Textbook Adipose Tissue Biology 2Nd Edition Michael E Symonds Eds Ebook All Chapter PDF
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Michael E. Symonds Editor
Adipose
Tissue
Biology
Second Edition
Adipose Tissue Biology
Michael E. Symonds
Editor
v
vi Contents
Index.................................................................................................................. 457
Chapter 1
The Evolution of Mammalian Adipose Tissues
Caroline M. Pond
1.1 Introduction
For many centuries, comparative biology and medicine advanced in parallel, with
many practitioners making important and mutually beneficial contributions to both
fields. Increasing specialization in the twentieth century forced them apart until the
rise of molecular phylogeny, medical genomics and developmental biology in the
1990s reunited the estranged partners. Adipose tissues have been one of the most
spectacular beneficiaries of this rapprochement: comparative and medical biologists
now recognise that their findings are as mutually supportive to each others’ progress
as they have even been. This chapter is a three-way synthesis of comparative con-
cepts from wild animals in natural systems, experimental data from laboratory ani-
mals & ex vivo cultures and human studies to elucidate the normal functions and
pathologies of adipose tissues.
Although research involving adipose tissues has expanded enormously during
the past 50 years (Rosen and Spiegelman 2014), evolutionary and comparative stud-
ies lagged behind metabolism, endocrinology and human epidemiology. Both white
(WAT) and brown (BAT) adipose tissues have been largely omitted from genetic and
developmental investigations into the origins and evolution of tissues and cell types
that complement the long-established discipline of comparative anatomy, function-
ality and adaptation because they appear too variable, too closely linked to diet and
body condition to reveal any general principles determining their site-specific prop-
erties and anatomical distribution or phylogenetic relationships to ‘lean’ tissues.
Interest in its origins and evolution was stimulated by recognition of WAT’s
endocrine and paracrine relationships, its role in metabolic regulation and its value
as a source of stem cells and in reconstructive surgery as well as lipid storage and
recently accelerated by the study of the uniquely mammalian tissues BAT and beige
or brite adipocytes (Cohen and Spiegelman 2015). Understanding of adipose tissues
has progressed from its dismissal by comparative anatomists to its recognition as
central to the evolution of the skin, immune system, thermoregulation, mammalian
lactation and the metabolic control that underpins these systems. This chapter out-
lines the origins and evolution of the anatomy, physiology and many functions and
1 The Evolution of Mammalian Adipose Tissues 3
specializations of adipose tissues and their relevance to medical sciences; the evolu-
tion of the genes involved is left to experts (Caesar et al. 2010).
Comparative physiology and genomics during the past 20 years have demonstrated
remarkable similarities in the relationships between diet, metabolic control, energy
storage and key life history parameters including longevity and fecundity (Fontana
et al. 2010). Concepts developed from the study of insects (Sophophora, formerly
Drosophila), nematode worms (Caenorhabditis) and other ‘lower’ organisms have
entered medical thinking (Blüher 2008) and the search for new drugs (Hofbauer and
Huppertz 2002). Therefore, it is appropriate to begin with an evolutionary and com-
parative perspective on the structure and functions of adipose tissues.
Tissues and physiological control systems that enable animals to survive long peri-
ods of fasting, during which body fabric is depleted and metabolism adjusted, arose
early in evolution, so many similarities, but also some important contrasts, are found
among living phyla.
1.2.1 Invertebrates
(Larsson et al. 2008). Most of the signals and receptors shown to be regulators of
appetite and energy storage in mammals are known in the sea squirt Ciona (Ascidia,
Chordata), an invertebrate chordate (Kawada et al. 2010). The appetite-suppressing
hormone leptin seems to be specific to vertebrates, probably appearing early in the
evolution of fish (Gorissen et al. 2009), thus long preceding the evolution of adipo-
cytes that are its major producers in higher vertebrates. Insects have analogous pep-
tides that signal peripheral energy stores to the nervous system (Al-Anzi et al. 2009).
Most animal cells contain small quantities of triacylglycerols that serve as energy
reserves. Triacylglycerols spontaneously form homogeneous compartments in an
aqueous environment. In most tissues that store substantial quantities (brown adipo-
cytes, angiosperm seeds, etc.), the lipids form droplets a few microns in diameter, or
around 1–10 fL (10−14–10−15 L) in volume (Cinti 2007). Extending the interface
between triacylglycerols and lipolytic enzymes may facilitate rapid mobilisation of
the lipid stores that supports abrupt transitions between dormancy and vigorous
activity. The evolution from yeasts to mammals has been traced for intracellular
lipid droplets (Ottaviani et al. 2011) and wider aspects of the biochemistry of lipid
storage and its metabolic control (Birsoy et al. 2013).
Single large lipid droplets, usually 0.1–1 nL (10−8–10−9 L) in volume, are a spe-
cial feature of vertebrate white adipocytes. The unusual arrangement is mediated by
adipose-specific protein 27 (FSP27) (known in humans as cell death-inducing
DFF45-like effector C (CIDEC)) that promotes lipid uptake and coalescence of
droplets while reducing the maximum rate of lipolysis (Puri et al. 2007).
Experimental reduction of CIDEC in isolated adipocytes increases lipolysis (Ito
et al. 2010). The protein probably functions in conjunction with perilipin forming
the interface between lipids and proteins (Brasaemle et al. 2000; Shen et al. 2009).
FSP27/CIDEC is unique to vertebrates though structurally similar proteins are
found in several invertebrate groups (Wu et al. 2008).
From a comparative perspective, these findings suggest that white adipose tissue
evolved as a readily deposited, slowly mobilised lipid store suitable both for taking
up circulating fatty acids following large, rich meals and for supporting prolonged
fasts with low rates of energy expenditure. The evolution of jaws equipped early
gnathostome vertebrates as top predators that probably ate relatively large, nutrient-
dense prey irregularly and sometimes infrequently (Janvier 2009). The special fea-
tures of white adipose tissue compared to invertebrate storage tissues exemplify its
role as protection for other tissues against lipotoxicity due to excessive lipid accu-
mulation as well as long-term storage (Unger 2002; Unger and Scherer 2010).
White adipocytes may be among the novel cell types to appear during early
vertebrate evolution, alongside diversification of cell types in the immune system
such as mast cells (Crivellato and Ribatti 2010). Advances of vertebrate over inver-
tebrate storage tissues include protection for other tissues against lipotoxicity due to
6 C.M. Pond
excessive lipid accumulation as well as long-term storage (Unger 2002; Unger and
Scherer 2010) and its metabolic support of cellular immunity (van Niekerk and
Engelbrecht 2015).
Many extant fish, especially the primitive groups, store large quantities of triacylg-
lycerols in the liver and/or skeletal muscle as well as adipose tissue. Quite closely
related species show distinct patterns of deposition and mobilization of lipids from
the various depots (Weil et al. 2013) but the functions and mechanisms involved are
poorly understood.
Almost all adipokines known from mammals have been identified in bony fish
(Nishio et al. 2008; Murashita et al. 2009; Ronnestad et al. 2010). Rainbow trout
(Oncorhynchus mykiss) migrate long distances, fuelled almost entirely by fatty
acids that are stored in adipose tissue and transported to muscles by extremely effi-
cient lipoproteins (Weber 2009). Under the highly artificial conditions of fish farms,
salmon adipocytes display some of the pathological changes known in obese mam-
mals (Todorčević et al. 2010), but there are no reports of similar effects in wild fish.
Transgenic manipulation of the zebra fish (Danio rerio) has developed a teleost
model of obesity that is remarkably similar to the mouse (Song and Cone 2007;
Holtta-Vuori et al. 2010). Messenger molecules with some resemblance to mam-
malian leptin can be detected in this fish, of which one may have some involvement
in energy metabolism (Gorissen et al. 2009), but in a related teleost, its main source
is the liver, not adipocytes (Huising et al. 2006).
Most adult amphibians hibernate (or aestivate) for long periods supported by fat
accumulated during (often brief) periods of food abundance. Much of the triacylg-
lycerols are stored in paired fat-bodies that are loosely suspended in the abdomen,
much like those of insects, and in some species, in and under the thin, distensible
skin (Wygoda 1987). In these sites, expansion and shrinkage of the storage tissue
avoid distorting adjacent organs.
Blood pressure is higher in reptiles and their body shape is more constrained by
tougher, less distensible skin so adipose tissue is more compact and its anatomical
arrangement is more varied. Most snakes and lizards have a few large depots but in
Testudines (tortoises and turtles), adipose tissue is partitioned into numerous small
depots that superficially resemble those of mammals (Pond and Mattacks 1984), an
arrangement that may maximise storage capacity while minimising distortion of
contiguous tissues.
