge (because it would not have been acquired normally
during development), whereas damage to the amygdala later in life might result
in less severe impairments. Third, there should be neural structures other than
the amygdala that are important for the retrieval of knowledge about emotions,
Neurobiology of Emotion at a Systems Level 203
if appropriately triggered. All three of these predictions have been recently tested
and found to be supported. We discuss each in turn below.
The best studied function of the amygdala concerns its role in associative mem-
ory for aversive stimuli. A large number of studies, primarily in rats, have shown
that the amygdala is required for the acquisition and expression of conditioned
behavioral responses to stimuli that have been previously paired with an intrin-
sically aversive event, a paradigm called fear conditioning (Davis, 1992a; Le
Doux, 1996). The role of the amygdala in fear conditioning as demonstrated in
animals is consonant with recent data from humans: Subjects with amygdala le-
sions fail to show conditioned skin-conductance responses to stimuli that have
been paired with an aversive, loud noise (Bechara et al., 1995; LaBar et al., 1995),
and functional imaging studies in normal subjects have shown amygdala activa-
tion to aversively conditioned stimuli (Buechel et al., 1998). These and other
studies have suggested that the amygdala specifically mediates behaviors and re-
sponses correlated with arousal and stress (Davis, 1992b; Kesner, 1992), in-
cluding a key role in the acquisition of information during emotionally arousing
situations or regarding emotionally arousing stimuli (Phelps & Anderson, 1997).
In one study, we tested the ability of a subject with bilateral amygdala damage
(subject SM) to acquire conditioned autonomic responses to stimuli that had been
paired with an aversive startle stimulus. This experiment was very similar to fear
conditioning experiments with animals (Davis, 1992a; Le Doux, 1996). Briefly,
subjects were presented with a startling, aversive loud auditory stimulus, which re-
liably evoked skin-conductance responses both in normal subjects and in SM. This
startle stimulus was paired with slides of a certain color: Blue slides were accom-
panied by the startle stimulus, whereas slides of other colors were not. Normal
subjects soon acquired conditioned autonomic responses: The presentation of a
blue slide alone (without the startle stimulus) now evoked conditioned skin-
conductance changes. We found that these conditioned autonomic responses were
independent of the acquisition of declarative knowledge because amnesic subjects
also acquired conditioned skin-conductance responses, even though they did not
remember which slides had been paired with the startle stimulus. Subject SM, on
the other hand, did not acquire conditioned skin-conductance responses on this task,
even though she was able to remember which slides had been paired with the star-
tle stimulus (Bechara et al., 1995). These studies suggest that in humans, as in an-
imals, the amygdala plays a key role in acquiring conditioned responses to stimuli
that have been paired with aversive emotional stimuli in the past.
It should be noted that the amygdala appears not to be essential for acquiring
all types of nondeclarative knowledge associated with emotion. In an experiment
204 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
with an amnesic patient who had complete bilateral amygdala damage, it was
found that the patient could acquire covert behavioral preferences with regard to
other people: He would develop a positive bias toward people who had been kind
to him in the past and a negative bias toward those who had not (Tranel & Dama-
sio, 1993).
Although the above studies provide strong support for the idea that the amyg-
dala is important to acquire responses associated with emotionally arousing stim-
uli, the amygdala's role in acquisition of declarative knowledge regarding emo-
tion has remained controversial. Studies with animals suggested that the amygdala
itself does not contribute to declarative memory and that surrounding white mat-
ter and cortex are instead important in this regard. Recent studies in humans,
however, argue that the amygdala does play a role in declarative knowledge, al-
though this role is modulatory rather than essential, parallel with its modulatory
role in emotionally motivated learning in animals (Cahill & McGaugh, 1998).
In a study of two subjects with complete and relatively selective bilateral amyg-
dala damage, we found a specific impairment in long-term declarative memory
for emotional but not for neutral material. While normal subjects remembered
emotional material better than neutral material, subjects with bilateral amygdala
damage remembered emotional material only as well as neutral material (Adolphs
et al., 1997a). These findings are consonant with a PET study that found that
amygdala activation at the time emotional material was encoded into declarative
memory correlated with how well it could be later recalled (Cahill et al., 1996).
Summary
The findings reviewed above would predict that damage to amygdala might cause
the most severe impairments in declarative memory regarding emotions when it
has occurred early in life, blocking the normal acquisition of such knowledge
during development. Furthermore, the evidence points to a specific role in ac-
quisition of knowledge linked to high emotional arousal, consistent with the
amygdala's importance in knowledge regarding fear, a highly arousing emotion.
Consonant with this idea, we found impaired recognition of facial expressions
of fear in a subject who had sustained amygdala damage early in life (Adolphs
et al., 1994) but not in two subjects who sustained amygdala damage as adults
(Hamann et al., 1996). In an additional study, we probed the knowledge of emo-
tional arousal signaled by facial expressions, words, and stories in three subjects
who had sustained complete bilateral amygdala damage early in life and in two
subjects who had sustained such damage as adults. As predicted, we found that
early-onset amygdala damage caused disproportionately severe impairments in
Neurobiology of Emotion at a Systems Level 205
Clinical and experimental studies have suggested that the right hemisphere is
preferentially involved in processing emotion in both humans (e.g., Blonder,
Bowers, & Heilman, 1991; Borod, 1993b; Borod et al., 1992; Bowers et al., 1987,
1991; Ross, 1985; Silberman & Weingartner, 1986; Van Strien & Morpurgo,
1992) and nonhuman primates (Hamilton & Vermeire, 1988; Hauser, 1993; Mor-
ris & Hopkins, 1993). Lesions in right temporal and parietal cortices have been
shown to impair emotional experience, arousal (Heller, 1993), and imagery
(Blonder, Bowers, & Heilman, 1991; Bowers et al., 1991) for emotion. It has
been proposed that the right hemisphere contains modules for nonverbal affect
computation (Bowers, Bauer, & Heilman, 1993), which may have evolved to
subserve aspects of social cognition (Borod, 1993b). There is currently some ar-
gument over the extent to which the right hemisphere participates in emotion: Is
it specialized to process all emotions, or is it specialized only for processing emo-
tions of negative valence (Borod, 1992; Davidson, 1992; Silberman & Wein-
gartner, 1986)? It may well be that an answer to this issue will depend on more
precise specification of which components of emotion are under consideration
(Borod, 1993a; Davidson, 1993).
Selective impairments in recognizing facial expressions, with sparing of the
ability to recognize identity, can occur following right temporoparietal lesions
(Bowers et al., 1985). Specific anomia for emotional facial expressions has been
reported following right middle temporal gyrus lesions (Rapcsak, Kaszniak, &
Rubens, 1989). The evidence that the right temporoparietal cortex is important
in processing emotional facial expressions is corroborated by data from PET
imaging (Gur, Skolnick, & Gur, 1994) and neuronal recording (Ojemann, Oje-
mann, & Lettich, 1992) in humans. Additionally, anthropological analyses of the
depiction of faces in art and painting support the idea that the right hemisphere
is specialized to process the emotional and social signals that faces can signal
(Grusser, 1984).
206 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
A prediction made by the hypothesis that the human amygdala is critical for
the acquisition of knowledge regarding emotion is that structures other than the
amygdala would play a key role in the storage and retrieval of such knowledge.
In this view, the amygdala's contribution to memory is in some ways analogous
to that of the hippocampal formation: Both structures are important during ac-
quisition and/or consolidation of new information but are not structures where
such knowledge is ultimately stored. The storage and retrieval of knowledge is
presumed to rely on neocortical sectors.
On the basis of our framework regarding emotion and on the basis of the stud-
ies reviewed at the beginning of this section, we hypothesized that somatosen-
sory cortices in the right hemisphere would be important for the retrieval of
knowledge regarding emotions. We tested this hypothesis in a group of 25 sub-
jects with neocortical lesions performing a task of recognition of emotion in fa-
cial expressions. A detailed analysis of the overlaps of lesions in these subjects
revealed that sectors in right parietal cortex, when lesioned, reliably caused im-
pairments in the retrieval of knowledge about emotions depicted in facial ex-
pressions (Adolphs et al., 1996a). A recent study extended these methods to three-
dimensional analysis of the overlaps of lesions that correlated with the most
impaired performances. The analysis showed that lesions encompassing the face
representation of right primary somatosensory cortex, possibly including SII, in-
sula, and anterior supramarginal gyrus, as well as underlying white matter, most
reliably correlated with impaired recognition of emotional facial expressions
(Adolphs et al., 1996b). The results of this study are shown in Figure 8.5.
The question arises as to why the processing of emotion, much like the pro-
cessing of language, should be notably lateralized. One possibility is that both
language and emotion serve an important role in communication, with a premium
on processing speed. In the case of language, this has been clear for some time:
Both the comprehension and production of language require neural processing
with high temporal acuity. In the case of emotion, ecological considerations would
similarly suggest that signals need to be processed rapidly. The consolidation of
all neural components required to process language, or facial expression, in one
hemisphere would enable such rapid processing. Intrahemispheric delay, on the
other hand, would introduce an unacceptable lag. This constraint would be ex-
pected to be all the more acute the larger the brain, and one would expect later-
alization of function to be especially prominent in human brains, where spatial
proximity of processing components will be a major factor in processing speed
(Ringo et al., 1994).
One interpretation of the right hemisphere's demonstrated specialization in
many tasks involving emotion situates the processing of emotion in relation to
the processing of somatic information. This view (Damasio, 1994, 1995) stresses
that emotion involves output to, and input from, the body (including visceral and
Figure 8.5. Right somatosensory sectors
involved in retrieval of knowledge of the
emotion signaled by facial expressions. We
asked 25 subjects with focal right cortical
lesions to rate facial expressions of emo-
tion, and compared their ratings with those
given by 15 normal controls. Data were
mapped onto a normal reference brain, us-
ing a technique called MAP-3. Briefly,
each subject's lesion was mapped onto the
corresponding spatial location in the nor-
mal reference brain, and greyscale was
used to encode the number of lesions from
different subjects that overlapped at a
given volumetric location. Overlaps from
more subjects correspond to a darker shade
of grey, whereas overlaps from only one or
a few subjects correspond to lighter shades
of grey. All computations were done using
the software BRAINVOX (Frank, Dama-
sio, & Grabowski, 1997) on Silicon Graph-
ics workstations. (A) Lesions of all sub-
jects who were normal in rating facial
expressions of emotion. (B) Lesions of all
subjects who were impaired in rating facial
expressions of emotion. (C) Subtraction
image (B-A) showing the difference in the
lesion overlaps between all impaired sub-
jects and all normal subjects. The subtrac-
tion revealed a focal, three-dimensional re-
gion that when damaged, always correlated
with impaired task performance (dark re-
gion centered on somatosensory cortex).
We thus infer that lesions that include
this region result in impairments due to
damage to this specific region. Detailed
anatomical analyses showed that this re-
gion comprised the face representation of
primary somatosensory cortex (SI), some
of SIT, possibly some insula and supra-
marginal gyrus, as well as considerable
white matter, which may serve to connect
visual cortical regions with somatosensory
cortical regions. (Data are from Adolphs et
al., 1996b.)
207
208 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
endocrine aspects). There is evidence that the right hemisphere is specialized for
representing the body, as borne out by the finding that right hemisphere lesions,
more often than left, can cause lack of awareness of one's own body state. It is
quite conceivable that emotion and representation of the body co-evolved and
that both are aspects of the same integrative, homeostatic function, which is rel-
atively lateralized to the right hemisphere.
We can apply this framework to the interpretation of the results given in Fig-
ure 8.5: that lesions in the area of face representation in the right somatosensory
cortex impair recognition of emotion in visually presented facial expressions.
Briefly, we believe that subjects asked to perform the task of recognizing facial
expressions of emotion will normally utilize a somatic image of the face. Given
a facial expression to judge, a subject's normal strategy will include the central
generation of a somatosensory image of the face corresponding to the expression
seen. In essence, the subject approaches the task by asking, "how would I feel
if I had this facial expression" (i.e., how would this face feel)? An apparently
critical component of this strategy is the ability to form a mental somatosensory
image that in turn can be used to trigger other knowledge in both image form
and encoded in language that together permit normal responses on the task.
OTHER STRUCTURES
Several other neural structures are involved in knowledge about emotions, al-
though discussion of these structures falls outside the scope of this chapter. There
is considerable evidence that the frontal lobes, particularly their ventral sectors,
are important to recognize emotions. Lesions in these regions impair the recog-
nition of emotions in facial expressions and prosody (Hornak, Rolls, & Wade,
1996), and ventral frontal cortex and amygdala have been shown to operate as
two components of a neural system for processing the reinforcing properties of
stimuli (Gaffan, Murray, & Fabre-Thorpe, 1993). Additional structures impor-
tant to emotion include the cingulate cortices, sectors of the basal ganglia, and
monoaminergic/cholinergic nuclei that we mentioned at the beginning of this
chapter. The interested reader is referred to Damasio (1995) for further discus-
sion of other neural structures.
survival of the organism in life and death situations, but also social survival
among members of a group. In the case of humans, the social aspect assumes
great importance, and it is impossible to do full justice to the topic of emotion
without thinking about social development, social communication, and culture.
These topics have been explored in detail by social psychologists and anthro-
pologists, but, at this time, very little is known about the neural systems that are
involved in social and cultural aspects of emotion (e.g., next to nothing is known
about the neural underpinnings of so-called social emotions, such as jealousy,
pride, and embarrassment).
One important direction for the future will be to expand our current account
of emotion. We have a working framework of what emotion shares in common
in all animals; the next task will be to elucidate what distinguishes emotion in
humans from emotion in other animals. We consider it probable that regions of
neocortex, especially in prefrontal cortex, will turn out to play a key role in those
aspects of emotion that are uniquely human (Damasio, 1994). Ultimately, how-
ever, emotions, like other domains of the human mind, may be explained not
solely as properties of individuals, but will be seen to arise from relations be-
tween multiple brains and their external environments, embedded in the context
of a particular culture.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This work was supported by a Sloan Research Fellowship and a FIRST award from NIMH to R.A.
and by a program project grant from NINDS and a grant from the Mathers Foundation to A.R.D.
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9
Neuropsychological Theories of Emotion
GUIDO GAINOTTI
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
214
Neuropsychological Theories of Emotion 215
In an effort to identify the subcortical structures that are crucially involved in emo-
tional expression, Bard (1928, 1929) proposed that the hypothalamus may play a
critical role in emotions. It must be acknowledged, indeed, that his model was in-
fluenced by experiments showing that electrical stimulation of the hypothalamus
produces a sustained sympathetic arousal (Karplus & Kreidl, 1909, 1927) and by
the fact that the emotion considered by Bard, namely rage, is characterized by a
strong sympathetic arousal. Nevertheless, Bard's model was considered valid for
emotions in general and oriented the attention of investigators toward the arousal
dimension of emotion. The discovery by Moruzzi and Magoun (1949) that the as-
cending reticular activating system plays a crucial role in arousal functions had,
therefore, a profound influence not only on neurobiological models of the mind
in general but also on more specific neuropsychological theories of emotion.
Several authors (e.g., Duffy, 1962; Lindsey, 1951) were, in fact, led to assume
that the structures subserving the arousal mechanisms also subserve the central
and peripheral components of emotions. In contrast, the much more complex and
articulated anatomical model of emotions proposed by Papez (1937) suggested
that different parts of the brain may mediate different components of emotions.
To be sure, Papez proposed (1) that the hypothalamus, the anterior thalamic nu-
clei, the cingulate gyrus, the hippocampus, and their interconnections may con-
stitute a harmonious mechanism that elaborates the functions of central emotions
21 6 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
and participate in emotional expression; and (2) that the hypothalamic compo-
nent of the circuit might be mainly involved in functions of emotional evalua-
tion and of emotional expression, whereas the cortical component (namely, the
cingulate gyrus) might be involved in the elaboration of emotional experience.
The Papez model, suggesting that the psychological complexity of emotions
should correspond to an equally complex anatomical organization, was further
developed by McLean (1949, 1961), who coined the term "limbic system" to de-
note a highly interconnected set of subcortical and cortical structures, mainly in-
volved in vegetative and emotional functions. McLean (1986) further pushed the
analogy between the intrinsic organization of the emotional system and the
anatomical organization of the limbic system by suggesting that both systems
may be characterized by a phylogenetically determined hierarchical organization.
According to McLean (1986), the most primitive, drive-related forms of behav-
ior (such as the fight-flight reactions), which are present in phylogenetically old
species such as the reptilians, would be subsumed by the hypothalamus and by
the related parts of the paleostriatum. In contrast, the family-related patterns of
behavior (namely, nursing in connection with maternal care, audiovocal com-
munication for maternal-offspring contact, and play), which are characteristic
only of mammals, would be subserved by the cingulate gyrus, which is the phy-
logenetically more recent part of the limbic system.
lated to humans, due to the observation that patients with epileptic foci localized
in the mesial parts of the temporal lobe often experience critical emotional phe-
nomena characterized by fear.
The neuropsychological model assuming that the basic command systems for
primitive fear-anger emotions are located in the amygdala became very popular
and had important medical and social implications. It was, in fact, assumed that
many instances of aggressive behavior were due, in epileptic patients, to the di-
rect action of a focus firing within the amygdala (Falconer et al., 1958;
Geschwind, 1974; Treffert, 1964; Walker, 1973) and that even non-ictal mani-
festations of aggression or of sociopathic behavior could result from a chronic
stimulation of the amygdala from a patent or covert epileptic focus (Walker,
1973). Even though more carefully controlled investigations by Gloor (1967),
Ounstead (1969), Gunn and Bonn (1971), and Rodin (1973) failed to confirm the
relationship between temporal lobe epilepsy and ictal or interictal aggressive be-
havior, the model survived, leading to the development of neurosurgical strate-
gies for treatment and control of aggressive behavior (Valenstein, 1973).
In more recent years, the model assuming that emotional and cognitive func-
tions must be subserved by quite different anatomical structures (and that the
amygdala may house elementary emotional mechanisms) has been in part re-
considered and substituted with the assumption that, at least in humans, emo-
tional and cognitive functions must be strongly reciprocally interconnected.
This new theoretical approach has been motivated by several factors. The
most important of these is the influence exerted by psychological theories of
emotion (Frijda, 1986, 1987; Lazarus, 1982, 1984; Scherer, 1984; see also
Scherer, Chapter 6, this volume) which have consistently claimed that a
process of cognitive appraisal constitutes the necessary prerequisite of any
emotional event. A second factor, discussed earlier, is the discovery that emo-
tions are not equally represented in the right and left hemispheres and the hy-
pothesis that this asymmetrical representation of emotions may be basically
due to cognitive factors. Finally, the hypothesis of an integrated, rather than
of an independent, representation of the emotional and cognitive systems has
been strengthened by more careful analyses of the effects of amygdala stim-
ulation in humans. These studies, recently reviewed by Halgren (1991) and
Gloor (1990), have consistently shown that the quality of experiential phe-
nomena provoked by stimulation of the amygdala or other temporolimbic
structures is not related to the exact electrode position but rather to the per-
sonality and the ongoing psychological problems of the patient.
The amygdala is, therefore, considered by some researchers to be an essential
point of integration of cognitive representations with affective significance rather
than as a structure subserving basic emotional mechanisms. On the other hand,
if in our search for structures in humans that house these basic emotional mech-
anisms, we come back from the amygdala to the hypothalamus, we see that le-
220 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Several authors have tried to identify some points of reference with which to dif-
ferentiate the behavioral schemata belonging to the conceptual field of emotions
from those belonging to contiguous but different conceptual areas. One very sim-
ple reference axis could be the duration of the behavioral pattern at issue. Ac-
cording to Ekman (1984), who has tried to analyze the problem with reference
to this axis, emotions are reactions that last several seconds and must be differ-
entiated from both very brief responses (such as the reflex reactions) and long-
lasting behavioral schemata (such as affects or personality traits).
A second important reference axis, which is more clearly linked with the main
line of thought followed in this chapter, refers to the complexity and the level of
phylogenetic development typical of the behavioral pattern taken into account.
From this point of view, emotions are behavioral reactions with an intermediate
level of complexity and can, therefore, be distinguished by (7) very simple, prim-
Neuropsychological Theories of Emotion 221
itive, and hard-wired behavioral patterns (such as reflex responses or some ba-
sic survival-related appetitive behaviors), and (2) more complex and learned cog-
nitive activities.
Because the most important controversies regarding human emotion, such as
the debate between Zajonc (1980, 1984) and Lazarus (1982, 1984), have con-
cerned the interface between the emotional system and the cognitive system, I
discuss here the main similarities and differences between the two. For simplic-
ity, it could be said that the general architectures of the two systems are similar,
but their specific scopes are different. As for the structural similarities, most au-
thors (e.g., Ekman, 1984; Gainotti, 1989, 1994; Leventhal, 1984; Oatley &
Johnson-Laird, 1985, 1987; Scherer, 1984) consider both the emotional and the
cognitive system as phylogenetically advanced adaptive systems based on inte-
grated work with several components aimed at (7) scanning the external milieu,
(2) selecting and analyzing the most relevant stimuli, (3) providing an appropri-
ate response to these stimuli, and (4) learning to give a subjective (emotional) or
objective (cognitive) meaning to these stimuli. As for the different scopes of the
emotional and cognitive systems, they will be considered first by looking at the
general logic of each system. The model proposed by Oatley and Johnson-Laird
(1985, 1987) is appropriate from this point of view because it suggests that the
organism has at its disposal two operative (the emotional and the cognitive) sys-
tems to face a partially unpredictable environment. The emotional system is
viewed, within this model, as an emergency system capable of interrupting on-
going action with an urgency procedure to rapidly select a new operative scheme.
The cognitive system is considered, on the contrary, to be a more complex and
advanced adaptive system, capable of exhaustively processing complicated situ-
ations and elaborating the strategies required to solve the problems raised by the
situations but needing much more time to carry out its work. According to Oat-
ley and Johnson-Laird (1985, 1987), the emotional system is based on a certain
number of modules (automata) that rapidly and automatically process a restricted
number of signals and trigger an immediate response, whereas the cognitive sys-
tem is based on more sophisticated modules and is supported by a propositional
structure, which allows a conscious and controlled analysis of information and
the selection of appropriate strategies. The major characteristics that distinguish
the emotional from the cognitive system are listed in Table 9.1.
The data in Table 9.1 introduce the problem of the componential nature of emo-
tions by showing that the specific scope of the emotional system strongly influ-
ences the manner in which this system processes ongoing information, selects
the most appropriate behavioral responses, learns to attribute meaning to a stim-
ulus category, and so on.
222 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Table 9.1. Main Differences Existing Between the Emotional and the
Cognitive Systems
BEHAVIORAL OR
COGNITIVE DOMAIN EMOTIONAL SYSTEM COGNITIVE SYSTEM
brain-damaged patients, the defect of cortical control may provoke not only an
accentuation of the expressive behavioral reaction but also an increased vegeta-
tive response to emotional stimuli.
Finally, a third group of data that could be compatible with the hypothesis of left
hemisphere dominance for the intentional control of the facial expressive apparatus
is the difference between the right and left halves of the face in the production of
positive and negative emotional expressions. Although most authors who have stud-
ied this problem have shown a greater expressivity of the left hemiface for all types
of emotions (for reviews, see Borod & Koff, 1984; Borod, Santschi Haywood, &
Koff, 1997; Gainotti, 1989), some authors have shown greater expressivity of the left
(with respect to the right) hemiface for negative emotions but not for smiling or for
other positive emotions (Borod & Caron, 1980; Sackeim & Gur, 1978; Schwartz,
Ahern, & Brown, 1979). The literature dealing with normal adult facial asymmetry
during emotional expression and with the stronger asymmetries found for negative
emotions has been reviewed in detail by Borod, Santschi Haywood, and Koff (1997).
These data have generally been discussed in the context of the hypothesis that
assumes different hemispheric specialization for positive and negative emotions,
but Etcoff (1986) has rightly noted that there are other possible interpretative
contexts. Smiling differs, in fact, from other emotional facial expressions not
only because of the positive polarity of the emotion it usually expresses but also
because it represents the emotional facial expression easiest to reproduce volun-
tarily and most currently used for approach and for social communication. A
dominance of the left hemisphere in the intentional control of the expressive fa-
cial apparatus could, therefore, counterbalance the "natural" expressivity of the
left hemiface, resulting from the general superiority of the right hemisphere in
the spontaneous expression of emotions. A very similar interpretation of the dif-
ferences between the right and left halves of the face in the expressions of pos-
itive and negative emotions has been advanced by Buck (1984) and by Rinn
(1984) in a model that also stresses the possible dominance of the left hemisphere
for functions of emotional control. According to these authors, the greater asym-
metry between the left and right halves of the face in the expression of negative
emotions could be due to the greater inhibition exerted in this case on the right
half of the face by the left hemisphere to attenuate the overt expression of so-
cially censurable negative emotions. The lesser degree of asymmetry presented
by smiling could be due to the fact that this form of "emotional" expression is
used for social purposes and is not inhibited by the left hemisphere.
ing. The hypothesis that the right hemisphere may preferentially subserve the au-
tomatic "schematic level" and the left hemisphere the controlled "conceptual
level" of emotional processing seems, therefore, consistent with the basic re-
quirement of an internal coherence between the principles of organization un-
derlying respectively the emotional system and the right and left hemispheres.
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IV
EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
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10
Elation, Mania, and Mood Disorders:
Evidence from Neurological Disease
The first reports of emotional disorders associated with brain damage (usually
caused by cerebrovascular disease) were made by neurologists and psychiatrists
in case descriptions. Meyer (1904), for example, wrote that mood disorders fol-
lowing brain injury were probably the result of a combination of social, psy-
chological, and biological factors. He proposed that in some cases there may be
relationships between particular "traumatic insanities," such as delirium or de-
mentia, and specific locations and causes of brain injury. Babinski (1914) noted
that patients with right-hemisphere disease frequently displayed the symptoms
of anosognosia, euphoria, and indifference. Bleuler (1951) wrote that, after stroke,
"melancholic moods lasting for months and sometimes longer appear frequently."
Kraepelin (1921) recognized a frequent association between manic depressive in-
sanity and cerebrovascular disease and thought that, in some cases, the athero-
sclerotic disease produced the mood disorder.
Goldstein (1939) was the first to describe an emotional mood disorder thought
to be uniquely associated with brain disease: the catastrophic reaction. The cat-
astrophic reaction is an emotional outburst involving various degrees of anger,
frustration, depression, tearfulness, refusal, shouting, swearing, and sometimes
aggressive behavior. Goldstein (1939) ascribed this reaction to the inability of
the organism to cope when faced with a serious defect in its physical or cogni-
tive functions. In his extensive studies of brain injury in war, Goldstein (1942)
239
240 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
in studies of mania following stroke present with manic symptoms and are only
secondarily found to have brain injury. These patients, however, have typical
manic syndromes, and their symptoms are not significantly different from those
of patients with mania who do not have brain injury (Starkstein et al., 1987a).
Cummings and Mendez (1984) reported two patients who developed mania after
right thalamic infarcts and reviewed the case literature, which suggested an asso-
ciation of mania with right-hemisphere lesions. Based on a series of 17 patients
with post-brain-injury mania, Robinson et al. (1988) reported a significantly in-
creased frequency of right-hemisphere lesions compared with 31 major depressed
patients and 28 nonmood-disordered controls (Fig. 10.1). These lesions involved
the basal and polar areas of the right temporal lobe as well as subcortical areas of
the right hemisphere, such as the head of the caudate and right thalamus.
In another study, Starkstein et al. (1990b) used positron emission tomography
(PET) with 18-fluorodeoxyglucose to examine the metabolic abnormalities in
Figure 10.1. The percentage of patients with mania, major depression, or no mood dis-
order after brain injury, divided by lesion location as visualized on CT scan. Mania was
strongly associated with right-hemisphere lesions and major depression with left-
hemisphere injury. (Data are from Robinson et al., 1988.)
242 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
three patients with mania following right basal ganglia strokes. These patients
were found to have focal hypometabolic deficits in the right basotemporal cor-
tex. This finding suggested that lesions that lead to secondary mania may do so
through their distant effects on the right basotemporal cortex. This phenomenon,
called diaschisis (i.e., lesions producing distant effects), is a well-recognized con-
sequence of brain injury.
Because not every patient with a right orbitofrontal or basotemporal lesion devel-
ops a manic syndrome, the question arises as to whether there are potential pre-
disposing factors for secondary mania (Robinson et al., 1988; Starkstein et al.,
1987a). Patients with secondary mania were found to have a significantly higher
frequency of familial history of psychiatric disorders, as well as significantly more
subcortical brain atrophy (as determined by increased ventricular to brain ratios)
than did patients with similar brain lesions but without mania. Interestingly, sec-
ondary mania patients without a genetic predisposition had significantly more sub-
cortical atrophy than secondary mania patients with a family history of mood dis-
order, suggesting that subcortical atrophy and genetic predisposition may be
independent risk factors for mania following brain injury (Starkstein et al., 1987a).
Mechanism
the amygdala by means of its connection through the uncinate fasciculus with
the basotemporal cortex (Nauta, 1971). Lesions or dysfunction of these areas may
result in motor disinhibition (e.g., hyperactivity, pressured speech), intellectual
disinhibition (e.g., flight of ideas, grandiose delusions), and instinctive disinhi-
bition (e.g., hyperphagia and hypersexuality).
The second finding that needs to be incorporated into an explanation of ma-
nia following stroke is that it almost always occurs following right-hemisphere
lesions. Laboratory studies of the neurochemical and behavioral effects of brain
lesions in rats found that small suction lesions in the right (but not the left) frontal
cortex of rats produced a significant increase in locomotor activity (Robinson,
1979). Similar abnormal behavior was also found after electrolytic lesions were
made in the right (but not left) nucleus accumbens (which is considered part of
the ventral striatum) (Kubos, Moran, & Robinson, 1987). Moreover, right fron-
tocortical suction lesions also produced a significant increment in dopaminergic
turnover in the nucleus accumbens that was not seen with left-hemisphere lesions
(Starkstein et al., 1988). Thus, it is possible that in the presence of predisposing
factors, such as a genetic burden or subcortical atrophy, a significant increment
in biogenic amine turnover in the nucleus accumbens produced by specific right-
hemisphere lesions may be part of the mechanism that results in manic syndrome.
A case report (Berthier et al., 1990) suggested that the mechanism of secondary
mania was not related to the release of transcallosal inhibitory fibers (i.e., the re-
lease of left limbic areas from tonic inhibition due to a right-hemisphere lesion).
A patient who developed secondary mania after bleeding from a right basotem-
poral arteriovenous malformation underwent a Wada test before the therapeutic
embolization of the malformation. Amytal injection in the left carotid artery did
not abolish the manic symptoms (which would be the expected finding if the "re-
lease" theory were correct).
In conclusion, secondary mania is a rare complication of stroke lesions. Three
risk factors for mania following stroke have been identified: (1) a family history
of psychiatric disorders (Robinson et al., 1988), (2) increased subcortical atro-
phy (Starkstein et al., 1987a), and (3) seizure disorder (Shukla et al., 1987). Most
patients with secondary mania have right-hemisphere lesions, which involve the
orbitofrontal and/or basotemporal cortex, or subcortical structures such as the
thalamus or head of the caudate. Secondary mania may result from disinhibition
of dorsal cortical and limbic areas, dysfunction of asymmetrical biogenic amine
pathways, or both.
Treatment
of a single patient with secondary mania. Clonidine (600 /Ag/day) rapidly re-
versed the manic symptoms, whereas carbamazepine (1200 mg/day) was associ-
ated with no mood changes, and levodopa (375 mg/day) was associated with in-
creased manic symptoms. Other treatment modalities, such as antiepileptic drugs
(valproate and carbamazepine), neuroleptics, and lithium, have been reported to
be useful for secondary mania (Robinson et al., 1988). None of these treatments
has been evaluated in double-blind, placebo-controlled studies.
Prevalence
Mania is more frequent among patients with traumatic brain injury (TBI) than
among patients with stroke lesions (Jorge et al., 1993c; Robinson et al., 1988;
Shukla et al., 1987). In a study of 66 patients with acute TBI, 6 (9%) had sec-
ondary mania (Jorge et al., 1993c). One of these patients (17%) presented a bipo-
lar course. The manic episodes, however, were short-lived, with a mean duration
of 2 months. The mean duration of the elevated mood (i.e., elation), without meet-
ing other diagnostic criteria for mania, however, was 5.7 months. In addition,
three of the six secondary mania patients developed brief episodes of violent be-
havior at some point during the 1-year follow-up period. Aggressive behavior
was significantly more frequent in the secondary mania group than among pa-
tients who did not experience an affective disorder. At the time of the diagnosis,
three patients were receiving drug treatment (two patients received lorazepam,
and one patient, haloperidol); however, the duration of mania did not appear to
be significantly different between those who were and were not treated.
In the study of six patients with mania following TBI, the severity of mania was
not associated with severity of brain injury, degree of physical or cognitive im-
pairment, frequency of personal or family history of psychiatric disorder, or qual-
ity of social functioning (Jorge et al., 1993c). Shukla et al. (1987) reported on
20 patients who developed mania following TBI. The clinical correlates were se-
vere head trauma in 13 of 20, partial seizures in 8 patients and generalized seizures
in 2, and irritable mood in 17 of 20. There was no family history of bipolar dis-
order, and 14 of the 20 had recurrent mania without depression. Thus, although
further studies of the relationships between impairment or risk factors and the
development of mania need to be conducted, the present data suggest that ma-
ma is not a response to the associated impairments and that seizure disorder may
play a role in the etiology of post-TBI mania.
Elation, Mania, and Mood Disorders 245
The Jorge et al. (1993c) study of secondary mania syndromes found that the ma-
jor correlate of mania was the presence of anterior temporal lesions. This finding
was consistent with the finding in patients with stroke that mania was associated
with right basotemporal lesions. The trauma study did not have sufficient numbers
of patients with unilateral lesions to examine the right-hemisphere versus left-hemi-
sphere effect. Factors such as personal history of mood disorders or post-traumatic
epilepsy did not appear to significantly influence the frequency of secondary ma-
nia in this group of patients. Furthermore, although Shukla et al. (1987) did not
find a lateralized effect of seizure disorder on mania, the electroencephalographic
abnormalities had a temporal lobe focus in nine of ten seizure patients.
Mechanism
It has been suggested that the development of abnormal electrical activation pat-
terns in limbic networks, functional changes in aminergic inhibitory systems, and
the presence of aberrant regeneration pathways may play important roles in the
genesis of mania (Cseraansky et al., 1988; Stevens, 1990).
