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The American Century and Beyond
The Oxford History of the United States
David M. Kennedy, General Editor
Robert middlekauff
THE GLORIOUS CAUSE
The American Revolution, 1763–1789
gordon s. wood
EMPIRE OF LIBERTY
A History of the Early Republic, 1789–1815
James M. McPherson
BATTLE CRY OF FREEDOM
The Civil War Era
David M. Kennedy
FREEDOM FROM FEAR
The American People in Depression and War, 1929–1945
James T. Patterson
GRAND EXPECTATIONS
The United States, 1945–1974
James T. Patterson
RESTLESS GIANT
The United States from Watergate to Bush v. Gore
George C. Herring
FROM COLONY TO SUPERPOWER
U.S. Foreign Relations since 1776
The American
Century and
Beyond
U.S. Foreign Relations,
1893–2015
George C. Herring
1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.
© Oxford University Press 2008
First published as an Oxford University Press paperback in 2011
Two-volume second edition published in 2017
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press,
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reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the
Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.
Names: Herring, George C., 1936- author.
Title: From colony to superpower / George C. Herring.
Description: Second edition. | New York : Oxford University Press, 2017. |
Revision of paperback edition published in 2011. | Includes
bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016025664| ISBN 9780190212469 (vol. 1 : pbk.) | ISBN
9780190212476 (vol. 2 : pbk.)
Subjects: LCSH: United States—Foreign relations.
Classification: LCC E183.7 .H44 2017 | DDC 327.73—dc23 LC record available at
https://lccn.loc.gov/2016025664
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Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
Acknowledgments
Preface, ix
1. The War of 1898, the New Empire, and the Dawn of the
American Century, 1893–1901, 1
2. “Bursting with Good Intentions”: The United States in World
Affairs, 1901–1913, 38
3. “A New Age”: Wilson, the Great War, and the Quest for a
New World Order, 1913–1921, 79
4. Involvement Without Commitment, 1921–1931, 137
5. The Great Transformation: Depression, Isolationism, and War,
1931–1941, 185
6. “Five Continents and Seven Seas”: World War II and the
Rise of American Globalism, 1941–1945, 239
7. “A Novel Burden Far from Our Shores”: Truman, the Cold War,
and the Revolution in U.S. Foreign Policy, 1945–1953, 295
8. Coexistence and Crises, 1953–1961, 352
9. Gulliver’s Troubles: Kennedy, Johnson, and the Limits of Power,
1961–1968, 403
10. Nixon, Kissinger, and the End of the Postwar Era, 1969–1974, 461
11. Foreign Policy in an Age of Dissonance, 1974–1981, 511
12. “A Unique and Extraordinary Moment”: Gorbachev, Reagan,
Bush, and the End of the Cold War, 1981–1991, 562
13. “The Strength of a Giant”: America as Hyperpower, 1992–2007, 618
14. 9/11 and the Post-American World, 2001–2014, 640
In the February 17, 1941, issue of Life magazine, publisher Henry Luce
passionately appealed to his readers to create the “first great American
Century.” With the world at war, he insisted, the United States must take
up “an internationalism of the people, by the people, and for the people.”
It must become “the Good Samaritan of the entire world” by fulfilling its
“manifest duty” to feed the “hungry and destitute” and the “powerhouse”
from which its ideals would “spread across the world.” The United States
itself might not endure, the journalist seemed ominously to warn, unless
its ideals of freedom, equality of opportunity, and free enterprise took root
everywhere.1 Luce’s words drew upon the Founders’ vision of a new world
order based on American principles. They echoed Woodrow Wilson’s
challenge to Americans to assume the burdens of world leadership. In the
years that followed, the United States heeded Luce’s call. Although U.S.
leaders acted more often as defenders of their nation’s interests than Good
Samaritans and other peoples only selectively if at all embraced American
ways, the term “American Century” stuck and came to be applied to the
entire twentieth century.