In the enormous leatherback turtle (Dermochelys coriacea), the anatomical dis-
tribution and chemical composition of adipose depots seem to be specialized to
thermal insulation (Davenport et al. 1990), perhaps extending the range of these
partially endothermic reptiles to cooler seas. As well as ‘blubber’ under the cara-
pace and around the viscera and muscles, the abundant adipose tissue in the turtle’s
head and neck suggest that it insulates key neural, glandular and vascular structures
1 The Evolution of Mammalian Adipose Tissues 7
from the surrounding water and from the oesophagus, cooled by ingestion of large
volumes of low-nutrient food (Davenport et al. 2009).
Very low rates of energy expenditure interspersed with brief periods of much
higher metabolic rate are fundamental strategies in nearly all extant reptiles (Secor
and Diamond 1997, 1999). They fatten readily and can withstand and recover com-
pletely from very prolonged fasts (McCue 2010). However, reptiles are nutritionally
fragile, with poor capacity to rebalance dietary minerals and other micronutrients
(Frye 1981; Allen and Ullrey 2004). Nutritionally imbalanced diets are a major
cause of morbidity in captive reptiles, including severe obesity (Frye 1981). Adipose
tissue triacylglycerols are particularly important for provisioning yolk-rich eggs
(Warner et al. 2008) so female reptiles are often fatter than conspecific males just
before the breeding season and more dependent upon accessing suitable diets.
body mass and basal metabolic rate (Kolokotrones et al. 2010). The topic has not
been thoroughly investigated in reptiles or any other lower vertebrates.
Comparative biology shows that some functions of the liver in lower vertebrates
take place in adipose tissue in mammals. Leptin was first described as a secretion
from mammalian adipose tissue, the archetypal adipokine (Caro et al. 1996).
Adipose tissue is its main source in all extant mammals including the most primitive
(Doyon et al. 2001). Very similar molecules that regulate appetite and energy
metabolism are known in all the major classes of vertebrates (Dridi et al. 2004).
Although adipose tissue is present, sometimes in substantial quantities, the liver is
the main source of leptin in teleost fish (Huising et al. 2006) and in birds (Taouis
et al. 2001). Comparative data are too sparse to establish how many other hepatic
functions have been ‘taken over’ by adipose tissue in mammals.
As well as its central role in lipid storage and metabolism, mammalian adipose
tissue also participates in amino acid metabolism, particularly that of the non-
protein, energy-supplying amino acid, glutamine (Curthoys and Watford 1995;
Kowalski et al. 1997). Site-specific differences in glutamine synthesis and turnover
suggest depot specialization comparable to that of fatty acid metabolism (Digby and
Pond 1995; Digby 1998). Many years after these studies, the role of glutamine as a
precursor to fatty acid synthesis (Crown et al. 2015) and in adipocyte differentiation
and maturation (Green et al. 2016) are now being investigated.
White adipose tissue of mammals (Pond and Mattacks 1985b), and to a lesser
extent that of birds (Pond and Mattacks 1985a), is partitioned into a few large and
numerous small depots that merge only when greatly expanded. White adipose tis-
sue metabolism and its neural and endocrinological controls are similar in both
groups (Price et al. 2008) as are its involvement in immune function (see Sect.
1.6.1). Avian adipocytes mature much earlier in embryonic development, where
they manage yolk lipids, directing appropriate fatty acids into structural lipids and
others to oxidation (Speake et al. 1998).
The largest depots in mammals are found inside the abdomen and between the
skin and superficial musculature. Intra-abdominal depots include the mesentery and
the omentum, a uniquely mammalian structure, and small quantities associated with
the gonads. The adipocytes in these depots plus those surrounding the heart share
common developmental origins distinct from that of the superficial sites (Chau et al.
2014). The epididymal depots are exceptionally large and easily dissected out in
murid rodents (rats, mice & hamsters) and for this reason alone have been inten-
sively studied. In other mammals, the depots on the inner walls of the abdomen
extending around the kidneys and into the pelvis are usually bigger. Detailed study
of adipose depots in domestic livestock reveals their cellular compositions and
metabolism to be complex and often variable (Dodson et al. 2014); the same may
also be true of humans.
The cellular composition of superficial adipose tissues is complex and diverse
with functions other than lipid storage (Alexander et al. 2015). Comparison of
mammals of body mass 0.1–500 kg and similar proportions of adipose tissue shows
that the superficial depots are both thicker and more extensive in larger specimens
than in smaller ones because the ratio of surface area to volume is lower (Pond and
Ramsay 1992). The resulting confluence of depots that appear discrete in smaller
species can impede identifying homologous depots with larger ones, including
humans. Abdominal volume and body surface area decrease relative to body mass
with increasing size, so superficial adipose tissue can be impressively thick in large
mammals, creating the impression they are ‘fatter’. Total dissection is essential to
establish body composition.
One of the largest such depots, the inguinal depot on the anterior thigh and
abdominal wall (often just called ‘subcutaneous’ in lab rodents and ‘femoral’ in
humans), is also the most consistently present in mammals (and birds) (Pond and
Mattacks 1986b; Pond 1998). Genetic, physiological and epidemiological studies in
humans (Karpe and Pinnick 2015) suggest an explanation: inguinal adipose tissue
can accommodate additional lipid stores without promoting inflammation and
increased risk of cardiovascular and metabolic disease. In other words, these spe-
cialized depots support rapid fattening without diminishing fitness in endothermic
animals of high metabolic rate, a fundamental capability for mammalian reproduc-
tion (see Sect. 1.7.3).
Many birds and mammals become transiently obese during migration, breeding,
moulting or before seasonal food shortages but most remain ambulatory and some
perform prolonged, strenuous exercise. Some species of knot (small seabirds,
Charadriiformes) carry relatively enormous fuel loads for long-distance migration by
selective atrophy of non-essential organs and appropriate redistribution of adipose
tissue (Piersma et al. 1999; Battley et al. 2000). In such ‘adaptively obese’ in ani-
mals, the additional body mass imposes surprisingly low, sometimes undetectable,
additional energetic costs in flight and, perhaps even more surprisingly, in walking.
For example, locomotion is unusually efficient in camels, partly through replacement
of some limb muscles by non-energy consuming tendons (Alexander et al. 1982).
Locomotory efficiency is unimpaired by adipose tissue that can reach 32% body
mass in Svalbard rock ptarmigans (Lagopus muta hyperborea) (Lees et al. 2010).
10 C.M. Pond
After decades of confusion, the tangled relationship between adipose tissues and
thermoregulation, both thermogenesis (Sect. 1.4.1) and thermal insulation, is
becoming clearer. Many large, naturally obese mammals occur in areas that are
seasonally cold, giving rise to the long-standing and widely disseminated belief that
adipose tissue accumulates between the skin and underlying body muscles an adap-
tation to thermal insulation. However, comparative data on the partitioning of white
adipose tissue between superficial and internal depots in the mammalian order
Carnivora of similar body conformation but widely different sizes do not support
this theory (Pond and Ramsay 1992). The superficial depots are simply the most
convenient repository for large quantities of lipid regardless of habits and habitats.
The contributions of fur and superficial adipose tissue to body insulation have
been studied in marine mammals (Cetacea, Pinnipedia, Sirenia). In those such as fur
seals that retain body hair, its main function is energy storage as in Carnivora, but in
whales and others with reduced hair, the outer layer is specialized to adjustable
thermal insulation mainly by efficient control of blood flow, and the inner layer to
storage (Liwanag et al. 2012). UCP1 has been detected in the inner layer of blubber
of porpoises and other small cetaceans, suggesting it may thermogenic as well as
insulatory (Hashimoto et al. 2015).
The recent identification in laboratory mice of dermal adipose tissue, a small
(only a few adipocytes thick) layer distinct from the often more massive subcutane-
ous layer (Alexander et al. 2015) is consistent with these findings in aquatic mam-
mals and with the site-specific differences identified in layers of subcutaneous
adipocytes in pigs (Hausman et al. 2007; Klein et al. 2007) and humans (Ardilouze
et al. 2004). Murine dermal adipocytes serve as an insulating sleeve that thickens up
to fourfold following prolonged exposure to cold. Those around hair follicles sup-
port hair growth, have antimicrobial roles and contribute to wound healing
(Alexander et al. 2015; Zhang et al. 2015). The possibility that they also detect cool-
ing (Ye et al. 2013) should be investigated. Thermal insulation in endothermic mam-
mals must be adjustable because the metabolic rate of small mammals is high and
during energetically demanding activities such as lactation, dissipation of heat gen-
erated as a by-product of digestion and metabolism, is limiting (Król et al. 2007). In
experimentally overfed mice, too much superficial adipose tissue decreases skin
thickness and elasticity (Ezure and Amano 2010). Additional superficial adipose
tissue would exacerbate these problems so in wild mammals, its abundance and
distribution must be well controlled.