Figure 10.2. Lesion location in patients with bipolar mood disorder or mania without de-
pression after stroke, traumatic brain injury, or surgical lesions. Patients with bipolar dis-
order had a significantly greater frequency of subcortical (basal ganglia or thalamus) le-
sions than did patients with mania alone, who had more cortical lesions. Only two patients
had mixed cortical and subcortical lesions.
Shukla et al. (1987) did not examine cortical versus subcortical lesion loca-
tion, but the fact that 70% of the 20 patients had only manic episodes is consis-
tent with the hypothesis that cortical lesions lead to unipolar disorder (manic
unipolar) because TBI tends to be predominantly cortical in location.
The causes of both bipolar and unipolar mood disorder remain unknown. Pap-
pata et al. (1987) reported that subcortical lesions induce hypometabolic effects in
many regions, including contralateral brain areas (i.e., crossed-hemisphere and
crossed-cerebellar diaschisis). It is, therefore, possible that subcortical lesions may
induce metabolic changes in left frontocortical regions, which are associated with
depression. Mania may develop at a later stage, when these changes become re-
stricted to the orbitofrontal and basotemporal cortices of the right hemisphere.
elated with brain disease. One type is major depression as defined by the DSM-
IV criteria for depression due to stroke with major depressive-like episode. The
second type of depression is dysthymic depression as defined by the DSM-III
(excluding the 2 year duration criterion and the exclusionary organic factor) or
the DSM-IV research criteria for minor depression.
The prevalences of these depressions vary, depending on the setting in which
patients are studied as well as on the nature and location of the brain injury. In
a study of 103 consecutive patients admitted to the hospital with acute cere-
brovascular lesions, we found that 27% met symptom criteria for major de-
pression, and 20% met symptom criteria for dysthymic (minor) depression
(Robinson et al., 1983b). Most other studies of patients hospitalized (in acute
care or rehabilitation hospitals) with cerebrovascular lesions have reported sim-
ilar frequencies of major depression (range ll%-27%) and minor depression
(range 20%-40%). The frequency of depression in community settings, how-
ever, appears to be lower. House et al. (1990b) found that 11% had major and
12% had other types of depression among 89 community patients examined dur-
ing the first month post-stroke. Burvill et al. (1995) found that 15% of 294 com-
munity patients with acute stroke had major depression and 8% had minor de-
pression.
Relationship to Impairment
Although many clinicians have assumed that the most powerful determinant of
depression after stroke was the severity of associated physical impairment, em-
pirical studies have consistently failed to find a strong relationship between sever-
ity of depression and severity of physical impairment (Eastwood et al., 1989,
Morris, Robinson, & Raphael, 1990; Robinson et al., 1983b). This is not to say,
however, that there is no relationship. Numerous studies have demonstrated that
severity of physical impairment correlates with severity of depression and, in
some subpopulations, may be an important contributing factor to depression (As-
trom, Adolfsson, & Asplund, 1993; Eastwood et al., 1989; Morris et al., 1992b;
Robinson et al., 1983b).
Although the effect of impairment on depression appears to be fairly weak in
most patients, there is considerable evidence that depression adversely affects
post-stroke recovery in activities of daily living (ADL). Parikh et al. (1990) com-
pared 25 patients with post-stroke depression (either major or minor depression)
and 38 stroke patients with no mood disorders who were matched for severity of
ADL impairments in the hospital. After controlling for many of the variables that
have been shown to influence stroke outcome (such as acute treatment on a stroke
unit; size, nature, and location of brain injury; age; education; recurrent stroke
or other medical illness; and duration of rehabilitation services), patients with in-
hospital post-stroke depression were found to have a significantly poorer recov-
ery than nondepressed stroke patients at 2 years follow-up (Fig. 10.3).
Several studies have found that patients with major depression after left-
hemisphere stroke lesions had significantly greater cognitive deficits than non-
depressed patients with brain lesions of a similar size and location (House et al.,
1991; Robinson et al., 1986; Starkstein et al., 1988). These cognitive deficits
were observed in a wide range of neuropsychological tests, including orientation,
language, visuoconstructional ability, executive motor functions, and frontal lobe
tasks (Bolla-Wilson et al., 1989). In contrast, among patients with right-
hemisphere lesions, patients with major depression did not differ from nonde-
pressed patients on any of the measures of cognitive impairment. These findings
suggest that left-hemisphere lesions (particularly left frontal and left basal gan-
glia) associated with major depression may produce a different kind of depres-
sion than right-hemisphere lesions. Although there are several reports of im-
proved intellectual function in stroke patients treated with antidepressants (Fogel
& Sparadeo, 1985; Gonzalez-Torrecillas, Mendlewicz, & Lobo, 1995) these stud-
ies did not use double-blind controls.
It is difficult to confidently diagnose depression in a patient with severe com-
prehension deficits, and most investigators have excluded such patients from stud-
ies of post-stroke depression. Some investigators (Ross & Rush, 1981) have sug-
gested that a diagnosis of depression should be based on behavioral observations
Elation, Mania, and Mood Disorders 249
Figure 10.3. Changes in ADL scores for depressed (major or minor) patients and non-
depressed patients at the time of the in-hospital evaluation and again 2 years later. De-
pressed patients show less recovery than nondepressed patients. (Reprinted with permis-
sion from Parikh et al., 1990.)
(i.e., diminished sleep and food intake, restlessness and agitation, and retarded
or tearful behavior). The reliability as well as sensitivity and specificity of these
criteria for detecting depression have not yet, however, been demonstrated.
Robinson and Benson (1981), in a study of depression in patients with fluent
or nonfluent aphasia, found that patients with nonfluent aphasia had a signifi-
cantly higher frequency of depression than did patients with fluent aphasia.
Although the higher frequency of depression among nonfluent aphasic patients
might be attributed to greater awareness of language impairment, we found that
the frequency of depression was no higher in aphasic patients than in nonapha-
250 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
sic patients and was variable, which accounted best for frequency of depression.
In their study, however, Starkstein and Robinson (1988) concluded that the most
important variable was lesion location. This finding suggests that nonfluent lan-
guage impairment and depression may not be causally related but may be inde-
pendent outcomes of the same lesion.
Robinson et al. (1983a) and Starkstein, Robinson, and Price (1987b) found among
patients with acute stroke that major depression was significantly associated with
lesions in anterior areas of the left hemisphere, including the left lateral frontal
cortex and the left basal ganglia (Fig. 10.4) (Starkstein et al., 1987a). Basal gan-
glia lesions (caudate and/or putamen) were associated with major depression in
seven of eight patients with left-sided lesions, while only one of seven patients
with right-sided lesions and none of the patients with left or right thalamic le-
sions had major depression. The association of acute left-hemisphere stroke with
major depression has also been reported by Astrom, Adolfsson, and Asplund
(1993) and Herrmann et al. (1995), but not by House et al. (1990a).
Among patients with right-hemisphere stroke, we found that those with frontal
or parietal damage showed the highest frequency of depression (Starkstein et al.,
Figure 10.4. The percentage of patients with major or minor depression, grouped ac-
cording to stroke lesion location. LC, left cortical; LS, left subcortical; RC, right cortical;
and RS, right subcortical. Patients with either left cortical or left subcortical lesions had
a significantly greater frequency of major depression during the acute stroke period than
patients with right hemisphere lesions. (Data from Starkstein et al., 1987b.)
Elation, Mania, and Mood Disorders 251
1989c). Similar results were reported by Finset (1988), who found that patients
with lesions in the right parietal white matter had a higher frequency of depression
than did patients with lesions involving other locations in the right hemisphere.
Perhaps the most consistent finding in post-stroke depression, however, has
been the association of depressive symptoms with intrahemispheric lesion loca-
tion. In 1981, we reported that among a group of 29 patients with left-hemisphere
lesions produced by trauma or stroke, there was an inverse correlation between
severity of depression and distance of the anterior border of the lesion from the
frontal pole as measured on CT scan (r = 0.76, P < 0.001) (Fig. 10.5) (Robin-
son & Szetela, 1981). In 1983, we reported the same phenomenon in another
group of 10 patients with single-stroke lesions of the left anterior hemisphere
(r = -0.92, P < .001). When patients with left posterior lesions were added (N =
18), the correlation decreased to r = —0.54, P < 0.05. This phenomenon was
also found in other groups of patients with purely cortical lesions of the left hemi-
sphere (N = 16; r = -0.52, P < 0.05) (Starkstein, Robinson, & Price, 1987b),
purely left subcortical lesions (N= 13; r = -0.68, P < 0.01) (Starkstein, Robin-
son, & Price, 1987b), and left-handed patients (Robinson et al., 1985). This phe-
nomenon has now been replicated by five different groups of investigators study-
252 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
ing patients from Canada (Eastwood et al., 1989; Sinyor et al., 1986), England
(House et al., 1990b), Germany (Herrmann, Bartles, & Wallesch, 1993), and Aus-
tralia (Morris et al., 1992a). Some found a correlation between severity of de-
pression and proximity of the lesion to the frontal pole in combined right- and
left-hemisphere lesion groups (House et al., 1990b; Sinyor et al., 1986), while
others found it only with left-sided lesions (Eastwood et al., 1989; Morris, Robin-
son, & Raphael, 1992a). Longitudinal studies have found that proximity of the
lesion to the frontal pole is significantly associated with severity of depression
most strongly during the first 6 months post-stroke (Astrom, Adolfsson, & As-
plund, 1993; Parikh et al., 1987), suggesting that the pathophysiology is a dy-
namic one that changes over time.
Although there is some difference in the strength of this correlation (and, there-
fore, the amount of variance in severity of depression explained by lesion loca-
tion), this phenomenon has emerged as one of the most consistent and robust
clinicopathological correlations ever described in neuropsychiatry. In summary,
several studies conducted by different investigators support the hypothesis that
major depressive disorder after acute stroke is more frequent following lesions
in the left anterior hemisphere than lesions at any other lesion location and that
depressive symptoms are more severe if the lesion is closer to the frontal pole.
Although the cause of post-stroke depression is not known, it has been hypoth-
esized that disruption of the biogenic amine-containing pathways by the stroke
lesion may play an etiological role (Robinson et al., 1983a). The noradrenergic
and serotonergic cell bodies are located in the brain stem and send ascending
Elation, Mania, and Mood Disorders 253
projections through the medial forebrain bundle to the frontal cortex. The as-
cending axons then arc posteriorly and run longitudinally through the deep lay-
ers of the cortex, arborizing and sending terminal projections into the superficial
cortical layers (Morrison, Molliver, & Grzanna, 1979). Lesions that disrupt these
pathways in the frontal cortex or the basal ganglia may affect many downstream
fibers. Based on these neuroanatomical facts and on the clinical finding that the
severity of depression correlates with the proximity of the lesion to the frontal
pole, we have suggested that post-stroke depression may be the consequence of
severe depletion of norepinephrine, serotonin, or both produced by frontal or
basal ganglia lesions (Robinson et al., 1983a).
Supporting this hypothesis, some investigations have shown (in rats) that bio-
genie amines are depleted in response to ischemic lesions. This biochemical re-
sponse to ischemia is also lateralized (Robinson, 1979). Right-hemisphere lesions
produce depletions of norepinephrine and an accompanying behavior change of
locomotor hyperactivity, whereas lesions of the left hemisphere do not (Robin-
son, 1979).
Although relatively few studies have examined the effectiveness of the treatment
of depression among patients with brain disease, there are three randomized,
double-blind studies of the efficacy of antidepressant treatment. Lipsey et al.
(1984) examined 14 patients treated with nortriptyline and 20 patients given
placebo. Patients received 25 mg for 1 week, 50 mg for 2 weeks, 75 mg for 1
week, and 100 mg for 2 weeks. The group taking the active drug (11 completed
the study) showed a significant decrease in depression scores compared with the
placebo group (15 completed the study) (Fig. 10.6). Side effects were observed
in 3 of 14 nortriptyline treated patients; two developed delirium, and one had
sudden syncope of unknown cause. Patients receiving nortriptyline showed a sig-
nificantly greater improvement in depression as measured by the Hamilton De-
pression Rating Scale and the Zung Self-Rating Depression Scale. Active and
placebo groups, however, did not differ significantly in their mean Hamilton De-
pression Scores until weeks 4 and 6 of treatment.
The second controlled study, carried out by Reding et al. (1986), demonstrated
the usefulness of another antidepressant drug (trazodone) for post-stroke de-
pression. In this study, 27 patients participating in a stroke rehabilitation pro-
gram were randomly assigned to treatment. Depressed patients taking trazodone
were found to have greater improvements in ADL scores than patients treated
with placebo. This trend became statistically significant when the treatment
groups were restricted to patients with abnormal dexamethasone tests.
The third treatment study was conducted by Andersen, Vestergaard, and Riis,
(1993), who used the specific serotonin-reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) citalopram.
254 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
Figure 10.6. Hamilton Depression scores during a 6 week double-blind treatment trial of
nortriptyline versus placebo for patients with depression (major or minor) after stroke. Pa-
tients receiving acute treatment improved significantly more than those receiving placebo.
(Reprinted with permission from Lipsey et al., 1984.)
Prevalence
Figure 10.7. The percentage of patients (AT = 105) at each stage (I-V) of Parkinson's
disease who were depressed. All patients were attending an outpatient care clinic whose
disease ranged in duration from a few months to more than 15 years. The relative fre-
quency of depression was higher in both the early and late stages of the illness than in
the middle stages. We have hypothesized that the early depressions may be associated
with left-hemisphere dysfunction, whereas the late depression may be a psychological re-
sponse to impairment (Starkstein, Robinson, & Preziosi, 1990b). (Reprinted with per-
mission from Robinson & Travella, 1996.)
256 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
In PD, cognitive impairments may range from subtle deficits in frontal lobe-
related tasks to an overt dementia (El-Awar, Bekcer, & Hammond, 1987). Mayeux,
Stern, and Rose (1981), using a modified Mini-Mental State Examination, reported
a significant correlation between cognitive deficits and severity of depression (i.e.,
severe depression was associated with severe cognitive impairments).
This relationship was also reported by Starkstein et al. in three studies. In the
first study, the association between depression, cognitive impairments, and stage
of PD was examined (Starkstein, Bolduc, & Preziosi, 1989a). Patients in the late
stages showed significantly greater overall cognitive impairments than did pa-
tients in the early stages, and those impairments were restricted to tasks involv-
ing motor-related functions (Fig. 10.8). Depressed patients in the late stages of
the disease showed the most significant impairment (Starkstein et al., 1989b).
Taken together, these findings suggest that cognitive deficits may primarily be a
result of motor impairments, but, when depression also occurs, the cognitive
deficits are greater and increase in severity as the PD progresses (Starkstein,
Bolduc, & Preziosi, 1989a).
Figure 10.8. Cognitive performance as measured by the number of correctly selected cat-
egories on the Wisconsin Card Sorting Task and seconds to complete the Trail Making
Test by Parkinson's disease patients with and without depression. Depressed patients were
significantly (P < 0.05) more impaired than nondepressed patients during the moderate
and severe stages of PD. Among the depressed patients, performance on these "frontal
lobe" tasks declined with advancing stages of PD. (Reprinted with permission from Robin-
son & Travella, 1996.)
Elation, Mania, and Mood Disorders 257
In the second study, the association between cognitive impairments and type of
severity of depression (major or minor) among patients with PD was examined.
No differences were found on cognitive tasks between minor depressed and non-
depressed patients, but patients with major depression showed the worst cognitive
performance. This impairment was greatest on frontal lobe-related tasks, such as
the Wisconsin Card Sorting test (Starkstein et al., 1989b). In the third study, the
influence of depression on the longitudinal evolution of cognitive deficits was ex-
amined in a 3-4 year follow-up. Both groups, depressed and nondepressed patients,
showed significant declines in Mini-Mental State Examination scores over time,
but the depressed patients had significantly greater cognitive decline than did non-
depressed subjects (Starkstein, Bolduc, & Preziosi, 1989a).
These findings demonstrate that depression may be associated not only with
cognitive impairments at the time depression is present but also with more rapid
cognitive deterioration. These findings support the speculation of Sano, Stern,
and William (1989) that depression may be an early finding in patients with PD
who later show dementia.
Mechanism
Several studies have demonstrated that patients with PD and dementia may show
senile plaques and neurofibrillary tangles compatible with the diagnosis of
Alzheimer's disease (AD) as well as severe depletion of cholinergic neurons in
the nucleus basalis of Meynert or Lewy bodies in cortical regions (Perry, Cur-
tis, & Dick, 1985). Few neuropathological studies have, however, been carried
out in patients with PD and depression. Depression in PD may also be related
to changes in other biogenic amines. Mayeux, Williams, and Stern (1984)
showed that patients with PD and depression had significantly lower 5-HIAA
(a metabolite of serotonin) levels in the cerebrospinal fluid than did patients
with PD without depression. However, patients with PD and both dementia and
depression had the lowest 5-HIAA cerebrospinal fluid values (Sano, Stern, &
William, 1989).
In a recent study, the metabolic abnormalities associated with depression in
PD were examined with neuroimaging techniques (Mayberg et al., 1990). Re-
gional cerebral glucose metabolism was determined in depressed (TV = 5) and
nondepressed (N = 4) patients with PD using [18F]-fluoro-l-deoxy-D-glucose
(FDG) PET. Patients with PD and major depression had significantly lower meta-
bolic activities in the head of the caudate and the inferior frontal cortex than did
nondepressed PD patients of comparable age, duration, and stage of illness. More-
over, there was a significant correlation between Hamilton Depression Scale
scores and the relative regional metabolism in the inferior frontal cortex (r =
0.73, P < 0.05) (i.e., the lower the relative regional metabolic activity in the in-
ferior frontal cortex, the more severe the depression).
258 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
Treatment
Kinsella, Moran, and Ford (1988) reported that, in a series of 39 patients, 33%
were classified as depressed and 26% as suffering from anxiety within 2 years
of severe head injury. Fedoroff et al. (1992) and Jorge et al. (1993b) found that
28 of 66 patients (42%) admitted to a head trauma unit developed major de-
pression at some point during a 1-year follow-up period. Of 66 patients admit-
ted to the hospital with acute closed head injury without significant spinal cord
or other organ system injury, 17 (26%) met diagnostic criteria for major depres-
sion at the time of the initial in-hospital evaluation. In addition, 3% met criteria
for minor (dysthymic) depressive disorder. This frequency is consistent with that
found by several other investigators (Brooks, Campsie, & Symington, 1986;
Gualtieri & Cox, 1991).
Mood disorders following TBI may be transient syndromes lasting for a few
weeks, or they may be persistent disorders lasting for many months (Grant & Al-
wes, 1987). Other authors have suggested that transient disorders may be the re-
sult of neurochemical changes provoked by brain injury, whereas prolonged de-
pressive disorders may be of a more complex nature and may be reactive to
physical or cognitive impairment (Lishman, 1988; Prigatano, 1987; VanZomeren
& Saan, 1990).
We have reported empirical data to support these suggestions (Jorge et al.,
1993b). Diagnoses of depression were based on a semistructured psychiatric in-
terview (Wing, Cooper, & Sartorius, 1974). Of the original 66 patients evaluated
with acute TBI, 54 were re-evaluated at 3 months, 43 at 6 months, and 43 at 1
Elation, Mania, and Mood Disorders 259
year. The prevalence of depression was 30% at 3 months, 26% at 6 months, and
26% at 1 year (Jorge et al., 1993a). The mean duration of major depression was 4.7
months. There was, however, a group of seven patients (41 % of the depressed group)
who had transient depressions lasting 1.5 months, while the nine remaining patients'
depression had a mean duration of 7 months. The patients with transient depression
showed a strong association with left anterior lesion location (Fischer exact P =
0.006). Prolonged depressions, on the other hand, were associated with impaired so-
cial functioning, suggesting that biological factors may lead to transient depression,
whereas prolonged depressions may result from psychological factors.
Figure 10.9. Social functioning exam (SFE) scores for patients either with major de-
pression or without depression during 1 year after traumatic brain injury (TBI). The SFE
scores reflect function during the month before evaluation. Therefore, the initial score in-
dicates social functioning before TBI. Both before and after head injury, patients with de-
pression had significantly more impaired social functioning than nondepressed patients.
This probably reflects the effect of depression on social functioning and vice versa.
(Reprinted with permission from Robinson & Travella, 1996.)
260 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
evaluation, measured the quality and personal satisfaction with social function-
ing during the period before brain injury. This suggests, as other investigators
have reported, that patients with poor social adjustment and social dissatisfac-
tion before the brain injury were more prone to develop depression.
Empirical studies have reported conflicting findings with regard to the relation-
ship between impairment and depressive symptoms following TBI (Bornstein,
Miller, & VanSchoor, 1989; Prigatano, 1986). In the previously described study
of 66 patients with TBI, there was no significant association between depression
and severity of intellectual impairment (i.e., Mini-Mental State Examination) or
Elation, Mania, and Mood Disorders 261
Figure 10.10. The proportion of patients with major depression or no mood disturbance
at 1 month after traumatic brain injury (TBI) who had evidence on CT scan of injury in-
volving the left dorsal lateral frontal cortex and/or left basal ganglia. Because patients
with TBI frequently have multiple areas of injury, a logistic regression analysis was used
to examine the independent effects of each area of injury. The strongest independent ef-
fect of lesions on depression was found in this left anterior brain region. (Reprinted with
permission from Robinson & Travella, 1996.)
ADL (Fedoroff et al., 1992). Social functioning, however, was the clinical vari-
able that had the most consistent relationship with depression throughout the
follow-up period (Jorge et al., 1993b). One might infer from these findings that
social intervention as well as the treatment of depression may be necessary to al-
leviate these severe and long-lasting mood disorders.
Treatment
Emotional and mood disorders are commonly associated with brain injury. In-
sights into the causes of these disorders may be gained by investigation of their
similarities and differences in several different neurological disorders. This chap-
ter has focused on mood disorders associated with stroke, PD, and TBI.
There are numerous emotional and behavioral disorders that occur after cere-
brovascular lesions. Mania is a rare complication of stroke and is strongly asso-
ciated with right-hemisphere damage involving the orbitofrontal cortex, basal
temporal cortex, thalamus, or basal ganglia. Risk factors for mania include a fam-
ily history of psychiatric disorders and subcortical atrophy. Although patients
with secondary mania are usually treated with medications with proven efficacy
in primary mania, the most effective treatment modality remains to be deter-
mined. Bipolar disorders are associated with subcortical lesions of the right hemi-
sphere, whereas right cortical lesions lead to mania without depression. Depres-
sion occurs in about 40% of stroke patients. Depression is significantly associated
with left frontal and left basal ganglia lesions during the acute post-stroke period
and may be successfully treated with nortriptyline.
Major depression and dysthymic disorders are frequent in PD. Depression may
be associated not only with cognitive impairments at the time depression is pres-
ent but also with more rapid cognitive deterioration. Further studies are needed
to determine whether the use of antidepressants may delay the progression of
cognitive impairment in patients with PD.
Elation, Mania, and Mood Disorders 263
Among patients with acute TBI, 25% of those studied fulfilled criteria for ma-
jor depressive disorders. The mean duration of major depression was 4.7 months,
and a total of 42% developed major depression at some time during the first year
after injury. Patients with generalized anxiety disorder and comorbid major de-
pression had longer lasting mood problems than did patients with depression and
no anxiety.
There are many areas that are ripe for future research. The most important el-
ements of social functioning that contribute to depression need to be explored,
as well as the effect of social intervention. The role of antidepressants in treat-
ing these depressive disorders has not been systemically explored and deserves
study.
Finally, the mechanism of these depressions, both those associated with psy-
chosocial factors and those associated with neurobiological factors (e.g., strate-
gic lesion locations), need to be investigated. It is only through the discovery of
their mechanism that specific and rational treatment strategies for these disorders
will be developed.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors are indebted to Drs. Sergio E. Starkstein, Thomas R. Price, John R. Lipsey, Rajesh M.
Parikh, J. Paul Fedoroff, Helen S. Mayberg, and Karen Bolla, who participated in many of these
studies. This work was supported by the following NIMH grants: Research Scientist Award MH00163,
MH52879, and MH53592.
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II
Regional Brain Function in
Sadness and Depression
Over the last 15, years there has been increased interest in the cerebral lateral-
ization of emotion and emotion-related psychopathology (e.g., Davidson &
Tomarken, 1989). Although numerous studies point to right-hemisphere special-
ization in the perception of emotional information (see Silberman & Weingart-
ner, 1986), evidence suggests that the anterior regions of the right and left hemi-
spheres play different roles with respect to the production of emotion. Following
from Schneirla's argument (1959) that approach and withdrawal underlie all mo-
tivated behaviors across phylogeny, Davidson and others (i.e., Davidson, 1984,
1987, 1992, 1995; Davidson & Tomarken, 1989; Kinsbourne, 1978) have pro-
posed that the anterior regions of the left and right hemispheres are specialized
for approach and withdrawal behavior, respectively. For instance, the induction
of a withdrawal-related emotion, such as disgust, has been shown to be associ-
ated with an increase in relative right-sided anterior activation, while increased
relative left-sided activation accompanies approach-related emotions such as hap-
piness (e.g., Davidson et al., 1990b; Fox & Davidson, 1986). Gray (1994) pro-
posed similiar conceptual systems with a different functional anatomy and has
labeled these systems the Behavioral Approach System (BAS) and the Behav-
ioral Inhibition System (BIS).
At the same time, factor analytic studies of mood have identified two broad
orthogonal factors: positive affect (PA) and negative affect (NA), (Tellegen,
269
270 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
1985; Watson & Tellegen, 1985). These two factors appear to tap behavior re-
flective of approach and withdrawal. NA is described generally as subjective
distress and includes mood states such as fear, disgust, and anxiety (Watson,
Clark, & Carey, 1988), prototypical withdrawal-related emotions (Davidson &
Tomarken, 1989). PA does not reflect happiness per se, but rather "one's level
of pleasurable engagement with the environment" (Watson, Clark, & Carey, 1988,
p. 347). High PA is characterized by enthusiasm, mental alertness, and determi-
nation, while low PA is characterized by lethargy and fatigue. Studies using these
affect dimensions have shown that it is the loss of PA that differentiates depres-
sion from other negative affect states such as anxiety (Bouman & Luteijn, 1986;
MacLeod, Byrne, & Valentine, 1996; Watson, Clark, & Carey, 1988).
Although investigations of experimentally induced affect demonstrate con-
sistent changes in frontal asymmetry across subjects between approach- and
withdrawal-related emotion conditions (i.e., Davidson et al., 1990b), these
changes in relative asymmetry are superimposed on considerable individual vari-
ation in absolute asymmetry. These asymmetries in absolute anterior activation
are predicted to reflect affective style and to affect an individual's vulnerability
to particular types of psychopathology (Davidson, 1998). In line with this, stud-
ies have shown that individuals with relative left-sided frontal activation are char-
acterized by high levels of PA and self-reported activity in the BAS (e.g., Har-
mon-Jones & Allen, 1997; Jacobs & Snyder, 1996; Sutton & Davidson, 1997;
Tomarken et al., 1992). Subjects with relative right-sided frontal activation are
characterized by high levels of NA and self-reported activity in the BIS (Sutton
& Davidson, 1997; Tomarken et al., 1992). Within this model, absolute anterior
asymmetry by itself does not produce a particular pattern of emotional behavior
or psychopathology; instead, anterior asymmetry is seen as a diathesis for the ex-
pression of emotional behavior, given an appropriate affect elicitor. For instance,
individuals with increased relative right anterior activation report more NA in re-
sponse to emotion-eliciting film clips than do subjects with relatively more left
anterior activation (Tomarken, Davidson, & Henriques, 1990; Wheeler, David-
son, & Tomarken, 1993).
Within the context of this model, sadness and depression which are associated
with decreased PA, should be associated with decreased left frontal activation, and
individuals who are characterized by a relatively stable pattern of left anterior hy-
poactivation should be more susceptible to the elicitation of sad mood and at in-
creased risk for depression. Note that this model is only proposing a relation be-
tween left anterior function and sad mood and depression, not one involving the
relative pattern of activation between the two hemispheres. Variations in right an-
terior function should reflect variations in NA among individuals. Thus, depressed
individuals who have increased right frontal activity would be expected to be at
risk for withdrawal-related emotions as well and would typically present a clinical
picture of a depressed and anxious mood. Individuals who have concurrent low
Regional Brain Function in Sadness and Depression 271
For the most part, these studies have not addressed the issue of the ante-
rior/posterior dimension within the hemisphere, an important issue given the dif-
ferential role these regions play in behavior (see Davidson, 1992). Robinson and
coworkers have systematically and elegantly investigated the nature of post-stroke
mood disturbance (e.g., Lipsey et al., 1983; Robinson et al., 1984, 1985; Robin-
son & Szetela, 1981; Starkstein, Robinson, & Price, 1987). They have used com-
puterized tomography scans to precisely specify lesion location and have used
standardized diagnostic interviews to characterize the nature of the emotional dis-
turbance. They have found that the severity of post-stroke depression was posi-
tively related to the lesion's proximity to the frontal pole in the left hemisphere
such that more anterior lesions were associated with increased depression (Lipsey
et al., 1983; Robinson et al., 1984). Investigation of right-hemisphere damage
and depression point to an inverse relation such that more posterior lesions were
associated with increased severity of depression (Robinson et al., 1984).
The depression observed in these patients is phenomenologically similar to
clinical depression (Lipsey et al., 1986), and comparisons of depressed patients
with and without stroke-induced lesions reveal that both groups have similar lev-
els of depression. The only difference between groups is the greater cognitive
and physical impairment observed in post-stroke depressed patients relative to
neurologically intact depressed patients (Lipsey et al., 1986). Given this differ-
ence in cognitive function, it should be noted that the severity of post-stroke de-
pression has not been found to be related to the severity of the functional im-
pairment produced by the stroke; rather, it is lesion location that appears to be
the critical variable (Robinson & Price, 1982).
Although one study has replicated Robinson's work (Sinyor et al., 1986), a
second study has not found an increased incidence of major depression among
subjects with left-hemisphere lesions (House et al., 1990). Gainotti (1989) has
argued that because not all subjects with left anterior lesions become depressed
the hypothesis of a relation between left frontal inactivation and depression should
be rejected. His view is predicated on the idea that left frontal lesions are suffi-
cient to produce depression. Davidson (1993) has offered an alternative frame-
work for understanding this corpus of evidence based on a diathesis-stress model.
While subjects with left anterior lesions are presumed to be at increased risk for
depression, the fact that not all of these subjects become depressed merely demon-
strates that decreased left anterior activation is not sufficient for the occurrence
of depression. It is quite possible that the House et al. (1990) subjects, while hav-
ing the diathesis, simply had not had a sufficient level of stress to elicit a de-
pressive episode. In fact, there were differences between the patient samples stud-
ied by House and Robinson: Fewer than half of the subjects in the House et al.
(1990) study had been hospitalized as a result of their stroke, and less than one-
third lived alone. In contrast, only one third of the subjects examined by Robin-
son and Price (1982) were married, and all had been hospitalized for their strokes.
Regional Brain Function in Sadness and Depression 273
The findings from this literature appear to be generally supportive of the idea
that decreases in left-sided activation, specifically in the anterior cortical zones, are
associated with sadness and depression. None of the studies reviewed thus far has,
however, provided a concurrent assessment of cerebral function. Thus, these find-
ings do not rule out the possibility that the observed changes in mood are the re-
sult of changes elsewhere in the brain. To that end, it is necessary to investigate
cerebral functioning in an anatomically intact population. This question has been
addressed with both electrophysiological and radioactive ligand studies.
ELECTROENCEPHALOGRAM STUDIES
Methodological Issues
with regard to the specific frequency bands examined, almost all assess activity
in the alpha band (e.g., Henriques & Davidson, 1990, 1991; Matousek, Capone,
& Okawa, 1981; Ferris et al., 1981). Power in the alpha band is inversely cor-
related with relative brain activation, with a decrease in alpha power indicative
of an increase in brain activation (Lindsley & Wicke, 1974). Davidson et al.
(1990a) examined patterns of activation during performance of spatial and ver-
bal tasks and found that greater power suppression occurred in all bands, in the
hemisphere putatively most activated. This suggests that increased activation is
associated with decreases in power across bands. It is less clear what differences
in variability reflect. For the most part, increases in variability have been inter-
preted as reflecting increases in activity, based on the assumption that cortical
activation would be associated with neuronal desynchrony and thus increased
variability in the EEG. Flor-Henry et al. (1979) examined both power and vari-
ability and reported decreases in variability coincident with increases in power.
In one of the earliest studies of induced sadness, Tucker et al. (1981) recorded
the EEG activity from across the head during the induction of depression and eu-
phoria. Differences between the two mood states were only observed in the frontal
regions. Relative to the euphoric mood state, depressed mood was associated with
more left and less right alpha power, indicating that depression was associated
with relative right-sided activation. Ahern and Schwartz (1985) investigated EEG
asymmetry in response to questions designed to elicit happy, excited, neutral,
sad, or fearful responses. This study did not report data from the individual hemi-
spheres and did not include any assessment of whether these differential moods
had been induced. Their asymmetry data showed no difference in frontal alpha
asymmetry between happiness and sadness. Both of these emotion conditions had
relatively more left-sided activation than did the other three emotion conditions
studied. Given the contradictory results found thus far, it is clear that more stud-
ies are needed to examine the relations between patterns of EEG activation and
induced sad mood in normal individuals. One of the critical problems in this
work is the need to verify that the intended emotion was indeed induced. Ide-
ally, measures other than simple self-report should be used because there are
strong expectancy effects in studies that use mood induction. Measures of spon-
taneous facial behavior can be fruitfully used as an unobtrusive index of the in-
duced emotion (e.g., Davidson et al., 1990b).
Studies of Depression
Most EEG studies of depression have compared depressed and nondepressed sub-
jects' resting patterns of brain electrical activity. Unfortunately, not all studies
Regional Brain Function in Sadness and Depression 275
have included frontal measures (e.g., Cazard, 1989; Cazard, Ricard, & Facchetti,
1992; Ulrich et al., 1984). Henriques and Davidson (1991) examined the activ-
ity in four different frequency bands at six scalp sites in each hemisphere in a
group of clinically depressed individuals. The one region where depressed sub-
jects differed from normal controls was in the midfrontal region and involved
the patterning of alpha power. Depressed subjects had relative right-sided frontal
activation as a result of hypoactivation in the left hemisphere.