This volume recounts the rise of the United States as a global power
from the turbulent 1890s, the dawn of the American Century, to a com-
manding position in world politics and economics at the turn of the
twenty-first century. The story begins in an age of rampant nationalism,
chauvinism, and imperialism when America burst on the world scene as
an economic giant, pummeled Spain in a short war, and acquired an
overseas empire. It covers the initiatives taken by Theodore Roosevelt and
2. Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (New York, 1987), 390.
preface xi
leaders such as Fidel Castro and Patrice Lumumba. With sometimes
ruthless energy, they played the great game of world politics, a game
Americans had traditionally disparaged. How and why this great transfor-
mation took place and its consequences for the international system and
for American domestic life form the central theses of this book.
Americans often bemoan their failures in foreign policy and diplomacy,
and failures there have been, most notably the calamitous wars in Vietnam
and Iraq. Still, overall, the United States, during the entire American
Century, enjoyed spectacular success. It came to dominate the Caribbean
and Pacific Ocean areas, helped win two world wars, prevailed in a half-
century Cold War, and extended its economic influence, military might,
popular culture, and “soft power,” the strength of its ideals and institutions,
through much of the world.3 After the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union, it
stood alone as what a French observer called the world’s “hyperpower.”
Yet America’s time as the dominant, seemingly invincible superpower—
its unipolar moment—turned out to be stunningly brief. In truth, the
American Century barely outlasted the onset of the twenty-first century.
The post–Cold War world unloosed long-simmering and highly volatile
nationalist, ethnic, and religious tensions, sparking instability across the
globe. The emergence of new twenty-first century threats in the form of
international terrorism and militant Islam and the devastating September
11, 2001, attacks on New York’s World Trade Center and the Pentagon
underscored for Americans the harsh reality that even their unmatchable
power did not guarantee security. Wars fought in Afghanistan and Iraq in
response to 9/11 imposed heavy costs and brought meager results, further
highlighting the limits of America’s power. The United States still had
the world’s largest economy and spent more on defense than the next
seven nations combined. Some Americans yearned to lash out and de-
stroy the forces that threatened them. Exhausted by war and battered by
the Great Recession of 2008, many others steadfastly opposed sending
troops abroad. Despite their nation’s historical record of achievement and
its still-substantial power, Americans found themselves in the second dec-
ade of the new century, as in Henry Luce’s time, fearful, uncertain, and
deeply divided over the questions of their international responsibilities
and the role their nation should play in the post-American world.
George Herring
Lexington, Kentucky
February 2016
3. Joseph S. Nye, Jr., The Paradox of American Power (New York, 2002), 9–12.
This biting cartoon from the British magazine Punch mocked the extravagant claims for
the Monroe Doctrine asserted by U.S. Secretary of State Richard Olney during an 1895
dispute. The British government also denounced Olney’s notion that the United States
“was practically sovereign” in Latin America, but in the interest of building friendship
with a rising power acquiesced in the U.S. position.
This sensationalist drawing by the renowned artist Frederic Remington appeared in the
New York Journal February 12, 1897 under the headline “DOES OUR FLAG
PROTECT WOMEN?” and was intended to inflame American readers. An incident
like this in fact occurred, but the searching took place below decks and was done by
women. The Granger Collection, New York.
Portrayed here in dress uniform,
Emilio Aguinaldo led the
Philippine rebellion against U.S.
occupation forces. Library of
Congress.
Filipino insurgents at prayer before surrendering to U.S. forces. National Archives (photo
no. 395-pi-1-50_wc0322).
In this August 1900 cartoon during the Boxer Rebellion, a burly and obviously vigilant
Uncle Sam awaits the Chinese dragon’s choice of war or peace. The Granger Collection,
New York.
President Theodore Roosevelt
once boasted that he took
Panama while others debated
the issue. A person who loved to
be at the center of everything,
TR is shown here in November
1906 operating a steam shovel at
the Panama Canal construction
site. Theodore Roosevelt
Collection, Harvard College
Library.