The total number of white adipocytes scales to (Body Mass)0.75, and they range in
volume from 0.01 nL in bats and shrews, to up to 4 nL in well-fed baleen whales
(Pond and Mattacks 1985c). Carnivorous mammals and ruminants have about four
times more adipocytes than non-ruminant herbivores (whose energy metabolism is
based mainly on glucose) of the same body mass but are not on average fatter,
1 The Evolution of Mammalian Adipose Tissues 11
because the adipocytes are smaller. By coincidence, the adipocytes of rats and mice,
small non-ruminant herbivores, are about the same size (0.1–1 nL) as those of
humans, large omnivores who these days eat a high-fat diet.
Wild mammals that naturally become obese have up to 5 times, usually only 2–3
times, more adipocytes than would be expected in comparable non-obese species.
Western adults have at least ten times more adipocytes in proportion to their body
mass than would be expected from the comparison with wild mammals (Pond
1998). The limited information on other primates suggests that their adipocyte com-
plements can also become disproportionately large (Pond and Mattacks 1987;
Pereira and Pond 1995). Thorough studies of wild mammals always reveal much
inter-individual variation in the total number of adipocytes that cannot be attributed
to age, sex or any obvious feature of dietary history, particularly in carnivores (Pond
et al. 1995). The number of adipocytes does not seem to be a major determinant of
the capacity for fattening even in naturally obese species. In these respects, humans
(van Harmelen et al. 2003; Spalding et al. 2008) are similar to other mammals.
Brown adipose tissue (though not non-shivering thermogenesis) are unique to mam-
mals (Cannon and Nedergaard 2004). The comparative anatomy and histology of
white adipose tissue were studied in detail (Hoggan and Hoggan 1879) 40 years
before similar investigation in brown ‘adipose tissue’ began (Rasmussen 1922,
1923). The similarities between the names of these tissues and their contrasting but
apparently complementary contributions to obesity prompted biologists to empha-
sise their resemblances, an attitude that recent molecular and developmental find-
ings reveal to be misleading.
The pattern of gene transcription in stem cells differentiating into brown adipo-
cytes resembles that of muscle more closely than that of white adipocytes (Timmons
et al. 2007). Brown adipocyte precursors can be detected in skeletal muscle (Crisan
et al. 2008) and muscle-specific microRNAs can be found in such cells in tissue
culture (Walden et al. 2009). Both muscle and brown adipose tissue have numerous
mitochondria, rich blood perfusion and high capacity for uptake and oxidation of
fatty acids, some of which may be stored as triacylglycerols in small droplets. In a
further similarity to adipose tissue, skeletal muscle is now believed to secrete ‘myo-
kines’ especially when strenuously active (Pedersen 2011). The resemblances
between brown and white adipose tissue arose convergently and long-established
histological methods emphasise their similarities more than their contrasts.
The situation is further complicated by the identification of beige or brite adipo-
cytes, that arise from, and in intimate association with, white adipocytes (Wu et al.
2012) and occur in traditional ‘brown’ adipose depots (Lidell et al. 2013). Under
beta-adrenergic stimulation, beige adipocytes may acquire thermogenic, energy dis-
sipating properties similar to those of brown adipose tissue (Wu et al. 2013;
McMillan and White 2015), though at rates well below those of brown adipose
1 The Evolution of Mammalian Adipose Tissues 13
tissue (Shabalina et al. 2015). Their presence in many intra-abdominal and superfi-
cial depots may contribute to the relationship between body fat patterning and
metabolism (Sanchez-Gurmaches and Guertin 2014). Beige adipocytes may be the
basis for tissues in laboratory rodents that appear to be mixtures of interconvertible
brown and white adipocytes (Giordano et al. 2014). The presence of beige adipo-
cytes may also explain the observations that ‘white’ adipose tissue of free-living
wild mammals, particularly arctic species, contains a greater proportion of protein,
even in obese specimens, than the corresponding depots of laboratory rodents or
humans (Pond and Mattacks 1989).
The anatomical distribution of beige adipocytes is yet to be studied as thoroughly
as that of white or brown and preliminary reports suggest that their physiological
roles may extend beyond thermogenesis. Gene activation in beige adipocytes that
accumulate around chronic rotator cuff tears indicate that they also promote muscle
repair (Meyer et al. 2015).
and other periods of inactivity. Many nestling birds, and adults of a few species,
become torpid at night or during periods of fasting and re-warm themselves with a
mixture of shivering and non-shivering thermogenesis (Schleucher 2004; Geiser
2008). In spite of much wishful thinking and fruitless searching (Oliphant 1983;
Saarela et al. 1989), brown adipose tissue cannot be demonstrated in birds
(Mezentseva et al. 2008). Nonetheless, birds do have an uncoupling protein (UCP)
that is structurally similar to UCP1, the key component of thermogenesis in mam-
malian brown adipose tissue (Raimbault et al. 2001; Emre et al. 2007).
Birds’ relatively massive muscles are the principal source of thermogenesis, not
adipose tissue. As well as shivering muscle mitochondria are uncoupled by mem-
brane protein, adenine nucleotide translocase (ANT) not UCP, increased Na+/K+-
ATPase activity on the plasma membrane (Walter and Seebacher 2009). Thermogenic
substrate cycle involving the Ca2+-ATPase pump on internal membranes regulated
by sarcolipin also occur in mammalian skeletal muscle (Bal et al. 2012). The decline
in activity from the maxima in neonates can be delayed by cold exposure (Pant et al.
2015). Such cycles of calcium ion transport across the sarcoplasmic reticulum are
also found in their poikilothermic ancestors (Rowland et al. 2015).
Substrate cycles (‘futile’ cycles) in liver, muscle and white adipose tissue were
described more than 30 years ago as mechanisms of metabolic regulation and ther-
mogenesis (Newsholme et al. 1984). In small hamsters, rates of adipose tissue
cycles of triacylglycerol lipolysis and fatty acid re-esterification differ between adi-
pose depots, highest in small intermuscular sites, and respond to exercise (Mattacks
and Pond 1988). Such cycles continue using significant amounts of energy even
during starvation in rabbits suggesting that they are fundamentally important (Weber
and Reidy 2012). With new findings in brown adipose tissue, interest in non-UCP
dependent thermogenesis in mammalian adipose tissues waned, until recently
revived (Flachs et al. 2013).
UCP1-based thermogenesis in adipose tissues evolved first in eutherian (placen-
tal) mammals probably closely linked to reproduction (Oelkrug et al. 2015). Thus
the current hypothesis is that UCP is an ancient protein that in mammals evolved to
the new role of thermogenesis by uncoupling the mitochondrial respiratory chain
(Hughes and Criscuolo 2008). Facultative thermogenesis in skeletal muscle became
so important that the contractile components disappeared, though the very small,
rapidly mobilisable lipid droplets remained, ATP synthesis was much reduced
though mitochondria became numerous, thus diverting myogenic pathways to form
brown adipose tissue (Timmons et al. 2007; Mezentseva et al. 2008). Gene tran-
scription studies reveal similarities between beige adipocytes and smooth muscle
(Long et al. 2014) suggesting parallel evolution from contractility to thermogenesis
(Rowland et al. 2015). Muscle-derived tissue is the primary source of non-shivering
thermogenesis as well as shivering in mammals, as it is in birds. Both inherited this
fundamental role for muscle from their reptilian ancestors. The mammalian tissue’s
confusing resemblances to white adipose tissue arise from its specialisation to ther-
mogenesis fuelled by locally stored lipids at the expense of contractility.
This evolutionary perspective on recent molecular and developmental findings
reveals the name ‘brown adipose tissue’, chosen after careful consideration of a
1 The Evolution of Mammalian Adipose Tissues 15
wide range of evidence from wild animals as well as humans (Rasmussen 1923), to
be inappropriate leading to decades of the mistaken belief in its close resemblance
to white adipose tissue, and later confusion with beige adipose tissue. A new name,
perhaps ‘thermogenic tissue’, reflecting function regardless of developmental ori-
gin, would clarify the situation.
Since leptin was discovered in the early 1990s, the secretion and reception of adipo-
kines has been centre stage in adipose tissue research, emphasising its similarities
to other tissues of the immune and endocrine systems (Fantuzzi and Mazzone 2007;
Galic et al. 2010). Nonetheless, improvements in equipment and techniques for
separating, characterizing and quantifying lipids have greatly advanced understand-
ing of adipose tissue’s specialised roles in the sequestration, sorting and selective
management of fatty acids and triacylglycerols.