These findings mirror earlier work with subclinically depressed people (Schaf-
fer, Davidson, & Saron, 1983). Because there is not a clear consensus in the lit-
erature regarding referencing strategies (see Davidson, 1988; Lehman, 1987;
Nunez, 1981), data were derived with three different reference montages, and the
pattern of left frontal hypoactivation was consistent across montages. We have
also found this pattern of left frontal hypoactivation in remitted depressed pa-
tients (Henriques & Davidson, 1990). A recent study replicated these results,
finding that both currently depressed and previously depressed subjects had less
left frontal activation than never depressed controls (Gotlib, Ranganath, & Rosen-
feld, 1998). Similar findings have been reported in a small group of bipolar sub-
jects with seasonal affective disorder (Allen et al., 1993). Another study that ex-
amined the stability of frontal asymmetry in a group of 25 depressed subjects
over an 8 week period found that changes in symptom severity were unrelated
to frontal asymmetry (Hitt, Allen, & Duke, 1995). Furthermore, the intraclass
correlations between the two testing occasions ranged from 0.51 to 0.81. All of
these findings point to a trait-like role for decreased left frontal activation in de-
pression, supporting the view that left hypoactivation serves as a diathesis for
the experience of depression.
While studies have reported differences in posterior asymmetry, these findings
have been mixed (e.g., Henriques & Davidson, 1990; von Knorring, 1983). d'Elia
and Perris (1973, 1974) found decreases in left posterior variability among de-
pressed subjects, and this variability increased on recovery. In contrast, von Knor-
ring (1983) found that depressed subjects had more variability in the right hemi-
sphere than did controls. Increased right posterior activation (decreased relative
alpha power) has been reported by Pozzi et al. (1995) and Suzuki et al. (1996).
Other studies suggest that depression is associated with decreased right posterior
activation. Cazard (1989) recorded from the parietal regions and found that de-
pressed subjects had less variability in the right than left hemisphere, while con-
trols had similar variability in the two hemispheres. Recovery was associated
with an increase in variability in both hemispheres and the loss of any asymme-
try. A subsequent study found decreased right posterior variability in all depressed
subjects, while only the most severe cases also had decreased left posterior vari-
ability (Cazard, Ricard, & Facchetti, 1992). We have found decreased right pos-
terior activation in remitted depressed patients (Henriques & Davidson, 1990),
but not in currently depressed subjects (Henriques & Davidson, 1991).
276 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
All of the aforementioned studies have examined subjects during resting con-
ditions. A more consistent pattern of decreased right posterior activation in de-
pression emerges when subjects are compared during cognitive task performance,
and these results are consistent with those from behavioral studies that depressed
subjects have a selective impairment in spatial task performance (e.g., Miller et
al., 1995). We compared depressed and nondepressed subjects on psychometri-
cally matched verbal and spatial tasks and found that depressed subjects per-
formed worse than controls on the spatial task but performed similar to controls
on the verbal task (Henriques & Davidson, 1997). EEGs recorded during these
tasks showed that depressed subjects showed no increase in activation in the right
posterior regions during spatial task performance. Control subjects, in contrast,
had a pattern of relative right-sided activation during the spatial task and rela-
tive left-sided activation during the verbal task. Using the same tasks, Reid, Allen,
and Duke (1995) had similar results. In a study examining patterns of EEG ac-
tivation in response to lateralized facial stimuli, Davidson, Schaffer, and Saron
(1985) found that depressed subjects had an inverse relationship between frontal
and parietal asymmetries that was not seen in control subjects. Among depressed
subjects, larger decreases in left frontal activation were associated with greater
decreases in right parietal activation.
In work examining EEG patterns of activation in elderly depressed subjects,
the pattern observed is one of a global decrease in activation compared with non-
depressed subjects (Pollock & Schneider, 1990). This pattern of increased alpha
power across the head also characterizes recovered elderly depressed people (Pol-
lock & Schneider, 1989). Global decreases in activation have also been found by
Roemer et al. (1992), who additionally found greater left-sided power in the theta,
alpha, and beta bands among depressed subjects.
Although there has not been enough work done on EEG changes associated
with sadness to draw any firm conclusions (Ahern & Schwartz, 1985; Tucker et
al., 1981), depression appears to be associated with decreased left-sided anterior
EEG activation (e.g., Allen et al., 1991; Gotlib, Ranganath, & Rosenfeld, 1998;
Henriques & Davidson, 1990, 1991; Schaffer, Davidson, & Saron, 1983). The
patterning of posterior asymmetry in depression is less clear. Findings include
left-sided decreases in activation (e.g., d'Elia & Penis, 1973, 1974), right-sided
increases (von Knorring, 1983), right-sided decreases (e.g., Allen et al., 1991;
Cazard, 1989; Henriques & Davidson, 1990), and bilateral decreases (Pollock &
Schneider, 1989, 1990). Heller and associates (1997) have suggested that differ-
ences in posterior asymmetry reflect differences in anxious arousal such that
right-sided activation reflects the somatic arousal and tension associated with
anxious arousal whereas left-sided activation is associated with the worry and
verbal rumination of anxious apprehension. In fact, a recent study comparing
anxious and nonanxious depressed subjects found that those who were nonanx-
ious were characterized by decreased activation over the right parietotemporal
Regional Brain Function in Sadness and Depression 277
sites and those who were anxious had increased right posterior activation (Bruder
et al., 1997). Relations between increased right posterior activation and increased
anxiety in depression has also been reported by Matousek (1991).
Methodological Issues
Studies of Depression
There is a considerably larger corpus of work with ERP studies of depression than
with EEG studies of depression (for reviews, see Henriques & Davidson, 1989;
Zahn, 1986); however, relatively few have examined the issue of asymmetry and
depression (e.g., Bruder et al., 1995; Tenke et al., 1993). In studies that have not
examined asymmetry, some have not found differences between depressed and
nondepressed subjects in P3 amplitude (e.g., Giedke, Thier, & Bolz, 1981) or in
latency (e.g., Giedke, Thier, & Bolz, 1981; Kraiuhin et al., 1990; Pfefferbaum et
al., 1984). Other investigators have reported that depressed subjects have decreased
P3 amplitudes compared with controls (e.g., Diner, Holcomb, & Dykman, 1985;
Pfefferbaum et al., 1984; Thier, Axmann, & Giedke, 1986). The results of exam-
inations of other components of the evoked potential waveform are also mixed,
with some investigators reporting increased amplitudes among depressed subjects
(e.g., Elton, 1984; Khanna, Mukundan, & Channabasavanna, 1989; Vasile et al.,
1989), others reporting no differences (e.g., Diner, Halcomb, & Dykman, 1985;
Knott et al., 1991; Plooij-van Gorsel, 1984; Thier, Axmann, & Giedke, 1986), and
still others reporting decreases (e.g., Giedke, Thier, Bolz, 1981; Roth et al., 1981).
Bruder (1992) has suggested that the use of overly simple tasks has resulted in
the failure to find consistent differences between depressed and nondepressed sub-
278 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
jects. Similar reasoning may explain why the EEG literature, reviewed above, re-
ports variability in resting posterior differences yet consistent right posterior de-
creases during cognitive tasks. In addition to using more complex tasks, Bruder and
his associates have examined the issue of asymmetry in the evoked potentials of de-
pressed and nondepressed subjects (e.g., Bruder et al., 1995; Tenke et al., 1993).
They have recorded evoked potentials during spatial and temporal discrimination
tasks and have found that control subjects who had a strong left ear (right hemi-
sphere) advantage during a complex tone task had right greater than left P3 ampli-
tudes. This asymmetry was seen at different sites across the hemisphere. Depressed
subjects, in addition to having lower P3 amplitudes than controls, did not show this
normal right greater than left asymmetry (Bruder et al., 1995). In a study compar-
ing typical and atypical depressed subjects, Bruder et al. (1991) found that typical
depressed subjects had a longer P3 latency in an audiospatial task but not a tempo-
ral task than did normal controls and atypical depressed subjects. This investigation
also found that the P3 latency in typical depressed subjects was longer for stimuli
presented to the right hemifield (i.e., left hemisphere) than to the left hemifield.
Atypical depressed subjects and normal controls did not show this asymmetry.
In summary, studies have failed to demonstrate consistent differences in P3
amplitudes between depressed and nondepressed subjects (e.g., Bruder et al.,
1995; Diner, Holcomb, & Dykman, 1985; Giedke, Thier, & Bolz, 1981). The
performance of a right hemisphere task, but not a left hemisphere task, however,
is associated with increased P3 latency in typical depressed subjects (Bruder et
al., 1995) and with a lack of the relative right-sided asymmetry in P3 amplitude
seen in controls (Tenke et al., 1993), providing some evidence of impairment in
right posterior function in depression, although the significance of latency dif-
ferences in P3 is not entirely clear.
Methodological Issues
Studies of regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF) and glucose metabolism have the
advantage over EEG and ERP studies of being able to provide better spatial res-
olution, and, furthermore, recent advances allow rCBF and glucose metabolism
studies to assess the functions of subcortical structures, which measures of brain
electrical activity cannot do. The increase in spatial resolution is, however, ac-
companied by a loss of temporal resolution and an increase in cost. Both me-
tabolism and blood flow studies use a radioactive tracer to examine cerebral ac-
tivation. The supposition underlying these studies is that increased neuronal
activation is accompanied by an increase in metabolism and an associated in-
crease in blood flow.
Regional Brain Function in Sadness and Depression 279
It was not until recently that investigators began to use rCBF technologies to
study sadness, and, in contrast to studies of depression, most have found that sad-
ness is associated with increased cerebral activation. In a study in which subjects
were asked to recall or imagine a sad event, sadness was associated with in-
creases in the inferior and orbitofrontal regions (Pardo, Pardo, & Raichle, 1993).
Among women these increases were bilateral, whereas among men these in-
creases were seen only in the left hemisphere. Because these investigators only
compared the sad mood to a resting control condition, it is unclear how much of
the observed increases were specific to sadness rather than to the processes in-
volved in memory retrieval and imagery per se.
In a study that examined both happiness and sadness, sadness was associated
with increased global blood flow relative to a neutral mood, whereas happiness was
associated with decreased global blood flow (Schneider et al., 1994). Mood changes
were induced by having the subjects view happy and sad facial expressions and
asking the subjects to try and experience the mood being displayed. The efficacy
of the mood induction was assessed with the Positive and Negative Affective Sched-
ule scales, and the investigators found a significant correlation between the increase
in negative mood reported and the increase in cerebral blood flow. The frontal poles
were the only regions that showed lateralized differences between the emotions:
Sadness was associated with left greater than right blood flow, whereas happiness
was associated with right greater than left blood flow in this region. However, the
three-way interaction of Region, Hemisphere, and Emotion condition was clearly
not significant, casting some doubt on this specific finding.
280 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
A subsequent study by the same group did not find any global differences in
blood flow between happy and sad induced moods (Schneider et al., 1995). They
did report significant differences in subcortical blood flow such that sadness was
associated with increased left and decreased right CBF in the amygdala, increases
in the caudate, and decreases in the mamillary body and posterior cingulate. Al-
though there were no cortical asymmetries, there was a trend for increased left
frontotemporal blood flow to be associated with increased reports of both nega-
tive and positive affect. George et al. (1995) found that sadness relative to hap-
piness was associated with bilateral increases in the prefrontal cortex, the thala-
mus, and the basal ganglia and with increases in the right anterior cingulate.
Highlighting the importance of comparing sadness to another emotional state,
when these investigators compared sadness to a neutral condition there was a dif-
ferent pattern of increased activation, including an increase in the left lateral pre-
frontal region and bilateral increases in the anterior cingulate.
Baker, Frith, and Dolan (1997) recently found that both elated and depressed
mood states were associated with bilateral increases in orbitofrontal blood flow
and with increased blood flow in the superior region of the left dorsolateral pre-
frontal cortex and in the right lateral premotor area. These investigators used a
combination of the Velten technique (Velten, 1968) and music (portions of "Rus-
sia under the Mongolian Yoke" from Prokofiev's score for "Alexander Nevsky"
played at half speed) to induce a depressed mood. Relative to the neutral condi-
tion, depressed mood was also associated with increases in the posterior cingu-
late cortex. Decreases in CBF were observed in the right caudate, the right dor-
solateral prefrontal cortex, and the bilateral rostral medial prefrontal cortex.
Unfortunately, these investigators did not directly compare the elated and de-
pressed moods. Moreover, subjects were performing cognitive tasks during the
time that the positron emission tomography (PET) data were acquired, and it is
not clear whether the mood effects persisted throughout cognitive task perfor-
mance. Additionally, a formal statistical assessment of the lateralized changes
was not performed.
Another recent study examined film-induced and recalled happiness, sadness,
and disgust and found that all three emotions were associated with increased ac-
tivation in the prefrontal cortex, the thalamus, and bilateral regions within the
anterior temporal cortex (Lane et al., 1997). In addition, sadness was associated
with unique increases in activation in the caudate, putamen, lateral cerebellum,
and the cerebellar vermis. There were no significant asymmetries observed.
Only Gemar et al. (1996) have reported on decreases in activation in response
to induced sadness. These investigators found that, in contrast to a neutral recall
condition, self-generated sadness was associated with decreases in blood flow in
the left dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, the left medial prefrontal cortex, and the
left temporal cortex. The investigators also included a resting control condition,
and, when the self-generated sadness condition was compared with the resting
Regional Brain Function in Sadness and Depression 281
A different pattern emerges from the literature on depression. One of the earli-
est studies found that depressed subjects had significantly lower gray matter flow
in the left hemisphere than did controls (Mathew et al., 1980). The pattern of
flow reduction in the right hemisphere was similar but not significant. Just as the
initial investigations of stroke-induced mood changes did not consider the issue
of location within the hemisphere (e.g., Black, 1975), this study examined ac-
tivity only on the hemispheric level. Global decreases in both the right and left
hemispheres of unipolar depressed subjects have been reported by a number of
investigators (Bonne & Krauz, 1997; Gustafson, Risberg, & Silfverskiold, 1981;
lidaka et al., 1997; Mayberg et al., 1994; Rush et al., 1982; Sackeim et al., 1990;
Warren et al., 1984). Regions with the largest decrease in rCBF include selec-
tive frontal, superior temporal, central, and anterior parietal regions (Sackiem et
al., 1990), as well as inferior frontal and cingulate cortex (Mayberg et al., 1994),
and the severity of depression has been correlated with the magnitude of the bi-
lateral decreases in frontal activity (lidaka et al., 1997).
Using single photon emission computerized tomography (SPECT), Delvenne et
al. (1990) examined a group of 38 depressed and 16 control subjects. Activity in
a slice 5 cm above the orbitomeatal line revealed that subjects classified as bipo-
lar and/or endogenous had significantly lower left than right activity, but the hemi-
spheric differences between controls and unipolar subjects were not significant.
This reduction in left hemisphere flow was most pronounced in the frontal region.
Reischies, Hedde, and Drochenir (1989) found that depressed subjects in both the
acute and remitted phases had a pattern of relative right-sided frontal activation
compared with controls, who had relative left-sided asymmetry in this region. In-
vestigators using 195mAu in the measurement of CBF found that depressed subjects
had significantly lower CBF in the left frontal and in all of the right hemisphere
regions (frontal, temporal, parietal, and occipital) than did a group of normal con-
trol subjects (Schlegel et al., 1989). There was an age difference between the two
groups, and this may have accounted for some of the observed differences. With
the regional means provided by the authors, however, and computation of a
frontal/hemisphere ratio, which eliminates the problem of differences in overall
flow between the two groups, the data show that depressed subjects have lower
frontal/hemisphere ratios than do controls, and this between-group difference is
largest in the left hemisphere. Bilateral prefrontal decreases have also been reported
by other authors (Chabrol et al., 1986; Ito et al., 1996; Schroeder et al., 1989).
A study of elderly depressed subjects found global decreases in rCBF com-
pared with controls (Lesser et al., 1994). Using Tc-HMPAO as a tracer, the in-
282 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
vestigators found bilateral decreases in the orbital frontal, inferior temporal, and
parietal regions in addition to global decreases in blood flow throughout the right
hemisphere. Global flow decreases in elderly depressed subjects have also been
found by other investigators (Hoyer, Oesterreich, & Wagner, 1984; Philpot et al.,
1993).
Investigators at Hammersmith Hospital in London, England, have produced a
large body of data on this topic over the last 5 years. Using PET measures of
CBF, Bench et al. (1992) found that depressed subjects, in contrast to nonde-
pressed controls, had decreased flow in a region consisting of the left anterior
cingulate and the left dorsolateral prefrontal cortex. A subsequent study repli-
cated these findings in another 40 depressed subjects (Bench et al., 1993). Rat-
ings of patient symptomatology were subjected to a principal components analy-
sis, and three factors were identified. The first factor was anxiety and
psychomotor agitation, which was associated with an increase in blood flow in
the right posterior cingulate and bilateral increases in the inferior parietal lob-
ules. The second factor was depression and psychomotor retardation, and this
was associated with decreases in the following regions in the left hemisphere:
dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, inferior frontal, superior temporal, and inferior
parietal. The final factor was cognitive impairment as identified by the Mini-
Mental State Examination (MMSE), and this was associated with decreased flow
in the left medial prefrontal cortex, the right anterior thalamus, the right supe-
rior temporal gyrus, and the right postcentral gyrus. More than half of these sub-
jects were rescanned following treatment. Recovery was found to be associated
with increased blood flow in the left dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, bilateral re-
gions in the medial prefrontal cortex including the anterior cingulate, and in a
region of the posterior parietal cortex (Bench, Frakowiak, & Dolan, 1995). Ital-
ian investigators found similar results: Depressed subjects had decreased left
frontal blood flow, and, when they were rescanned after 6 months of tricyclic
antidepressant therapy, these subjects had increases in these regions. Similar find-
ings were obtained with the dopamine agonist amineptine (Passero, Nardini, &
Battistini, 1995).
Somewhat contradictory results were reported by Drevets et al. (1992). Like
the Hammersmith group, these investigators used 15O, but they used a bolus in-
jection instead of inhalation. The implications of these different methods is that
an injection of 15O results in a scan reflecting approximately 40 seconds of ac-
tivity in comparison with about 10 minutes of data obtained with 15O inhalation.
Drevets et al. (1992) reported that depressed subjects with a family history of
depression had increased activation in the left orbitofrontal region compared with
controls. Interestingly, they did observe a significant correlation (r = —0.62) be-
tween depression and left frontal activation in the dorsolateral region such that
increased severity of depression was associated with decreased activation in this
left anterior region. Furthermore, a recently published study by this group reports
Regional Brain Function in Sadness and Depression 283
Although no studies have yet been done examining patterns of glucose metabo-
lism during the induction of sadness, the results of metabolism studies of de-
pression are mostly consistent with results in the rCBF literature. An early study
of glucose metabolism in a small group of unipolar and bipolar depressed sub-
jects did not find any differences in left/right asymmetry for the frontal cortex
(Baxter et al., 1985), but a subsequent study indicated that this failure to find a
consistent decrease in left frontal activation among the depressed subjects was
because of the concurrent decrease in right frontal activation (Baxter et al., 1989).
In this study, the ratio of the metabolic rate for the left dorsal anterolateral pre-
frontal cortex to whole hemisphere was significantly lower in depression. Re-
covery from depression was associated with increases in this index. Among bipo-
284 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
lar and unipolar depressed subjects this ratio was also decreased in the right hemi-
sphere, but it was only the reduced left prefrontal to whole hemisphere ratio that
distinguished all three types of depression studied: unipolar depression, bipolar
depression, and obsessive-compulsive disorder with depression. Bilateral de-
creases in frontal metabolism have also been reported by other groups (Biver et
al., 1994; Francois et al., 1995). Biver et al. (1994) also found bilateral decreases
in parietal metabolism.
Austin et al. (1992) reported that depressed subjects had decreased overall me-
tabolism compared with controls. After controlling for age, medication, and en-
dogenous subtype, they found a significant negative correlation between anterior
activation and Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression (HRSD) scores. As in the
Baxter et al. (1989) study, this negative relation was seen bilaterally. Global de-
creases in metabolism were also found in a small sample of depressed subjects
with seasonal affective disorder (SAD) (Cohen et al., 1992). In contrast with
other studies, Cohen et al. (1992) also found frontal asymmetry differences be-
tween groups such that depressed subjects had left greater than right metabolic
activity in an anterior frontal region in contrast to controls who had greater rel-
ative right-sided activation. This result, however, emerged from unprotected
t-tests comparing the groups across 26 different regions of interest. The finding
they report disappears following Bonferroni correction. Moreover, the data are
based on a sample of seven patients with seasonal affective disorder.
In a small study of 10 bipolar and unipolar depressed subjects, Martinot et al.
(1990) found that depressed subjects had a significantly higher right/left ratio in
the prefrontal cortex than did controls. This asymmetry was the result of de-
creased left prefrontal metabolism in the depressed subjects. Depressed subjects
also had a relative hypofrontal pattern of activation compared with controls, who
had more anterior than posterior activation. Although recovery was associated
with an increase in left prefrontal metabolism such that there was no asymme-
try, euthymic depressed subjects still had a pattern of hypofrontal activation. In
a study of bipolar subjects, Kato et al. (1995) found that depression was associ-
ated with a decrease in left frontal metabolism and that left frontal metabolism
was correlated negatively with HRSD scores. Bipolar subjects scanned in manic
and euthymic states had decreased right frontal metabolism compared with con-
trols. Negative correlations between left frontal metabolism and HRSD scores
have also been found in a sample of bulimic subjects (Andreason et al., 1992).
Nonsignificant differences were reported by Buchsbaum et al. (1984). Their use
of a series of shocks to the subjects' right forearm during FDG uptake may, how-
ever, have obscured group differences in asymmetry by increasing activity in the
left hemisphere.
Like rCBF, global metabolic decreases in elderly depressed subjects have been
reported (e.g., Kumar et al., 1993). Studies of elderly subjects with Parkinson's
disease have found that it is bilateral decreases in the frontal region that distin-
Regional Brain Function in Sadness and Depression 285
guishes patients with and without depression (Mayberg et al., 1990; Ring et al.,
1994).
In most of the metabolism and rCBF studies reviewed here, decreased left
frontal activation was found during depression. The reports are mixed as to
whether these decreases occur in only the left hemisphere (e.g., Bench et al.,
1992, 1993; Delvenne et al., 1990; Martinot et al., 1990) or in both the left and
right frontal regions (e.g., Baxter et al., 1989; Chabrol et al., 1986; Francois et
al., 1995; Sackeim et al., 1990; Schroeder et al., 1989). In several studies, acti-
vation in the prefrontal regions of the left hemisphere was negatively correlated
with severity of depression (Andreason et al., 1992; Baxter et al., 1989; Bench
et al., 1993; Drevets et al., 1992; Kato et al., 1995), and a number of investiga-
tors have found that remission is associated with reversal of the observed left
frontal hypoactivation (Baxter et al., 1989; Bench et al., 1995; Martinot et al.,
1990; Passero, Nardini, & Battistini, 1995). When the depressed subjects are
older, bilateral decreases appear to be more prevalent (e.g., Hoyer, Oesterreich,
& Wagner, 1984; Kumar et al., 1993). Decreased activation in the posterior re-
gions has been reported for the right side (e.g., Schlegel et al., 1989; Uytdenhoef
et al., 1983) and for both sides (e.g., Biver et al., 1994; Lesser et al., 1994; Sack-
iem et al., 1990).
In a new study in our laboratory, Abercrombie et al. (1998) found that, among
depressed patients, PET-derived measures of glucose metabolism in the amyg-
dala predicted the severity of dispositional NA (see Figs. 11.1 and 11.2). These
findings, along with a similar observation by Drevets et al. (1992), suggest that
Figure 11.1. Illustration of PET-MRI coregistration and amygdalar region of interest de-
lineation. Representative image planes in the coronal orientation for one participant are
shown. The PET image plane is presented beside its corresponding coregistered MRI
plane. Units of the PET color scale are in mg/100 g/min. Glucose metabolism extracted
according to these MR-defined regions of interest was then used for the correlational
analysis depicted in Figure 11.2. (Adapted from Abercrombie et al., 1998.)
286 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
Figure 11.2. Scatter plot of correlation in depressed subjects (N = 17; r(15) = 0.56; P <
0.02) between dispositional negative affect (assessed with the PANAS Negative Affect
Scale—Trait Version; Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988) and glucose metabolism in the
right amygdala (residualized for global metabolic rate). (Adapted from Abercrombie et
al., 1998.)
SUMMARY
It is clear from this review that there are a host of conceptual and methodologi-
cal issues that still plague research on this topic. We believe that the most fruit-
ful general approach has been and will continue to be the examination of rela-
tions between measures of emotional state and/or symptoms and specific patterns
of regional brain activity. There appear to be fewer replicated findings in the lit-
erature on the effects of experimentally induced sadness on regional brain func-
tion than in the literature on depression. In part, this lack of consistency is a func-
tion of the failure of investigators to independently verify the presence of sadness.
Another major contributor to the inconsistency among studies is the variability
in control conditions that have been used. It is essential that investigators attempt
to isolate specific features of sadness while controlling for sensory, perceptual,
Regional Brain Function in Sadness and Depression 287
and memorial processes associated with the specific form of emotion elicitation.
It is also important to include more than one emotion in these studies to ascer-
tain whether the observed effects are indeed specific to sadness or are more gen-
eral characteristics of emotion per se. Most of the neuroimaging studies of sad-
ness have used injected O15 water as a tracer. This results in an uptake period of
about 40 seconds. Such studies depend on very critical timing in the presenta-
tion of the activation condition in relation to tracer injection. Fluctuations in the
intensity of elicited emotion during this critical period will affect the data
obtained.
The literature on depression is somewhat more consistent, though many dif-
ferent patterns of regional brain abnormalities have been reported. Here it is im-
portant to emphasize the obvious point that considerable heterogeneity exists in
the symptoms of depression, even among very carefully diagnosed patients meet-
ing specific DSM-IV criteria. The strategy pioneered by Bench, Dolan, and their
colleagues to examine relations between specific symptom clusters and patterns
of regional brain function is particularly helpful. With such a strategy, the het-
erogeneity among patients can be harnessed to one's advantage in dissecting those
circuits that appear to vary with changes in specific patterns of symptoms. A fur-
ther refinement of this strategy would include testing patients on objective lab-
oratory measures of emotional reactivity and emotion regulation and then ex-
amining the relations between specific patterns of performance on these
laboratory tasks and measures of regional brain function (see Davidson, 1998).
Another important strategy for future research is to examine regional brain func-
tion in patients who are performing tasks under different incentive and feedback
conditions because extant evidence suggests that depressed patients may be un-
derresponsive to reward (e.g., Henriques, Glowacki, & Davidson, 1994) as well
as overresponsive to negative feedback (Elliott et al., 1997).
Finally, studies that combine neurochemical and functional neuroanatomical
approaches to characterize regional neurochemical abnormalities are needed. For
example, Mann and colleagues (1996) recently examined differences in regional
glucose metabolism between depressed patients and healthy controls in response
to fenfluramine, a serotonin agonist. Healthy controls showed significant in-
creases in metabolism in left prefrontal and temporoparietal cortex and decreases
in right prefrontal cortex, while depressed patients failed to show any significant
change in response to the drug. These findings implicate abnormalities in later-
alized prefrontal serotonergic function in depression. Although in need of repli-
cation, this finding helps to integrate the previously disparate reports on the neu-
rochemistry and functional neuroanatomy of depression. The effects of treatment,
particularly with medications that affect the serotonin system, on these lateral-
ized abnormalities in serotonin function require study.
On the question of whether sadness in normal people is a good model system
for clinical depression, the data are inconsistent. It is likely that cumulative ex-
288 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
posure to depression will exert effects that are not going to emerge with brief
mood inductions in normal people. On the other hand, there may be some fea-
tures of the response that are similar, but any firm conclusions on this point must
await more methodologically sophisticated studies that use appropriate control
groups, statistical methods, and procedures to independently verify the presence
of the intended emotion. We now have the tools to make rapid advances in the
study of brain function and emotion in intact humans, and we expect much
progress in the next decade.
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12
Anxiety, Stress, and Cortical Brain Function
Much has been written about the survival value of panic and the benefits of anx-
iety for various aspects of human performance (e.g., Barlow, 1991; Lang, 1985;
Miller & Kozak, 1993). Anxiety can be maladaptive, however, disrupting per-
formance and interfering with both psychological and physical well-being. Con-
sequently, the current, 4th edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders (DSM-IV; American Psychiatric Association, 1994) distin-
guishes 11 different diagnoses it classifies as anxiety disorders.
The prevalence of anxiety disorders has led to an interest in the neural mech-
anisms that accompany them. The search for the brain circuitry of anxiety has
benefitted from a large data base of animal research (e.g., Davis, 1992; Gray,
1982; LeDoux, 1993, 1995; Mineka, 1985), possible in part because of the ease
of experimentally conditioning fear. Although research has greatly elucidated the
subcortical circuits mediating fear in animals, the precise role of the cortex in
human anxiety has eluded understanding.
The interpretation of neuropsychological studies based on electrophysiologi-
cal, hemodynamic (blood flow), and behavioral methods has been hindered by
inconsistencies in findings for particular cortical brain regions. Although many
studies have reported or inferred asymmetries in regional cortical activity and
function, the regions involved and the direction of the asymmetry have varied,
as reviewed below. Methodological differences from study to study, albeit im-
298
Anxiety, Stress, and Cortical Brain Function 299
portant, do not provide a cogent explanation for the conflicting patterns of brain
activity reported in the literature.
Heterogeneity among the samples studied may explain the inconsistencies in
the literature on brain function in anxiety. Research has been conducted on sam-
ples characterized by specific anxiety disorders as defined by the several DSM
editions, by self-reports of anxiety on various questionnaires, and by experi-
mentally induced anxiety. In recent work, we suggested that distinguishing be-
tween types of anxiety, which would be differentially represented in different
subject samples, may help to resolve some of the discrepancies in the literature
(Heller et al., 1997a; Heller & Nitschke, 1998; Nitschke et al., 1999).
In this chapter, we review the evidence connecting distinct types of anxiety
with specific patterns of regional brain function and examine the implications of
these associations for cognition. In addition, we consider the role of stress in anx-
iety and explore the relationships among stress, anxiety, and regional brain
activity.
of either type of anxiety in an individual is not static: Stressful events, social sup-
port, and coping skills can modulate one's level of each type of anxiety.
Available research suggests that anxious apprehension and anxious arousal are
not mutually exclusive (e.g., Dien, 1999; Heller et al., 1997a). It follows that anx-
ious apprehension and anxious arousal would be present to varying degrees in the
different anxiety disorders. Anxious apprehension is particularly prominent in gen-
eralized anxiety disorder (GAD) and obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) in
which worry and other cognitive symptoms predominate. In addition, GAD in-
cludes the subset of somatic features outlined above for anxious apprehension.
Moreover, a cardinal feature of specific phobia, social phobia, and agoraphobia is
persistent, excessive fear that usually reflects concern about the future. Panic dis-
order includes worry about having additional panic attacks and about the implica-
tions or consequences of an attack. In those disorders in which panic attacks may
occur, such as panic disorder, specific phobia, and social phobia, DSM-IV criteria
clearly indicate the presence of anxious arousal. Furthermore, there are likely to
be individual differences and situational factors that influence the relative frequency
and occurrence of each type of anxiety in a particular person.
The importance of taking into account the relative admixture of both types of
anxiety becomes apparent when we consider the findings reviewed below show-
ing that each type of anxiety is associated with distinct patterns of brain activ-
ity. In turn, our distinction between anxious apprehension and anxious arousal
may help to explain the cognitive findings reported for anxiety.
sequent emotional response does not exist (Lazarus, 1993). Rather, there are large
individual differences in response to any particular event, and many factors (e.g.,
life history, coping style, trait anxiety) influence the degree to which an event is
appraised as harmful or threatening. For example, anticipation of a public speech
might not elicit anxiety in a college professor with years of experience but is
likely to do so in a graduate student giving a talk at a conference for the first
time. Thus, a thorough understanding of the relationship between stress and anx-
iety must take into account not only specific and contextual external conditions
involved but also the role of individual differences in response to those condi-
tions. The importance of this issue can perhaps be seen most clearly in the height-
ened vulnerability of trait-anxious people to exhibit cognitive abnormalities (e.g.,
attentional biases to threat) in response to various stressors (see discussion of
cognitive studies of anxiety, below).
In a review of the neuropsychological and cognitive literatures on anxiety, it
is important to consider the role of stressors, which often elicit anxious appre-
hension and anxious arousal, as well as the role of both types of anxiety as forms
of psychological stress. Experimental manipulations of stressful situations, such
as electrical shock, can be used to elicit anxious arousal. Similarly, researchers
have often designed experiments to take advantage of stressful life circumstances,
such as final examinations for medical students. In addition, a large literature
about the effects of major life events and daily hassles has documented that life
stress precipitates a variety of psychopathological states, including anxiety (e.g.,
Faravelli & Pallanti, 1989; Pollard, Pollard, & Corn, 1989; Rapee, Litwin, & Bar-
low, 1990; Roy-Byrne, Geraci, & Uhde, 1986). Electrical shock, final examina-
tions, major life events, and daily hassles are examples of potential stressors that
can result in psychological stress, such as anxious apprehension or anxious
arousal. In the following sections, it will be apparent that stress is often a key
variable in the association between anxiety and region-specific brain function.
The distinction between anxious apprehension and anxious arousal is well sup-
ported in the literature on regional brain activity. Increased left-hemisphere ac-
tivity has been associated with anxiety in studies on populations better charac-
terized by anxious apprehension than by anxious arousal. In a positron emission
tomography (PET) study, Baxter et al. (1987) reported greater regional cerebral
blood flow (rCBF) in the left orbital gyrus in OCD patients than in depressed
and control participants. Similarly, Swedo et al. (1989) found that OCD patients
showed more left orbital frontal and left anterior cingulate metabolism than
nonpsychiatric controls. Wu et al. (1991) reported higher relative metabolism in
the left inferior frontal gyrus for GAD patients than for nonpsychiatric controls.
In another study, inpatients with GAD showed increases in left orbital frontal
blood flow when asked to freely associate about threatening pictures presented
before rCBF measurement (Johanson et al., 1992). Relative increases in activity
for left subcortical regions (e.g., caudate, putamen, and thalamus) have also been
reported in a number of studies (e.g., Fredrikson et al., 1993; Swedo et al., 1989).