Roosevelt’s chief diplomatic trouble shooter, William Howard Taft, is pictured here seated
on an unfortunate water buffalo. Taft served as governor-general of America’s new
Philippines colony. U.S. Army Military History Institute.
The United States was determined to be a good colonialist in the lands it took from
Spain. An American is shown here conducting classes in schools established for Filipino
children. National Archives (photo no. 350-P-CA-5-1).
— Eh! Che dicevo? Dicevo il vero quando asserivo che Buck vale
per due diavoli.
Fu questo il discorso di François la mattina dopo, quando scoprì che
mancava Spitz e che Buck era coperto di ferite. Lo tirò vicino al
fuoco e alla luce del fuoco mostrò le ferite.
— Quello Spitz combatte come un diavolo, — disse Perrault, mentre
esaminava gli squarci e i tagli.
— E questo Buck combatte come due diavoli. — fu la risposta di
François. — Ed ora potremo guadagnar tempo. Non più Spitz, non
più disordine, per certo.
Mentre Perrault impaccava gli attrezzi dell’accampamento e caricava
la slitta, il conducente incominciò a porre i finimenti ai cani. Buck
trottò subito al posto che Spitz avrebbe occupato come capo del tiro;
ma François, non badando ad esso, condusse Sol-leks alla bramata
posizione. A suo giudizio, Sol-leks era il miglior cane che rimaneva
per dirigere il tiro. Buck si slanciò furioso su Sol-leks, spingendolo
via e prendendone il posto.
— Eh? eh? — gridò François battendo le mani allegramente. —
Guardate un po’ Buck. Ha ucciso Spitz, e crede ora di prenderne il
posto.
— Via! via di qui, stupido! — gridò, ma Buck non si mosse.
Afferrò Buck per la collottola del collo, e benchè il cane ringhiasse
minacciosamente, lo trascinò da un lato e rimise a posto Sol-leks. Il
vecchio cane non era punto contento, e mostrava chiaramente che
aveva paura di Buck. François era cocciuto, ma quando voltò le
spalle, Buck scacciò via nuovamente Sol-leks, che era contento di
andarsene.
François si stizzì. — Ora, perdio! t’insegno io a ubbidire! — gridò,
ritornando con una pesante mazza in mano.
Buck, che ricordava l’uomo dalla maglia rossa, si ritirò lentamente,
nè ritentò di scacciare Sol-leks quando fu rimesso a posto. Girava
intorno, fuori del tiro della mazza, ringhiando furiosamente e
amaramente; e mentre girava intorno, teneva d’occhio la mazza per
schivarla se mai François gliela avesse gettata contro, giacchè era
diventato saggio nei rapporti con le mazze.
Il conducente continuò i suoi preparativi, e chiamò Buck quando fu il
momento di porlo al vecchio posto davanti a Dave. Buck indietreggiò
di due o tre passi. François lo seguì, ma il cane continuò a
indietreggiare. Dopo un po’ di questo gioco, François depose la
mazza, pensando che Buck temesse d’essere picchiato, ma Buck
era, invece, in piena rivolta. Non voleva sfuggire alla mazza, ma
avere il comando del tiro. Gli apparteneva di diritto. Se l’era
guadagnato, e non avrebbe rinunciato.
Perrault venne a dare una mano a François. Tutt’e due lo rincorsero
per quasi un’ora. Gli gettarono mazze: egli le schivò. Lo maledirono,
e maledirono i suoi genitori, e la sua semente sino alle più remote
venture generazioni, e tutti i peli del suo corpo e ogni goccia di
sangue delle sue vene; ed egli rispondeva ad ogni maledizione con
ringhi e si teneva lontano dal loro raggio d’azione. Egli non cercò di
scappare, facendo intendere chiaramente che quando l’avessero
accontentato, sarebbe rientrato al suo posto e sarebbe stato buono.
François alla fine si sedette grattandosi la testa. Perrault guardò
l’orologio e bestemmiò. Il tempo fuggiva, ed essi avrebbero dovuto
essere in cammino già da un’ora. François si grattò nuovamente la