All living cells are bounded by fatty membranes and most can oxidise fatty acids or
their derivatives. After many years focussed on heritable information and protein
synthesis, lipid membranes as barriers and in cell proliferation are now well recog-
nized as central to the evolution of cellular life (Szostak et al. 2001; Stano and Luisi
2010).
Plants and algae synthesise fatty acids from primary photosynthetic products as
and when they need them but animals obtain most of theirs from food. In verte-
brates, most fatty acids are derived from the diet, with only minor metabolic modi-
fications. For most animals most of the time, de novo synthesis contributes only a
little, the main exceptions being those that fatten rapidly on a low-fat diet, often
prior to reproduction, migration, diapause, hibernation or other prolonged fast.
Membrane fluidity is closely linked to the cells’ capacity to support channels and
receptors and to deform during movement. Failures in these processes are the prin-
cipal mechanism of death during hypothermia in mammals such as humans that
cannot hibernate (Boutilier 2001). Temperature modulation of membrane fluidity is
determined mainly by fatty acid composition of the phospholipids, though the exact
relationships are complex (Hayward et al. 2007). Several essentially similar mecha-
nisms that adjust the fatty acid composition of membrane lipids to temperature are
found in microbes, plants and animals (Guschina and Harwood 2006). Heterothermic
animals most clearly demonstrate the relationships of dietary lipids and their meta-
bolic modifications and anatomical organisation to physiological capacities. For
example, the diurnal desert iguana, Dipsosaurus dorsalis, can tolerate a wide range
of body temperatures (<5 to >40 °C); feeding experiments demonstrate that the fatty
16 C.M. Pond
acid composition of dietary lipids determines the temperature at which the lizards
choose to rest (Simandle et al. 2001). The effects develop over several weeks and
presumably involve alterations in the fatty acid composition of lipid membranes,
though the neural links between diet, membrane composition and behaviour are
unknown.
Structural lipids are also becoming more important in biomedical sciences. The
fatty acid composition of membrane lipids has been implicated as a determinant of
natural longevity in several lineages (Hulbert et al. 2014; Galván et al. 2015) and
dietary fats correlate with certain psychiatric conditions including long-term cogni-
tive impairment among elderly humans (Solfrizzi et al. 2010).
Although it is generally assumed that some, perhaps many, of the fatty acids in
an animal’s structural lipids have been components of its own or its mother’s storage
lipids, trafficking between neutral lipids and phospholipids has been little studied.
An exception is the demonstration of the resemblance between the compositions of
fatty acids in newly formed lymphoid cells and the triacylglycerols in contiguous
adipocytes, suggesting that specialised adipocytes supply fatty acids to adjacent
immune cells (Pond and Mattacks 2003; Mattacks et al. 2004a; Pond 2009).
This capacity for fatty acid sorting is one of the major advances of avian embryos
over their reptilian ancestors and is essential to the growth and maturation of the
large complex brain and eyes (Speake and Thompson 1999). For example, only
0.24% of the key neural polyunsaturate, docosahexaenoic acid (22:6n-3), in the egg
yolk of water pythons ends up in the structural lipids of the hatchlings’ brains com-
pared to nearly 20% in bird embryos (Speake et al. 2003).
By adjusting the relationship between diet and egg composition, fatty acid sort-
ing facilitates utilization of new foods and extension of range, including breeding in
captivity. The avian capacity for fatty acid sorting may be retained into adult life,
contributing to selective incorporation of certain polyunsaturated fatty acids into
adipocyte triacylglycerols and muscle membranes during the fattening period that
precedes long-distance migration, thereby improving the efficiency of prolonged,
strenuous exercise (Maillet and Weber 2006; Weber 2009). The fact that fatty acid
sorting by adipose tissue has been investigated thoroughly only recently, more than
100 years after its role as a lipid repository was recognised, reflects the progress of
scientific concepts and instrumentation.
These days, the paracrine relationships involving white adipose tissue are main-
stream (Rosen and Spiegelman 2014) and are investigated as routes for drug deliv-
ery (Trevaskis et al. 2015).
The best understood are with muscle, lymphatics and blood vessels, but in mam-
mals, ‘yellow’ bone marrow adipocytes secrete several adipokines and may interact
locally with osteocytes (Hardouin et al. 2014; Devlin and Rosen 2015). The adipose
tissue surrounding the prostate may also modulate its properties (Sacca et al. 2012).
Even the epididymal depot of murid rodents, so widely studied as ‘archetypal’
white adipose tissue that it seemed to have evolved for scientists’ convenience, has
been recognised as essential to spermatogenesis in the contiguous testes (Chu et al.
2010). Recently, beige adipocytes have been implicated in paracrine mechanisms of
tissue repair (Meyer et al. 2015).
The involvement of adipose tissue in immune function was inferred 70 years ago from
developmental and anatomical observations (Gyllensten 1950) but became widely
recognised in the 1990s, with reports of localized interactions around lymph nodes
(Pond and Mattacks 1995) and systemic effects (Grünfeld et al. 1996). Other chapters
address the exchange of signal molecules and the role of macrophages in inflamma-
tion of adipose tissue in obesity. This section concerns the evolution of functional,
non-pathological relationships between adipose tissue and immune structures.
According to a recent theory (van Niekerk and Engelbrecht 2015), the capacity
of white adipose tissue to support the metabolic costs of the cellular responses to
pathogens was more important for the evolution of adaptive immunity in early ver-
tebrates (i.e. jawless and jawed fish) than gene evolution or selective pressures.
Many invertebrate lineages have the necessary genes and are similarly exposed to
pathogens (Downs et al. 2014), but inadequate metabolic scope prevented the evolu-
tion of adaptive immunity as efficient as that of vertebrates.
The evolution of relationships between adipose and immune tissues can be traced
through fish and poikilothermic tetrapods, but has been most thoroughly studied in
mammals. At all levels from gross anatomy to molecular complexity, both the
immune system and adipose tissues are more elaborate and diverse in mammals
than in reptiles. Mammalian lymphoid organs are more numerous and elaborate,
and involve more genes, proteins and cell types than those of other vertebrates, and
many components are efficiently deployed only in association with membranes of
appropriate composition (Zapata and Amemiya 2000). Although anatomically com-
plex lymph nodes widely distributed throughout the body were described long ago
as a characteristic feature of eutherian (placental) mammals, immunologist and
lymphologists took longer to recognise their functional relationships to adipose tis-
sue (Harvey et al. 2005; Harvey 2008).
Comparative studies show that associations between the immune system and
adipose tissue evolved early in mammalian evolution (Pond 2003b). In the echidna
20 C.M. Pond
(Tachyglossus), a primitive prototherian mammal that lays large eggs (but feeds its
nestlings on secreted milk), tiny lymph nodules embedded in fatty tissue are present
throughout the chest, neck and pelvic regions (Diener and Ealey 1965). The larger,
more complex lymph nodes of Metatheria (marsupials) are surrounded by adipose
tissue in adult kangaroos (Old and Deane 2001). Although the authors do not men-
tion adipose tissue, their images of developing lymph nodes in another small
metatherian, the quokka (Setonix brachyurus), reveal adipocytes surrounding lym-
phoid tissue by the age of 2 weeks (Ashman and Papadimitriou 1975).
Parallel advances in the anatomical, and probably physiological, relations
between adipose and immune tissues also evolved in birds, endothermic descen-
dents of a different group of reptiles. Lymph nodes in birds are smaller, simpler and
less abundant than those of mammals, but are nonetheless associated with adipose
tissue: ‘The simplest [lymph nodes in birds] represent non-encapsulated lymphoid
infiltrates embedded in the fat tissue’ (Zapata and Amemiya 2000). In the more
complex lymph nodes of domestic chickens, lymphoid cells are intimately associ-
ated with adipocytes in various ways (Oláh and Glick 1983). Thus close association
between lymphoid and adipose tissues seems to be a fundamental feature of endo-
thermic vertebrates.
Investigations into the adipose tissue surrounding lymph nodes were prompted by
the observation that these small clumps of adipocytes retained their lipid content in
very lean but otherwise healthy wild mammals in which most other adipose tissue—
cardiac depots being another important exception—had been depleted to
invisibility.
Apart from slightly smaller volume and more extracellular and vascular material,
perinodal adipocytes are anatomically indistinguishable from those elsewhere in the
same individual and are identified only by biochemical properties (Pond and Mattacks
1995; Pond 2005). All such properties are most pronounced in the adipose tissue
nearest to nodes and diminish with distance from them. Perinodal adipose tissue is
arbitrarily defined as within a radius of 10 mm around a lymph node. Many, possibly
most, of the fatty acids incorporated into lipids in lymph node lymphoid cells that are
newly formed in response to immune stimulation are derived from triacylglycerols in
perinodal adipocytes (Pond and Mattacks 2003). In vitro studies demonstrate that
adipose stromal cells migrate from perinodal adipose tissue into adjoining lymph
nodes where they interact with indigenous cells (Gil-Ortega et al. 2013).