Similar results have been obtained with electroencephalography (EEG). Using
only left-hemisphere and midline leads, Buchsbaum et al. (1985) reported that
GAD patients had more activity (less delta and alpha) than nonpsychiatric con-
trols. Consistent findings were reported by Carter, Johnson, and Borkovec (1986)
for beta activity in students classified as "worriers" or "nonworriers" when asked
to "worry about a specific topic of personal concern."
Conversely, those authors reporting increased right-hemisphere activity in anx-
iety examined populations characterized by anxious arousal or employed exper-
imental designs manipulating it. Using PET, Reiman et al. (1984) found that pa-
tients with panic disorder showed greater right-hemisphere than left-hemisphere
blood flow, blood volume, and metabolic rate in the parahippocampal gyrus,
whereas normal controls demonstrated no such asymmetry. In a single photon
emission computerized axial tomography study, panic disorder patients who ex-
perienced a sodium-lactate-induced panic attack were found to have a signifi-
304 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
cantly greater increase in right occipital blood flow than did patients who did not
panic and controls (Stewart et al., 1988).
Consistent with this pattern, glucose metabolism changes indicative of in-
creased right-hemisphere activity for GAD patients performing a Continuous Per-
formance Task designed to induce anxious arousal were reported in two studies
(Buchsbaum et al., 1987; Wu et al., 1991). In recent EEG work, Davidson et al.
(2000) reported increased right anterior temporal, right lateral prefrontal, and
right parietal activity in social phobics immediately before making a public
speech, an experimental manipulation likely to elicit anxious arousal. Spider pho-
bia has also been found to be associated with more right than left parietal activ-
ity (Merckelbach et al., 1999). In sum, across a number of different imaging tech-
nologies and experimental protocols, the increased right-hemisphere activity
expected for anxious arousal emerges consistently in clinical populations.
Similar findings have emerged in nonclinical samples as well. When the state
version of the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI; Spielberger, 1968, 1983) was
administered immediately after arterial and venous catheterization and again af-
ter completion of the PET scans, high-anxious subjects had greater right than left
blood flow, whereas low-anxious subjects showed no differences between the
hemispheres (only frontal regions were measured; Reivich, Gur, & Alavi, 1983).
In a population of nonpsychiatric volunteers, those administered diazepam in-
travenously showed decreases in rCBF across all cortical regions, particularly in
the right frontal area, whereas those injected with a placebo showed no rCBF
changes (Mathew, Wilson, & Daniel, 1985).
In an event-related potential (ERP) study, participants who scored high on both
the trait and state versions of the STAI showed smaller N2 and P3 amplitudes
over the right hemisphere than low-anxious participants (de Pascalis & Morelli,
1990). Because smaller amplitude in response to the probes of the lexical recog-
nition task was assumed to reflect enhanced information processing, the high-
anxious participants can be inferred to have demonstrated more right-hemisphere
engagement on the task than did the low-anxious participants.
The fact that some studies have reported significant or near-significant in-
creases in activity for regions in both right and left hemispheres could reflect the
co-occurrence of both types of anxiety (e.g., Baxter et al., 1988; Fredrikson et
al., 1993; Reiman et al., 1989). Alternatively, the bilateral orbital frontal find-
ings reported by Baxter et al. for OCD patients might provide evidence for the
hypothesis that increased right anterior activity in anxious apprehension reflects
the presence of negative affect.
In two recent EEG studies, we directly tested the hypothesis of opposing pat-
terns of asymmetry for anxious apprehension and anxious arousal. Heller et al.
(1997a) selected participants on the basis of self-reported trait anxiety using the
STAI. We then manipulated anxious arousal on a within-subject basis by con-
trasting brain activity (EEG alpha) during rest periods to brain activity during a
Anxiety, Stress, and Cortical Brain Function 305
Figure 12.1. Mean log EEG alpha voltage (+SE) for left and right midfrontal regions
for control (N = 19) and anxious (N = 19) groups averaged across the rest and listen pe-
riods of the fearful and sad narratives. Lower alpha values indicate greater brain activity.
(From Heller et al., 1997a).
Figure 12.2. Mean log EEG alpha voltage (+SE) for left and right parietal regions for
control (N = 19) and anxious (N = 19) groups during the rest and listen periods, aver-
aged across fearful and sad narratives. Lower alpha values indicate greater brain activity.
RP = right parietal; LP = left parietal. (From Heller et al., 1997a).
(for reviews, see Davidson et al., 1999; Heller & Nitschke, 1998). Although the
finding of more right than left activity in anterior cortical regions for anxious
arousal has also been reported for depression (e.g., Henriques & Davidson, 1991),
the increased left-hemisphere activity reported for anxious apprehension and the
increased right posterior activity associated with anxious arousal have not been
found for depression. Indeed, other commonly reported findings for depression
are in the opposite direction: decreased left anterior activity (e.g., George et al.,
1994) and decreased right posterior activity (e.g., Post et al., 1987). In addition,
several studies have reported bilateral decreases for anterior cortical regions in
depression (e.g., Bench et al., 1992), a finding that has not emerged in the anx-
iety literature.1 Although the differing patterns of brain activity reported for anx-
iety and for depression warrant the careful measurement of depression in stud-
ies examining anxiety, the EEG and hemodynamic findings distinguishing
anxious apprehension from anxious arousal cannot be accounted for by comor-
bid depression.
Behavioral Paradigms
Complementing tests of our hypotheses using biological measures, regional brain
activity can also be inferred from performance on tasks that depend on particu-
'Martinot et al. (1990) reported a bilateral decrease in prefrontal regions for OCD patients; how-
ever, despite not meeting criteria for DSM-III current major depressive episode, these patients may
still have been characterized by significantly higher levels of depression than the nonpatient controls.
Anxiety, Stress, and Cortical Brain Function 307
Figure 12.3. Mean log EEG alpha power (+SE) for left and right hemispheres (averaged
across lateral frontal and parietal sites) for anxious apprehension (N = 9) and anxious
arousal (N — 19) groups. Lower alpha values indicate greater brain activity. (From
Nitschke et al., 1999).
lar brain regions. When samples of trait-anxious people are studied in the ab-
sence of experimental manipulations that might induce anxious arousal, results
are typically consistent with the increased left-hemisphere activity hypothesized
for anxious apprehension. Tucker et al. (1978) found that high-anxious subjects,
as classified by the trait scale of the STAI, tended to report right-ear tones as
louder and displayed a reduction in left lateral eye movements. Similarly, Tyler
and Tucker (1982) found that high-anxious individuals tended to use a process-
ing strategy characteristic of the left hemisphere, whereas low-anxious individ-
uals were more likely to use a strategy characteristic of the right hemisphere.
In contrast, when experimental conditions involve an immediate anxiety-
producing component, stimuli that can be interpreted as threatening, or stressful
life circumstances, the data are consistent with the increased right-hemisphere
activity predicted for anxious arousal. On a free-vision task of face process-
ing (Chimeric Faces Task [CFT]; Levy et al., 1983) that typically elicits a left-
hemispatial bias suggesting greater right posterior activity, Heller, Etienne, and
Miller (1995) found that participants scoring high on the trait version of the STAI
had larger left hemispatial (right-hemisphere) biases than those scoring low. This
pattern was replicated in a population of major depressed subjects and in a non-
clinical student population selected on the basis of recently developed anxiety
and depression scales (Keller et al., 2000). Importantly, for the latter two sam-
ples, the relationship between anxiety and the CFT only emerged after the vari-
ance associated with depression was removed. This set of findings suggests that
308 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
the strangeness and ambiguity of the CFT stimuli may lead to enhanced right-
hemisphere processing in trait-anxious people (see discussion of lesion studies
and anxiety below).
This interpretation is consistent with divided-visual-field studies demonstrat-
ing selective priming of the right hemisphere in response to threatening stimuli.
In a series of studies, Van Strien and colleagues reported improved left-visual-
field (right-hemisphere) performance on left-hemisphere tasks when threatening
words were presented concurrently (see Van Strien & Heijt, 1995; Van Strien &
Morpurgo, 1992).
Similar effects on right-hemisphere processing have been obtained under stress
conditions. Gruzelier and Phelan (1991) tested medical students on a divided-
visual-field lexical task under two conditions: 1 or 2 days before an examination
and 4 weeks before or after the examination. They found that the left-hemisphere
advantage in the nonstress condition gave way to a right-hemisphere advantage
in the stress condition. Similarly, Asbjornsen, Hugdahl, and Bryden (1992) found
that the threat of electric shock eliminated the left-hemisphere advantage for a
dichotic listening task.
Further support for our hypothesis of greater right-hemisphere activity in
anxious arousal is provided by work conducted by Tucker and colleagues. In
a study examining contralateral eye movements, Tucker et al. (1977) found sig-
nificantly more left than right lateral eye movements during an anxiety-
provoking task, suggesting greater right-hemisphere than left-hemisphere acti-
vation. These results were supported in a subsequent study in which an anxi-
ety-producing experimental condition was associated with a reversal of the typ-
ical left-hemisphere superiority on a verbal task (Tucker et al., 1978). More
recently, Johanson et al. (1998) found that spider phobics, a population pri-
marily characterized by anxious arousal, performed significantly better on right-
hemisphere than left-hemisphere tasks for a neuropsychological test battery.
Taken together, the behavioral neuropsychology findings presented here are
consistent with the hemodynamic and EEC studies reviewed above reporting
greater left-hemisphere activity in anxious apprehension and greater right-
hemisphere activity in anxious arousal.
principally with lesions in the left frontal lobe (see Robinson & Manes, Chapter
10, this volume).
Unfortunately, lesion studies have not systematically examined anxiety, much
less considered the distinction between anxious apprehension and anxious
arousal. Furthermore, early stages of recovery from traumatic brain injury are of-
ten characterized by emotional disturbances, such as agitation, irritability, and
emotional volatility, that make it difficult to assess the presence and region-
specific impact of anxiety. Common sense would predict that anxiety would be
a typical psychological response to the trauma of physical disability, illness, and
accompanying life changes; however, in some cases, anxiety is notably absent.
In fact, important inferences about the neuropsychology of anxiety can be drawn
from those people in whom anxiety and emotional distress are not present.
Early descriptions of dramatically different emotional reactions after left ver-
sus right brain damage were systematically studied by Gainotti (1972) and later
by Robinson and colleagues (e.g., Starkstein & Robinson, 1988). Left brain dam-
age, particularly frontal, is associated with a "catastrophic" emotional propen-
sity, marked by tearfulness, distress, and agitation. Right brain damage, in con-
trast, is more often accompanied by indifference, euphoria, or apathy, indicating
a remarkable and inappropriate lack of anxiety. Research examining behavior af-
ter unilateral sodium amobarbital injection in populations without brain damage
has provided almost identical findings (e.g., Ahern et al., 1994; Lee et al., 1990).
In addition, attentional abnormalities (e.g., hemineglect, when patients ignore
stimuli on the left side of space) and anosagnosia (when patients deny or mini-
mize the existence of an illness or disability) are also often present in patients
with right-hemisphere lesions. McGlynn and Schacter (1989) described a typi-
cal case of unawareness and indifference in a head-injured patient who had been
a practicing physician before an automobile accident: "Shortly after regaining
consciousness he insisted that he could soon return home and he began to make
implausible plans for the future. ... He confabulated about the cause of his ill-
ness ... and exhibited no anxiety about his condition" (p. 170). The lack of anx-
iety in people with decreased right-hemisphere function due to a lesion parallels
findings of increased right-hemisphere activity in anxious arousal.
Although the neuroanatomical damage is somewhat varied in the populations
that have been studied, there is general agreement that the indifference reaction
is most often reported after damage to right parietal regions (McGlynn & Schac-
ter, 1989). This area has been shown to be differentially involved in processing
emotional information, especially negative material (e.g., Borod et al., 1992;
Heller & Levy, 1981), in spatial attention (e.g., Heilman, Watson, & Valenstein,
1985; Mesulam, 1981; see also Heller, 1993), and in monitoring responses to ex-
ternal sensory stimuli (e.g., Heilman & Van den Abell, 1979; Pardo, Fox, &
Raichle, 1991). In addition, this and other right-hemisphere regions have been
3 I0 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
Cognitive Biases
disorder on remission (for review, see McNally, 1998), suggesting that such bi-
ases are state dependent.
Cognitive biases are also present in anxiety in the form of interpretation bi-
ases. Across a number of different paradigms involving ambiguous stimuli that
can be interpreted as threatening or neutral, anxious people choose the threaten-
ing meaning. Similar to findings for attentional biases, the selective processing
of ambiguous information in anxious individuals is most consistently observed
in conditions eliciting state anxiety (e.g., MacLeod, 1990). Further evidence that
these biases are state dependent is provided by research showing that recovered
GAD patients do not exhibit the selective interpretation effect (Mathews,
Richards, & Eysenck, 1989b; Eysenck et al., 1991).
Our neuropsychological framework for anxiety suggests that these attentional
and interpretation biases are related to anxious arousal and to the emotion sur-
veillance system of the right hemisphere. As reviewed above, this region of the
brain has been shown to be primed by ambiguous and threatening stimuli and
hypothesized to play a role in orienting to such stimuli. In addition, populations
characterized by anxious arousal consistently show increased right-hemisphere
activity at rest (e.g., Reiman et al., 1984), suggesting that anxious arousal is as-
sociated with the engagement of the emotional surveillance system, even in the
absence of an emotional stimulus. This right-hemisphere system may correspond
to the cortical processes that McNally (1998) postulated to accompany a sub-
cortical circuit involved in attentional biases toward threat. Thus, anxious arousal
can be hypothesized to produce a set of behaviors that include attentional and
other cognitive responses designed to evaluate the presence of a threat.
In contrast to findings of attentional and interpretation biases in anxiety, re-
sults of studies examining explicit and implicit memory biases have been equiv-
ocal (for reviews, see Eysenck, 1992; Mathews & MacLeod, 1994; McNally,
1998). Previous work examining the neuropsychology of cognitive biases in de-
pression may inform attempts to understand why some studies find memory bi-
ases in anxiety whereas others do not. Heller and Nitschke (1997) suggested that
the negative memory bias reported so consistently in depression (for reviews, see
Gotlib, Gilboa, & Kaplan, 2000; Mathews & MacLeod, 1994) is associated with
more right than left cortical activity in anterior regions, the same pattern that
emerges in studies examining negative affect. Similarly, the greater right than
left anterior activity characterizing anxious arousal should be accompanied by a
negative memory bias, as has been found in panic disorder patients (e.g., Amir
et al., 1996a; Becker, Rinck, & Margraf, 1994; Cloitre et al., 1994) and post-
traumatic stress disorder patients (Amir et al., 1996b; Vrana, Roodman, & Beck-
ham, 1995). Conversely, many studies have found no memory biases in samples
characterized better by anxious apprehension than by anxious arousal (e.g.,
MacLeod & McLaughlin, 1995; Mathews et al., 1989a; Mogg, Mathews, & Wein-
3 I2 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
man, 1987; Nugent & Mineka, 1994; Rapee et al., 1994; Watts & Coyle, 1993).
In sum, the neuropsychological perspective provided here can account for the
dissociation among the different cognitive biases (cf. Eysenck, 1992; Williams
et al., 1988).
Cognitive Impairments
ripe for research paradigms that can investigate simultaneously the specific cog-
nitive characteristics and the patterns of regional brain activity associated with
anxiety.
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13
Violence Associated with Anger and Impulsivity
According to the Uniform Crime Report, violent crime in the United States rose
by 81% in the two decades between 1973 and 1992, and the largest increase was
in aggravated assault (Stanton, Baldwin, & Rachuba, 1997). In view of the per-
vasiveness of violence and the tragic consequences it has on individuals and so-
ciety, it is important to understand the factors that initiate and maintain the propen-
sity to behave violently. In this context, anger and impulsivity become pivotal
issues in the study of violence.
Paralleling the typologies of defensive and predatory aggression in the animal
literature, human aggression has been primarily grouped into impulsive-emo-
tional or controlled-instrumental subtypes (Vitiello & Stoff, 1997). Impulsive-
emotional violence occurs suddenly, without forethought, and in response to some
perceived threat, provocation, or insult, within the context of associated anger,
high emotionality, and high impulsivity (Berkowitz, 1993). It may incorporate
acts such as child physical abuse, assault, and murder/manslaughter, as well as
less serious forms of physical and/or verbal aggression (e.g., biting, kicking,
screaming). Controlled-instrumental violence involves a relatively nonemotional
display of aggression directed at obtaining some goal, usually within the context
of premeditation and manipulation. It may incorporate acts such as planned rob-
beries, arsons, and serial murders, among others. These two forms of aggression
have also been referred to in the literature as reactive versus proactive (Dodgezyxwvuts
& Coie, 1987) and affective/defensive versus predatory (Moyer, 1976).
320
Violence Associated with Anger and Impulsivrty 321
The validity of these two types of aggressive behavior has been initially sup-
ported by several studies that show distinct differences among children and ado-
lescents whose aggressive/violent behavior was classified as primarily impulsive-
emotional or controlled-instrumental. According to these studies, youth with
impulsive-emotional aggression (termed either affective or reactive aggression)
tended to have an earlier age of onset of behavior problems, more stressful life
events, a greater likelihood of comorbid psychiatric disorder or concurrent ad-
justment difficulties, and deficits in early stages of social information process-
ing (Dodge & Coie, 1987; Dodge et al., 1997; Vitiello et al., 1990).
Along with these social, emotional, and cognitive differences, it is plausible
that neurobiological variables also differentiate the two aggressive types. Impul-
sive-emotional aggression, in particular, may have biological correlates tied to
its strong association with anger, impulsivity, or emotional disorders. Animal
studies also have indicated distinct biological profiles between defensive and
predatory aggression, as reviewed by Eichelman (1995), Reis (1974), and Vi-
tiello and Stoff (1997). For example, defensive forms of animal aggression have
been associated with intense autonomic activation, stimulation of the ventrome-
dial hypothalamus, decreased serotonergic activity, and increased noradrenergic
and dopaminergic activity. Predatory forms, on the other hand, have been asso-
ciated with little autonomic activation, lesions of the frontomedial hypothalamus,
lesions of the orbital prefrontal cortex, and increased cholinergic activity.
Few studies of biological bases of antisocial behavior in humans have catego-
rized aggression or violence according to these subtypes. The purpose of this chap-
ter is to review biological findings on crime and violence and then determine what
can be concluded about the underpinnings of impulsive-emotional aggression based
on these findings. The focus on biological findings does not preclude the clearly
important role of social/environmental and psychological contributors to violence,
but rather highlights one growing body of literature that may aid in a more com-
plete understanding of emotionally violent behavior. This includes findings in neu-
ropsychology (i.e., testing, brain lesions, and brain imaging studies) and related ar-
eas of neurochemistry, hormones, and psychophysiology.
FRAMEWORK
negative affect would be peaked. With these criteria, biological findings can be
evaluated regarding their relationship to impulsive-emotional aggression.
The general theoretical framework of this chapter, then, is that a pattern
of neurobiological influences is associated with each of the risk factors for
impulsive-emotional aggression named above. Regarding the first two risks, neg-
ative affect (including depression, anxiety, and hostility), physiological arousal,
and the inability to regulate affect and arousal have been ascribed to greater right
cerebral activation, particularly in the frontotemporal regions (Cechetto & Saper,
1990; Demaree & Harrison, 1997; see also, Nitschke, Heller, & Miller, Chapter
12, this volume). Regarding the third risk, frontotemporal limbic dysfunction is
related to impaired executive cognitive functioning, which encompasses abilities
such as attention, planning, organization, abstract reasoning, self-monitoring, and
the ability to use feedback to modulate behavior (Foster, Eskes, & Stuss, 1994;
Wallace, Bachorowski, & Newman, 1991). This has been speculated to lead to
cognitive biases that increase the chances of behaving aggressively in response
to stressful and provocative situations (Giancola, 1995).
NEUROPSYCHOLOGY
Three areas of the brain have been most consistently described as related to the
manifestation or inhibition of aggression: (1) the brain stem and hypothalamus,
(2) the limbic system (including temporal cortex), and (3) the frontal cortex. Each
of these three areas are interrelated in that components of the limbic system pro-
ject to the hypothalamus, and the frontal cortex functions in modulating limbic
and hypothalamic output. In general, neuropsychological findings about violence
from studies using standardized tests, brain lesions in animals and humans, and
brain imaging implicate frontal and temporal dysfunction.
Neuropsychological Tests
Multisite brain dysfunction, with particular focus on limbic system sites involv-
ing temporal and frontal projections, is also supported by lesion studies in ani-
mals and humans. Lesion studies in animals involve the ablation of localized
brain sites and implicate the amygdala and prefrontal cortex in violence (Gian-
cola, 1995; Siegel & Mirsky, 1990). Lesion studies in humans are generally less
localized, as they involve brain trauma resulting from head injury, surgery, or
epileptic seizures. Aggression is decreased, however, in patients with amyg-
dalectomy (O'Callaghan & Carroll, 1982). Also, patients with known frontal lobe
damage have shown a pattern of personality changes including impulsivity, ar-
gumentativeness, lack of concern for consequences of behavior, loss of social
graces, distractibility, shallowness, lability, violence, and reduced ability to uti-
lize symbols (termed frontal lobe syndrome) (Silver & Yudofsky, 1987).
The relationship between temporal lobe dysfunction and violence also has been
studied in individuals with temporal lobe epilepsy (see Heilman et al., Chapter
15, this volume). Historically, it was believed that violent episodes may occur
during (ictal), immediately after (postictal), or between (interictal) seizures, ei-
ther as a direct result of brain stimulation or consequent to the confusion and dis-
organization following seizures. In a recent review of these studies, Volavka
(1995) concluded that (7) seizure-related violence in epileptics is extremely rare;
(2) although prisoners have a higher rate of seizure disorders relative to the gen-
eral population, those without seizure disorders are equally as violent as those
with seizure disorders; and (3) these studies have identified the same risk factors
for violence that have been found in nonepileptic populations (i.e., young age,
male gender, low IQ, low socioeconomic status, and adverse rearing environ-
ment). As such, effects of temporal lobe dysfunction secondary to seizure activ-
ity seem trivial, but these studies do not address whether nonseizure temporal
lobe dysfunction increases violence.
and computerized tomography (CT) have implicated damage to the temporal lobe,
whereas functional studies with single photon emission computerized tomogra-
phy (SPECT) and positron emission tomography (PET) have found both tempo-
ral and frontal deficits.
Five of six recent analyses of antisocial/violent offenders not contained in the
above reviews have also observed reduced frontal or temporal functioning in vio-
lent psychiatric patients (frontal and temporal deficits; Volkow et al., 1995), alco-
holics with antisocial personality disorder (frontal deficits; Kuruoglu et al., 1996),
violent offenders supsected of organic brain disease (temporal deficits; Seidenwurm
et al., 1997), and murderers pleading not guilty by reason of insanity (frontal and
temporal deficits; Raine, Buchsbaum, & La Casse, 1997; Raine et al., 1998a). In-
terestingly, one additional study showed increased functioning of the frontotem-
poral regions in drug-abusing psychopaths (Intrator et al., 1997). It is likely that
discrepant findings may be a function of the different subject groups, types of vi-
olence, and experimental methods used in the various studies (Volkow et al., 1995).
The brain imaging studies by Raine et al. (1997, 1998a) are of special interest
because they overcome some of the earlier methodological flaws in design. Frontal
lobe glucose metabolism was assessed with PET in 41 murderers pleading not
guilty by reason of insanity compared with 41 controls matched by age, sex, and
presence/absence of schizophrenia. All participants with a history of seizure dis-
order, head trauma, or substance abuse were excluded. Murderers in this study
failed to show the prefrontal activation observable in controls during a continu-
ous performance task that is specifically designed to elicit such activation.
In addition to prefrontal deficits, significantly reduced glucose metabolism was
also observed in the corpus callosum, superior parietal gyrus, and left angular
gyrus, and left hemisphere deficits were found in the amygdala, thalamus, and
medial temporal lobe. It was speculated by Raine, Buchsbaum, and La Casse
(1997) that reduced functioning of the corpus callosum might result in a relative
inability of the left hemisphere to control and regulate the more "emotional" right
hemisphere.
In a recent reanalysis of the above data (Raine et al., 1998a), murderers were
divided into those whose murders were planned, instrumental, and predatory in
nature and those whose attacks were relatively impulsive, unplanned, and char-
acterized by a high degree of emotional reactivity preceded by arguments. Re-
sults indicated that it was specifically the emotionally reactive murderers who
were characterized by significant prefrontal dysfunction, whereas predatory mur-
derers had levels of prefrontal glucose metabolism similar to controls. Raine
(1993) speculated that, because the prefrontal cortex is involved in planning, reg-
ulating, and controlling behavior, those who plan their murders must have a rea-
sonably functional prefrontal cortex. Conversely, those whose murders are im-
pulsive and lacking in behavioral control are most likely to be lacking the
regulatory influence of a functional prefrontal cortex.
Violence Associated with Anger and Impulsivity 325
NEUROCHEMISTRY
in antisocial samples who also had diagnoses of alcohol abuse, borderline per-
sonality disorder, depression, or dysthymia.
The relationship found between CSF noradrenergic activity and affective in-
stability in violent samples is consistent with findings indicating increased like-
lihood of psychiatric disorder and emotion regulatory problems in individuals
with impulsive-emotional aggression (Dodge et al., 1997; Vitiello et al., 1990).
These findings suggest that reductions in serotonergic activity may underlie a
general propensity to aggress, whereas the addition of a central norepinephrine
disturbance may be related to impulsive-emotional aggression.
The idea that central norepinephrine mediates the affective instability associ-
ated with impulsive-emotional aggression is also consistent with frontotemporal
limbic dysfunction. The primary source of central norepinephrine (i.e., the locus
ceruleus) has projections to the hypothalamus through the median forebrain bun-
dle. The hypothalamus, in turn, is densely interconnected with the limbic system
and has both frontal and temporal cortical connections. These interconnections
may comprise the neural substrate by which norepinephrine affects emotion and
emotional expressivity. Together with a serotonergic-mediated propensity to
aggress, such dysregulation of negative affect might increase the likelihood of
impulsive-emotional aggression.
HORMONES
Although the release of hormones is also governed by the hypothalamus, the mo-
tivational and behavioral effects of different hormones seem to vary. The vary-
ing effects may serve to fine tune brain-behavior responses to emotions and to
the environment. Studies on hormonal relationships to violence have generally
examined testosterone, cortisol, and hypoglycemia. Testosterone production is
regulated through the hypothalamic-pituitary-gonadal axis, cortisol production
through the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, and hypoglycemia
through the direct hypothalamic innervation of the sympathetic nervous system.
Testosterone
Most of these studies did not differentiate types of aggression or violence. Ol-
weus et al. (1988), however, reported increased testosterone in male adolescents
who self-reported high levels of both provoked (reactive) and unprovoked (proac-
tive) aggressive behavior. One of the few studies of females also reported ele-
vated testosterone levels in prisoners whose current offense was an unprovoked
violent crime but not in those whose crime was defensive (i.e., violence in re-
action to physical assault) (Dabbs et al., 1988). Others have found testosterone
to be positively related to social dominance and status in prisoners (Ehrenkranz,
Bliss, & Sheard, 1974) and competitive success (Mazur & Lamb, 1980). Alto-
gether, these results suggest that the relationship of testosterone to violence may
be primarily related to goal achievement found in controlled-instrumental ag-
gression rather than to reactivity found in impulsive-emotional aggression.
Cortisol
Hypoglycemia
PSYCHOPHYSIOLOGY
Skin Conductance
Reviews of SC studies indicate that (1) there is some evidence for SC under-
arousal in antisocial individuals, particularly with respect to nonviolent forms of
crime; (2) SC-orienting deficits seem specific to antisocial individuals with con-
comitant schizotypal or schizoid features; (3) the findings up to 1978 of reduced
SC responsivity to aversive stimuli in psychopaths generally have not been ob-
served in more recent studies in either psychopathic or nonpsychopathic antiso-
cial populations; and (4) the strongest findings support reduced SC classical con-
ditioning and longer SC half-recovery times in antisocial populations. Reduced
classical conditioning has been interpreted as reflecting a poorer ability to form
Violence Associated with Anger and Impulsivity 329
Heart Rate
Electroencephalogram
Cortical EEG studies indicate that abnormalities exist in resting EEG in criminal
populations, particularly violent recidivistic offending (Mednick et al., 1982), with
the predominant deficit being excessive slow wave activity, particularly in the
frontal cortex. Two out of three studies that examined premeditated versus impul-
sive/motiveless violent crime found diffusely abnormal EEG in the criminals whose
offense was apparently without instrumental motive (Driver, West, & Faulk, 1974;
Hill & Pond, 1952; Okasha, Sadek, Moneim, 1975). These abnormalities are
thought to reflect either general underarousal (Raine, Venables, & Williams, 1990a)
or cortical immaturity (Hare, 1970). In a review of EEG studies, however, Volavka
(1995) suggested that the possibility of brain injury or cortical disinhibition, in ad-
dition to the hypotheses of underarousal and cortical immaturity, could not be ruled
out. These studies indicate that abnormal EEG findings in antisocial populations
may be related to impulsive-emotional forms of violence.
Event-Related Potentials
Cortical ERP studies generally indicate increased latencies in the early and mid-
dle components of ERP (i.e., brain stem auditory evoked potentials and N100)
and enhanced late-component P300 amplitudes to stimuli of interest in antisocial
samples. Raine (1993) has suggested that these processes may be conceptually
and causally linked such that the early components relate to excessive filtering
of stimuli and resulting underarousal that lead to sensation-seeking (related to
the N100 findings), which may partly account for enhanced attention (i.e., in-
creased P300) to events of interest. These ERP studies have primarily involved
psychopathic populations.
Studies of violent individuals, however, have generally found smaller P300
amplitudes than nonviolent controls (Barratt et al., 1997; Branchey, Buydens-
Branchey, & Lieber, 1988; Braverman, 1993; Gerstle, Mathias, & Stanford,
1988). Two of these studies included subjects who specifically displayed impul-
sive aggression (Barratt et al., 1997; Gerstle, Mathias, & Stanford, 1988). A re-
cent study has replicated these results comparing three groups characterized by
a history of impulsive aggression, aggression secondary to paranoid schizophre-
nia, or premeditated aggression (Stanford et al., 1998). Results from this study
indicated reduced P300 amplitude in both the impulsive and schizophrenia-
related aggression groups relative to the premeditated aggression group.
Findings of electrodermal (e.g., SC), cardiovascular (e.g., HR), and cortical (e.g.,
EEG and ERP) underarousal as a predisposition for the development of criminal
Violence Associated with Anger and Impulsivity 331
behavior have been supported in prospective longitudinal studies (Loeb & Med-
nick, 1977; Mednick et al., 1982; Petersen et al., 1982; Raine, Venables, &
Williams, 1990a). In addition, Raine, Venables, and Williams (1990b,c) found a
reduced number of SC and HR orienting responses and larger N100 ERPs in 15-
year-old criminals to be. The most common form of criminal offenses included
burglary and theft, which suggests that these findings may be particularly rele-
vant to the development of serious, but less violent, forms of crime.
In sum, studies of SC, HR, and EEG, including prospective studies, implicate
underarousal in the development of antisocial behavior. These studies, however,
have consisted of individuals primarily committing nonviolent forms of crime or
having less serious aggression. Autonomic reactivity of SC and HR, on the other
hand, seems to characterize impulsive-emotional forms of aggression (Scarpa &
Raine, 1997), especially when the aggressor is exposed to a provocation and per-
ceives the provocation as intentional (Pitts, 1993; Zillmann, 1983). As such, con-
sistent with the idea of impulsive-emotional aggression, these findings suggest
that psychophysiological reactivity is related to aggression in the context of in-
creased negative affect and thought processes that would increase the likelihood
of negative affect.
Studies of ERP implicate reduced P300 amplitudes in impulsive-emotional ag-
gressors. It has been suggested that such reduced amplitude is the result of prob-
lems with higher order cognitive processing and attention (Barratt et al., 1997)
or more general low arousal (Gerstle, Mathias, & Stanford, 1998). Because un-
derarousal in other systems seems related to nonviolent or mild aggressive be-
havior, deficits in cognitive processing may be the more likely explanation of re-
duced P300 in impulsively violent individuals. This would be consistent with
executive cognitive dysfunction and affect dysregulation associated with fron-
totemporal deficits.
SUMMARY
Previous work has indicated the existence of several types of aggressive behav-
ior in animals that primarily fall into two categories: defensive and predatory ag-
gression. In humans, it has been suggested that two parallel forms of aggression
or violence exist (i.e., impulsive-emotional and controlled-instrumental) with dis-
tinct biopsychosocial pathways (Vitiello & Stoff, 1997). The work of Dodge et
al. (1997) indicates specific cognitive biases, emotional regulatory difficulties,
and stressful life events in children with impulsive-emotional forms of aggres-
sion. Based on previous findings on the biological bases of antisocial behavior,
332 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
Newman and colleagues (see Wallace, Bachorowski, & Newman, 1991) have
suggested that frontal cortex impairments of executive functioning leads to the
impulsivity found in many individuals with disinhibitory psychopathology (in-
cluding antisocial people) by activating their responsivity in the face of compet-
ing reward and punishment. Thus, if frontal dysfunction (or multisite limbic dys-
function) exists in an aggressive individual, it seems most likely to relate to
impulsive-emotional forms of aggression.
This conclusion is further supported by findings in related physiological sys-
tems, which include a combination of decreased serotonergic activity and nora-
drenergic dysregulation, cortisol reactivity indicative of HPA axis dysregulation,
hypoglycemia, and autonomic HR reactivity. These biological systems seem to
increase the propensity for negative affect and arousal, impair the ability to reg-
ulate that affect/arousal, and lead to biased thought processes, thus increasing
risk for impulsive-emotional aggression (Scarpa & Raine, 1997).
CONCLUSION
of such behavior assume greater importance (Raine & Venables, 1981). Others
have found that the risk for violent offending, on the other hand, is heightened
when both biological and social risk factors are present. Mednick and Kandel
(1988), for example, found the greatest degree of violence in individuals who
had both minor physical anomalies (thought to reflect a disruption to fetal neural
development in the first trimester of pregnancy) and came from unstable nonin-
tact home environments. In a group of children with disruptive behavior disor-
ders, Scarpa (1997) and Scerbo and Kolko (1995) found the greatest degree of
aggression in those who had a history of physical abuse coupled with physio-
logical or emotional dysregulation. Taken together, these latter studies demon-
strate the sensitivity of individuals to adverse social environments, especially if
they have predispositions that can influence their emotionality and emotion reg-
ulatory abilities.