The adipocytes in depots containing lymph nodes, especially perinodal adipo-
cytes, seem to be partially emancipated from supplying lipolytic products to more
remote tissue. Although such adipocytes respond in vitro more strongly to maximal
noradrenalin, in vivo, they contribute less lipolytic products to the circulation during
fasting than those in depots containing few or no lymphoid structures (Mattacks and
Pond 1999). The basal rate of lipolysis in perinodal adipocytes is slightly lower than
1 The Evolution of Mammalian Adipose Tissues 21
that of other adipocytes but significant increases can be detected within an hour of
an experimentally elicited immune response (Pond and Mattacks 1998). Increased
release of fatty acids from perinodal adipocytes around the lymph node(s) draining
the site of the immune stimulus reaches a maximum after about 6 h and then wanes,
disappearing totally after about 24 h, unless prolonged by further stimulation. With
repeated immune stimulation, increased lipolysis and responses to interleukin-4 and
tumour necrosis factor-α spread to adipocytes situated further from the simulated
lymph node within 12 h and to perinodal adipocytes around other, remote, lymph
nodes within 24 h (Pond and Mattacks 2002).
The appearance of more receptors for tumour necrosis factor-α on perinodal adi-
pocytes follows a similar time course in response to mild immune stimulation
(MacQueen and Pond 1998). Perinodal adipocytes respond much more strongly
than those not anatomically contiguous to lymphoid structures to tumour necrosis
factor-α, interleukin-4 and interleukin-6 and probably other cytokines (Mattacks
and Pond 1999). These signal molecules may mediate the paracrine interactions
between adipocytes and the lymphoid cells that they supply.
The popliteal perinodal adipose tissue is most frequently studied only because
these depots are easily accessible and being paired facilitates experimental design.
The responses of perinodal adipocytes around other lymph nodes are qualitatively
similar but differ quantitatively. The largest and most sustained responses are con-
sistently found in the mesentery and omentum of rodents (Pond and Mattacks
2002; Mattacks et al. 2004a; Sadler et al. 2005), and probably also in humans, in
which the patterns of site-specific differences in adipocyte triacylglycerol compo-
sition (the property most easily measured in preserved samples) are similar
(Westcott et al. 2005).
Many of the site-specific differences in gene expression in murine mesenteric
adipose tissue compared to epididymal or inguinal (Caesar et al. 2010) can be
explained as adaptations to interactions with lymphoid cells within or emanating
from lymph nodes. Human visceral depots include more blood vessels, especially in
obesity, and are more susceptible to inflammation than superficial adipose tissue
(Villaret et al. 2010). The gene products mediating the relationship between lymph
vessels and adjacent adipocytes have been identified (Harvey et al. 2005). Chronic
inflammation and induced genetic defects in lymph vessel growth can stimulate
adipose tissue formation in quantities amounting to obesity (Harvey 2008).
Perilymphatic adipose tissue (PLAT) exchanges signal molecules with cells in the
lymph vessels it surrounds (Souza-Smith et al. 2015).
Dendritic cells interact with adjacent adipocytes. Those extracted from the adipose
tissue stimulate lipolysis, while those from adjacent lymph nodes inhibit the pro-
cess, though the effects are strong only in perinodal and milky spot-rich samples
and minimal in the adipocytes extracted from adipose sites more than 10 mm from
22 C.M. Pond
Immune cells of the innate and adaptive systems, including macrophages, neutro-
phils, B cells and T cells permeate adipose tissue at normal body composition and,
in greater numbers, in obesity (Grant and Dixit 2015; Travers et al. 2015). But
‘ordinary’ subcutaneous white adipocytes respond to infections in adjoining skin by
secreting antimicrobial peptides, supplemented by local proliferation and matura-
tion of preadipocytes (Zhang et al. 2015). Inflammatory processes in metabolically
active adipocytes are an integral component of adipose tissue’s response to demand
for increased fat storage (Asterholm et al. 2014). Although impaired interactions
between the tissues are fundamental to obesity (Grant and Dixit 2015), the attitude
that adipose tissue is controlled by the immune system (Brestoff and Artis 2015) is
questionable.
Perinodal adipose tissue is specialized for more precise, localized paracrine
interactions with the immune system, as summarized in Fig. 1.1. Many immuno-
logically important fatty acids are dietary essentials, and hence can be limiting,
especially during anorexia associated with major inflammatory diseases (Johnson
2002). By ensuring that the immune system has priority access to essential lipids,
this mechanism complements sickness-induced anorexia, an ancient mechanism
that has been demonstrated in arthropods (Adamo et al. 2010) and lower vertebrates
as well as in mammals (Johnson 2002; Straub et al. 2010).
Without effective lipid management, key precursors may not be available when
and where they are needed and could be squandered by increased oxidation of lipids
during anorexia. By releasing appropriate fatty acids to lymphoid cells when and
where they are required, the perinodal adipose tissue promotes efficient utilization
of essential fatty acids and partially emancipates immune function from fluctuations
Another random document with
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applied also to the parchment-trade carried on at the Fair of St.
Germain.
It is evident from the many renewed edicts and ordinances
referring to this trade that it was not easy to carry out such
regulations effectively, and that much friction and dissatisfaction was
produced by them. It seems probable also that, with the trade in
parchment as in other trades, the attempt to secure uniformity of
price, irrespective of the conditions of manufacture or of the market,
had the effect not infrequently of lessening the supply and of causing
sales to be made surreptitiously at increased prices.
After the use of parchment had in large part been replaced by
paper made of linen, the supplies of Paris came principally from
Lombardy. Later, however, paper-mills were erected in France, the
first being at Troyes and Esson. These earlier paper manufacturers
were, like the book-dealers in Paris, made free from tax. This
exemption was contested from time to time by the farmers of the
taxes and had to be renewed by successive ordinances. Later, the
university associated with its body, in the same manner as had been
done with the parchment-dealers, the manufacturers and dealers in
paper, and confirmed them in the possession of the privileges
previously enjoyed by the librarii and stationarii. The privileges of the
paper manufacturers extended, however, outside of Paris, which
was, of course, not the case with the librarii.
While, in connection with the requirements of the university and
the special privileges secured through university membership, the
book-trade of Paris and the trades associated with it secured a larger
measure of importance as compared with the trade of the provinces
than was the case in either Italy or Germany, there came into
existence as early as the middle of the fourteenth century a
considerable trade in manuscripts in various provincial centres.
In Montpellier, the university was, as in Paris, a centre for
publishing undertakings, but in Angers, Rouen, Orleans, and
Toulouse, in which there are various references to book-dealers as
early as the beginning of the fourteenth century, the trade must have
been supported by a public largely outside of the university
organisation. The statutes of Orleans and of Toulouse, dating from
1341, regulate the supervision of the trade in manuscripts.
In Montpellier, there appears to have been, during the beginning of
the fourteenth century, a business in the loaning of the manuscripts
and of manuscript hefts—pecias, similar to that already described in
Bologna. The university authorities, usually the bedels, supervised
the correctness of the pecias and prescribed the prices at which they
should be rented. The stationarii who carried on this business and
also the venditores librorum were members of the university body.
The sale of books on commission was also supervised under
regulations similar to those obtaining in Bologna.
No stationarius was at liberty to dispose of a work placed in his
hands for sale (unless it belonged to a foreigner) until it had been
exposed in his shop for at least six days, and had at least been three
times offered for sale publicly in the auditorium. This offering for sale
was cared for by the banquerii, who were the assistants or tenants of
the rectors. These banquerii were also authorised to carry on the
business of the loaning of pecias under the same conditions as
those that controlled the stationarii. They were also at liberty, after
the close of the term lectures, to sell their own supplies of
manuscripts (usually of course the copies of the official texts) at
public auction in the auditorium.
It is difficult to understand how, with a trade, of necessity, limited in
extent, and the possible profits of which were so closely restricted by
regulations, there could have been a living profit sufficient to tempt
educated dealers to take up the work of the stationarii or librarii.
It is probably the case, as Kirchhoff, Savigny, and others point out,
that the actual results of the trade cannot be ascertained with
certainty from the texts of the regulations, and that there were
various ways in which, in spite of these regulations, larger returns
could be secured for the work of the scholarly and enterprising
librarii.
An ordinance issued in 1411 makes reference to booksellers
buying and selling books both in French or in Latin and gives
privilege to licensed booksellers to do such buying and selling at
their pleasure. This seems to have been an attempt to widen the
range of the book-trade, while reference to books in the vernacular
indicates an increasing demand for literature outside of the circles of
instructors and students.
In the beginning of the fifteenth century, there was, among a
number of the nobles of families in France, a certain increase in the
interest of literature and in the taste for collecting elaborate,
ornamented, and costly manuscripts.
The princely Houses of Burgundy and of Orleans are to be noted
in this connection, and particularly in Burgundy, the influence of the
ducal family was of wide importance in furthering the development of
the trade in manuscripts and the production of literature.
A large number of the manuscripts placed in these ducal family
libraries were evidently originally prepared by scribes having
knowledge only of plain script, and the addition of the initial letters
and of the illuminated head and tail pieces was made later by
illuminators and designers attached to the ducal families. It was to
these latter that fell the responsibility of placing upon the
manuscripts the arms of the owners of the libraries. In case
manuscripts which had been inscribed with family arms came to
change hands, it became necessary to replace these arms with
those of the later purchaser, and many of the illuminated
manuscripts of the period give evidence of such changing of the
decorations, decorations which took the place of the book-plate of to-
day.
The taste for these elaborate illuminated manuscripts, each one of
which, through the insertion of individual designs and of the family
arms, became identified with the personality and taste of its owner,
could not easily be set aside, after the middle of the fifteenth century,
by the new art of printing. As a matter of fact, therefore, it not
infrequently happened, towards the latter part of the fifteenth century,
that these noble collectors caused elaborate transcripts to be made,
by hand, of works which were already in print, rather than to place in
their own collection books in the form in which ordinary buyers could
secure them.
By the year 1448, the number of certified librarii in Paris had
increased to twenty-four.[366] Kirchhoff is of opinion that a certain
portion at least of these librarii carried on also other trades, but it is
evident that there had come to be in these years, immediately
preceding the introduction of the printing-press, a very considerable
development in the demand for literature and in the book-trade of the
capital.
In 1489, the list of book-dealers and of those connected with the
manufacture of books who were exempt from taxation included
twenty-four librarii, four dealers in parchment, four dealers in paper,
seven paper manufacturers (having mills outside of Paris), two
illuminators, two binders, and two licensed scribes.
In the following year, the list of librarii free from taxation was
reduced to seventeen. It is probable that those librarii whose names
had been taken off the exemption list undertook a general book
business carried on outside of the university regulations, and were
probably able to secure returns more than sufficient to offset the loss
caused by the curtailing of their freedom from taxation and of their
university privileges.
This reduction in the number of manuscript-dealers who remained
members of the corporation was, however, very promptly made up
by including in the corporation the newly introduced printers. As early
as 1476, one of the four officials of the guild was the printer Pasquier
Bonhomme.
The cessation of the work of the scribes and the transfer of the
book-trade from their hands to those of the printers took place
gradually after the year 1470, the printers being, as said, promptly
included in the organisation of the guild. There must, however, have
been, during the earlier years at least, not a little rivalry and
bitterness between the two groups of dealers.
An instance of this rivalry is given in 1474, in which year a librarius
juratus, named Herman von Stathoen (by birth a German), died.
According to the university regulation, his estate, valued at 800
crowns of gold, (there being no heirs in the country) should have
fallen to the university treasury. In addition to this property in Paris,
Stathoen was part owner of a book establishment in Mayence,
carried on by Schöffer & Henckis, and was unpopular with the Paris
dealers generally on the ground of his foreign trade connections.
Contention was made on behalf of the Crown that the property in
Paris should be confiscated to the royal treasury, and as Schöffer &
Henckis were subjects of the Duke of Burgundy, whose relations with
Louis XI. might be called strained, the influence of the Court was
decidedly in favour of the appropriation of any business interest that
they might have in their partner’s property in Paris. In the contention
between the university and the Crown, the latter proved the stronger,
and the bookseller’s 800 crowns were confiscated for the royal
treasury, and at least got so far towards the treasury as the hands of
the chancellor.
As a further result of the issue which had been raised, it was
ordered on the part of the Crown that thereafter no foreigner should
have a post as an official of the university or should be in a position
to lay claim to the exemption and the privileges attaching to such
post.
While in Paris the manuscript-dealers had been promptly driven
from the field through the competition of the printers, in Rouen they
held their own for a considerable term of years. The space which
had been assigned to the librarii for their shops at the chief doorway
of the cathedral, continued to be reserved for them as late as 1483,
and the booksellers keeping on sale the printed books, were
forbidden to have any shops at this end of the cathedral, but were
permitted to put up, at their own cost, stalls at the north doorway.
The oldest Paris bookseller whose name has been placed on
record is described as Herneis le Romanceur. He had his shop at the
entrance to Notre Dame. His inscription appeared in a beautiful
manuscript presenting a French translation of the Code of Justinian,
a manuscript dating from the early part of the thirteenth century. It is
possible that Guillaume Herneis, whose name appeared in the tax
list of 1292 with a rate of ten livres, was the scribe and the publisher
of the above manuscript, but if this were the case he must have been
at the time of this tax rating well advanced in years.[367] In 1274, the
name of Hugichio le Lombard appears recorded on several
manuscripts which have been preserved in existing collections. In
the taxes of 1292, appears the name of Agnien, Libraire, in the Rue
de la Boucherie, assessed for thirty-six sous. The tax is too large to
make it probable that Agnien was a mere pedlar or did business from
an open stall, and it is Géraud’s opinion that he was charged
probably as a university bookseller to whom the tax collector had
refused the exemption belonging to university members.[368]
In the year 1303, the stock of books of a certain Antoine Zeno,
libraire juré, was scheduled for taxation. Among the titles included in
this schedule are the commentaries or lectures of Bruno on S.
Matthew (57 pages, price one sol), the same on Mark, Luke, and
John, the commentaries of Alexander on Matthew, the Opera Fratris
Richardi, the Legenda Sanctorum, various texts of the Decretals,
commentaries of S. Bernard on the Decretals, a treatise of a certain
Thomas on metaphysics, on physics, on the heavens and the earth,
and on the soul, and a series of lectures on ethics, and on politics.
The scheduled price ranged from one sol to eight sols, the latter
being the price of a manuscript of 136 pages. The books were
probably confined exclusively to texts used in the university
work.[369]
In 1313, appears in the tax list, assessed for twelve sous, the
name of Nicholas L’Anglois, bookseller and tavern-keeper in Rue St.
Jacques.
It is to be noted that the booksellers, and for that matter the
traders generally of the time, are frequently distinguished by the
names of their native countries. It is probable that Nicholas failed to
escape taxation as a bookseller because he was also carrying on
business (and doubtless a more profitable business) in his tavern.
The list of 1313 includes in fact but three booksellers, and each of
these is described as having an additional trade.[370]
A document of the year 1332 describes a sale made by a certain
Geoffroy de Saint Léger, a clerc libraire, to Gérard de Montagu,
avocat du roy au parlement. Geoffroy acknowledges to have sold,
ceded, assigned, and delivered to the said Gérard a book entitled
Speculum Historiale in Consuetudines Parisienses, comprised in
four volumes, and bound in red leather. He guarantees the validity of
this sale with his own body, de son corps mesme. Gérard pays for
the book the sum of forty Parisian livres, with which sum Geoffroy
declares himself to be content, and paid in full.[371] It appears that
the sale of a book in the fourteenth century was a solemn
transaction, calling for documentary evidence as specific as in the
case of the transfer of real estate.
In the year 1376, Jean de Beauvais, a librarius juratus, is recorded
as having sold various works, including the Decretals of Gregory IX.,
illustrated with miniatures, a copy of Summa Hostiensis, 423
parchment leaves, illustrated with miniatures, and a codex of
Magister Thomas de Maalaa.[372]
In the year 1337, Guidomarus de Senis, master of arts and
librarius juratus, renews his oath as a taxator. He seems to have put
into his business as bookseller a certain amount of literary gaiety, if
one may judge from the lines added at the end of a parchment codex
sold by him, which codex contains the poems of Guillaume de
Marchaut.
The lines are as follows:
Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, was one of the more important
book collectors of his time. In 1386, the Duke paid to Martin
L’Huillier, dealer in manuscripts and bookbinder, sixteen francs for
binding eight books, six of which were bound in grain leather.[374]
The Duke of Orleans also appears as a buyer of books, and in 1394,
he paid to Jehan de Marsan, master of arts and dealer in
manuscripts, twenty francs in gold for the Letters of S. Pol, bound in
figured silk, and illuminated with the arms of the Duke.