Finally, the distinction between factors that are biological versus psychologi-
cal or environmental is necessarily artificial. That is, any factor may directly or
indirectly affect another. Some biological correlates of violence, for example,
may be environmentally caused (e.g., brain damage resulting from blows to the
head). Furthermore, the biological correlates reviewed herein are likely to have
psychological effects (e.g., brain damage may impair intellectual and other cog-
nitive functioning). This highlights again the complexity of human antisocial be-
havior and the mistake of conducting such research under the assumption of a
false environmental versus biological dichotomy.
In conclusion, evidence is provided that suggests that impulsive-emotional forms
of aggression (accompanied by anger and impulsivity) may indeed be partly me-
diated through neurobiological mechanisms. Because much of the violence occur-
ring today involves interpersonal situations within familiar social circles, such as
domestic violence and abuse, the examination of such reactive emotional aggres-
sion becomes crucial. As a more complete understanding is gained of the complex
interplay of biological, cognitive, social, and emotional forces involved in such vi-
olence, we are afforded optimism that it can be minimized in the future.
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14
Differentiation of States and Causes of Apathy
We use apathy as our general label. The word apathy consists of the prefix a,
meaning without, and pathos, the Greek word for passion. Apathy is therefore
most commonly defined as a lack of interest or emotion. In this sense, synonyms
such as indifference and flat affect are commonly used in the neurological and
neuropsychiatric literature. However, pathos can also indicate suffering. Dictio-
340
Differentiation of States and Causes of Apathy 341
nary synonyms and adjectival phrases provided for apathy include destitute of
feeling, insensible, indifferent, impassive, lethargic, stoic, and unconcerned. Al-
though there is a clear communal theme among these phrases and words, there
is also a range of connotations and thus the potential for a lack of precision in
the clinical definition of apathy.
One reason concepts of apathy lack precision is the fact that apathy is often sec-
ondary to different neurological and psychiatric disorders and as such is often con-
sidered to incorporate some of the features of the related disorder or syndrome into
its definition. For example, Fisher (1983) described the disorder abulia as impaired
spontaneity in action and speech against a background of normal intellectual con-
tent, reduced range of movement, mental slowness, decreased attention in the pres-
ence of increased distractibility, and apathy. Clearly, abulia and apathy overlap or
are coexistent in Fisher's conceptualization. Marin (1990, p. 22), in an admirable
attempt to refine and limit the range of the term apathy, suggested the following
definition: "diminished motivation not attributable to diminished level of con-
sciousness, cognitive impairment, or emotional distress," excluding not only states
such as depression, demoralization, delirium, and dementia but also abulia, akine-
sia, and akinetic mutism. Hence, Marin's view of apathy appears to differ from
that of Fisher. Marin views apathy and abulia as being mutually exclusive, whereas
Fisher (1983) views apathy as being a characteristic of abulia. Distinct definitions
of strongly related states are clearly very difficult to achieve.
Marin (1991,1996) differentiated between apathy as a symptom of other prob-
lems (such as depression or altered level of consciousness) and apathy as a syn-
drome. In the description of apathy as a syndrome by Marin, Biedrzycki, and
Firinciogullari (1991), the key feature remains a lack of motivation (amotiva-
tional state). In his more recent reformulation, Marin (1996) adopted a diagnos-
tic-based approach to propose criteria for the diagnosis of apathy. The inclusion
criterion is the presence of amotivation in any of the realms of affect, behavior,
and cognition, and exclusion criteria include the presence of disordered arousal,
depression, or causative cognitive impairment.
Recently, Berrios and Gili (1995) proposed a more philosophical conceptual-
ization of disorders involving pathology of action, stating that such disorders were
best described as an "absence of will." Although it is not clear whether all mani-
festations of apathy reflect a disturbance of will, there is a sense of the importance
of the concept of an absence of self-initiated behavior hi the definition of apathy.
We argue for a formulation of apathy that differs in several ways from the
concepts of apathy reviewed above. Apathy cannot be clinically defined as sim-
ply a lack of motivation. First, there are difficulties inherent in the assessment
of motivation. To be amotivated is to be lacking in the inner urge that moves or
prompts one to action. The assessment of inner urges is problematic and usually
necessitates inference based on observations of affect or behavior. Second, when
one considers all of the pathological and clinical states that may produce apathy
342 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
(see below and Marin, 1990, 1991, 1996; Marin, Biedrzycki, & Firinciogullari,
1991), almost all of these "states" contain features in addition to the narrow
"lack of motivation" definition. Employing syndromal criteria, like that sug-
gested by Marin, is also potentially limiting. Recent accumulation of knowledge
in neuroanatomy and neuropsychology provides support for the specification of
different kinds of apathy. Consider, for example, frontal lobe injury, a major
cause of apathy. There is now empirical data demonstrating the specificity of
attention and memory functions within the frontal lobes (Shallice & Burgess,
1991; Stuss et al., 1994a,b; Stuss, Picton, & Alexander, 1999). Stuss and Ben-
son (1986) have indeed distinguished between two kinds of apathetic behavior:
disorders of drive primarily related to the medial frontal regions and disorders
of arousal primarily related to lower neural axes such as the brain stem reticu-
lar formation, specific brain stem nuclei, and the thalamus. It is thus likely that
behavioral disorders fitting under the umbrella of apathy might also demonstrate
greater anatomical and functional specificity in the frontal lobes of the brain and
related brain structures.
Our definition of apathy, "an absence of responsiveness to stimuli as demon-
strated by a lack of self-initiated action," allows for objective behavioral mea-
surements. We contend that apathy is not a singly definable state, nor is it a sin-
gle syndrome. Apathy can be divided into separable types or states that differ in
both the functional disturbances underlying the clinical presentation and the
neural substrates of involvement. Using an adjectival phrase with the term apa-
thy provides us with the necessary increases in scope and specificity of defini-
tion. Furthermore, the use of adjectival modifiers promotes greater consistency
across studies in terms of identifying the type of apathetic behavior being in-
vestigated and how this behavior is measured.
CAUSES OF APATHY
diminution in initiated behavior (for reviews, see Stuss & Benson, 1986; Stuss
et al., 1992). This apathy was observed behaviorally but was also demonstrated
on neuropsychological tests such as verbal fluency (Belyi, 1979; Masdeu &
Shewmon, 1980). In fact, a key observation that led to the use of frontal lobot-
omies for psychiatric disturbances was that frontal lobe lesions in monkeys made
the animals more placid (Jacobsen, 1936; Moniz, 1937). Both left dorsolateral
and superior medial frontal regions demonstrate the most decreased verbal flu-
ency (Stuss et al., 1998).
Another commonly reported acquired neurological cause of apathetic behavior
is damage to the basal ganglia, particularly if the damage is bilateral. A review
of 240 patients with lesions in the caudate nucleus, putamen, or globus pallidus
revealed that apathy was the most common behavioral disorder after basal gan-
glia stroke, occurring in approximately 13% of cases (Bhatia & Marsden, 1994).
The apathetic behavior was most common after caudate lesions (26%), and was
never found in the 20 patients with putamen lesions. The behavioral consequence
of basal ganglia damage was called psychic akinesia, a disturbance of psychic au-
344 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
toactivation (Ali-Cherif et al., 1984; Habib & Poncet, 1988; Laplane et al., 1984;
Percheron et al., 1994) linked to an impaired dopaminergic mesolimbic system
(Poncet & Habib, 1994). There is a dramatic decrease in spontaneous behavior of
any kind, including thought, and verbal fluency (Alexander, Naeser, & Palumbo,
1987). The observed behavioral aspontaneity contrasts with the relatively normal
reaction to external stimuli and commands. In other words, such individuals re-
spond appropriately to external stimulation from the people and general environ-
ment around them, but they do not demonstrate self-initiated behavior.
Another common focal neurologic cause of apathy is damage to the dorso-
medial thalamic nucleus. This is also most striking and persistent with bilateral
lesions (Bogousslavsky et al., 1988; Guberman & Stuss, 1983; McGilchrist et
al., 1993). Patients with dorsomedial thalamic damage often exhibit apathetic be-
haviors consistent with those described above.
The extreme form of apathetic behavior is akinetic mutism wherein the patient
exhibits normal sleep-wake cycles but rarely, if at all, initiates behavior in any
modality (Plum & Posner, 1980). The proposed causes are variable. Some re-
searchers have suggested that akinetic mutism is related to disruption in the as-
cending input from the reticular activating system, perhaps due to medial fore-
brain bundle lesions (e.g., Cairns et al., 1941; Ross & Stewart, 1981). Still others
have proposed that the etiology for akinetic mutism is a loss of limbic drive and
activation secondary to bilateral anterior cingulate lesions, which is believed to
play a role in limbic motivation (e.g., Devinsky, Morrell, & Vogt, 1995; Laplane
et al., 1984; Mega & Cummings, 1994). Akinetic mutism has also been reported
secondary to bilateral globus pallidus/internal capsule lesions. This is particu-
larly true for lesions with ventral extension because these may disconnect the an-
terior cingulate from involvement in limbic motivational activity (Mega & Co-
henour, 1997).
In most of the focal neurologic etiologies of apathy noted above and in Table
14.1, there is a direct or indirect anatomical involvement of the frontal lobes
and/or limbic drive. Each of the nonfrontal areas mentioned above has extensive
reciprocal connections with the frontal lobes and are component parts of frontal
systems (Fuster, 1989; Pandya & Barnes, 1987; Stuss & Benson, 1986). More-
over, similar apathetic behaviors have been shown after pathology in deep frontal
white matter (Poncet & Habib, 1994). Descriptions of apathetic behavior after
capsular genu infarct note behavioral sequelae that are consistent with the inter-
ruption of the inferior and anterior thalamic peduncles, resulting in functional de-
activation of the ipsilateral frontal cortex (Tatemichi et al., 1992; Yasuda et al.,
1990). Bilateral lesions of the amygdala and anterior temporal poles, as in hu-
man Kliiver-Bucy syndrome, often results in apathy that is likely due to limbic
drive damage (Marin, 1996). Evidence from neuroimaging research also demon-
strates a link between the frontal lobes and apathy even in the absence of focal
frontal brain damage. For example, McGilchrist et al. (1993), using single pho-
Differentiation of States and Causes of Apathy 345
Dementia
Patients with frontotemporal lobar dysfunction (frontal lobe dementia) often ex-
hibit apathy as an important symptom (Snowden, Neany, & Mann, 1996). Sim-
ilar to patients with acquired basal ganglia lesions, individuals who have pro-
gressive disorders involving the basal ganglia, such as Parkinson's disease and
Huntington's disease, have impaired initiation of behavior (Mayberg, 1994). Such
patients often reveal varying degrees of apathy, bradyphrenia (slowness in think-
ing), and psychomotor slowing. Huntington's and Parkinson's disease patients
may also be depressed, however, and the influence of depression on behavior
must be dissociated from the influence of apathy. A large percentage of patients
with Alzheimer's disease have also been reported to have apathy and diminished
initiative (Bozzola, Gorelick, & Freels, 1992; Reichman et al., 1996). Such lack
of interest of some Alzheimer's disease patients in self-care and other personal
activities may exist in some patients independent of depression or other symp-
toms (Reichman et al., 1996). In a SPECT study of 40 Alzheimer patients, the
degree of apathy was correlated with decreased right temporoparietal perfusion
(Ott, Noto, & Fogel, 1996). For aging individuals, there is some suggestion that
the degree of apathy is related to the severity of the cognitive disorder (Forsell
et al., 1993). These findings suggest that apathy secondary to Alzheimer's dis-
ease may be qualitatively different from apathy due to some focal lesions in which
intellectual functioning as measured by IQ tests may be intact (even though spe-
cific cognitive disorders may be revealed).
Psychiatric Disorders
athy and depression were dissociable. Such a dissociation between apathy and
depression has also been reported in other patient groups. Marin et al. (1993)
found that apathy in the absence of depression was seen most frequently in pa-
tients with Alzheimer's disease and right hemisphere stroke, and less frequently
in patients with left hemisphere stroke or in normal subjects. In the subjects with
major depression, apathy scores were positively associated with depression
scores, although apathy was occasionally absent in some of these subjects. Forsell
et al. (1993) studied elderly depressed subjects with and without dementia and
found that the mood symptoms of this population clustered into two groups: mood
disturbance and motivational disturbance. Mood symptoms were most frequent
in those subjects with mild dementia, and motivational disturbances were most
frequent in those with more advanced disease. Thus, although apathy may be
seen in depression, it is also dissociable from depression.
Research on schizophrenia has had a significant impact on the understanding
of apathy since the distinction between positive and negative symptoms was first
made (Andreasen, 1982; Crow, 1985). The negative symptoms clearly include
the concept of apathy. Frith (1987) argued that negative symptoms reflect a sub-
jective internal failure of willed intention, in other words, a deficit in initiation.
Crow (1995) argued that the negative symptoms could reflect a failure in brain
development. This hypothesis would be compatible with the correlation between
negative symptoms with cognitive impairment and the presence of personality
change in these patients before the actual onset of the diagnosed illness. Strauss
(1993), following Frith and Done (1989), suggested that positive and negative
symptoms could be related to two separate anatomical systems: positive symp-
toms to dysfunction in the interaction of frontal/septohippocampal systems and
negative symptoms to abnormalities in frontostriatal interconnections.
In summary, our selective review of causes of apathetic behavior leads to two
conclusions. First, the term apathy has been used quite differently by different
authors, and there appears to be a range of behavioral and affective changes that
are inadequately described under single definitional or syndromal descriptions of
apathy. For example, disorders of "willed" intention are very different from the
difficulty in initiation found in patients with degrees of akinetic mutism. It is dif-
ficult to ascribe this entire range of apathetic behaviors simply to a lack of mo-
tivation. Second, there appears to be increasing evidence of frontal/subcortical
or frontolimbic circuitry involved in most types of neurologically based apathy.
In this section we outline different types of apathy. The kinds of apathy are dif-
ferentiated by inclusion of an adjective modifier that denotes the major qualities
of the kind of apathetic behavior referred to. The different forms of apathy are
Differentiation of States and Causes of Apathy 347
This apathy is related not just to the frontal lobes themselves but also to
frontal/subcortical connectivity (for an overview of frontal/subcortical connec-
tions, see Alexander, DeLong, & Strick, 1986; Cummings, 1993; Mega & Cum-
mings, 1994). Five frontal/subcortical circuits have been described. Each circuit
348 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
includes the same general brain regions: frontal lobe, striatum, globus pallidus,
substantia nigra, and thalamus. The five circuits are divisible into two major func-
tional categories, motor and behavioral. Although damage to any of the five could
be considered within the general term executive apathy, we propose that damage
to any one of the five circuits results in distinctly different forms of executive
apathy.
The two motor circuits are the oculomotor and the general motor circuits. The
relation of each to the frontal lobes is to the frontal eye fields and the supple-
mentary motor area (SMA), respectively. For the two motor circuits, two differ-
ent types of apathetic behavior have been described. For the oculomotor circuit,
there is a tendency not to initiate responses to the contralateral side. This occurs
for both vision (Hecaen & Albert, 1978) and motor (Spiers et al., 1990) responses.
This is frequently evidenced in neglect. Damage to the SMA circuit results in
two types of reported apathetic behavior. There is a decrease in verbal output as
evidenced by a decrease in verbal fluency (Alexander, Benson, & Stuss, 1989;
Stuss & Benson, 1986). While diminished verbal fluency is frequently observed
after left dorsolateral frontal lesions, it is also common after damage to either the
right or left SMA (Stuss et al., 1998). The second type of apathetic behavior as-
sociated with SMA pathology is the alien hand disorder. Although most com-
monly described as a type of impulsive behavior (i.e., a positive but unwilled ac-
tivity of the contralateral [usually left] hand), there have also been descriptions
of occasional apathy, an inability to move the left hand at will (Baynes et al.,
1997; Feinberg et al., 1992; Tanaka et al., 1996).
The three behavioral circuits are related to the dorsolateral prefrontal, lateral
orbital, and anterior cingulate regions, respectively. The dorsolateral prefrontal
circuit has been proposed as originating in the convexity of the lateral surface of
the anterior frontal lobe. The lateral orbital circuit initiates in Brodmann area 10.
The anterior cingulate is the site of origin for the final behavioral circuit. Dif-
ferent types of apathetic behavior have been associated with damage to these
three behavioral circuits (Bhatia & Marsden, 1994). Apathy, because it is a dis-
order of self-initiated behavior, is particularly susceptible to damage to these
frontal/subcortical circuits because each is an effector circuit enabling action in
the environment (Cummings, 1993).
The dorsolateral prefrontal circuit is characterized by a decrease in verbal flu-
ency as well as by disturbance in active selection of behaviors. This lack of be-
havioral response after dorsolateral frontal damage can be considered as apathetic
behavior. Arousal is normal, and general cognitive functions are intact. The spe-
cific type of executive apathy can be explained by a simple model of respon-
siveness (Stuss, 1991a,b; Stuss, Picton, & Alexander, 1999). In any behavior,
there is an input and a response-output pathway. Incoming information is com-
pared with stored information—a constructed model or template. This normally
leads to a response of some type, including the potential generation of a new,
Differentiation of States and Causes of Apathy 349
adapted model. At the level of executive functions, the responses are those that
require flexibility, selection, novel responsiveness, and so on, controlling the
more automatic functions of posterior areas. If there is damage to the template
(the specific type of executive process) or to the comparator, then the outcome
is impaired behavior or the absence of behavior. Thus, in the above examples,
the absence of behavior could be considered as executive apathy (i.e., the
absence of initiated behavior secondary to a disorder of executive cognitive
functioning.
Damage to the lateral orbitofrontal cortex results in personality blunting and
change. Again, this can be viewed as a type of apathetic behavior due perhaps
to the absence of limbic affective input. As noted earlier, orbitofrontal loboto-
mies were often performed to make patients easier to get along with. A current
example related to the ventral medial frontal region but perhaps appropriate here
involves the demonstrated inability to anticipate selection of response in a gam-
bling task. Despite normal arousal, the absence of responses would reflect a dis-
order of self-initiated behavior, or apathy (Bechara et al., 1996).
The most obvious frontal type of apathy results from damage to the anterior
cingulate. Damage to this region, particularly if bilateral, results in apathy and
lack of initiation. The classification of anterior cingulate executive apathy is it-
self too broad, and even more specific subtyping may be required. Devinsky,
Morrell, and Vogt (1995) point to the considerable anatomical and connective
specificity of the anterior cingulate. The association to the rostral limbic system
suggests that a major role of the cingulate is to assess the motivational informa-
tion from internal and external stimuli. Because of the connectivity, however,
subtypes of apathetic behavior might result from cingulate pathology. For ex-
ample, chronic pain patients treated with cingulomotomy continue to feel pain,
but they are no longer bothered by it (Foltz & White, 1968). Damage to the an-
terior cingulate results in affective placidity, lack of emotional response, and al-
tered social interactions—all of which are reflective of apathy. Anterior cingu-
late damage can also result in impaired response selection and decision to respond
(symptoms representative of apathetic behavior), as well as impaired movement
execution itself. Devinsky and colleagues suggest very specific anatomical lo-
calization for the different subtypes of apathy: affective placidity (connection of
Brodmann areas 24/25 with the amygdala), impaired response selection (gyral
surface of anterior cingulate, areas 24a' and 24b'), and impaired movement ex-
ecution (interconnection of 24c' with the SMA). In other words, the types of ap-
athy revealed are related to the cingulate itself and to the connections of the cin-
gulate with other regions.
The five frontal sites of origin result in different types of apathy, and this dis-
tinction is paralleled in the subcortical regions of each circuit. That is, damage
to different parts of the same circuit can result in similar impairments. Thus, dam-
age to the frontal lobes of the dorsolateral prefrontal circuit will lead to similar
350 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
results as damage to the connected subcortical areas such as the caudate, globus
pallidus, and thalamus. Because of the compressed nature of these subcortical
regions, however, differentiation of forms of apathy specific to one circuit is al-
most impossible to determine. Nevertheless, some dissociation at this level has
been suggested. Studies of the basal ganglia indicate that different types of apa-
thy may occur (Schultz et al., 1993; Williams et al., 1993). Similar suggestions
of dissociation have been reported after thalamic lesions. McAlonan, Robbins,
and Everitt (1993) suggested that the dorsal medial nucleus, through its inter-
connections with the ventral striatal pallidal and prefrontal cortex, might be in-
volved in response selection. A flat affect (unconcern), and physical withdrawal
and akinesia, may differentiate dorsomedial and anterior thalamic lesions (Graff-
Radford et al., 1984; Stuss et al., 1988).
The above types of apathy associated with frontal system dysfunction are re-
lated more to the direct effector responsiveness in which the frontal lobes play
an important role. A more abstract form of apathy also likely exists, related to
the frontal lobes and primarily their linibic connections. Evidence is accumulat-
ing for the role of the anterior frontal lobes (the right frontal, ventral medial, and
possibly polar regions have been particularly implicated) in awareness of self and
social awareness (Damasio et al., 1994; Stuss, 1991a,b; Stuss, Picton, & Alexan-
der, 1999; Wheeler, Stuss, & Tulving, 1997). Self and social awareness is a
metacognitive ability that is necessary to mediate information from a personal,
social past and current history with projections to the future. The key feature of
this apathy appears to be intact knowledge of behavior, even of intention, but a
lack of action in one's own self-interest—a type of "social apathy" (Stuss, Pic-
ton, & Alexander, 1999). The patient appears not to have a mental model of his
or her own self that serves to organize perceptions and actions. This type of so-
cial apathy is evident in the clinical descriptions of patients such as Phineas Gage,
those with the Capgras syndrome, and even in disorders of humour (Alexander,
Stuss, & Benson, 1979; Damasio et al., 1994; Shammi & Stuss, 1999; Stuss &
Benson, 1986).
Our approach to understanding apathy shares some commonalties with other con-
ceptualizations of apathy. The idea of apathy being associated with frontal/
subcortical circuits has been discussed by others (e.g., Bhatia & Marsden, 1994;
Cummings, 1993; Mega & Cummings, 1994). The separation of positive and
negative symptoms in schizophrenia has led to the proposal of distinct frontal
system dysfunctions underlying the two symptom groupings (Frith, 1987; Frith
& Done, 1989; Strauss, 1993). Mega and Cohenour (1997), in their review of
akinetic mutism, proposed that there may be three different kinds of disturbed
Differentiation of States and Causes of Apathy 351
activation of behavior: motor, cognitive, and limbic. Our idea of comparison and
generation processes in the construction of models of the world is somewhat sim-
ilar to that of Godefroy and Rousseaux's "relative judgment theory" (1997). Turk-
stra and Bayles (1992), in their model of mutism, suggested that speech pro-
duction depended on five interrelated processes: arousal; cognitive processes;
affect and drive; motor initiation; planning; programming and coordination; and
execution of movement. If verbal output is considered as a measure of apathy,
as has been done, then it is clear that disturbances in very different mechanisms
and brain areas could lead to the same decreases in output. Our research on ver-
bal fluency has shown that impairments in different processes can affect self-
initiated behavior such as word generation (Stuss et al., 1998; Troyer et al., 1998).
In summary, our conceptualization of apathy states is based on the known clin-
ical presentations and separable neuroanatomical substrates of apathetic behav-
iors. This conceptualization will of necessity be modified as we continue to learn
more about the various types of apathy and their neural correlates. For example,
as our knowledge of the specificity of functioning within the frontal lobes in-
creases, and our mapping of the interconnections of frontal, cognitive, and lim-
bic regions is completed, our understanding of the exact nature of the circuits
may alter. We are arguing more for an approach than for absolute distinction
among these frontal system types of apathy. We do not have experimental data,
and in reality it may be difficult to dissociate unique causes. The major point is
this: If the causes of observable apathy are distinguishable to some degree, then
treatment and rehabilitation can be more specific. At present, we believe that the
presented view of apathy states is a useful framework within which to view ap-
athy disorders, as well as a guide for targeting specific treatment interventions.
TREATMENT INTERVENTIONS
Pharmacotherapy
Two broad introductory comments need to be made. First, little research into the
efficacy of medication therapy for apathy states has been completed to date. This
in part probably reflects the view of many that apathy is not a significant prob-
lem, if it is a "problem" at all. The clinical relevance of apathy is likely to vary
depending on the clinical setting and/or the philosophical viewpoint of the as-
sessor of its relevance. For example, in a busy nursing home, with severe prob-
352 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
lems for staff posed by the disinhibited and aggressive behavior of some resi-
dents, apathetic residents are likely to be largely viewed as somewhat ideal be-
haviorally. On the other hand, apathy in a rehabilitation setting may become a
very significant deterrent to progress. The risks associated with treating apathy
in chronic care settings need to be offset by compelling reasons to treat the ap-
athy (e.g., residents who are so apathetic that they no longer eat).
The second comment relates to the potential temptation to infer neurotrans-
mitter bases for apathy states based on response to treatment. This approach,
while ultimately somewhat validated by other types of data for the dopamine hy-
pothesis of schizophrenia (which of course has its origins in the observed re-
sponse to dopamine-blocking drugs), has been less successful in other domains.
Clearly additional evidence related to neurotransmitter dysfunction over and
above observations of treatment response are required before the neurotransmit-
ter bases of apathy states can be fully understood.
In some case studies akinetic mutism has been treated with bromocriptine
(Crismon et al., 1988; Echiverri et al., 1988; Ross & Stewart, 1981) or
methylphenidate (Daly & Love, 1958; Weinberg, Auerbach, & Moore, 1987).
Although we have excluded apathetic behavior that is coexistent with fluctuat-
ing arousal from our precise definition of apathy, it is of relevance that this type
of apathy is common in states such as post-traumatic amnesia, and some success
has been reported with pharmacological treatment (Jackson, Corrigan, & Arnett,
1985; Mysiw, Jackson, & Corrigan, 1988).
Medications used for this "executive" kind of apathy fall broadly into the three
categories of dopaminergic drugs, amphetamines, and atypical neuroleptics.
Gualtieri et al. (1989) have suggested that apathy in traumatic brain injured (TBI)
patients may have its origins in the axonal shearing of brain stem structures, with
secondary lowering of monoamine transmission, including dopamine, to striatum
and cortex. If the suggestion of Gualtieri et al. (1989) is correct, then medica-
tions dependent on an intact presynaptic neuron may be less effective in TBI-
related apathy. This very hypothesis led Gualtieri et al. (1989) to study the effi-
cacy of amantadine, a drug that increases dopaminergic activity. Benefit in the
treatment of apathy in TBI patients was reported with amantadine; however, the
results were limited by methodological problems. Van Reekum et al. (1995) per-
formed an N of 1 randomized double-blind, placebo-controlled study that showed
effectiveness of amantadine in improving initiation/participation in a subject with
a profound apathy beginning after a TBI. Rehabilitation was facilitated by aman-
tadine in this subject.
Although not directly assessing apathy, other studies have used amantadine
for indications that may have formed part of an apathy state. Improvement in ap-
petite, talkativeness, and activity level were noted in long-term geriatric care pa-
tients treated with amantadine (Roca et al., 1990). Andersson et al. (1992) re-
ported cognitive improvement (i.e., increases in visual attention, speed of
Differentiation of States and Causes of Apathy 353
tating the need for medications that exert direct postsynaptic effects. Finally, this
literature has been somewhat illustrative in terms of identifying changes within
the brain, particularly involving frontal/subcortical functioning, in response to
successful pharmacologic treatment of apathy, and as such this is broadly sup-
portive of the systems we suggest are involved in some apathy states.
Although rare, there have been reports of successful behavioral therapy treatment
of apathetic states. For example, Rosenthal and Meyer (1971) used a behavior
modification technique with a young woman diagnosed with clinical abulia. These
researchers used a combination of therapy techniques to increase the opportunity
for reward (environmental reinforcers); to reframe the cause of problem behav-
iors using cognitive restructuring; and to set goals, identify goal obstacles, and
establish problem-solving techniques for overcoming these obstacles. The ther-
apy intervention they employed had considerable success. It is important to note,
however, that their client's abulia was not due to central nervous system (CNS)
damage but rather had its origin in non-CNS causes related to lack of environ-
mental incentive or reward and grief and adjustment disorders (see Table 14.1).
Kopelowicz et al. (1997) performed a pilot study with six subjects with schiz-
ophrenia, three of whom had "deficit" syndrome (i.e., cognitive impairment and
increased neurological signs) and three of whom did not (i.e., negative symp-
toms without cognitive impairment). All received 12 weeks of social skills train-
ing. Improvements in social skills and negative symptoms in the nondeficit group
were more impressive than in the deficit group, suggesting that comorbid cog-
nitive impairments may limit rehabilitation efficacy.
Other potentially useful approaches to rehabilitation of apathetic individuals
are based on behavioral rehabilitation of frontal lobe deficits (Prigatano, 1999;
Sohlberg, Mateer, & Stuss, 1993; Stuss et al., 1994c). The authors suggested us-
ing one or more aspects of the following protocol of behavior therapy with frontal
lobe patients: teaching clients compensatory strategies; providing practice on ex-
ecutive tasks (e.g., self-initiation and monitoring); and facilitating self-awareness
and generalization to other behavioral situations. For example, a frontal lobe pa-
tient exhibiting problems initiating and maintaining social interactions might be
taught initiation strategies specific to social situations and provided with an op-
portunity for supervised practice of these learned strategies along with therapy
interventions (e.g., didactic training) designed to increase self and social aware-
ness. All three of these steps would be reciprocally connected, thereby reinforc-
ing each other. The relationship between frontal systems pathology and apathy
indicates that investigation of rehabilitation strategies for frontal lobe injury may
also have utility with patients presenting with apathy.
356 EMOTIONAL DISORDERS
CONCLUSION
Our review of apathetic behavior and our apathy model lead us to conclude that
there is no single definition or syndrome of apathy. Although having a single de-
finition or syndrome may be appealing, it inherently limits experimental and clin-
ical approaches, as was the idea of the frontal syndrome. Not all symptoms of
apathy co-occur. Indeed, there is now considerable evidence in the literature for
clinical presentations of separable forms of apathetic behavior.
There are different kinds of apathy, related to different pathophysiological
bases and psychological mechanisms. Although the term apathy is still useful
as a very general description of behavior, it is more parsimonious to describe
the types of apathetic behavior in the context of their pathophysiological and/or
psychological mechanisms. For example, when discussing apathy associated
with disturbed arousal, it is likely worthwhile to distinguish between condi-
tions of altered arousal from the apathy of akinetic mutism that may occur in
the presence of normal sleep-wake cycles. Moreover, there are different types
of executive apathetic disorders, resulting from disturbances in cognitive/af-
fective processes due to damage to specific frontal/subcortical circuits. The
major value in differentiating these executive apathys is to differentiate the
specific cause of the behavior. In many regards it may be best to refer to the
different kinds of executive apathy behaviors according to their cognitive dys-
function rather than as apathy. Finally, social apathy may be the most devas-
tating and the most important type to recognize. The absence of an abstract
model of one's self in society may require the motivation of external en-
vironmental support. One avenue for research is the pursuit of pharmacolog-
ical interventions in conjunction with social awareness and social behavior
training.
Treatment of apathetic behaviors by pharmacotherapy, behavioral therapy, or
both will be most efficacious when the underlying pathophysiological basis and/or
disturbance in psychological mechanisms is clearly understood. In this chapter,
we have attempted to further approaches to treatment by pointing out potentially
different causes of apathetic states and their associated underlying etiologies. The
recognition of the types of apathy is a call for the initiation of rehabilitative
efforts.
Differentiation of States and Causes of Apathy 357
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Our ongoing research funding, which provided assistance in preparation of this chapter, is gratefully
acknowledged: Medical Research Council of Canada and the Ontario Mental Health Foundation
(D.T.S.); Alzheimer Society of Canada and the Kunin-Lunenfeld Applied Research Unit (R.V.R.);
and Rotman Research Institute postdoctoral fellowship (K.J.M.).
DEDICATION
This chapter is dedicated to the memory of D. Frank Benson, M.D., who was originally to be our
co-author.
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V
CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
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15
Neurological Disorders and
Emotional Dysfunction
367
368 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
CORTICAL DYSFUNCTION
Communication deficits
least two types of messages, prepositional and prosodic. Emotion can be con-
veyed by either words or prosody. The prepositional or linguistic content is con-
veyed by a complex code that requires an auditory or visual process, phonemic
or orthographic decoding, and lexical semantic analysis.
In most people, including left-handed people, the left hemisphere mediates
prepositional language. Therefore, injury particularly to the posterior portions of
the left hemisphere may impair the comprehension of prepositional speech. Pa-
tients with Wernicke's, transcortical sensory, global, or mixed transcortical apha-
sia may have difficulties in comprehending prepositional speech. Patients with
pure word deafness may also have problems understanding emotion that is based
on verbal-propositional speech. Often these aphasic syndromes are associated
with reading disorders or alexia. Alexia with or without aphasia may also impair
the comprehension of written material that can induce or communicate emotion.
Therefore, if the development of an appropriate emotional state depends on the
comprehension of either spoken or written propositional language, patients with
aphasia or alexia may be unable to develop the appropriate emotional state.
Although patients with comprehension disturbances may be unable to under-
stand propositional messages, many are still able to understand emotional into-
nations (prosody) and emotional facies (Barrett et al., 1997; Kanter et al., 1986).
When the propositional and prosodic messages are congruent, the addition of
emotional prosody may help aphasic patients understand the propositional mes-
sage (Bowers et al., 1987; Heilman, Scholes, & Watson, 1975).
Expression. Almost all patients with aphasia have problems expressing verbal-
propositional messages. Many patients with aphasia also have difficulty writing
their messages (agraphia). Agraphia, however, even in the absence of aphasia,
may also impair written expression of language. Therefore, if the communica-
tion of emotion depends on propositional language, individuals with aphasia and
agraphia may be impaired.
Hughlings Jackson (1932) noted that even severely, nonfluent aphasic patients
with left hemisphere lesions could express their emotion by intoning simple re-
current utterances with prosodic emotional intonations. In addition, when non-
fluent aphasic patients become angry or frustrated, it is not unusual for them to
express their emotional feelings by using explicatives. Hughlings Jackson (1932)
posited that perhaps it was the right hemisphere that was mediating these activ-
ities, and the role of the right hemisphere in expressing emotional intonations is
discussed later. Roeltgen, Sevush, and Heilman (1983) demonstrated that patients
with aphasia and agraphia could write emotional words better than nonemotional
words. Although it appears that the left hemisphere is dominant in propositional
speech, emotional words may be mediated by the right hemisphere and this will
also be discussed in a later section.
370 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Communication defects
Expressive deficits. Bloom et al. (1990,1993) and Borod et al. (2000) studied emo-
tional and nonemotional discourse production, including the ability to use words to
convey emotion, in patients with right-hemisphere and left-hemisphere lesions as
well as normal controls. In the nonemotional condition, LHD subjects were partic-
ularly impaired, whereas in the emotional condition, RHD patients demonstrated
deficits. Emotional content facilitated the pragmatic performance of LHD subjects.
The speech of patients with right-hemisphere disease often lacks emotional
prosody (Ross, 1981; Tucker, Watson, & Heilman, 1977). This prosodic ex-
pressive deficit can be formally tested by asking patients to express neutral sen-
tences with different emotional prosodies. Expressive deficits can exist with and
without prosodic comprehension deficits (Ross & Mesulam, 1979). The patients
who appear to have expressive but not comprehension deficits often have lesions
in the anterior portions of the right hemisphere. Ross (1981) has suggested that
an expressive-receptive dichotomy of emotional prosody associated with right-
hemisphere lesions may parallel the manner in which the left-hemisphere lesions
disrupt the comprehension and expression of prepositional speech.
372 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Patients with right-hemisphere dysfunction may have problems not only com-
prehending facial expressions but also expressing emotions using facial gestures.
This has been demonstrated both in the laboratory (Buck & Duffy, 1980) and in
natural situations (Blonder et al., 1993).
Emotional memory
To learn if patients with hemispheric dysfunction have specific problems with
the acquisition of emotional memories or anterograde emotional memory deficits,
Wechsler (1973) presented two stories to patients with right-hemisphere and left-
hemisphere strokes. One story was designed to elicit an emotional response, and
the other story contained little or no emotion. Whereas the patients with left-
hemisphere lesions recalled more from the emotion-charged story than from the
emotion-neutral story, the patients with right-hemisphere disease did not detect
any difference between the stories, thereby suggesting that the emotional aspects
of the story did not benefit their memory.
To study retrograde emotional memory deficits, Cimino and coworkers (1988)
asked patients to tell stories about events that happened to them in the past. These
stories were then given to judges who assessed the emotional content. These
judges found that RHD patients' stories had less emotional content than did those
of LHD patients. Borod et al. (1996) also studied recall of subjects' positive and
negative emotional experiences and nonemotional experiences. Judges thought
that the experiences described by the RHD subjects had less emotional intensity
than those described by the LHD or normal subjects.
Somewhat different findings have been described by Bowers et al. (1998) who
also examined the emotionality of autobiographical memories recalled by pa-
tients with focal hemispheric strokes. In that study, there was no explicit demand
that subjects describe emotional memories per se. Rather, subjects were instructed
merely to recall personal memories associated with specific cues words (i.e., the
Crovitz paradigm). Content ratings by blinded judges revealed no overall differ-
ences in the types of emotional topics (e.g., weddings, death, and illness) cov-
ered by the stroke groups. The memories of the LHD group were, however, less
intensely positive than were those of the RHD or control groups. There were no
group differences in the intensity of negative memories. Because there was no
Neurological Disorders and Emotional Dysfunction 373
Neurological disorders can induce injuries to both sides of the brain. For exam-
ple, trauma and tumors can injure both frontal lobes. Vascular diseases, espe-
cially of the anterior cerebral artery, may also induce bilateral lesions of the
frontal lobes. Bilateral frontal lobe dysfunction may have profound effects on
emotional behavior and experience. There have been many important case re-
ports of patients who had bilateral frontal lobe lesions and had profound changes
of emotional behavior and responses. These cases include the famous Gage de-
scribed by Harlow (1868), Patient A described by Brickner (1934, 1936), and
Ackerly and Benton's case along with the cases reported by Damasio and An-
derson (1993). In general, these patients suffered with emotional indifference
and apathy unless frustrated, when they would often become inappropriately
aggressive.
There have been several studies with positron emission tomography (PET) of
subjects with a history of aggressive behavior and violence (e.g., murderers). The
studies revealed reduced activity in the frontal lobes (Raine et al., 1994; Volkow
et al., 1995).
Normal people avoid stimuli or situations that have been know to produce
emotions with negative valence (e.g., fear, anger, sadness, disgust) and to ap-
proach stimuli or situations that induce emotions of positive valence. Bilateral
disorders of the frontal lobe may interfere with this process. Damasio and An-
374 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
derson (1993) suggest that the response selection impairment is due to a "defect
in the activation of somatic markers . . . that mark the ultimate consequences of
the response option with a negative or positive somatic state." They also indi-
cate that the frontal lobes are critical for this process and suggest that the orbital
and lower mesial frontal regions may be the most important portion of the frontal
lobes.
Corticobulbar Dysfunction
Emotional Communication
Emotional Experience
Paul Broca (1878) called a group of anatomically related structures on the me-
dial wall of the cerebral hemispheres "le grand lobe limbique." Papez (1937)
thought that a circuit in this limbic lobe that included the cingulate gyrus, hip-
pocampus, fornix, mammillary bodies, and anterior thalamus was a core com-
376 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
tients with temporal lobe seizures who laughed as part of their epileptic phe-
nomena (gelastic seizures). All of Gascon and Lombrosco's patients had right-
sided seizures. Chen and Forster (1973) described 10 patients who had gelastic
seizures, but seven of the ten had left-sided seizures. Alternatively, some patients
may cry during seizures. This is called dacrystic epilepsy. Unfortunately, these
cases are so rare that clear lateralization has not been demonstrated. Offen et al.
(1976) reviewed six patients with dacrystic epilepsy; four had right temporal dys-
function, one had left-sided dysfunction, and in one the locus was unknown.
The relationship between epilepsy and aggression remains unclear. Mark and
Erwin (1970) and Pincus (1980) think that there is a relationship between tem-
poral lobe epilepsy and aggression, but Stevens and Hermann (1981) note that
there are no well-controlled studies to support this relationship. Of all the emo-
tions reported with seizures, fear is the emotion most frequently reported
(Williams, 1956). Ictal fear has been reported with both right and left temporal
seizure foci (Strauss, Risser, & Jones, 1982). Within the temporal lobe, when
fear is associated with a seizure, the amygdala appears to be the critical struc-
ture (Glore, 1972). Interictal abnormalities of mood appear to be frequently as-
sociated with patients who have temporal lobe epilepsy. The most common ab-
normalities appear to be anxiety and depression. Men with left-sided foci appear
to have more fear than those with right-sided foci (Strauss, Risser, & Jones, 1982).
In addition, patients with temporal lobe epilepsy seem to have a higher incidence
of attempted or successful suicide than control subjects (Hawton, Fagg, & Mar-
sack, 1980). Flor-Henry (1969) and Bear and Fedio (1977) demonstrated that in-
terictally, patients with right hemisphere foci are more likely to show emotional
changes such as sadness or elation.
Interictal aggressiveness, like aggressiveness during a seizure, remains con-
troversial and continues to be a source of many medicolegal arguments. Although
Taylor (1959) reported that temporal epileptics had a higher incidence of inter-
ictal aggression, Stevens and Hermann (1981), as previously discussed, noted
that these observations have not been validated by detailed, controlled studies
Disorders of the basal ganglia are commonly thought to primarily induce de-
fects in motor performance. Basal ganglia disorders are, however, known to af-
fect both emotional experience and emotional communication. In some cases,
the emotional changes associated with basal ganglia diseases can even precede
the motor symptoms (e.g., Huntington's disease). In this section we review
some of the emotional experiences and communicative changes associated with
diseases of the basal ganglia and discuss the possible pathophysiologies of these
changes.
378 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Parkinson's Disease
Emotional communication
Emotional experience
Although PD is characterized by akinesia, a resting tremor, and rigidity, Parkin-
son (1817) noted that his patients were often unhappy. There are now many re-
ports in the literature documenting depression in patients with PD (Brown et al.,
1988; Gotham, Brown, & Marsden, 1986; Liu et al., 1997; Mayeux et al., 1981,
1984; Vogel, 1982; for review, see Cummings, 1992). Cummings (1992) esti-
mates that depression occurs in approximately 40% of PD patients. Of those,
about half have major depression.
Some studies suggest that depression in PD patients may have a reactive com-
ponent. As discussed by Lindgren (1996), PD is associated with continual loss
of function during the illness that can affect not only patients but also their
spouses, producing states of "chronic sorrow." Gotham, Brown, and Marsden
(1986) compared PD patients, arthritis sufferers, and normal controls on mea-
sures of depression and found that both the PD patients and the arthritis suffer-
ers were depressed. In addition, depression in both patient groups was similar in
that it was characterized by pessimism, hopelessness, decreased motivation, and
increased concerns regarding health. Despite these data, the bulk of the evidence
indicates that depression in PD is most likely due to depletion of brain cate-
cholamines and serotonin, dysregulation of frontal subcortical connections in-
volved in emotion regulation, or a combination these processes.
The depression associated with PD is atypical. Schiffer et al. (1988) applied Re-
search Diagnostic Criteria to 16 depressed PD patients and 20 depressed patients with
multiple sclerosis and found that the depression in the PD patients was often ac-
companied by anxiety and panic. Stein et al. (1990) found that 38% of the PD pa-
tients in their sample of 24 met Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disor-
ders, third edition, revised (DSM-ffl-R), criteria for a diagnosis of a concurrent anxiety
disorder. This rate exceeds that found in the general population as well as in indi-
viduals with chronic medical conditions. These authors also note that there were no
differences in disease severity between the anxious PD patients and those who lacked
anxiety disorders, suggesting that anxiety is not simply a reaction to disability.
As discussed earlier with regard to cortical dysfunction, whereas patients with
left hemisphere disease are often depressed, those with right hemisphere dys-
function are often indifferent or even euphoric. Several studies have examined the
relationship between mood and laterality of parkinsonian motor symptoms. Nei-
ther Barber et al. (1985), Blonder, Gur, and Gur (1989), nor St. Clair et al. (1998)
found differences in self-reported depression between right and left hemiparkin-
son patients. Fleminger (1991), however, showed that symptoms of atypical de-
pression (i.e., depression with relatively little anhedonia and prominent anxiety)
were increased fivefold in patients with left hemiparkinsonism, suggesting right
Neurological Disorders and Emotional Dysfunction 381
cleus accumbens. These levels correlate with the amount of dopamine reduction in
the neostriatum. There is also evidence that the dopaminergic innervation of these
limbic structures may be anatomically related to the nigrostriatal fiber system. In-
vestigators have proposed that degeneration of dopaminergic terminals in the ven-
tral tegmental region underlies parkinsonian mood disorders, and interindividual
differences in the extent to which this system is involved may explain variability
in the incidence of depression in PD (Cantello et al., 1989). How changes in neu-
rotransmitter systems induce changes in mood, however, remains to be determined.
Huntington's Disease
Emotional communication
Published studies of facial processing in patients with Huntington's disease (HD)
are limited to perception. Jacobs et al. (1995b) administered tests of emotional and
nonemotional facial perception to five patients with HD and found impaired per-
formance. They suggest that these deficits may be related to degeneration of the
tail of the caudate in HD. Sprengelmeyer et al. (1996) found that HD patients were
impaired in the recognition of surprised, fearful, sad, angry, and disgusted facial
expressions, with severe deficits in the recognition of disgust. They attribute this
profound impairment in disgust recognition to HD-associated atrophy in paleo-
cortical regions, including the periamygdalar and pyriform cortex. More recently,
Phillips et al. (1997) showed fMRI activation of the anterior insula during the per-
ception of disgusted faces by normal individuals. This region is connected to a lim-
bic-striatal-thalamic ckcuit. This finding may explain the loss of recognition of
disgust by HD patients. The amygdala is known to atrophy in HD and, as discussed
with regard to the limbic system, this region has been associated with the pro-
cessing of emotional facial expressions. Emotional prosody has not been fully stud-
ied in patients with HD. Speedie et al. (1990), however, reported that patients with
HD were also impaired in the comprehension of prosodic signals.
Emotional experience
Huntington's disease or Huntington's chorea is characterized by involuntary
dance-like movements and intellectual decline. Huntington (1872) reported that
many patients with this disease have emotional disorders and that there was a high
rate of suicide associated with the disorder. Emotional dysfunction is highly preva-
lent in HD. Mayeux (1983) estimates that most if not all patients with HD manifest
some type of emotional disorder, including apathy or irritability, depression, manic-
depression, agitation, hostility, aggression, promiscuity, and suicidal behavior (see
also Brothers, 1964; Folstein, Folstein, & McHugh, 1979; Mayberg et al., 1992;
Mayeux et al., 1981). Emotional changes may precede the motor or cognitive symp-
toms, suggesting that cerebral dysfunction and not reactive disorders is responsible
Neurological Disorders and Emotional Dysfunction 383
Patients with progressive supranuclear palsey (PSP) have akinesia and axial rigid-
ity similar to that seen with PD. These patients do not, however, have a resting
tremor, but do have supranuclear palsies of their cranial nerves. For example,
PSP, patients may be impaired in looking up or down to command. When the
head is rapidly flexed and extended, however, the eye may then move up and
down (ocular cephalic reflex).
When Steele, Richardson, and Olszewski (1964) first reported this disorder, they
noted that their patients were often irritable. Like other patients with diseases that
involve the basal ganglia, however, patients with PSP may also have apathy and
depression. Litvan et al. (1996) examined emotional disorders in 22 patients with
PSP, and found that 91% exhibited apathy, 18% dysphoria, and 18% anxiety.
Menza, Cocchiola, and Golbe (1995) found that 42% of the PSP patients suffered
from mild depression or anxiety and that these rates were comparable to those
found in the PD group. Both cognitive and functional imaging studies of PSP pa-
tients show evidence of frontal lobe dysfunction (Blin et al., 1990; Grafman et al.,
1990). Litvan et al. (1996) attribute the high incidence of apathy in their sample
of PSP patients to dysfunction in the medial frontal/subcortical system.
Wilson's Disease
Striatonigral Degeneration
Emotional communication
Cancelliere and Kertesz (1990) mapped cerebral infarcts on CT scans and found
that most individuals with deficits in the comprehension of facial affect had sus-
tained damage to the basal ganglia and the anterior temporal lobe, suggesting
basal ganglia involvement in facial affect perception.
Neurological Disorders and Emotional Dysfunction 385
Emotional experience
Sydenham' s chorea, which may be seen with diseases such as rheumatic fever
and systemic lupus, may also be associated with irritability and apathy. Trautner
et al. (1988) report affective disorders in five patients with idiopathic basal gan-
glia calcification. Four of the five patients had unipolar depression, whereas the
fifth was described as hypomanic. They also review previous reports of mood
disorders in patients with calcification of the basal ganglia.
Starkstein et al. (1988) compared mood in stroke patients whose infarcts were
confined to either the left or right basal ganglia or to the left or right thalamus
and found that the patients with left-sided lesions of the basal ganglia had a higher
frequency and severity of depression than did any of the other groups. Seven of
eight patients with left-sided basal ganglia lesions showed major depression,
whereas only one of seven patients with right-sided basal ganglia lesions had ma-
jor depression. Furthermore, none of the patients with restricted thalamic lesions
showed major depression.
There have been several studies of basal ganglia function in patients with pri-
mary affective disorders. For example, some investigators have shown reductions
in putamenal or caudate volumes in patients who suffer from major depression
(Husain et al., 1991; Krishnan et al., 1992). Figiel et al. (1991) found a higher
number of caudate hyperintensities in patients with late onset unipolar depres-
sion than in patients with early onset unipolar depression. These subjects had no
past history of any disease associated with subcortical structural changes on MRI.
Results from studies of basal ganglia dysfunction in patients with bipolar dis-
order are inconsistent. Swayze et al. (1992) did not find differences in caudate
or putamenal volumes between bipolar subjects and normal controls. Aylward et
al. (1994) found that males with bipolar disorder had larger caudate volumes than
did normal control males. Sharma et al. (1992) examined patients with bipolar
disorder who were being treated with lithium. Proton magnetic resonance spec-
troscopy showed changes in the metabolite ratios in the basal ganglia spectra.
These findings may have been due to either the action of lithium or the rela-
tionship of bipolar disorder itself and basal ganglia dysfunction.
haps the right hemisphere contains prototypic facial iconic and prosodic echoic
emotional representations, as well as emotional semantics. To test this postulate,
Blonder, Bowers, and Heilman (1991) examined subjects with right-hemisphere
and left-hemisphere damage by presenting them with sentences, generated by a
computer, that described either an emotional gesture (e.g., emotional face) or a
scene that may induce an emotion (e.g., the children tracked mud all over new
white carpet). Compared with both left-hemisphere damage and control subjects,
the subjects with right-hemisphere damage did well noting the emotion associ-
ated with the description of scenes that was designed to test their emotional se-
mantics. In contrast, the subjects with right-hemisphere damage performed poorly
in recognizing the description of emotional gestures. These results cannot be ex-
plained by a visuospatial defect because the stimuli were verbal. These results
suggest an iconic representational defect.
Further evidence that RHD subjects have an emotional facial iconic defect
comes from a study by Bowers et al. (1991). If patients have lost their repre-
sentations of prototypic emotional facial expressions, they should not only fail
to recognize emotional faces and be unable to recognize descriptions of emo-
tional faces but they also should not be able to image emotional faces. Bowers
et al. (1991) demonstrated that RHD subjects could image objects, but they could
not image emotional faces. In contrast, LHD subjects could image emotional
faces but not objects.
Although we presented evidence that the representations of emotional faces
may be stored in a sensory-iconic form, there is an alternative possibility. When
subjects are asked that when they use a screw driver to remove a screw, do they
rotate their arm in a clockwise or a counterclockwise direction, most subjects re-
port that when they attempted to answer this question they had to covertly move
their arm. Functional imaging studies have also demonstrated that when subjects
are asked to think about making a movement without actually making the move-
ment, their premotor cortex demonstrates activation.
Patients with PD often have mask-like faces and often do not spontaneously
express facial emotions. To test this motor representational hypothesis, we stud-
ied PD patients' ability to image and comprehend emotional faces. Compared
with control subjects, patients with PD were impaired (Jacobs et al., 1995a).
These observations suggest that to comprehend or image an emotional face, one
may have to activate motor representations.
Patients with emotional face discrimination and comprehension defects often
have coexisting problems in discriminating and comprehending emotional
prosody. It has been estimated that approximately 40%-45% of RHD patients
are impaired on both face and prosody affect tasks versus 22% of LHD patients
(Bowers et al., 1996). Dissociations between the ability to perceive facial affect
versus the ability to perceive emotional prosody have been clinically described
(Ross, 1981). To determine the frequency of modality-specific disturbances in a
Neurological Disorders and Emotional Dysfunction 387
large population, Bowers et al. (1996) examined 105 patients with MRI-verified
ischemic hemispheric lesions using the Florida Affect Battery. This battery con-
sists of facial, prosodic, and cross-modal tasks designed to identify general and
specific subtypes of affect disturbance (modality-specific, anomic, and agnosic
variants). Approximately 22% of the RHD patients were uniquely impaired on
face perception tasks versus 2% of the left hemisphere group. Of note, relatively
few patients were found to have an "isolated" prosody perception defect, and the
lesions in these "pure cases" included ones in the insula and temporal region.
Taken together, these observations suggest that prosodic and facial emotional
representations are, in part, independent.
Darwin believed that the means by which we express emotions are innate. If
the facial expression of emotion is innate, there should be little or no difference
in emotional expression across cultures. To learn if the expression of emotion is
innate, Izard (1977) and Ekman, Sorenson, and Freisen (1969) performed cross-
cultural studies of facial emotional expression and found that the same seven to
nine emotional facial expressions appeared to be universal, thereby providing
support for Darwin's hypothesis that emotional expressions are innate. There-
fore, unlike the left hemisphere's phonological or orthographic lexicon, which is
culturally specific and therefore learned, the right hemisphere's emotional rep-
resentations may be primarily inborn rather than learned.
As discussed earlier, dysfunction of the cortex, limbic system, and basal ganglia
induces changes in emotional experience and mood. In this section we explore
the possible mechanisms. We briefly review the classic feedback and central the-
ories and the more recent revisions of these theories. Then, based on the changes
in emotional experience and mood associated with neurological disorders, we at-
tempt to develop a model of how the brain mediates emotional experience.
Feedback Theories
facial feedback hypothesis. There are, however, many unresolved problems with
the facial feedback theory of emotional experience.
One of the major problems is that it is, at least in part, circular. If facial feed-
back induces emotional experience, what induces facial emotion? Second, we re-
cently had the opportunity to examine and test a young woman who had
Guillian-Barre syndrome. This is a neuropathy that can affect the cranial nerves.
During her disease, the patient had total facial paralysis. When presented with a
set of standardized slides that have been shown to evoke emotional experience
and responses in normal subjects (Greenwald, Cook, & Lang, 1989), this woman's
emotional responses were the same as those of the controls. After she recovered
full facial mobility she was tested again, and her emotional experiences to these
slides were unchanged from her previous test results (Keillor et al., 1999). Also
unsupportive of the facial feedback hypothesis of emotional experience is the ob-
servation that patients with pseudobulbar palsy may express strong facial emo-
tions that they are not feeling (Poeck, 1969). It is possible, however, that these
patients' brain lesions also interrupt facial feedback to the brain. As we discussed,
patients with PD and parkinsonian symptoms may have a mask-like face but feel
sad and depressed.
Although Schachter and Singer's study (1962) suggested that visceral feed-
back together with centrally mediated cognition are important for emotional ex-
perience, observations in our laboratory do not entirely support these findings.
Recently, we attempted to further test the autonomic-visceral feedback theory
and to learn if, as suggested by Luria and Simernitskaya (1977), the right hemi-
sphere plays a dominant role in perceiving visceral changes. Using a shock an-
ticipation paradigm in brain-lesioned subjects, we found that, compared with
normal control subjects, patients with right-hemisphere lesions had a reduced au-
tonomic response. Although their autonomic response was reduced, they showed
no differences in the experience of anticipatory anxiety (Slomine, 1995). In ad-
dition, in the clinic one can see patients who have strong emotions (e.g., fear)
associated with medial temporal lobe or amygdala seizures. Sometimes patients
become aware that they are beginning to have a seizure, and the fear of having
a seizure may lead to a fearful cognitive set. Autonomic and visceral changes
may be associated with these partial seizures, and the patients may be aware of
these changes and therefore experience fear. In many epileptic patients, however,
the emotional experience is often the first symptom or aura. Therefore, in these
patients, cognitive set comes after the experience rather than before the experi-
ence. Schachter and Singer's attribution theory (1962) cannot account for these
observations.
The studies we have discussed do not preclude the possibility that visceral and
facial feedback play some role in emotional experience. Although feedback may
influence emotional experience, the evidence we reviewed suggests that feed-
back does not play a critical role in emotional experience. In addition, the feed-
back theories cannot explain the mood changes induced by neurological diseases.
Central Theories
of the auditory cortex did not. Therefore, LeDoux et al. (1990), like Cannon
(1927), do not propose a critical role for the cortex in the interpretation of stim-
uli in the mediation of emotional experience. Whereas conditioned stimuli sim
ilar to those used by LeDoux et al. (1990) may induce emotion without cortical
interpretation, as we discussed, there is overwhelming evidence that in humans
the neocortex is critical for interpreting the meaning of many stimuli that induce
an emotional experience. The diencephalic-hypothalamic theory of Cannon
(1927) and the diencephalic-limbic (amygdala) theory of LeDoux et al. (1990)
also fail to explain how humans can experience a variety of emotions.
Modular theory
There are at least two ways in which the brain may mediate a variety of emo-
tional experiences. One possibility is that the brain may contain specialized or
devoted emotional systems for each emotional experience such that each emo-
tion is uniquely mediated. Therefore, there would be a special system for fear,
anger, happiness, and so forth. A second possibility is that each emotion is not
uniquely mediated but that the neural apparatus that mediates one emotion may
not only play a role in other emotions but also mediate nonemotional functions.
The second or nondevoted systems postulate is consistent with the "dimen-
sional" view of emotion. Wundt (1903) proposed that emotional experiences vary
in three dimensions, quality, activity, and excitement (arousal). Osgood, Suci,
and Tannenbaum (1957) performed factor analyses on verbal assessments of emo-
tional judgements and found that the variance could be accounted for by three
major dimensions: valence (positive/negative, pleasant/unpleasant), arousal
(calm/excited), and control or dominance (in control/out of control). Using this
type of multidimensional view, one can define the different emotional experi-
ences by using one or more of these three dimensions. For example, fear would
be unpleasant; high arousal, out of control; and sadness could be unpleasant and
low arousal. Psychophysiological studies with normal subjects have supported
this dimensional view (Greenwald, Cook, & Lang, 1989). Frijda (1987) also ex-
plored the cognitive structure of emotion and found that "action readiness" was
an important component or dimension.
Heilman (1994, 1997) posited that conscious experience of emotion may be
mediated by anatomically distributed modular networks. This distributed network
has three major modules: one that helps determine the valence, a second that con-
trols arousal, and a third that mediates motor activation with either approach or
avoidance behaviors.
account for some of the emotional asymmetries observed between patients with
right-hemisphere and left-hemisphere lesions. Whereas patients with left-hemi-
sphere disease are often aphasic and have a hemiparesis of their preferred hand,
those with right-hemisphere damage often are unaware of their disabilities
(anosognosia). Other observations are not, however, consistent with this reaction
postulate.
Terzian (1964) and Rossi and Rosadini (1967) studied the emotional reactions
of patients recovering from selective hemispheric barbiturate-induced anesthesia
(the Wada test). These investigators noted that whereas barbiturate injections into
the left carotid artery were often associated with catastrophic reactions, injec-
tions into the right hemisphere were associated with indifference or euphoria.
Because the Wada test is a diagnostic study that only causes transient hemiparesis
and aphasia, it is unlikely that it would cause a reactive depression. In addition,
we have seen RHD stroke patients who are emotionally indifferent but who are
aware of their deficits and do not demonstrate anosognosia or verbally explicit
denial of illness.
The catastrophic-depressive reaction associated with left-hemisphere lesions
is seen most commonly in patients who have anterior (frontal) perisylvian lesions
(Benson, 1979; Robinson & Sztela 1981). It is possible that the hemispheric emo-
tional asymmetries reported by Gainotti (1972) and others are related to emo-
tional communication disorders associated with frontal lesions, as discussed
earlier, rather than differences in emotional experience. Although defects in emo-
tional expression may account for some of the behavioral observations by Gold-
stein (1948), Babinski (1914), and Gainotti (1972), they cannot explain the re-
sults of Gasparrini et al. (1978), who administered the Minnesota Multiphasic
Inventory to a group of LHD and RHD patients. The LHD patients were not se-
verely aphasic, and the RHD and LHD patients were balanced for cognitive and
motor defects. The Minnesota Multiphasic Inventory does not require emotion-
ally intoned speech or facial expressions. Gasparrini et al. (1978) found that
whereas patients with left-hemisphere disease showed a marked elevation of the
depression scale, patients with right-hemisphere disease did not. Therefore, the
right-left differences in emotional behavior observed by Gainotti (1972) and oth-
ers cannot be attributed to emotional expressive disorders or to severity of the
motor or cognitive deficit.
Starkstein, Robinson, and Price (1987) also studied emotional changes asso-
ciated with stroke and found that about one third of stroke patients had depres-
sion. They found that depression was associated with both left frontal and left
caudate lesions and also that the closer to the frontal pole the lesion was located,
the more severe the depression. Many of the patients with left-hemisphere le-
sions and depression were also anxious. In contrast, patients with right frontal
lesions were often indifferent or even euphoric. Not all investigators agree, how-
ever, that after stroke there is more depression with left-hemisphere than with
Neurological Disorders and Emotional Dysfunction 393
right-hemisphere lesions. House et al. (1990) and Milner (1974) could not repli-
cate the emotional symmetries found in other reports.
To learn if there are discrete physiological changes of the brain associated with
depression, several groups of investigators studied patients with primary depres-
sion using functional imaging. Several of these investigators noted a decrease in
activation in the left frontal lobe as well as in the left cingulate gyrus (Bench et
al., 1992; Phelps et al., 1984). Drevets and Raichle (1992), however, found in-
creased activity in the left prefrontal cortex, amygdala, basal ganglia, and thala-
mus.
Davidson et al. (1979) and Tucker (1981) investigated the hemispheric valence
hypothesis by studying normal subjects using electrophysiological techniques and
confirmed the results of the ablation studies. Unfortunately, it is not known how
the right and left hemisphere may influence emotional valence. Fox and David-
son (1984) suggest that left hemisphere-mediated positive emotions are related
to approach behaviors and that right hemisphere-mediated negative emotions are
related to avoidance behaviors. In our laboratory, we studied emotions and ap-
proach-avoidance behavior. We found that negative emotions can be associated
with both approach and avoidance behaviors (Crucian et al., 1997). For exam-
ple, fear and anger both have a negative valence, but fear is associated with avoid-
ance and anger approach. In addition, this approach-avoidance model does not
explain how the two hemispheres are differently organized such that they make
opposite contributions to mood or how other emotions are mediated, nor does it
explain the role of other areas in the brain such as the basal ganglia and limbic
system.
With regard to the limbic system, the amygdala, which is critical for negative
emotions such as fear and anger, when bilaterally ablated, induces a reduction in
the experience of these emotions. To learn if the right amygdala may be more
important than the left in mediating emotions with negative valence, Morris and
coworkers (1991) showed slides with positive and negative valence to a subject
before and after temporal lobectomy. This study demonstrated that ablation of
the right anterior temporal lobe, which included the amygdala, reduced the pa-
tient's experience of negative emotions.
Tucker and Williamson (1984) think that hemispheric valence asymmetries
may be related to asymmetrical control of neuropharmacological systems, with
the left hemisphere being more cholinergic and dopaminergic than the right hemi-
sphere, and the right hemisphere being more noradrenergic than the left hemi-
sphere. Robinson and Starkstein (1989) reported that pharmacological changes
in the two hemispheres may be different after stroke. They reported that strokes
in the right hemisphere appear on PET images to increase serotonergic receptor
binding and that left-hemisphere strokes lower serotonergic binding. The lower
the serotonergic binding, the more severe the depression. Although it is well
known from clinical psychiatry that neurotransmitter systems may have a pro-
394 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
thereby allowing the thalamic sensory nuclei to relay sensory information to the
cortex.
The level of activity of the peripheral autonomic nervous system usually mir-
rors the level of arousal in the central nervous system. One means of measuring
peripheral autonomic arousal is by assessing hand sweating. When the hand
sweats, there is a change in resistance. To learn if there were differences in the
hemispheric control of sweating, Heilman, Schwartz, and Watson (1978) stud-
ied RHD and LHD patients and normal controls. These subjects received noci-
ceptive stimuli (electric shock) that was uncomfortable but not painful. The RHD
patients had a reduced arousal response compared with controls and LHD pa-
tients. Subsequently, other investigators also reported similar findings.
For example, Morrow et al. (1981) and Schrandt, Tranel, and Damasio (1989)
also found that RHD patients had a reduced skin response to emotional stimuli.
There was, however, another interesting finding. Compared with normal subjects,
LHD patients appeared to have a greater autonomic response (Heilman, Schwartz,
& Watson, 1978). Using changes in heart rate as a measure of arousal, Yokoyama
et al. (1987) obtained results similar to those with galvanic skin response. Using
functional imaging, Perani et al. (1993) also found that, in patients with right
hemisphere stroke, there is also a metabolic depression of the left hemisphere.
Unfortunately, LHD control patients were not included.
The mechanisms underlying the asymmetrical hemispheric control of arousal
remain unknown. Because lesions restricted to the right hemisphere were not
found to directly interfere with the left hemisphere's corticofugal projections to
the reticular system or the reticular system's corticopetal influence on the left
hemisphere, one could propose that the right hemisphere's control of arousal may
be related to privileged communication that the right hemisphere has with the
reticular activating system. Alternatively, portions of the right hemisphere may
play a dominant role in computing stimulus significance. The increased arousal
associated with left-hemisphere lesions also remains unexplained. Perhaps the
left hemisphere maintains some type of inhibitory control over the right hemi-
sphere or the reticular activating system.
Motor activation and approach-avoidance. Some emotions do not call for action
(e.g., sadness, satisfaction), but others do (e.g., anger, fear, joy, surprise). When
emotions are associated with action, this action may be toward the stimulus (ap-
proach) or away from the stimulus (avoidance) that induced the emotion. People
want to avoid emotions that are unpleasant and approach situations that induce
pleasant emotions, but this is not what we are addressing when we discuss ap-
proach and avoidance. Rather, we are addressing the behavior associated with
the emotion and not the plans for structuring the behavior in relation to the stim-
uli that induce the emotions. For example, whereas one would like to avoid sit-
uations that induce anger, when one does become angry, one has a propensity to
Neurological Disorders and Emotional Dysfunction 397
approach the stimulus that is inducing this emotion. Joy, a positive emotion, is
also associated with approach behaviors.
Primbram and McGuiness (1975) use the term activation to denote the phys-
iological readiness to respond to stimuli. We have posited that motor activation
or motor intention is mediated by a modular network that includes portions of
the cerebral cortex, basal ganglia, and limbic system (for a detailed review, see
Heilman, Bowers, & Valenstein, 1993a; Heilman & Watson, 1989). The dorso-
lateral frontal lobe appears to be a critical portion of this motor preparatory net-
work (Heilman, 1978; Watson, Miller, & Watson, Valenstein, & Heilman, 1981).
Physiological recordings from cells in the dorsolateral frontal lobe reveal neu-
rons that have enhanced activity when the animal is presented with a stimulus
that is meaningful and predicts movement (Goldberg & Bushnell, 1981).
The dorsolateral frontal lobe receives input from the cingulate gyrus and from
posterior cortical association areas that are modality specific, polymodal, and
supramodal. Input from these posterior neocortical areas may provide the frontal
lobe information about the stimulus, including its meaning and its spatial loca-
tion. The limbic system (e.g., the cingulate gyrus, which is not only part of the
Papez circuit but also receives input from Yakolov's basal lateral circuit) may
provide information as to the organism's motivational state. The dorsolateral
frontal lobe has nonreciprocal connections with the basal ganglia (e.g., caudate),
which in turn projects to the globus pallidus, and the globus pallidus projects to
the thalamus, which projects back to the frontal cortex (Alexander, DeLong, &
Strick, 1986).
The dorsolateral frontal lobe also has extensive connections with the nonspe-
cific intralammar nuclei of the thalamus (centromedian and parafasicularis).
These intralaminar nuclei, which can be activated by the mesencephalic reticu-
lar system, may gate motor activation by their influence on the basal ganglia, es-
pecially the putamen, or by influencing the thalamic portion of motor circuits
(ventralis lateralis pars oralis). Finally, the dorsolateral frontal lobe has strong
input into the premotor areas. The observation that lesions of the dorsolateral
frontal lobe, the cingulate gyrus, the basal ganglia, the intralaminar nuclei, and
the ventrolateral thalamus may all cause akinesia supports the postulate that this
system mediates motor activation.
The right hemisphere appears to play a special role in motor activation or in-
tention. Coslett and Heilman (1989) demonstrated that right-hemisphere lesions are
more likely to be associated with contralateral akinesia than are those of the left
hemisphere. Howes and Boiler (1975) measured reaction times (a measure of the
time taken to initiate a response) of the hand ipsilateral to a hemispheric lesion and
demonstrated that right-hemisphere lesions were associated with slower reaction
times than were left-hemisphere lesions. As previously discussed, however, this
finding may be related to the important role of the right hemisphere in mediating
attention and arousal. Heilman and Van Den Abell (1979) measured the reduction
398 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
SUMMARY
Emotions may be divided into two major divisions, experience and behavior. Be-
cause the brain is critical for mediating emotional experience and behavior, dis-
eases of the brain may induce changes in emotional behavior and experience.
Neurological Disorders and Emotional Dysfunction 399
Disorders of almost all portions of the cerebral hemisphere, including the cor-
tex, limbic system, and basal ganglia, have been associated with changes in emo-
tional experience and behavior. Dysfunction of the cerebral cortex may be asso-
ciated with disorders of emotional communication. Whereas deficits of the left
hemisphere appear to impair the comprehension and expression of prepositional
language, deficits of the right hemisphere may be associated with an impaired
ability to comprehend and express emotional gestures, such as facial expressions
and emotional prosody. Some patients have either prosodic or facial emotional
deficits. Some have only expressive or receptive deficits. Others, however, may
be globally impaired either within or across modalities. The posterior portions
of the neocortex appear to be important for comprehension, and the anterior por-
tions seem to be important for expression of both emotional prosody and facial
gestures.
Injury and dysfunction of the limbic system may also alter emotional com-
munication and experience. For example, amygdala damage may be associated
with an impaired ability to recognize emotional faces and with a reduction of af-
fect, especially anger, rage, and fear. In contrast, lesions of the septal region may
be associated with increased rage-like behaviors. Seizures frequently emanate
from the limbic system, and seizures that start in the amygdala can induce fear
and perhaps even rage.
Disorders of the basal ganglia may also be associated with defects of emo-
tional communication and, experience. Patients with PD may not only be im-
paired in communicating emotions, showing both expressive and receptive
deficits, but also are often depressed and anxious. Patients with HD may have
emotional comprehension deficits with an impaired ability to recognize emotional
faces and prosody. Patients with HD may also have mood changes even before
their motor dysfunction becomes manifest.
Many of the defects in emotional experience may be related to the associated
changes in neurotransmitter systems. Unfortunately, how alteration of neuro-
transmitters induces mood changes remains unknown.
In this chapter, we review the feedback and central theories of emotional ex-
perience. Although we argue against the postulate that feedback is critical to the
experience of emotions, we do suspect that feedback may influence emotions.
Emotions may be conditioned and may use thalamic-limbic circuits. Most emo-
tional behaviors and experiences are, however, induced by complex stimuli that
an isolated thalamus could not interpret.
The cerebral cortex of humans has complex modular systems that analyze stim-
uli, develop percepts, and interpret meaning. We discuss the proposal that the
experience of emotions is dimensional. Almost all primary emotions can be de-
scribed with two or three factors, including valence, arousal, and motor activa-
tion. The determination of valence is based on whether the stimulus is beneficial
(positive) or detrimental (negative) to a person's well being. Whereas the right
400 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
frontal lobe and its subcortical connections appear to be important in the medi-
ation of emotions with negative valence, the left frontal lobe and its subcortical
connections may be important in the mediation of emotions with positive va-
lence. Depending on the nature of the stimulus, some positive and some nega-
tive emotions are associated with high arousal (e.g., joy and fear) and others with
low arousal (e.g., satisfaction and sadness). Whereas the right parietal lobe ap-
pears to be important in mediating the arousal response, the left hemisphere ap-
pears to inhibit the arousal response. Some positive and negative emotions (e.g.,
anger, fear, and joy) are associated with motor activation and others (e.g., sad-
ness) are not. The right frontal lobe appears to be important in motor activation.
The motor activation associated with emotions may be either approach or avoid-
ance behaviors. Whereas approach behaviors may be mediated by the parietal
lobes, avoidance behaviors may be mediated by the frontal lobes.
The cortical areas we have discussed have rich connections. In addition, these
neocortical areas also contain rich connections with the limbic system, basal gan-
glia, thalamus, and reticular system. Therefore, the anatomic modules that me-
diate valence, arousal, and activation systems are richly interconnected and form
a modular network. Emotional experience depends on the patterns of neural ac-
tivation of this modular network, and the neurotransmitter systems that are al-
tered in many neurological diseases may play a critical role in altering the pat-
terns of activation.
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16
Rehabilitation of Emotional Deficits
in Neurological Populations:
A Multidisciplinary Perspective
413
414 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
CONTEMPORARY REHABILITATION
Approaches to Rehabilitation
brain systems and can be analyzed into component parts. With regard to emo-
tional processing, remediation could be conducted whether the problem occurred
in a specific processing mode (e.g., perception), communication channel (e.g.,
facial), emotional dimension (e.g., pleasantness), or discrete emotion (e.g., hap-
piness).
The process approach proceeds through one or more of these areas in a pro-
gression from less difficult to more difficult tasks. Many of these techniques are
derived from the cognitive (e.g., Anderson, 1996), experimental (e.g., Raichle et
al., 1994), and rehabilitation psychology (e.g., Wilson et al., 1994) literature. In-
dividualized training programs are generally based on the specific patient's pat-
tern of cognitive and communicative impairment and are oriented toward their
vocational goals and ability to live independently. Within the process approach,
three general methods have been utilized. The first, retraining, involves im-
provement or restoration of specific cognitive functions. The second involves
training in the use of specific compensatory strategies that help the person adapt
to his or her limitations. The third involves increasing the individual's awareness
by training the capacity to regulate one's behavior. Each of these methods might
be applied to emotional deficits.
Retraining was conceptualized by Luria (1963) as facilitating recovery of cog-
nitive functions after brain injury through newly established connections within
the central nervous system. Luria (1963) speculated that the underlying mecha-
nism of recovery involves reorganization within the damaged brain region, as
well as transfer of function to the opposite cerebral hemisphere. When one neural
system breaks down, a second system may become operational and take over for
the damaged system (Stein, Brailowsky, & Will, 1995).
Several approaches in speech-language pathology utilize the idea of trans-
fer of function to the opposite side of the brain. For example, Melodic Intona-
tion Therapy (Helm-Estabrooks, Nicholas, & Morgan, 1989) exploits right-
hemisphere prosodic abilities to promote language use in patients with damage
to language centers in the left hemisphere. Perhaps the opposite could be done
for individuals with aprosodia (Ross, 1997).
Compensation training, on the other hand, is based on the idea that some
processes cannot be regained following brain damage. Rather, the individual is
shown how to work around the lost function. Examples include using a differ-
ent sensory modality (e.g., tactile input for visuospatial deficits [Luria, 1963]) or
employing an external aid (e.g., a notebook for memory loss [Sohlberg & Ma-
teer, 1989]) or an alternative communication system, such as a computerized lap-
board to help patients discuss family issues or state how they feel (Silverman,
1995). Persons with flat facial affect could, for example, be taught to exagger-
ate prosody.
The noetic approach focuses on increasing awareness of deficits and on the
capacity to recognize and regulate behavior. This approach has been used pri-
4 I6 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Multidisciplinary treatment
Although it is essential that treatment be individualized, many programs have
stressed the benefits of the milieu approach (Ben-Yishay et al., 1985). Depend-
ing on the nature of the deficits, this approach can include a neuropsycholo-
gist, speech-language pathologist, psychotherapist, social worker, vocational
counselor, physiatrist, psychiatrist, occupational therapist, physical therapist,
and/or recreational therapist. See Table 16.1 for a brief description of the typi-
cal functions of each member of the rehabilitation team.
In many settings, each professional operates independently, and the patient is
scheduled for separate appointments with several services. In other settings, the
team meets regularly to discuss each case but appointments remain separate. In
milieu settings, issues are dealt with daily in as natural an environment as pos-
sible. In addition to individual sessions, there are frequent group sessions and
community-based activities.
Caregiver participation
The patient's significant other is considered a critical member of the rehabil-
itation process. Most caregiver programs focus on education about the nature of
the problem and its psychological, communicative, and neurological conse-
quences. The second avenue focuses on altering the patient's environment and
examining communication roles between partners. For example, Lubinski (1981)
noted that certain environments may contain removable obstacles to communi-
cation (e.g., noise elimination). Lyons (1992) underscored the importance of
working directly with a patient's significant others. People in the patient's envi-
ronment are taught to establish and practice alternative modes of functioning and
to accept patients' limitations.
vegetative items (e.g., lack of energy and trouble initiating activities) that could
easily be due to neurological dysfunction rather than to depression per se. Test-
ing of language, including pragmatics, should be augmented with informal ob-
servations of communication abilities in naturally occurring situations. It is crit-
ical that the speech-language examination also evaluate resonance, phonation,
prosody, and respiration, as these processes may interfere with affective expres-
sion. Because it is likely that individuals will be tested both before and after treat-
ment, objective and reliable clinical measures should be utilized. Finally, it is es-
sential that measures of generalization be employed from the time of initial
assessment. Measures of generalization should include those that are specific to
processes being rehabilitated and those that assess everyday functioning.
4 I8 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Generalization of Treatment
TREATMENT OF EMOTION
The emotional deficits that follow neurological disorders and acquired brain in-
jury have typically been treated with medication, cognitive therapy, and behav-
ior therapy. Recent work suggests that affective difficulties are amenable to di-
rect remediation techniques (Myers, 1998; Tompkins, 1995). For example,
Hornak, Rolls, and Wade (1996) suggest that individuals who have deficits in
Rehabilitation of Emotional Deficits 419
Stroke
Stroke has been the focus of cognitive rehabilitation, speech-language ther-
apy, and a large number of studies aimed at treating depression. There is some
controversy regarding lesion location and incidence of depression (Starkstein &
Robinson, 1992). Treatment in the acute phase post-stroke must be different than
that after more recovery has occurred. There is some evidence that depression
following stroke becomes worse over time (Robinson & Price, 1982). In addi-
420 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Parkinson's disease
Depression is the emotional disorder most frequently associated with Parkin-
son's disease (PD) (Cummings, 1986). The depression does not appear to be
merely a reaction to the cognitive and motoric deficits because the symptoms do
not covary (e.g., Mayeux et al., 1984). As would follow, treatment of the motor
symptoms alone does not generally improve the depression. As in other neuro-
logical disorders, the diagnosis of depression must be made without reference to
the masked face, reduced motor activity, speech disorder (i.e., dysarthria), and
slow information processing commonly seen in PD. As PD is a progressive dis-
order, treatment of cognition and communication must be aimed at slowing pro-
gression rather than at amelioration. In addition to depression, a number of stud-
ies have shown deficits in PD patients relative to neurologically healthy normal
adults for the perception and expression of facial and prosodic emotion (e.g.,
Borod et al., 1990; Brozgold et al., 1998; Buck & Duffy, 1980; Scott, Caird, &
Williams, 1984).
Alzheimer's disease
Multiple sclerosis
This section focuses on particular emotional symptoms that may occur with a
range of neurological disorders. Although treatment will vary depending on di-
agnosis, the basic approach to these symptoms is likely to be similar. Many of
these approaches are borrowed from standard psychotherapy practice but are
modified for use with individuals with neurological dysfunction. In all cases, the
approach chosen will depend on the cognitive profile of the individual, as well
as on the emotional symptom(s). Hibbard and colleagues (1990a), for example,
argue that more cognitively impaired individuals respond better to behavioral ap-
proaches, whereas those with greater insight and cognitive functioning respond
better to cognitive therapy approaches.
The psychopharmacological treatment of emotional disorders in persons with
brain damage requires special consideration. For many individuals, treatment with
medication may be contraindicated due to coexisting medical problems. In ad-
dition, the side effects of psychopharmacological agents may further interfere
with cognitive and emotional functioning. For the clinical management of the
patient, it is important to be aware of his or her medication status and to discuss
with the prescribing physician the effects of these medications on functioning.
For example, when treating depression, anticholinergic use (such as tertiary amine
tricyclics) should be closely monitored for increased confusional state, slurred
speech, blurred vision, and fatigue. Fluoxetine can cause sleep changes and
headache, as well as increase seizure risk. All non-monoamine oxidase inhibitor
antidepressants can cause sedation. Treatment of anger includes the use of sero-
tonergic drugs, antiseizure medication, and benzodiazepines, which can cause fa-
tigue and sedation. Another drawback to pharmacological management is that
many people are already heavily medicated for coexisting conditions. Finally,
not all individuals respond well to or are compliant with taking medication. For
further discussion of pharmacological intervention, see Lisanby and Sackeim
(Chapter 18, this volume).
422 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Depression
Depression is a very frequent concomitant of acquired neurological dysfunc-
tion. For post-stroke depression, Hibbard and colleagues (e.g., Grober et al., 1993;
Hibbard et al., 1990a,b) suggest that psychotherapy may be the treatment of
choice. Psychotherapy allows persons with neurological dysfunction to learn new
coping styles, improve social skills, and increase their sense of mastery and con-
trol, which can help prevent the recurrence of depression.
Cognitive therapy. Using the cognitive therapy model (Beck et al., 1979), Hib-
bard and colleagues (1990a) provide a series of principles specific to treatment
of post-stroke depression that can be adapted for persons with other types of neu-
rological dysfunction. These principles include the following: (7) level of cog-
nitive functioning moderates treatment strategies used; (2) cognitive remediation
enhances patients' ability to profit from therapy; (3) new learning and general-
ization are difficult for stroke patients; (4) patients' awareness of depressive
symptomatology moderates the therapeutic strategy; (5) mourning is an impor-
tant component of treatment; (6) premorbid personality, lifestyle, and interests
provide a context for understanding current behavior; (7) understanding the dis-
crepancy between actual and perceived losses is essential to treatment; (8) rein-
forcing even small therapeutic gains improves mood; (9) emphasis on the col-
laborative therapeutic relationship facilitates a working alliance; (10) to ensure
continuity of treatment, session flexibility is essential; (11) fluctuations in med-
ical status affect the course of treatment; (12) distortions of family members must
be addressed in therapy; (13) family members' mourning must be addressed; and
(14) family members are important therapeutic helpers. In conjunction with tra-
ditional cognitive therapy, these principles provide specific tools with which to
address the depression following neurological impairment.
The cognitive therapeutic approach assumes that depression is caused by "dys-
functional thoughts" (Beck et al., 1979). Cognitive therapy focuses on identify-
ing aspects of these thoughts that are irrational and challenging the distortions
with more rational thinking. Importantly, cognitive therapy is an active, direc-
tive, and time-limited approach. In this approach, maladaptive assumptions de-
veloped from prior experience are identified (e.g., "If I don't do everything per-
fectly, then I'm a failure"). The therapy includes monitoring these negative
thoughts; learning to recognize the connections among thoughts, feelings, and
behavior; examining evidence for and against the distorted thoughts; substitut-
ing more realistic interpretations; and altering dysfunctional beliefs that can dis-
tort an individual's experiences.
ness (Grober et al., 1993). Behavioral interventions may be incorporated into the
therapeutic process. Role-playing coping responses can be used to enhance gen-
eralization, and assertiveness training can help patients regain a sense of com-
petence.
Behavioral assignments, based on work explored in a session, are provided to
test and challenge dysfunctional thinking. For example, if a person's belief is
that "because I have a brain injury, I can't do anything well," then tasks that eas-
ily can be accomplished should be employed. Furthermore, assignments should
target symptoms of depression (e.g., loneliness) and involve activities that were
previously pleasurable (Stein & Raskin, 2000). As the person progresses, a feel-
ings log or diary (Beck et al., 1979) is sometimes useful.
The grieving process. Recovering from depression after brain damage is analo-
gous to the grieving process (Kubler-Ross, 1969) because it identifies losses that
are not always obvious to the patient. Such losses include cognitive abilities,
emotional control, work status, self-esteem, autonomy, sense of self, intimacy,
pain-free health, control over how one spends time (e.g., going to appointments
and contacting insurance companies), and plans for the future.
stimuli. In this way, individuals improve control over their reactions to these
stimuli within treatment, which can then be generalized to daily life. One ap-
proach to systematic desensitization requires that descriptions of images, activi-
ties, or situations that elicit symptoms be recorded. These scenarios can be ranked
or rated by degree of anxiety. While the patient is in a relaxed state, the thera-
pist begins describing the triggers that produce anxiety. If the individual indi-
cates symptoms of anxiety, the therapist ceases or decreases exposure to the trig-
ger and facilitates relaxation. Persons with cognitive dysfunction may require a
more structured approach toward anxiety reduction (e.g., written instructions and
schedules) (Hovland & Raskin, 2000).
Anger
Increases in irritability and expressions of anger or frustration are frequently
reported with many neurological conditions. Anger and frustration may be ex-
pressed as negative self-talk, verbal abusiveness, and/or physical aggressiveness.
Stress and turmoil are created in the home, and significant problems at work may
occur when individuals exhibit such behaviors. Disinhibition, common in brain
damage, may result in impulsivity, distractibility, fatigue, and irritability. Pre-
morbid personality and reactive emotional responses may also contribute to the
expression of anger.
McKay, Rogers, and McKay (1989) suggest that anger can reduce stress by
discharging or blocking awareness of painful levels of emotional or physical
arousal. Anger may serve to dissipate painful affect, reduce or eliminate painful
sensations, release tension, and be a response to perceived threats.
Affective Deficits
CONCLUSIONS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This project was supported, in part, by a Trinity College Faculty Research Expense Grant to S.A.R.,
by a Hofstra University Research and Development Award to R.L.B., and by NIMH grant MH42172
to J.C.B.
428 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
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17
Emotional Processing in Schizophrenia:
A Focus on Affective States
432
Affective States in Schizophrenia 433
Clinical Features
Expression
Diminished affect in the facial expression of emotion has been considered since
Bleuler (1911) to be a core symptom in schizophrenia. Impairment commonly
consists of flat or inappropriate affect and may precede the onset of psychosis
by many years (Walker et al., 1993). It can be worsened by administration of
neuroleptics with strong nigrostriatal dopaminergic blockade, which can produce
extrapyramidal symptoms including pseudoparkinsonism and akinetic depression
(Krakowski, Czobor, & Volavka, 1997; Rifkin, Quitkin, & Klein, 1975; Van Put-
ten & May, 1978). Compared with healthy subjects, patients with depression, and
patients with parkinsonism, schizophrenic patients have been described to ex-
press less emotions, with a propensity for negative rather than positive emotions
(Brozgold et al., 1998; Martin et al., 1990). Several studies have suggested an
Affective States in Schizophrenia 435
Experience
Knights & Hirsch, 1981; Koreen et al., 1993; McGlashan & Carpenter, 1976;
Roth, 1970). A further suggestion was that treatment with antipsychotic med-
ications may cause depressive symptoms due to extrapyramidal motor distur-
bances (Craig et al., 1985; Johnson, 1981; Rifkin, Quitkin, & Klein, 1975; Van
Putten & May, 1978). This was termed akinetic depression.
The identification and treatment of depression in schizophrenia is clinically
important because at least 10% of people with schizophrenia commit suicide
(Miles, 1977), and the majority of these were depressed in the months preced-
ing their deaths (Cohen et al., 1964; Planansky & Johnston, 1971; Roy, 1981).
Depression occurs most commonly during the onset of psychosis (Bowers & As-
trachan, 1967; House, Bostock, & Cooper, 1987; Johnson, 1981; Knights &
Hirsch, 1981; Koreen et al., 1993; Mayer-Gross et al., 1955; McGlashan & Car-
penter, 1976; Roth, 1970; Steinberg, Green, & Durrell, 1967; Stern, Pillsbury, &
Sonnenberg, 1972). Reduction of acute symptoms and clinical stabilization are
associated with decline of depressive symptoms (House, Bostock, & Cooper,
438 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
1987; Knights & Hirsch, 1981; Shanfield et al, 1970), which may reemerge dur-
ing each relapse (Johnson, 1981; Koreen et al., 1993; Shanfield et al., 1970). Mc-
Glashan and Carpenter (1976) estimated that postpsychotic depression occurs in
25% of all psychotic episodes, although others have suggested a somewhat lower
incidence. Depression is unusual with increasing chronicity of illness, perhaps
because its symptoms are gradually replaced by negative symptoms (House, Bo-
stock, & Cooper, 1987).
In an effort to separate the effects of depression from symptoms primarily at-
tributable to schizophrenia, we compared a group of schizophrenia subjects with
depression to a group without depression. Subjects with depression were scored
18 or above on the 21-item Hamilton Depression Rating Scale (Kohler et al.,
1998a). There were 63 patients (35 men, 28 women) in the high ( 18) depres-
sion group and 81 patients (52 men, 29 women) in the low (<18) depression
group. The groups were compared on demographic and clinical variables and on
eight neuropsychological domains (abstraction-flexibility, attention-vigilance,
verbal memory, spatial memory, language, spatial functions, sensory functions,
and fine manual motor skills). The two groups differed in age at onset of illness,
severity of delusions (Tables 17.1 and 17.2), and performance in a single neu-
ropsychological domain: attention (Figs. 17.2 and 17.3). The specific component
of impaired attention was vigilance, with the poorest performance by women
with higher depression scores. The presence of specific attentional impairment
associated with depressive symptoms in schizophrenia is consistent with the hy-
Sex
Male 35 52
Female 28 29
Race
White 27 45
Black 36 35
Other 0 1
Age at evaluation (yr) 30.0 (7.9) 17.1-44.8 29.8 (6.8) 16.7-44.0
Duration (yr) 6.5 (6.0) 0-24 7.8 (6.7) 0-29
Age at onset (yr)* 24.1 (7.2) 11-41 22.0 (5.4) 13-36
Hospitalizations (n) 1.9 (2.8) 0-57 3.4 (7.5) 0-12
Education (yr) 12.7 (2.4) 8-20 12.7 (1.9) 8-17
*p < 0.05.
HAM, Hamilton Depression Rating Scale.
Affective States in Schizophrenia 439
Table 17.2. Clinical and Behavioral Features of Schizophrenia Groups with High and
Low Depression Scores
HIGH DEPRESSION GROUP LOW DEPRESSION GROUP
(HAM-HI) MEAN ( ± SD) (HAM-LO) MEAN (±SD)
Schizophrenia 47 70
Schizophreniform d/o 16 11
Never medicated 28 26
Previously medicated 35 55
21-item HAM
Score* 22.6 (3.5) 11.6(4.2)
Range 18-31 1-17
SANS
Affect 2.5 (1.3) 2.3 (1.3)
Alogia 2.6 (1.4) 2.2 (1.5)
Avolition 2.6 (1.3) 2.5 (1.5)
Anhedonia 3.2 (1.0) 3.0 (1.4)
Attention 1.9 (1.4) 1.8 (1.5)
SAPS
Hallucinations 2.8 (1.4) 2.4 (1.5)
Delusions** 3.6 (1.0) 2.9 (1.2)
Bizarre behavior 1.6 (1.3) 1.4 (1.3)
Thought disorder 2.0 (1.3) 2.0 (1.5)
*P < 0.001.
**P = 0.007.
HAM, Hamilton Depression Rating Scale; SANS, The Scale for the Assessment of Negative Symp-
toms; SAPS, The Scale for the Assessment of Positive Symptoms.
Mania. Unlike depression in schizophrenia, mania has been much less commonly
described. In 1911, Bleuler postulated that any affective symptoms may occur in
the setting of schizophrenia, provided that criteria for certain fundamental schizo-
phrenic symptoms were met: splitting of cognition from emotion and behavior, for-
mal thought disorder, flat or blunted affect, autism, and ambivalence.
Manic symptoms in the setting of schizophrenia may represent a schizomanic
state or warrant the diagnosis of schizoaffective disorder. Patients with schizo-
phrenia sometimes display manic symptoms (Tsuang & Loyd, 1988) and become
agitated, irritable, impulsive, and insomniac as part of an acute psychotic exac-
erbation or in response to hallucinations and delusions. Usually these symptoms
are temporary, and the behavioral picture lacks more typical manic symptoms
(e.g., pressured speech, grandiosity, and elated mood). Kasanin (1933) coined
the term "schizo-affective psychosis" to describe a group of patients with sud-
den onset in youth, prominent affective and schizophrenic symptoms, external
440 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
stressor, and good premorbid adjustment. The initial description did not specify
the relationship between schizoaffective disorder and affective disorders or schiz-
ophrenia.
The existence of schizoaffective disorder as a separate clinical entity has re-
peatedly been questioned. Over the years, different definitions for schizoaffec-
tive disorder have been proposed. Attempts to identify it as a variant of schizo-
phrenia or an affective disorder based on clinical symptoms, genetics, and
prognosis have yielded equivocal results (Lapensee, 1992). Schizoaffective dis-
order has been removed from the schizophrenia category since the introduction
of the third edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disor-
ders (DSM-IH). The diagnostic criteria were narrowed in the revised DSM-III
by establishing the necessity of longitudinal, isolated psychotic symptoms. This
is unchanged in DSM-TV. The primary difficulty in diagnosing schizoaffective
disorder is differentiation from schizophrenia with atypical affective disorder and
bipolar disorder or major depression with mood incongruent psychotic features.
In schizoaffective disorder, affective symptoms are a prominent, if temporary,
part of the illness. In contrast, in the affective illnesses, psychotic symptoms are
limited to acute exacerbations.
Affective States in Schizophrenia 441
Figure 17.3. Attention subitems for male and female schizophrenia patients with high
(MALE_HI, FEMALE_HI) and low (MALE_LO, FEMALE_LO) depression scores on
subtests of attention. WRD, word condition; COL, color condition; CLWD, color word
condition; VIG, vigilance; DISTR, distractibility; DSP, digit span; DSY, digit symbol.
The z-scores are based on results with normal controls. Depressed and nondepressed schiz-
ophrenia patients differ in vigilance. (Reprinted with permission from Kohler et al., 1998a.)
Several hypothetical models have been formulated that attempt to place schiz-
ophrenic symptoms in the context of other psychiatric symptoms and make the
binary distinction between affective and schizophrenic disorders obsolete. The
"continuum model" (Crow, 1985) proposes purely affective and schizophrenic
disorders to be at opposite ends of a spectrum rather than mutually exclusive. In
the "hierarchical schema of symptoms" (Foulds & Bedford, 1975), disorders lo-
cated in a pyramidal hierarchy exhibit not only illness-specific symptoms but
also nonspecific symptoms of disorders located on lower, but not higher, pyra-
midal steps.
Recognition
Over the last 15 years a large body of literature has examined recognition of
emotion in brain-related disorders and healthy people as measured by the ability
to identify the emotional quality of facial expression. In healthy subjects, gen-
der-related effects were reported for emotion recognition (Erwin et al., 1992; Na-
tale, Gur, & Gur, 1983). Women showed better accuracy for brief exposures, and
men were less sensitive to expressed sadness in female faces. Impairment of emo-
442 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
tion recognition has been found in right-brain injuries (Adolphs et al., 1994;
Borod et al., 1993), schizophrenia (Cutting 1981; Feinberg et al., 1986; Heim-
berg et al., 1992; Schneider et al., 1995; Walker, McGuire, & Bettes, 1984), de-
pression (Feinberg et al., 1986; Gur et al., 1992), and Huntington's chorea (Ja-
cobs, Shuren, & Heilman, 1995).
In schizophrenia, investigators using emotion recognition tasks found that
schizophrenic patients performed more poorly than depressed patient groups and
controls (Feinberg et al., 1986; Gessler et al., 1989; Schneider et al., 1992; Walker,
McGuire, & Bettes, 1984; Zuroff & Colussy, 1986). In studies that included a
control task such as facial recognition or age discrimination, however, investi-
gators found impaired performance of schizophrenic patients on the control tasks
as well (Borod et al., 1993; Feinberg et al., 1986). This supports the idea of a
generalized deficit in facial processing in schizophrenia. In contrast, differential
deficits for emotional discrimination were observed by Cutting (1981) and Novic
(1984), who studied chronic schizophrenics and found a differential emotion dis-
crimination deficit when compared with color, facial, and age recognition.
Heimberg et al. (1992) likewise reported differential impairment in discrimina-
tion of happy and sad facial expression relative to age discrimination (Fig. 17.4).
Improvement of performance has been reported in patients with major depres-
sion after treatment response (Mikhailova et al., 1996), however, the deficit may
be stable in schizophrenia (Gaebel & Wolwer, 1992).
Treatment Interventions
Figure 17.4. Sample items of faces with happy and sad expressions.
Affective States in Schizophrenia 443
Depression
Negative symptoms
Over the past 10 years, there has been an increasing understanding that nega-
tive symptoms represent characteristic symptoms of schizophrenia, which persist
throughout the course of illness, are more common in men, and have marked con-
sequences on the person's social and interpersonal functioning. While positive
symptoms of schizophrenia—hallucinations, delusions, and disordered thinking—
are responsive to treatment with standard neuroleptic medications, negative symp-
toms—flat affect, alogia, and anhedonia—are less readily treated, and in fact,
may worsen as a side effect of dopaminergic blockade. About 10 years ago, Tan-
don, Greden, and Silk (1988) showed that trihexyphenidyl, a commonly used an-
ticholinergic agent, improved negative symptoms in a small series of patients.
Subsequent studies revealed standard haloperidol treatment to improve negative
symptoms independent of positive symptoms (Palao et al., 1994) and even in
previously neuroleptic naive schizophrenia patients (Labarca et al., 1993), al-
though at a slower rate than positive symptoms. With the advent of atypical neu-
roleptics, clozaril (Miller et al., 1994) and, more recently, olanzapine (Tollefson
& Sanger, 1997) were found to improve prominent negative symptoms compared
with haloperidol and placebo; however, the effect on negative symptoms remains
disputed (Buchanan et al., 1998). The effects of the newer, antipsychotic med-
ications are thought to occur through complex pleotropic interactions targetting
multiple neurotransmitters, including serotonin systems. Similarly, fluvoxamine,
a specific serotonin reuptake inhibitor, has been reported to improve prominent
Affective States in Schizophrenia 445
Figure 17.5. Temporal lobe brain and cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) volumes by depression
group (high depression, N = 40; low depression, TV = 39). Schizophrenia patients with
depression have larger temporal lobe volumes. (Reprinted with permission from Kohler
et al, 1998b.)
schizophrenia is associated with higher volume of the temporal lobe. Indeed, un-
like their counterparts with low depression, whose temporal lobe volumes were
significantly reduced compared with healthy controls, the high depression pa-
tients with schizophrenia had normal volumes. This finding further buttresses the
position that depression in schizophrenia is distinct from primary negative symp-
toms. Our earlier studies have shown that deficit patients with schizophrenia have
smaller temporal lobe volumes than nondeficit patients (Turetsky et al., 1995).
Furthermore, in the current sample, the more depressed group had lower ratings
on alogia and larger temporal lobe volumes. The association of depression with
normal temporal lobe volumes in schizophrenia suggests that some integrity of
the temporal lobe is necessary for the experience of depression, consistent with
evidence for the role of the temporal lobe in emotional experience.
In the subsample of patients who had FDG-PET measures of cerebral glucose
metabolism, the patient group with higher depression ratings had reduced left lat-
eralization of metabolism in the anterior cingulate (Fig. 17.6). Whereas healthy
subjects show relatively higher left hemispheric metabolism in this region, this
gradient is somewhat diminished in the high depression group and increased in
the low depression group. Thus, depression in schizophrenia seems associated
with a relative decrease in left compared with right cingulate activity. This is
consistent with evidence for greater right hemispheric involvement in dysphoric
states in lesion studies (Gainotti, 1972; Robinson et al., 1984; Ross & Mesulam,
1979; Sackeim et al., 1982), as well as in studies of healthy people (Davidson et
al., 1990; Davidson & Tomarken, 1989; Natale, Gur, & Gur, 1983; Sackeim,
Affective States in Schizophrenia 447
Gur, & Saucy, 1978). The cingulum and mesial temporal regions form the lim-
bic lobe (Broca, 1878), the instrumental part of the neural circuitry responsible
for emotional processing (Papez, 1937). Our findings indicate that the neurobi-
ology of depression in schizophrenia has features in common with major
depression and depression associated with other brain disorders. Specifically,
this involves altered function of frontal regions as measured by lateralized
metabolism.
SUMMARY
is increased evidence for its major role. To the extent that disturbed affect is a
core negative symptom, its presence in a patient is an ominous sign, foreboding
poor course and treatment response. On the other hand, disturbed affect in the
form of depression or, less frequently, manic symptoms may indicate a more pal-
liable form of psychosis. To this extent we describe similarities in cognition and
brain metabolism of depression in schizophrenia compared with idiopathic de-
pression as well as depression in other brain-related disorders and link the pres-
ence of depression in schizophrenia with preserved temporal lobe volume, indi-
cating preserved anatomy of limbic structures.
In the future, research in the area of emotional expression may include at-
tempts at amelioration of affective flattening via rehabilitation and pharma-
cotherapy that target serotonergic neural substrates. Future investigations in emo-
tional experience in schizophrenia may include further evaluation of whether
depression during different phases of acute and chronic schizophrenia will more
favorably respond to atypical rather than to typical antipsychotic or perhaps an-
tidepressant medication. Conversely, it is not known whether mood stabilizers
may ameliorate symptoms of mania in schizophrenia. With respect to emotion
recognition, research may be directed at further investigations on the controver-
sial concept of a specific emotion recognition deficit in schizophrenia by devel-
oping a visuospatial control task that differs in the component of emotion recog-
nition only. Another question is whether deficits in emotional processing
represent a stable deficit in schizophrenia or whether such deficits can be ame-
liorated via treatment of positive or negative symptoms of schizophrenia. Finally,
neurobehavioral probes evaluating neuronal activation during emotional pro-
cessing may further elucidate the question of whether emotion recognition rep-
resents a specific impairment in the illness of schizophrenia.
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456
Therapeutic Brain Interventions in Mood Disorders 457
PSYCHOPHARMACOLOGICAL TREATMENTS
Pharmacological Dissection
A key principle in the biological treatment of mood disorder is that effective so-
matic treatments suppress symptom manifestations but have little impact on the
underlying disorder. This perspective originally emanated from study of the phar-
macological prevention of relapse and recurrence. A classic set of studies demon-
strated that approximately 50% of patients will relapse within a 6-month period
if antidepressant medication or ECT is discontinued at the point of clinical re-
sponse (Imlah, Ryan, & Harrington, 1965; Kay, Fahy, & Garside, 1970; Mind-
ham, Howland, & Shepherd, 1973; Seager & Bird, 1962). Among medication-
resistant patients who respond to ECT, our ongoing placebo-controlled research
suggests that this relapse rate actually may be closer to 85% in the absence of
continued somatic therapy. In contrast, there is overwhelming evidence that con-
tinuing the antidepressant regimen that produced remission reduces the 6-month
relapse rate to about 20%.
Therapeutic Brain Interventions in Mood Disorders 459
These and related findings call for a distinction among three treatment phases:
acute, continuation, and maintenance (Frank et al., 1990). Acute phase treatment
aims to relieve symptoms. Continuation phase treatment, typically defined as
from 6 to 12 months following symptomatic response, aims to suppress symp-
toms until the underlying episode spontaneously remits (Prien & Kupfer, 1986).
The presumption is that the average duration of episodes is approximately 6 to
9 months, but this is subject to considerable individual variation. Maintenance
treatment aims to prevent the recurrence of a new episode after the original
episode has resolved (Frank et al., 1991).
Robust evidence from pharmacological trials supports these distinctions. Ap-
proximately 50% or more of patients with unipolar major depression will expe-
rience a recurrence within their lifetime. Long-term maintenance treatment with
antidepressant regimens that produced the acute phase clinical response are ef-
fective in preventing recurrence (Frank et al., 1990; Prien et al., 1984). The ef-
ficacy of lithium carbonate in preventing episodes of both depression and mania
is, in many respects, more impressive than its efficacy as acute treatment, par-
ticularly for depression (Calabrese, Bowden, & Woyshville, 1995).
The differential activity of psychopharmacological agents in the different
phases of treatment suggests that attention be paid to the neurobiological distur-
bances (state, episode, and trait markers) specific to these phases. Distinctions
may be made among the neural alterations associated with acute affective symp-
toms (state), the vulnerability to manifest symptoms through a sustained, but self-
limited, period (episode), and the vulnerability to experience affective episodes
(trait). During acute phase treatment, medications act on neural substrates re-
sponsible for symptom expression (state). A more fundamental biological dis-
turbance, however, goes unabated despite treatment, only to resolve sponta-
neously (episode). Finally, another class of biological disturbance triggers single
or recurrent episodes (trait).
Neurobiological investigations are only beginning to make these distinctions
and to outline candidate markers for the distinct phases of mood disturbance. For
example, measures of the activity of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis or
hypothalamic-pituitary-thyroid axis commonly show dysfunction during the
state of major depression (Carroll, 1982; Prange, Garbutt, & Loosen, 1987). There
is evidence that while most patients show normalization in some of these mea-
sures following response to acute phase treatment, continued abnormality is pre-
dictive of relapse (Holsboer, 1995). Consequently, such measures have some sen-
sitivity as episode markers. Potential episode or trait markers include global and
topographic disturbances in regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF), which in some
cases have been found to persist independent of remission status (Nobler et al.,
1994; Sackeim et al., 1990). There is evidence that specific neuropsychological
profiles also characterize mood disorder patients independent of symptomatic sta-
tus and are seen in children of bipolar probands before the onset of affective
460 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
episodes (Decina et al., 1983; Sackeim et al., 1992a). These likely reflect trait
markers.
It is common in basic emotion research to distinguish between state and trait
neurobiological factors. For example, among normal individuals, Davidson
(1995) has associated persistent lateralized electroencephalographic (EEG) pat-
terns to individual differences in emotional reactivity to provocations, thus link-
ing a lateralized trait phenomenon to a propensity for specific affect states.
graphic brain imaging studies of mood provocation in normal people and of the
resting state in major depression and mania have yielded dramatically different
profiles of rCBF effects (for a review of clinical studies, see George et al., 1995a;
Pardo, Pardo, & Raichle, 1993; Sackeim & Prohovnik, 1993; Schneider et al.,
1994).
A number of pharmacological interventions can induce euphoria in normal
subjects. These are the most common drugs of abuse and include stimulants, co-
caine, and opioids. Barbiturates and alcohol are classified as central nervous sys-
tem depressants but are commonly abused, like benzodiazepines, due to their
anxiolytic properties. As reviewed elsewhere (Sackeim, 1986), there have been
concerted attempts for several decades to identify pharmacological agents that
reliably induce clinical depression or simply depressed mood state in normal sub-
jects. These efforts have mostly failed. This would suggest a fundamental, as yet
unidentified, difference in the substrates regulating depressed and elated mood
states in normal individuals.
ELECTROCONVULSIVE THERAPY
appreciated that application of the electrical stimulus to the left or right hemi-
sphere (i.e., left unilateral [LUL] or right unilateral [RUL] ECT), resulted in dis-
tinct short-term cognitive sequelae (Sackeim, 1992). For example, each form of
ECT results in a material-specific amnestic syndrome, with greater verbal loss
following LUL ECT and greater nonverbal memory loss following RUL ECT
(Sackeim, 1992). The magnitude and consistency of the differences in transient
neuropsychological effects between LUL and RUL ECT are sufficiently robust
that the nature and direction of language lateralization can be reliably determined
on a patient-by-patient basis (Geffen, Traub, & Stierman, 1978; Pratt & War-
rington, 1972). Bilateral (BL) ECT, with symmetrical placement of stimulating
electrodes over frontotemporal areas, results in the cognitive deficits associated
with both forms of unilateral ECT, perhaps to a more severe and persistent de-
gree (Sackeim, 1992; Sackeim et al., 1993b). The capacity to manipulate the site
of brain stimulation by the positioning of extracranial electrodes in ECT offers
one method to investigate the neural systems dysregulated in mood disorders.
For decades, the field of ECT held the view that a generalized seizure was nec-
essary and sufficient to treat major depression. How the seizure was produced
was considered irrelevant (Small, 1974). Furthermore, it was thought that the
quantity of electricity used to produce the seizure did not impact on efficacy but
did contribute to cognitive side effects (Sackeim, Devanand, & Nobler, 1995).
A large body of literature had shown that markedly suprathreshold electrical stim-
ulation intensifies side effects without additional benefit (Ottosson, 1960; Scott
et al., 1992; Weiner et al., 1986b).
Competing hypotheses have been put forth to explain the view that generalized
seizure activity is central to the therapeutic effects of ECT. One hypothesis was
that for therapeutic effects to be achieved, widespread, generalized changes in brain
neurochemistry were necessary. The alternative hypothesis was that localized brain
systems were involved, but their neurobiology could only be altered with ECT by
engagement of a generalized seizure. Drawing a link between hypothalamic dys-
function and the vegetative symptoms of melancholic depression (sleep and ap-
petite disturbance, diurnal variation, reduced libido), many theorists argued that the
ultimate source of ECT's therapeutic effects resulted from neurochemical changes
in the diencephalon (Abrams, 1997; Abrams & Taylor, 1976; Fink, 1990).
There is substantial evidence that a generalized seizure is critical in obtaining
therapeutic effects with ECT. A series of studies contrasted "sham ECT" (the re-
peated administration of general anesthesia) with real ECT. This work established
that in the treatment of major depression (for review, see Sackeim, 1989) or acute
mania (Sikdar et al., 1994), real ECT is considerably more effective than sham.
464 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
This type of study controls for psychological factors surrounding ECT, includ-
ing the high expectations for remission, and indicates that the passage of elec-
tricity and/or the production of a seizure are central to efficacy. Other work went
a step further and compared ECT with subconvulsive electrical stimulation, which
was found to be substantially less effective (Fink, Kahn, & Green, 1958; Ulett,
Smith, & Glesser, 1956). Ottosson (1960) provided one of the most influential
pieces of evidence that the generalized seizure is critical. He found that pre-
treatment with lidocaine, which reduced seizure expression, resulted in inferior
clinical outcome. Finally, electrical and chemical seizure induction appeared to
have equal efficacy, suggesting that methods of seizure elicitation are irrelevant
to beneficial effects (Small, 1974).
Despite this wealth of evidence, recent research has challenged the view that
a generalized seizure is both necessary and sufficient for antidepressant effects
(Sackeim et al., 1993b). This research implies that the current paths traversed by
the electrical stimulus, and the current density within those paths, fundamentally
impact on the efficacy of the treatment (Sackeim, 1994a). Consequently, there is
now convincing evidence for neuroanatomical specificity in the neural systems
that must be altered for ECT to exert antidepressant effects.
Until recently, standard ECT practice involved administering the same electrical
dosage to all patients. Methods to quantify the threshold for a generalized seizure
were only developed in the last decade (Sackeim et al., 1987c). The field also
lacked information on the extent of individual differences in seizure threshold
and the factors that determine this variability (Sackeim et al., 1994; Sackeim,
Devanand, & Prudic, 1991; Weiner et al., 1990).
It is now evident that there are marked individual differences in seizure thresh-
old (Lisanby et al., 1996; Sackeim et al., 1994; Sackeim, Devanand, & Prudic,
1991). Fixed dosage regimens often result in grossly suprathreshold stimulation
and increased cognitive side effects. Another consequence of this practice was a
failure to appreciate that, combined with electrode positioning, electrical dosage
could have a profound effect on efficacy.
The first study to address this issue used a double-blind, randomized design
in which patients with major depression were treated with either BL or RUL
ECT, with electrical intensity maintained just above seizure threshold (Sackeim
et al., 1987a). The surprising outcome of this work was that RUL ECT given just
above threshold was notably deficient as an antidepressant. Seventy percent of
patients randomized to BL ECT were classified as responders, whereas only 28%
of RUL ECT patients were so classified. These findings led to the hypothesis
that the efficacy of RUL ECT was highly sensitive to dosage. Robin and de Tis-
sera (1982) raised the possibility that electrical dosage impacts on speed of clin-
Therapeutic Brain Interventions in Mood Disorders 465
ical response. A subsequent study tested both propositions. Patients with major
depression were randomized to receive either BL or RUL ECT with stimulus in-
tensity just above seizure threshold (low dose) or stimulus intensity 2.5 times the
seizure threshold (high dosage) (Sackeim et al., 1993b). Only 17% of patients
receiving RUL ECT at low intensity responded, but increasing the stimulus in-
tensity of RUL ECT markedly unproved the response rate. This work also demon-
strated that speed of response is enhanced with higher stimulus intensity for both
BL and RUL ECT. In ongoing research at Columbia University, the dose-
response function for RUL ECT is being more carefully defined.
Recent brain imaging studies support the theory that reduction of functional
activity in prefrontal cortical regions is linked to the efficacy of ECT. The rCBF
reductions seen acutely and 1 week following ECT typically show an antero-
posterior gradient, with greatest reductions at the prefrontal pole. Most impor-
tantly, this topographic alteration appears to be strongly correlated with thera-
peutic response in both major depression and mania (Nobler et al., 1994).
Likewise, the development of slow wave EEG activity in prefrontal sites shows
topographic specificity in relation to antidepressant effects (Sackeim et al., 1996).
Furthermore, relative to high dosage RUL ECT, low dosage RUL ECT is con-
siderably less likely to enhance prefrontal slow wave activity. Based on such ev-
idence supporting the importance of frontal changes, one group has attempted to
concentrate current density in prefrontal regions, using a bifrontal electrode place-
ment. Preliminary findings suggest that bifrontal ECT may be more effective than
the traditional frontotemporal BL placement and may also result in reduced
amnestic side effects (Lawson et al., 1990; Letemendia et al., 1993).
In summary, the available evidence supports the idea that ECT exerts antide-
pressant, and possibly antimanic, effects through its anticonvulsant properties,
particularly the reduction of functional activity in prefrontal cortical regions. The
emphasis on the role of prefrontal regions is a top-down perspective, suggesting
that functional suppression in prefrontal areas modulates activity in limbic, stri-
atal, thalamic, and hypothalamic regions (Sackeim, 1994a). It should be noted,
however, that anticonvulsant theories, and the specific formulation emphasizing
effects in prefrontal regions, are far from proven. The relevant evidence is largely
correlational, showing associations between the topographic changes in post-ECT
brain imaging measures of functional activity and manipulations of treatment
technique and clinical outcome.
To more directly test these views, key experiments are needed. It may be pos-
sible to block the anticonvulsant properties of ECT with pharmacological ma-
nipulations (Tortella & Long, 1985, 1988). If therapeutic efficacy is unaltered
under such conditions, the anticonvulsant theory would be compromised. It
should also be possible to develop powerful devices that elicit localized seizure
activity with rTMS (Sackeim, 1994b) and at the same time use rTMS to limit
seizure propagation, protecting specific brain systems. Comparing efficacy in pa-
tients randomized to different sites of seizure provocation/inhibition could be a
powerful tool to further define the anatomy of the neural systems subserving the
profound therapeutic effects of ECT.
A large body of evidence has documented a special role for right hemisphere
mechanisms in the expression and reception of emotion (e.g., Borod et al., 1986;
Therapeutic Brain Interventions in Mood Disorders 469
Heilman, Scholes, & Watson, 1975; Sackeim, Gur, & Saucy, 1978). Various ver-
sions of the valence hypothesis (Sackeim et al., 1982) suggest that euphoric and
dysphoric mood states reflect alteration of distinct lateralized systems (David-
son, 1995; Liotti & Tucker, 1995; Robinson et al., 1988; Sackeim, 1991). Uni-
lateral ECT results in marked asymmetries in measures of brain activity, neuro-
logical signs (Kriss et al., 1978), and neuropsychological changes indicative of
disruption of lateralized neural systems (Sackeim, 1992). Consequently, the com-
parison of LUL and RUL ECT in antidepressant and antimamc effects is of con-
siderable interest.
LUL ECT results in considerably more prolonged postictal disorientation than
RUL ECT (Daniel & Crovitz, 1982). This fact, and the view that patients prefer
the nonverbal memory deficits following RUL ECT relative to the verbal deficits
of LUL ECT, led to the virtually exclusive use of RUL ECT for unilateral treat-
ment (Weiner et al., 1990). It was not differential efficacy that led to this practice.
A small group of studies compared LUL and RUL ECT in therapeutic prop-
erties (Abrams, Swartz, & Vedak, 1989; Cohen, Penick, & Tarter, 1974; Costello
et al., 1970; Cronin et al., 1970; Decina et al., 1985; Deglin, 1973; Fleminger et
al., 1970; Halliday et al., 1968; Small et al., 1993; Sutherland, Oliver, & Knight,
1969). Most of these studies used nonoptimal ECT technique and were charac-
terized by other methodological problems. The overriding impression from this
work is that both LUL and RUL ECT exert marked antidepressant effects. Al-
though the evidence is inconsistent (Abrams, Swartz, & Vedak, 1989), there are
some indications that RUL ECT may be somewhat superior to LUL ECT in the
treatment of major depression (Cohen, Penick, & Tarter, 1974; Cronin et al.,
1970; Fleminger et al., 1970; Halliday et al., 1968; Small et al., 1993). This would
be compatible with the idea that suppression of functional activity within ante-
rior regions of the right hemisphere has antidepressant effects (Sackeim et al.,
1982).
Whether there is a difference between LUL and RUL ECT in acute mania is
less certain. Initial studies suggested that RUL ECT leads to a worsening of manic
symptoms (Small et al., 1985,1993). In a large retrospective study, however, Black,
Winokur, and Nasrallah (1987) found no difference between RUL and BL ECT.
In a small random-assignment trial, Mukherjee, Sackeim, and Lee (1988) found
that LUL, RUL, and BL ECT were equally effective in medication-resistant manic
patients.
As summarized above, recent research indicates that the spatial distribution of
current density in the brain strongly determines the efficacy of ECT (Sackeim et
al., 1993b). Brain imaging studies examining the topography of changes in rCBF
and EEG slow wave activity have linked reductions in functional activity in bi-
lateral prefrontal regions to the efficacy of ECT for both major depression and
acute mania (Nobler et al., 1994; Sackeim et al., 1996). Studies contrasting LUL
and RUL ECT generally indicate that both exert marked antidepressant effects
470 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
yet produce qualitative differences in the nature of cognitive side effects. This
pattern of findings leads to two alternative hypotheses about the role of lateral-
ized mood systems in the pathophysiology of mood disorders and the mecha-
nisms of therapeutic action of ECT.
The first hypothesis is perhaps the most straightforward. Despite a wealth of
evidence concerning lateralization in the regulation of normal mood and in the
precipitation of mood disturbance following brain damage (for review, see Sack-
eim, 1991), the pathophysiology of major mood disorders may not have signif-
icant lateralized components. Indeed, it is conceivable that depression may ini-
tiate with some degree of asymmetry in patterns of functional brain activity but
that, once these states have become autonomous, chronic, and/or severe, the fun-
damental disturbances are bilateral. It is noteworthy that in large-scale studies of
patients receiving ECT, rCBF abnormalities reflected dysregulation of bilateral
networks involving prefrontal, superior temporal, and anterior parietal cortical
regions (Sackeim et al., 1990, 1993a). More generally, tomographic resting stud-
ies of mood disorders have repeatedly demonstrated abnormalities in prefrontal
regions, but findings of frontal asymmetry have been more the exception than
the rule (Sackeim & Prohovnik, 1993). Effective forms of ECT, unilateral or bi-
lateral, may initiate seizures in prefrontal cortex, and it may be that, despite an
asymmetrical initiation with unilateral ECT, tight coupling between left and right
prefrontal regions invariably leads to intense bilateral prefrontal expression of
seizures and subsequent bilateral reduction in functional activity. This hypothe-
sis accounts for the findings of asymmetry in physiological and neuropsycho-
logical measures by noting that such asymmetries largely reflect asymmetrical
impact on more posterior areas. For example, it is generally thought that the ma-
terial-specific amnesia observed following LUL and RUL ECT reflects ipsilat-
eral disruption of medial temporal lobe structures. This hypothesis suggests that
lateralization in the regulation of emotion has little to do with the pathophysiol-
ogy of major mood disorders or their treatment with ECT.
As discussed below, the initial research on nonconvulsive rTMS suggests that
this intervention has antidepressant properties that may depend on the brain re-
gion stimulated. Indeed, there are suggestions that dysregulated lateralized sys-
tems play a key role in the therapeutic effects of rTMS (Pascual-Leone et al.,
1996b). If subsequent research confirms these observation, the tenability of the
hypothesis just offered will be questionable. This is not to say that there is over-
lap in the mechanisms of action of rTMS and ECT. Instead, it is quite likely that
these interventions differ in how they modulate functional brain activity (Sack-
eim, 1994b). The lesson from rTMS, however, may be that it is a more focal in-
tervention capable of selectively altering functional activity in prefrontal regions,
with less impact on homologous, contralateral cortex. A second hypothesis would
stipulate that functional suppression in right prefrontal regions may be necessary
and sufficient to produce antidepressant effects with ECT (and perhaps in left
Therapeutic Brain Interventions in Mood Disorders 471
prefrontal regions for antimanic effects). Present forms of unilateral ECT, be-
cause of patterns of current shunting and intrinsic coupling of prefrontal regions,
produce bilateral effects in the critical regions and misleadingly suggest that lat-
eralization of function is unimportant with respect to therapeutics. Testing these
two rival hypotheses is of considerable theoretical and practical importance and
may become possible with the development of methods to deliver more focal
forms of ECT.
FUNCTIONAL NEUROSURGERY
Overview
Early studies by Papez (1937) identified limbic circuits (regions of the frontal
lobes, cingulate cortex, and subcortical structures) as central to emotion regula-
tion, and it is these limbic structures that are the targets of most neurosurgical
approaches to psychiatric disorders.
First performed by Moniz (1936), frontal leukotomy was introduced in the
United States by Freeman and Watts (1942) (reviewed by Diering & Bell, 1991;
Swayze, 1995). The original procedure involved blind ablation of white matter
tracts underlying prefrontal cortex, whereas the Lyerly (1939) bilateral leukotomy
involved ablation of white matter under direct visualization. Other techniques in-
volved selective ablation of Brodmann's areas 9, 10, and 46 ("topectomy"; Pool
et al., 1949, 1956) and the severing of fibers connecting these areas with the cin-
gulate gyrus (Scoville, 1949). Efficacy was difficult to determine due to method-
ological limitations, such as the lack of stereotactic guidance (May, 1974).
Technical refinements led to more focal lesions (Fulton, 1951) and stereotac-
tic procedures (Spiegel, Wycis, & Freed, 1950). More targeted procedures in-
cluded the thalamotomy (Spiegel, Wycis, & Freed, 1950), cingulotomy (Cassidy,
Ballantine, & Flanagan, 1965; Livingston, 1953; Whitty et al., 1952), subcaudate
472 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Modern Stereotactic approaches have reduced morbidity and produce only tran-
sient effects on attention, without reported long-term effects on neurological sta-
tus, higher brain functions, or personality (Corkin, Twitchell, & Sullivan, 1979;
Maxwell, 1993). Three of the more common procedures (cingulotomy, subcau-
date tractotomy, and anterior capsulotomy) are described below (for review, see
Mindus & Jenike, 1992). Other procedures include amygdalotomy, hypothalam-
otomy, thalamotomy, and various combinations of limbic structures (Ballantine
& Giriunas, 1979).
Anterior cingulotomy
Anterior cingulotomy refers to the bilateral severing of the anterior supracal-
losal fibers of the anterior cingulate, thereby altering connections within the lim-
bic system. This procedure has been reported to have therapeutic effects in mood
disorders (Ballantine et al., 1967, 1987), anxiety disorders (Jenike et al., 1991),
and pain (Foltz & White, 1962). Efficacy is generally higher in major depres-
sion (about 60%) than in obsessive compulsive disorder, and appears after con-
siderable postsurgery delay. Ballantine et al. (1977) reported that 75% of 154 pa-
tients with mood disorder were improved after bilateral cingulotomy. A
retrospective review by Jenike et al. (1991) found that 25%-30% of obsessive
Therapeutic Brain Interventions in Mood Disorders 473
Anterior capsulotomy
Anterior capsulotomy transects the anterior limb of the internal capsule, sev-
ering thalamo-orbitofrontal fibers (Hay, 1993). This may be accomplished via
radiofrequency heat lesions (Bingley et al., 1973) or Stereotactic gamma irradi-
ation (Leksell & Backlund, 1979; Rylander, 1979). Improvement in obsessive
compulsive disorder has been reported (Bingley et al., 1973) with about a 70%
success rate (Martuza et al., 1990). There is some evidence of personality change,
lack of initiative, and mood elevation following capsulotomy (Hay, 1993; Mar-
tuza et al., 1990; Sachdev 1995), and concern about long-term distal effects in
cortex, following large lesions produced with gamma irradiation.
Conclusions
The literature on the use of surgical ablation to treat mood disorders is small,
and, because all procedures other than gamma irradiation involve breaching the
skull, there has been little opportunity for sham controlled comparisons. The ret-
rospective nature of the clinical reports limits certainty about the claims of ther-
apeutic properties. At the same time, it should be recognized that reports of sig-
nificant improvement in a substantial percentage of treatment-refractory patients
deserves attention.
474 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Overview
Many of the current tools used to study the neurobiology of emotion are limited
in their ability to establish causal links among changes in regional brain func-
tion and mood. Repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS) holds
promise as a new paradigm to examine the nature of the neural systems regulat-
ing emotional processes and to identify their functional interrelations. The abil-
ity of rTMS to stimulate brain areas noninvasively is a significant advance be-
yond techniques that require the invasive method of direct cortical or transcranial
electrical stimulation. Evidence suggests that rTMS may have focal excitatory or
inhibitory cortical effects, offering the capacity to probe both the anatomical lo-
calization and the neurophysiological alterations that result in mood change. Re-
search with this new tool has contributed to our understanding of the neural
organization of emotion and has potential in the clinical treatment of mood
disorders.
Therapeutic Brain Interventions in Mood Disorders 475
nitude and not well replicated. For example, in a recent study of 50 normal vol-
unteers receiving rTMS to the left DLPFC, Nedjat et al., (1998) reported three
cases of transient hypomania, highlighting the complexity of the topic but also
supporting potential mood-modulatory effects of rTMS.
Recent trials suggest that rTMS has therapeutic properties for major depression.
Four studies found that single pulse TMS reduces depressive symptoms (Gris-
aru et al., 1994; Hoflich et al., 1993; Kohbinger et al., 1995; Padberg et al., 1998).
Although left DLPFC rTMS is reported to induce transient sadness in normal
volunteers, recent studies show notable antidepressant effects when rTMS is de-
livered to the left DLPFC in depressed patients. Initial open-trial studies (Catala,
Rubio, & Pascual-Leone, 1996; George et al., 1995b) have been replicated in
two blinded, sham-controlled studies. Pascual-Leone et al. (1996b) reported that
5 days of left DLPFC rTMS had marked antidepressant effects in 11 of 17 med-
ication-resistant patients with psychotic depression. In another blinded, sham-
controlled, crossover trial, George et al. (1997) found that daily left DLPFC rTMS
had significant but modest antidepressant effects in outpatients with major de-
pression. The optimal laterality and frequency of stimulation are not presently
known. Evidence suggests that slow frequencies of rTMS (1 Hz) applied to the
right DLPFC may also be therapeutic (Klein et al., 1999).
The time course and laterality of rTMS-induced mood effects in patients and
normal volunteers differ. The mood effects of rTMS in normal volunteers have
been observed acutely following a single rTMS session, whereas therapeutic ben-
efit in patients with major depression has been reported following 1-2 weeks of
daily stimulation. The acute effects of a single rTMS session in 11 patients with
major depression has recently been examined. Left prefrontal rTMS appeared to
elevate mood acutely, whereas right-sided stimulation acutely worsened mood in
one case (B.D. Greenberg, personal communication, August 1997).
There is preliminary evidence that right but not left prefrontal rTMS may be
of benefit in mania (Grisaru et al., 1998), suggesting that the antimanic effects
show a laterality opposite to the antidepressant effect. Right DLPFC rTMS has
also been reported to improve mood in obsessive compulsive disorder (Green-
berg et al., 1997).
The preliminary suggestions that slow TMS and rTMS have antidepressant prop-
erties have generated considerable interest in the clinical and research commu-
Therapeutic Brain Interventions in Mood Disorders 477
nities. The finding that rTMS may produce rapid antidepressant effects in se-
verely ill patients may result in the development of new treatment options. The
side-effect profile of nonconvulsive rTMS is more benign than that of ECT. To
date, the only major identified risk of rTMS is the possibility of seizure induc-
tion (Wassermann, 1998). Considerable work needs to be done, however, before
rTMS can be claimed to have clinical utility. For example, the evidence from the
initial studies suggests that the antidepressant effects are short-lived (Pascual-
Leone et al., 1996b). It is unknown whether more sustained effects can be
achieved by use of this intervention as a continuation treatment or in combina-
tion with antidepressant medications.
Regardless of ultimate clinical utility, the initial findings are striking in sug-
gesting that repetitive stimulation of a specific lateralized cortical area results in
antidepressant effects, whereas stimulation with similar parameters over the same
area in normal subjects transiently induces dysphoria. If confirmed, the inter-
pretation of this seeming paradox will be contingent on understanding of the lo-
cal and distal physiological effects of rTMS in illness and in health.
rTMS physiological effects demonstrate some degree of frequency depen-
dency, which has yielded new information about dynamic changes in the ex-
citability of motor pathways. For example, manipulations of frequency and in-
tensity produce distinct patterns of facilitation and inhibition of motor responses
with distinct time courses (Jennum, Winkel, & Fuglsang-Fredericksen, 1995;
Pascual-Leone et al., 1994; Wassermann et al., 1996). Ten minutes of 1 Hz rTMS
has been shown to inhibit corticospinal excitability, whereas higher frequencies
( 5 Hz) enhanced excitability for up to 30 minutes (Pascual-Leone & Tormos,
1997). These neurophysiological effects may relate to clinical applications of dif-
ferent rTMS frequencies. Frequency-dependent phenomena are seen in other ar-
eas (e.g., long-term potentiation and long-term depression in hippocampal slice
preparations) and result in differing physiological consequences. The possibility
of selectively producing post-stimulation excitation (disinhibition) or inhibition
in focal areas has remarkable potential for the mapping of brain-behavior rela-
tions and for developing targeted treatments.
The very preliminary evidence suggesting that both high frequency rTMS to the
left DLPFC and slow TMS to the right DLPFC have antidepressant properties raises
a new hypothesis regarding the role of lateralized neural systems in therapeutics,
at least in the context of rTMS. The hypothesis that high frequencies enhance ac-
tivity and low frequencies inhibit functional brain activity is far from proven.
Nonetheless, one may speculate that enhanced functional activity in left or sup-
pressed activity in right prefrontal areas may reduce depressive symptoms. Alter-
ing the lateralized balance of functional activity in a specific direction may be more
at issue than whether the particular intervention is inhibitory or excitatory.
Finally, the initial rTMS studies call for caution when generalizing from stud-
ies of therapeutics to discussions of the neural bases of normal variations in mood.
478 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Stimulation with the same parameters over the same cortical site appears to have
differing effects on mood in normal and clinical samples. Key here will be the
determination of whether the physiological consequences of rTMS differ in de-
pressed and normal subjects or whether the mood effects are opposite in direc-
tion despite similar alterations of neurophysiology. The first possibility would
suggest that the neurophysiological disturbances accompanying the depressed
state provide a fundamentally different substrate for rTMS effects. The latter may
suggest intrinsic differences between depressed patients and healthy individuals
in neural systems that regulate mood.
CONCLUSIONS
By their nature, the various somatic treatments for mood disorders differ in their
likelihood of addressing anatomical or biochemical aspects of mood regulation.
Physical interventions, like ECT, neurosurgery, and rTMS, allow for experimental
manipulations that further understanding of the neuroanatomical bases of
therapeutic effects. The fact that the most recent antidepressant medications were
designed to target one or more chemical systems indicates a degree of neuro-
chemical specificity in this approach to therapeutics.
Across these interventions, it is now clear that there is anatomical and bio-
chemical specificity in how neural systems can be altered to suppress the symp-
toms of major depression and acute mania. It is also evident from much of this
work that therapeutic effects may be achieved by either intervention at different
nodes of a complex mood regulatory system or modulation of distinct networks.
Furthermore, while links may be sought between the mechanisms of action of
these therapeutic interventions and the pathophysiology of the disorders, the ne-
cessity of such linkage is not obvious. Effective treatments do not necessarily act
on or reverse the underlying pathological abnormalities (e.g., Nobler et al., 1994;
Sackeim et al., 1996). While the study of therapeutics is rich in offering hy-
potheses regarding the basic regulation of emotional processes, it is also evident
that caution is needed in generalizing from one arena to the other. The possibil-
ity that different neurophysiological alterations are associated with clinical dis-
orders and normal variation in mood and/or that patients with mood disorders
have distinct patterns of neural representation of affective processes requires se-
rious consideration.
REFERENCES
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490 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
493
494 INDEX
postural, 4, 81 deficits
prosodic/intonational, 4, 81, 95, 426 in left hemisphere cortical dysfunction,
quantification of features, 95 368-369
scenic, 6, 81 in right hemisphere cortical dysfunction,
Chimeric Faces Task (CFT), 307-308 370-372
Chorea, Huntington's, 382-383 disorders, mechanisms of, 385-387
Cingulate gyms, 215-216, 349 in Huntington's disease, 382
Cingulotomy, anterior, 472-473 limbic system dysfunction and, 374-375
Circuit models, 146-147 in Parkinson's disease, 378-380
Citalopram, for post-stroke depression, Compensation training, 415
253-254 Componential approach to emotional
Clinical implications, 3-4, 14-17 processing, 4, 6, 10, 16, 81, 82, 90,
Clonidine, for secondary mania, 244 427
Clozaril, for schizophrenia negative Componential models
symptoms, 444 profile of, 15If
Cognition synthesis with other models, 150-152
affective, 47-48, 49f, 50 types of, 149-150
in anxiety, 310-313 Comprehension
brain processing disorders, in right hemisphere cortical
levels of, 42-43 dysfunction, 370-371
speed of, 43-44 left hemisphere cortical dysfunction and,
corticolimbic mechanisms of, 66-68 368-369
definition of, 46 Computed tomography (CT), 112
domains. See Emotion Computerized Speech Laboratory, 95
impairments, in anxiety, 312-313 Conditioning, amygdala role in, 203-204
motivation and, 45 Consciousness, 51-52
philosophical conceptualizations, 33-42 Convulsive therapy. See Electroconvulsive
rational, 47-48, 49f, 50 therapy
syncretic vs. analytic, 47-48 Corpus callosum deficits, in violent behavior,
vs. emotion, 42, 97-98 324
Cognition-emotion debate, 142 Cortical/subcortical, 4
Cognition system, vs. emotional system, Cortical systems
220-221, 222t anatomy/physiology of, 65-69
Cognitive functions, emotional stimuli and, dysfunction, and emotional deficits
97-98 left hemisphere, 368-370
Cognitive knowledge, 42 right hemisphere, 370-374
Cognitive psychology, memory and, in post-stroke mood disorders, 252
165 Corticobulbar dysfunction, 374
Cognitive rehabilitation, 414-416 Corticolimbic evolution, archicortical/
functional skills training, 414 paleocortical routes of, 65-66
process approach, 414—416 Cortisol, violence and, 327
Cognitive systems, emotional systems and, Crying, pathological, 240
218-220 CSF. See Cerebrospinal fluid
Cognitive therapy CT (computed tomography), 112
for anger, 424 Cues
for anxiety, 423 affective, bias from, 174-175
for depression, 422 for retrieval process, 174
for post-traumatic stress disorder, 423 Cultural issues, 21
principles, 422
Cognizance, 50 Dacrystic epilepsy, emotional changes in, 377
Communication, emotional Darwin, Charles, 143, 147
in basal ganglia diseases, 384 Darwinists, 34
channels of. See Channels of emotional Dementia. See also Alzheimer's disease
communication apathy in, 345
498 INDEX