Four years later, the Duke makes another purchase, paying to
Jehan one hundred livres tournois for a Concordance to the Bible in
Latin, an illuminated manuscript bound in red leather, stamped.
The same Duke, in 1394, paid forty gold crowns to Olivier, one of
the four principal librarii, for a Latin text of the Bible, bound in red
leather, and in 1396, this persistent ducal collector pays sixty livres
to a certain Jacques Jehan, who is recorded as a grocer, but who
apparently included books in his stock, for the Book of the Treasury,
a book of Julius Cæsar, a book of the King, The Secret of Secrets,
and a book of Estrille Fauveau, bound in one volume, illuminated,
and bearing the arms of the Duke of Lancaster. Another volume
included in this purchase was the Romance of the Rose, and the
Livres des Eschez, “moralised,” and bound together in one volume,
illuminated in gold and azure.[375]
In 1399, appears on the records the name of Dyne, or Digne
Rapond, a Lombard. Kirchhoff speaks of Rapond’s book business as
being with him a side issue. Like Atticus, the publisher of Cicero,
Rapond’s principal business interest was that of banking, in which
the Lombards were at that time pre-eminent throughout Europe. In
connection with his banking, however, he accepted orders from
noble clients and particularly from the Duke of Burgundy, for all
classes of articles of luxury, among which were included books.
In 1399, Rapond delivered to Philip of Burgundy, for the price of
five hundred livres, a Livy illuminated with letters of gold and with
images, and for six thousand francs a work entitled La Propriété de
Choses. A document, bearing date 1397, states that Charles, King of
France, is bound to Dyne Rapond, merchant of Paris, for the sum of
190 francs of gold, for certain pieces of tapestry, for certain shirts,
and for four great volumes containing the chronicles of France. He is
further bound in the sum of ninety-two francs for some more shirts,
for a manuscript of Seneca, for the Chronicles of Charlemagne, for
the Chronicles of Pepin, for the Chronicles of Godefroy de Bouillon,
the latter for his dear elder son Charles, Dauphin. The King further
purchases certain hats, handkerchiefs, and some more books, for
which he instructs his treasurer in Paris to pay over to said Rapond
the sum of ninety francs in full settlement of his account; the
document is signed on behalf of the King by his secretary at his
château of Vincennes.[376]
Jacques Rapond, merchant and citizen of Paris, probably a
brother of Dyne, also seems to have done a profitable business with
Philip of Burgundy, as he received from Philip, for a Bible in French,
9000 francs, and in the same year (1400), for a copy of The Golden
Legend, 7500 francs.
Nicholas Flamel, scribe and librarius juratus, flourished at the
beginning of the thirteenth century. He was shrewd enough, having
made some little money at work as a bookseller and as a school
manager, to carry on some successful speculations in house
building, from which speculations he made money so rapidly that he
was accused of dealings with the Evil One. One of the houses built
by him in Rue Montmorency was still standing in 1853, an evidence
of what a clever publisher might accomplish even in the infancy of
the book business.
The list of booksellers between the years 1486-1490 includes the
name of Jean Bonhomme, the name which has for many years been
accepted as typical of the French bourgeois. This particular
Bonhomme seems, however, to have been rather a distinctive man
of his class. He calls himself “bookseller to the university,” and was a
dealer both in manuscripts and in printed books. On a codex of a
French translation of The City of God, by S. Augustine, is inscribed
the record of the sale of the manuscript by Jean Bonhomme,
bookseller to the University of Paris, who acknowledges having sold
to the honoured and wise citizen, Jehan Cueillette, treasurer of M. de
Beaujeu, this book containing The City of God, in two volumes, and
Bonhomme guarantees to Cueillette the possession of said work
against all. His imprint as a bookseller appears upon various printed
books, including the Constitutiones Clementinæ, the Decreta
Basiliensia, and the Manuale Confessorum of Joh. Nider.
Among the cities of France outside of Paris in which there is
record of early manuscript-dealers, are Tours, Angers, Lille, Troyes,
Rouen, Toulouse, and Montpellier. In Lille, in 1435, the principal
bookseller was Jaquemart Puls, who was also a goldsmith, the latter
being probably his principal business. In Toulouse, a bookseller of
the name of S. Julien was in business as early as 1340. In Troyes, in
the year 1500, Macé Panthoul was carrying on business as a
bookseller and as a manufacturer of paper. In connection with his
paper-trade, he came into relations with the book-dealers of Paris.
Manuscript Dealers in Germany.—The information
concerning the early book-dealers in Germany is more scanty, and
on the whole less interesting, than that which is available for the
history of bookselling in Italy or in France. There was less wealth
among the German nobles during the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, and fewer among the nobles who had means were
interested in literary luxuries than was the case in either France,
Burgundy, or Italy.
As has been noted in the preceding division of this chapter, the
references to the more noteworthy of the manuscript-dealers in
France occur almost entirely in connection with sales made by them
to the members of the Royal Family, to the Dukes of Burgundy, or to
other of the great nobles. The beautifully illuminated manuscript
which carried the coat-of-arms or the crest of the noble for whom it
was made, included also, as a rule, the inscription of the manuscript-
dealer by whom the work of its preparation had been carried on or
supervised, and through whom it had been sold to the noble
purchaser. Of the manuscripts of this class, the record in Germany is
very much smaller. Germany also did not share the advantages
possessed by Italy, of close relations with the literature and the
manuscript stores of the East, relations which proved such an
important and continued source of inspiration for the intellectual life
of the Italian scholars.
The influence of the revival of the knowledge of Greek literature
came to Germany slowly through its relations with Italy, but in the
knowledge of Greek learning and literature the German scholars
were many years behind their Italian contemporaries, while the
possession of Greek manuscripts in Germany was, before the
middle of the fifteenth century, very exceptional indeed. The
scholarship of the earlier German universities appears also to have
been narrower in its range and more restricted in its cultivation than
that which had been developed in Paris, in Bologna, or in Padua.
The membership of the Universities of Prague and of Vienna, the
two oldest in the German list, was evidently restricted almost entirely
to Germans, Bohemians, Hungarians, etc., that is to say, to the races
immediately controlled by the German Empire.
If a scholar of England were seeking, during the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, special instruction or special literary and scholarly
advantages, his steps were naturally directed towards Paris for
theology, Bologna for jurisprudence, and Padua for medicine, and
but few of these travelling English scholars appear to have taken
themselves to Prague, Vienna, or Heidelberg.
In like manner, if English book collectors were seeking
manuscripts, they betook themselves to the dealers in Paris, in
Florence, or in Venice, and it was not until after the manuscript-trade
had been replaced by the trade in the productions of the printing-
press that the German cities can be said to have become centres for
the distribution of literature.
Such literary interests as obtained in Germany during the
fourteenth century, outside of those of the monasteries already
referred to, centred nevertheless about the universities. The oldest of
these universities was that of Prague, which was founded in 1347,
more than a century later than the foundations of Paris and Bologna.
The regulations of the University recognised the existence of scribes,
illuminators, correctors, binders, dealers in parchment, etc., all of
which trades were placed under the direct control of the university
authorities.
Hauslik speaks of the book-trade in the fourteenth century as
being associated with the work of the library of the university, and
refers to licensed scribes and illuminators, who were authorised to
make transcripts, for the use of the members of the university, of the
texts contained in the library.[377]
If we may understand from this reference that the university
authorities had had prepared for the library authenticated copies of
the texts of the works required in the university courses, and that the
transcribing of these texts was carried on under the direct
supervision of the librarians, Prague appears to have possessed a
better system for the preparation of its official texts than we have
record of in either Bologna or Paris. Hauslik goes on to say that the
entire book-trade of the city was placed under the supervision of the
library authorities, which authorities undertook to guarantee the
completeness and the correctness of all transcripts made from the
texts in the library. Kirchhoff presents in support of this theory
examples of one or two manuscripts, which contain, in addition to the
inscription of the name of the scribe or dealer by whom it had been
prepared, the record of the corrector appointed by the library to
certify to the correctness of the text.[378]
The second German university in point of date was that of Vienna,
founded in 1365, and, in connection with the work of this university
the manuscript-trade in Germany took its most important
development. There is record in Vienna of the existence of stationarii
who carried on, under the usual university supervision, the trade of
hiring out pecias, but this was evidently a much less important
function than in Bologna.
The buying and selling of books in Vienna was kept under very
close university supervision, and without the authority of the rector or
of the bedels appointed by him for the purpose, no book could be
purchased from either a magister or a student, or could be accepted
on pledge.
The books which had been left by deceased members of the
university were considered to be the property of the university
authorities, and could be sold only under their express directions.
The commission allowed by the authorities for the sale of books was
limited to 2½ per cent., and before any books could be transferred at
private sale, they must be offered at public sale in the auditorium.
The purpose of this regulation was apparently here as in Paris not
only to insure securing for the books sold the highest market prices,
but also to give some protection against the possibility of books
being sold by those to whom they did not belong.
The regulation of the details of the book business appears to have
fallen gradually into the hands of the bedels of the Faculty, and the
details of the supervision exercised approach more nearly to the
Italian than to the Parisian model.
The third German university was that of Heidelberg, founded in
1386. Here the regulations concerning the book-trade were
substantially modelled upon those of Paris. The scribes and the
dealers in manuscripts belonged to the privileged members of the
university. The provisions in the foundation or charter of the
university, which provided for the manuscript-trade, make express
reference to the precedents of the University of Paris.
By the middle of the fifteenth century, there appears to have been
a considerable trade in manuscripts in Heidelberg and in places
dependent upon Heidelberg. In the library of the University of
Erlangen, there exists to-day a considerable collection of
manuscripts formerly belonging to the monastery of Heilsbronn,
which manuscripts were prepared in Heidelberg between 1450 and
1460. The series includes a long list of classics, indicating a larger
classical interest in Heidelberg than was to be noted at the time in
either Prague or Vienna.[379]
The University of Cologne, founded a few years later, became the
centre of theological scholarship in Germany, and the German
manuscripts of the early part of the fifteenth century which have
remained in existence and which have to do with theological subjects
were very largely produced in Cologne. A number of examples of
these have been preserved in the library of Erfurt.
One reason for the smaller importance in Germany of the
stationarius was the practice that obtained on the part of the
instructors of lecturing or of reading from texts for dictation, the
transcripts being made by the students themselves. The authority or
permission to read for dictation was made a matter of special
university regulation. The regulation provided what works could be
so utilised, and the guarantee as to the correctness of the texts to be
used could either be given by a member of the faculty of the
university itself or was accepted with the certified signature of an
instructor of a well known foreign university, such as Paris, Bologna,
or Oxford.
By means of this system of dictation, the production of
manuscripts was made much less costly than through the work of
the stationarii, and the dictation system was probably an important
reason why the manuscript-trade in the German university cities
never became so important as in Paris or London.
It is contended by the German writers that, notwithstanding the
inconsiderable trade in manuscripts, there was a general knowledge
of the subject-matter of the literature pursued in the university, no
less well founded or extended among the German cities than among
those of France or Italy. This familiarity with the university literature is
explained by the fact that the students had, through writing at
dictation, so largely possessed themselves of the substance of the
university lectures.
In the Faculty of Arts at Ingolstadt, it was ordered, in 1420, that
there should be not less than one text-book (that is to say, one copy
of the text-book) for every three scholars in baccalaureate. This
regulation is an indication of the scarcity of text-books.
The fact that the industry in loaning manuscripts to students was
not well developed in the German universities delayed somewhat the
organisation of the book-trade in the university towns. Nevertheless,
Richard de Bury names Germany among the countries where books
could be purchased, and Gerhard Groote speaks of purchasing
books in Frankfort. This city became, in fact, important in the trade of
manuscripts for nearly a century before the beginning of German
printing.[380]
Æneas Silvius says in the preface of his Europa, written in 1458,
that a librarius teutonicus had written to him shortly before, asking
him to prepare a continuation of the book “Augustalis.”[381] This
publishing suggestion was made eight years after the perfection of
Gutenberg’s printing-press, but probably without any knowledge on
the part of the librarius of the new method for the production of
books.
In Germany there was, during the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries, outside of the ecclesiastics, very little demand for reading
matter. The women had their psalters, which had, as a rule, been
written out in the monasteries. As there came to be a wider demand
for books of worship, this was provided for, at least in the regions of
the lower Rhine, by the scribes among the Brothers of Common Life.
The Brothers took care also of the production of a large proportion of
the school-books required.
During the fourteenth century and the first half of the fifteenth, the
Brothers took an active part in the production and distribution of
manuscripts. Their work was distinct in various respects from that
which was carried on in monastery or in university towns, but
particularly in this that their books were, for the most part, produced
in the tongue of the common folk, and their service as instructors
and booksellers was probably one of the most important influences
in helping to educate the lower classes of North Germany to read
and to think for themselves. They thus prepared the way for the work
of Luther and Melanchthon.
As has been noted in another chapter, the activity of the Brothers
in the distribution of literature did not cease when books in
manuscripts were replaced by the productions of the printing-press.
They made immediate use of the invention of Gutenberg, and in
many parts of Germany, the first printed books that were brought
before the people came from the printing-presses of the Brothers.
Some general system of public schools seems to have taken
shape in the larger cities at least of North Germany as early as the
first half of the thirteenth century. The teachers in these schools
themselves added to their work and to their earnings by transcribing
text-books and sometimes works of worship. Later, there came to be
some extended interest in certain classes of literature among a few
of the princes and noblemen, but this appears to have been much
less the case in Germany than in Italy or even than in France. In the
castles or palaces where there was a chaplain, the chaplain took
upon himself the work of a scribe, caring not only for the
correspondence of his patron, but occasionally also preparing
manuscripts for the library, so called, of the castle. There is also
record of certain stadtschreiber, or public scribes, licensed as such
in the cities of North Germany, and in some cases the post was held
by the instructors of the schools.
Ulrich Friese, a citizen of Augsburg, writing in the latter half of the
fourteenth century, speaks of attending the Nordlingen Fair with
parchment and books. Nordlingen Church was, it appears, used for
the purpose of this fair, and in Lübeck, in the Church of S. Mary,
booths were opened in which, together with devotional books,
school-books and writing materials were offered for sale.
In Hamburg also, the courts in the immediate neighbourhood of
the churches were the places selected by the earlier booksellers and
manuscript-dealers for their trade. In Metz, a book-shop stood
immediately in front of the cathedral, and in Vienna, the first book-
shop was placed in the court adjoining the cathedral of S. Stephen.
Nicolaus, who was possibly the earliest bookseller in Erfurt, had his
shop, in 1460, in the court of the Church of the Blessed Virgin.
From a school regulation of Bautzen, written in 1418, it appears
that the children were instructed to purchase their school-books from
the master at the prices fixed in the official schedule.[382] A certain
schoolmaster in Hagenau, whose work was carried on between 1443
and 1450, has placed his signature upon a considerable series of
manuscripts, which he claims to have prepared with his own hands,
and which were described in Wilken’s History of the library in
Heidelberg. His name was Diebold Läber, or, as he sometimes wrote
it, Lauber, and he describes himself as a writer, schreiber, in the
town of Hagenau. This inscription appears in so many manuscripts
that have been preserved, that some doubt has been raised as to
whether they could be all the work of one hand, or whether Lauber’s
name (imprint, so to speak) may not have been utilised by other
scribes possibly working in association with him.[383]
Lauber speaks of having received from Duke Ruprecht an order
for seven books, and as having arranged to have the manuscripts
painted (decorated or illuminated) by some other hand. Lauber is
recorded as having been first a school-teacher and an instructor in
writing, later a scribe, producing for sale copies of standard texts,
and finally a publisher, employing scribes, simply certifying with his
own signature to the correctness of the work of his subordinates.
There is every indication that he had actually succeeded in
organising in Hagenau, as early as 1443, an active business in the
production and distribution of manuscripts. The books produced by
him were addressed more generally to the popular taste than was
the case with the productions of the monastery scribes.
In part, possibly, as a result of this early activity in the production
of books, one of the first printing-presses in Germany, outside of that
of Gutenberg in Mayence, was instituted in Hagenau, and its work
appears to have been in direct succession to that of the public writer
Lauber.
The relations between Hagenau and Heidelberg were intimate,
and the scholarly service of the members of the university was
utilised by the Hagenau publishers. The book-trade of Hagenau also
appears to have been increased in connection with the development
of intellectual activity given by the Councils of Constance and Basel.
In regard to the latter Council, Kirchhoff quotes Denis as having said:
Quod concilium, qui scholam librariorum dixerit haud errabit.[384]
Either as a cause or as an effect of the activity of the book
production in Hagenau, the Hagenau schools for scribes during the
first half of the fifteenth century became famous.[385] The work of
producing manuscripts appears to have been divided, according to
the manufacturing system; one scribe prepared the text, a second
collated the same with the original, a third painted in the rubricated
initials, and a fourth designed the painted head-pieces to the pages,
while a fifth prepared the ornamented covers. It occasionally
happened, however, that one scribe was himself able to carry on
each division of the work of the production of an illuminated
manuscript.
Hagen quotes some lines of a Hagenau manuscript, as follows: