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 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

OX F O R D E A R LY C H R I ST IA N ST U D I E S

General Editors
Gillian Clark Andrew Louth
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 07/09/21, SPi

THE OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES series includes scholarly

volumes on the thought and history of the early Christian centuries.
Covering a wide range of Greek, Latin, and Oriental sources, the books
are of interest to theologians, ancient historians, and specialists in the
classical and Jewish worlds.
Titles in the series include:
The Donatist Church in an Apocalyptic Age
Jesse A. Hoover (2018)
The Minor Prophets as Christian Scripture in the Commentaries
of Theodore of Mopsuestia and Cyril of Alexandria
Hauna T. Ondrey (2018)
Preaching Christology in the Roman Near East
A Study of Jacob of Serugh
Philip Michael Forness (2018)
God and Christ in Irenaeus
Anthony Briggman (2018)
Augustine’s Early Thought on the Redemptive Function
of Divine Judgement
Bart van Egmond (2018)
The Idea of Nicaea in the Early Church Councils, ad 431–451
Mark S. Smith (2018)
The Many Deaths of Peter and Paul
David L. Eastman (2019)
Art, Craft, and Theology in Fourth-­Century Christian Authors
Morwenna Ludlow (2020)
The Acts of the Early Church Councils
Production and Character
Thomas Graumann (2021)
Nemesius of Emesa on Human Nature
A Cosmopolitan Anthropology from Roman Syria
David Lloyd Dusenbury (2021)
Fallen Angels in the Theology of St Augustine
Gregory D. Wiebe (2021)
Jerome’s Commentaries on the Pauline Epistles and the
Architecture of Exegetical Authority
Andrew Cain (2021)
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

Tatian’s Diatessaron
Composition, Redaction,
Recension, and Reception

JA M E S W. BA R K E R

1
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

1
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 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

Acknowledgments

The kernel of this book germinated in preparation for the 2016 annual meeting of
the Society of Biblical Literature. Led by Matthew R. Crawford and Mark
DelCogliano, the Development of Early Christian Theology unit convened a
panel on the Diatessaron. I thank them for inviting me to present, and I thank the
other presenters, Charles E. Hill, Nicholas Perrin, and Francis Watson, for such a
stimulating session. Jan Joosten, Ian N. Mills, Timothy B. Sailors, Ulrich Schmid,
and Nicholas J. Zola presented in a related session in 2017. Both sessions pro-
pelled Crawford and Zola’s 2019 edited volume, The Gospel of Tatian, to which I
contributed and from which I draw at the end of Chapter 2. Another section of
Chapter 2 overlaps with my forthcoming essay in The Oxford Handbook of the
Synoptic Gospels, edited by Stephen P. Ahearne-­Kroll. Part of Chapter 3 originated
in my 2016 conference paper and overlaps with a 2020 article in New Testament
Studies; I appreciate the feedback I received from the journal’s anonymous
reviewer and from the general editor, Simon Gathercole.
I honed many of the skills for this project by participating in the 2015 National
Endowments for the Humanities Summer Institute entitled “The Materiality of
Medieval Manuscripts: Interpretation through Production” at the University of
Iowa, organized by Jonathan Wilcox with assistance from Timothy Barrett,
Heather Estelme, Cheryl Jacobsen, Julie Leonard, Erin Mann, Jesse Meyer, and
Sara Sauers. I learned so much from them and from my fellow participants, Scott
Bevill, Heather Blatt, Nancy Blomgren, Paul Gaffney, Susanne Hafner, Marjorie
Harrington, Jane Jeffrey, Eric F. Mason, Rhonda L. McDaniel, Rebecca Mouser,
Sarah Noonan, Paul Peterson, David Porter, Ellen K. Rentz, and Michelle M. Sauer.
More than fifty librarians, manuscript specialists, and assistants have directly
aided me over the past four years, and I am pleased to thank individually Flurina
Angus (Zentralbibliothek Zürich), Robert Arpots (Tilburg University Library),
Nicola Beech (British Library), Sandra Besser (Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek
Hamburg), Jen Burford (Oxford, Bodleian Library), Daniëlle van den Brink
(Hague, Royal Library), Alan Brown (Oxford, Bodleian Library), Helle Brünnich
Pedersen (Kongelige Bibliotek Copenhagen), Birgit Bucher (Staatsbibliothek
Berlin), Hasan Cobdak (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Munich), Lorraine Coney
(Oxford, Bodleian Library), Thierry Dewin (Brussels KBR), Susanne Dietel
(Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig), Sebastian Doll (Staatsbibliothek Berlin), Kati
Döring (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Munich), Lisa Dotzauer (Oxford, Bodleian
Library), Susanne Edelmann (Nürnberg Stadtsbibliothek), Matthias Eifler
(Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig), Emmanuelle Federbe (Valenciennes Bibliothèque),
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

vi Acknowledgments

Clarisse Fouquin (Brussels KBR), James Freeman (Cambridge University Library),

Cécile Gérard (Valenciennes Bibliothèque), Andrew Gouw (British Library),
Kurt Heydeck (Staatsbibliothek Berlin), Debbie Horner (British Library), Jeff
Kattenhorn (British Library), Fabien Laforge (Bibliothèque Cambrai), Anne
Laurent (L’Institut de recherche et d’histoire des textes), Mickaël Lefèvre (Centre
International de Codicologie), Céline Leroux (Bibliothèque Mazarin), Kerstin Losert
(Stuttgart Württembergische Landesbibliothek), Annette Lütteken (Zentralbibliothek
Zürich), Christoph Mackert (Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig), Kathryn Mouncey
(British Library), Mikael Müller (Kongelige Bibliotek Copenhagen), Monika
Müller (Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg), Theo de Nooij (Hague,
Royal Library), Till Ottinger (Darmstadt, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek),
Jörg Prüfert (Staatsbibliothek Berlin), Laurence Richard (Bibliothèque Laon),
Pascal Rideau (Bibliothèque Arras), Arietta Russ (Stuttgart Württembergische
Landesbibliothek), Christine Sauer (Nürnberg Stadtsbibliothek), Raphaël Scalisi
(L’Institut de recherche et d’histoire des textes), Tanja Schaffrath (Cologne
Historisches Archiv), Sophie Schrader (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Munich),
Monica Seidler-­ Hux (Zentralbibliothek Zürich), Stéphanie Simon (Liège
University), Zoe Stansell (British Library), Anders Toftgaard (Kongelige Bibliotek
Copenhagen), Pascal Trousse (Brussels KBR), and Johanna Ward (Cambridge
University Library). I apologize if I have omitted anyone.
Countless unnamed individuals have digitized and microfilmed manuscripts
over the years, and I am grateful for all their labor. I have worked with images of
one ancient manuscript and more than fifty medieval ones, so I would be remiss
not to acknowledge the legacy of the scribes themselves, at least a few of whom
were women. A quick turnaround grant from the Potter College of Arts and
Letters funded access to some of these manuscripts. Kenneth Foushee and Selina
Langford of Western Kentucky University’s interlibrary loan office have also pro-
vided much assistance.
I am grateful for all the support I have received from everyone at Oxford
University Press, specifically Tom Perridge, Karen Raith, Katie Bishop, and
Thomas Deva. I especially thank the two anonymous reviewers for their deep
engagement, erudite feedback, and helpful corrections. I also appreciate the feed-
back and imprimatur of Gillian Clark and Andrew Louth, editors of the Oxford
Early Christian Studies series.
I have benefited immensely from ongoing conversations with Matt Crawford,
Ian Mills, and Nick Zola. My wife, Katy, and our children, Jacob and Hannah,
have graciously supported me throughout the research and writing processes.
I lovingly dedicate this book to my parents, James and Dianne Barker.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

Contents

List of Abbreviationsix

Introduction1
1. An Overview of Diatessaron Witnesses 7
1.1 Eastern Witnesses 7
1.2 Western Witnesses 9
1.3 Unrelated and Distantly Related Harmonies 18
1.4 The Dura Europos Fragment as a Bridge between
East and West 22
1.5 Summary 28
2. Tatian’s Compositional Practices 29
2.1 Mental Processes and Material Production 29
2.2 How Long was Tatian’s Diatessaron? 39
2.3 Tatian’s Authorial Expectations 42
3. Characteristics of the Diatessaron’s Sequence 44
3.1 Jewish Festivals and the Chronology of Jesus’s Ministry 44
3.2 A Nonviolent Conclusion to Jesus’s (First) Sermon at Nazareth 53
3.3 A Blessing upon Jesus’s Mother, Who Happens to be Nearby 54
3.4 Intercalating the Pharisees’ Warning after the Transfiguration 55
3.5 A Sukkoth Parade of Money Men 56
3.6 Gathering the Pharisees in Jerusalem 56
3.7 Tatian’s Redactional Tendencies 57
4. Quintessential Changes in the Western Archetype 59
4.1 Eliminating Redundancies 61
4.2 Combining the Sermon on the Mount/Plain and
Mission Discourse 66
4.3 Relocating Capernaum Miracles to Nain 67
4.4 Editorial Fatigue in the Return of the Twelve 68
4.5 Grouping the Shrewd Steward with the Sukkoth Money Men 70
4.6 Nicodemus, the Adulteress, and the Fig Tree 70
4.7 The Timing of Judas’s Suicide 73
4.8 The Western Recensionist’s Redactional Tendencies 73
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viii Contents

5. The Priority of Codex Fuldensis 75

5.1 Interpolations in the Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich Harmonies 76
5.2 The Timing of the Outsider Exorcist 78
5.3 Matthew’s Parable of the Talents and Luke’s Parable of the Minas 81
5.4 The Last Supper and Jesus’s Washing of the Disciples’ Feet 83
5.5 Resurrection Appearances to Mary Magdalene 86
5.6 The Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich Harmonies’ Redactional Tendencies 87
6. The Priority of the Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich Harmonies 88
6.1 The Absence of the Lukan Prologue 88
6.2 The Timing of the Triumphal Entry 90
6.3 The Presence of Luke’s Parable of the Faithful Slave 94
6.4 The Presence of the Capernaum Synagogue Exorcism 95
6.5 Victor of Capua and His Scribe’s Redactional Tendencies 107
7. The Western Archetype as a Sufficient Hypothesis 109
7.1 Prefaces to the Western Harmonies 110
7.2 The Insufficiency of Extant Glossed Manuscripts 112
7.3 Circularity versus Alternating Primitivity 114
7.4 A Stemma of Diatessaron Witnesses 116
7.5 The Fate of the Western Archetype 119
Conclusion122

Appendix: Comparison of Sequences of the Arabic Harmony,

Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich Harmonies, and Codex Fuldensis 127

Bibliography 139
Scripture Index 149
Index of Medieval Manuscripts 153
Index of Modern Authors 155
Subject Index 156
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

List of Abbreviations

ABRL Anchor Bible Reference Library

BETL Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium
BibInt Biblical Interpretation
BibOr Biblica et Orientalia
BZNW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
CBM Chester Beatty Monographs
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium
CSSN Corpus Sacrae Scripturae Neerlandicae
ETL Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses
GCS Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
LCL Loeb Classical Library
LNTS Library of New Testament Studies
NKZ Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift
NovT Novum Testamentum
NovTSup Supplements to Novum Testamentum
NTAbh Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen
NTS New Testament Studies
NTTSD New Testament Tools, Studies and Documents
OECS Oxford Early Christian Studies
OrChr Oriens Christianus
PG Patrologia Cursus Completus: Series Graeca
PL Patrologia Cursus Completus: Series Latina
PRSt Perspectives in Religious Studies
RBS Resources for Biblical Study
RJT The Reception of Jesus in the First Three Centuries
SC Sources chrétiennes
SD Studies and Documents
VC Vigiliae Christianae
VCSup Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae
VKAW Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam
VL Vetus Latina: Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel
ZAC Zeitschrift für die Antikes Christentum
ZKG Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

Introduction

This book re-­evaluates the sources, redaction, recension, and reception of Tatian’s
Diatessaron.1 In the late-­second century, Tatian wrote Oratio ad Graecos, which
concludes with a self-­description that he was born in the land of the Assyrians
and was instructed in the philosophy of the Greeks (42.1).2 Also, he twice
mentions Justin Martyr (Or. Graec. 18.2; 19.1), and Irenaeus claimed that Tatian
studied under Justin before veering into heresy (Haer. 1.28; SC 264).3 In the
fourth century, Eusebius of Caesarea said that Tatian constructed ‘the Diatessaron’
(τὸ διὰ τεσσάρων; Hist. eccl. 4.29.6; GCS NF 6), meaning that Tatian’s Gospel came
‘out of the four’ that Eusebius deemed canonical (Hist. eccl. 3.24–25). I follow
Matthew Crawford in accepting the traditional attribution of the Diatessaron to
Tatian.4 Unfortunately, the Diatessaron had already gone missing in antiquity,
and modern scholars work with numerous witnesses to discern how Tatian made
his harmony.
Regarding terminology, I interchangeably refer to the Diatessaron as a harmony
and a Gospel. Crawford has argued persuasively that Tatian called his work “the
Gospel,” not the Diatessaron; Crawford adds that the term “harmony” might
detract from understanding the composition as a full “Gospel.”5 Francis Watson
refers to the Diatessaron as “a gospel rather than gospel harmony;”6 Watson
means that a harmony would be subordinate to its sources, while a Gospel would
be authoritative in its own right.7 Nicholas Zola similarly connects the nomenclature

1 Emily J. Hunt’s Christianity in the Second Century: The Case of Tatian (London: Routledge, 2003)
offers an excellent overview of Tatian’s intellectual milieu.
2 For the text of the Oratio, I have used Edgar J. Goodspeed, ed., Die ältesten Apologeten (Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1915).
3 Tatian’s alleged heresies were forbidding marriage and denying Adam’s salvation. Eusebius quotes
this testimony in Hist. eccl. 4.29.3.
4 Matthew R. Crawford, “‘Reordering the Confusion’: Tatian, the Second Sophistic, and the
­So-­Called Diatessaron,” ZAC 19 (2015): pp. 235–6.
5 Matthew R. Crawford, “Diatessaron, a Misnomer? The Evidence from Ephrem’s Commentary,”
Early Christianity 4 (2013): p. 365.
6 Francis Watson, “Towards a Redaction-­ Critical Reading of the Diatessaron Gospel,” Early
Christianity 7 (2016): p. 96.
7 Francis Watson, “Harmony or Gospel? On the Genre of the (So-­Called) Diatessaron,” in The
Gospel of Tatian: Exploring the Nature and Text of the Diatessaron, ed. Matthew R. Crawford and
Nicholas J. Zola, RJT 3 (London: T&T Clark, 2019), p. 70.

Tatian’s Diatessaron: Composition, Redaction, Recension, and Reception. James W. Barker, Oxford University Press.
© James W. Barker 2021. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192844583.003.0001
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

2 Tatian ’ s Diatessaron

of harmony versus Gospel with the question whether Tatian intended to supplement
or supplant the fourfold gospel.8
I have argued elsewhere that Tatian could not have reasonably expected to
replace his source texts,9 and I do not draw a sharp distinction between
“harmony” and “Gospel.” By calling the Diatessaron a harmony, I simply mean
that we know Tatian’s sources and can discern how intricately he combined them.
In my mind, a harmony is necessarily derivative, but that need not diminish the
text’s prestige or the evangelist’s accomplishments. While Tatian apparently added
no original content to the fourfold gospel, the Diatessaron hardly lacked
originality. If anything, I hope that my study accentuates Tatian’s creativity, and I
agree that the Diatessaron should be read as a Gospel in its own right.
William Petersen masterfully compiled the history of Diatessaron research
through 1992,10 and Ulrich Schmid outlined key developments through 2009.11
Here I simply want to sketch the trajectory leading to my study. Johann Christian
Zahn is the “father of modern Diatessaronic studies,”12 and in the early nineteenth
century he was comparing the foremost eastern and western witnesses to Tatian’s
text, the Arabic harmony and the Latin Codex Fuldensis respectively.13 By the
end of the nineteenth century, there were critical editions of both harmonies,14
and there was a modern Latin translation of the Armenian version of Ephrem’s
commentary on the Diatessaron.15 The Middle Dutch Cambridge, Liège, and
Stuttgart harmonies had also emerged.16

8 Nicholas J. Zola, “Evangelizing Tatian: The Diatessaron’s Place in the Emergence of the Fourfold
Gospel Canon,” PRSt 43 (2016): p. 399.
9 See my essay, “Tatian’s Diatessaron and the Proliferation of Gospels,” in The Gospel of Tatian:
Exploring the Nature and Text of the Diatessaron, ed. Matthew R. Crawford and Nicholas J. Zola, RJT
3, (London: T&T Clark, 2019), pp. 111–41, which I summarize in §2.3.
10 William L. Petersen, Tatian’s Diatessaron: Its Creation, Dissemination, Significance, and History in
Scholarship, VCSupp 25 (Leiden: Brill, 1994).
11 Ulrich B. Schmid, “The Diatessaron of Tatian,” in The Text of the New Testament in Contemporary
Research: Essays on the Status Quaestionis, ed. Bart D. Ehrman and Michael W. Holmes, NTTSD 42
(Leiden: Brill, 2013), pp. 115–42.
12 Petersen, Tatian’s Diatessaron, 92.
13 Johann Christian Zahn, “Ist Ammon oder Tatian Verfasser der ins Lateinische, Altfränkische
und Arabische übersetzten Evangelien-­ harmonie? und was hat Tatian bei seinem bekannten
Diatessaron oder Diapente vor sich gehabt und zum Grunde gelegt?” Analekten für das Studium der
exegetischen und systematischen Theologie 2.1 (1814): pp. 165–210.
14 Ernest Ranke, ed., Codex Fuldensis (Marburg and Leipzig: N. G. Elwert, 1868); Augustinus
Ciasca, ed., Tatiani Evangeliorum harmoniae arabice (Rome: Typographia Polyglotta, 1888).
15 Jean Baptiste Aucher and Georg Moesinger, eds., Evangelii concordantis expositio facta a Sancto
Ephraemo Doctore Syro (Venice: Lazari, 1876); the Armenian version had been published in 1836
(Petersen, Tatian’s Diatessaron, p. 114 n. 111).
16 J. Armitage Robinson (“Tatian’s Diatessaron and a Dutch Harmony,” The Academy 45 (1894):
pp. 249–50) mentioned the Cambridge and Liège harmonies; see also Jan Bergsma, De Levens van
Jezus in het Middlenederlandsch, 3 vols. Bibliotheek van Middelnederlandsch letterkunde 54, 55, 61
(Leiden: A. W. Sijthoff, 1895–8), which printed the Liège and Stuttgart harmonies on facing pages.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

Introduction 3

In the late nineteenth century, J. Hamlyn Hill gave an overview of Tatian’s

redactional motivations.17 By the early twentieth century, it was well established
that Ephrem’s commentary independently corroborated Tatian’s sequence as
preserved in the Arabic harmony, and thus Fuldensis and the medieval Dutch
harmonies were derivative.18 Theodor Zahn posited that all the western witnesses
came from an Old Latin harmony that had reworked Tatian’s original sequence.19
F. C. Burkitt concurred,20 and his short study commendably paid equal attention
to large-­scale differences in narrative sequence as well as small variations in
wording across known witnesses to the Diatessaron.
Very generally speaking, two movements have characterized Diatessaron
studies over the past century. One is that numerous harmonies were adduced as
related to Tatian’s; unfortunately, many are now known to be unrelated or distantly
related (see §1.3). The other is that scholars increasingly scrutinized wording
within particular episodes while paying less attention to the overall narrative
sequence of each harmony. For example, after healing a man’s leprosy, Jesus
commands him to go and show himself to the priest; Jesus adds either “offer the
gift which Moses commanded” or “fulfill the Law.”21 The focus on wording is
apparent in many of the essays by two premiere Diatessaron scholars, Tjitze
Baarda and William Petersen.22 Such inquiries remain important, but they often
arrive at an impasse and sometimes miss the proverbial forest for the trees.
In the introduction to a recent volume showcasing the current state of
Diatessaron studies, Crawford and Zola recommended a reorientation toward the
order of episodes:

Evidence suggests that the macrolevel sequence of one pericope after another is
likely to be more stable than the microlevel sequence of one word after another,
since in the transmission of harmonies it takes a minor editorial intervention to
rearrange the words within an episode but a major intervention to relocate an
entire episode somewhere else in the narrative sequence.23

17 J. Hamlyn Hill, ed. and trans., The Earliest Life of Christ Ever Compiled from the Four Gospels
Being the Diatessaron of Tatian (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1894), pp. 31–6.
18 F. C. Burkitt, “Tatian’s Diatessaron and the Dutch Harmonies,” JTS 25 (1924): pp. 114–20.
19 Theodor Zahn, Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons der altkirchlichen
Literatur, Teil I: Tatian’s Diatessaron (Erlangen: Andreas Deichert, 1881); Theodor Zahn, “Die
Geschichte von Tatians Diatessaron im Abendland,” NKZ 5 (1894): pp. 85–120; Petersen, Tatian’s
Diatessaron, pp. 126–9.
20 Burkitt, “Tatian’s Diatessaron,” pp. 124–30.
21 Petersen, Tatian’s Diatessaron, pp. 22–4; cf. Jan Joosten, “Tatian’s Sources and the Presentation of
the Jewish Law in the Diatessaron,” in The Gospel of Tatian: Exploring the Nature and Text of the
Diatessaron, ed. Matthew R. Crawford and Nicholas J. Zola, RJT 3 (London: T&T Clark, 2019), p. 62.
22 Tjitze Baarda, Essays on the Diatessaron (Kampen: Kok Pharos, 1994); Jan Krans and Joseph
Verheyden, eds., Patristic and Text-­Critical Studies: The Collected Essays of William L. Petersen,
NTTSD 40 (Leiden: Brill, 2012).
23 Matthew R. Crawford and Nicholas J. Zola, “Introduction,” in The Gospel of Tatian: Exploring the
Nature and Text of the Diatessaron, ed. Matthew R. Crawford and Nicholas J. Zola, RJT 3 (London:
T&T Clark, 2019), p. 6.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

4 Tatian ’ s Diatessaron

They add that a better understanding of the Diatessaron’s order would illuminate
“Tatian’s own editorial techniques and strategies.”24 Along these lines, I published
an article on the chronology of Jesus’s ministry in the Diatessaron (see also
§3.1),25 and this book offers the first full-­scale investigation of the Diatessaron’s
narrative sequence.
My methodology is straightforward. I begin by comparing the order of
pericopes across every extant witness to the Diatessaron. For the western
witnesses, I have worked with images of the manuscripts rather than editions
wherever possible, because sometimes paratextual features can be just as
important as the text itself. When sources disagree in order, I use redaction
criticism to determine which one is more likely to be derivative.26 Arguments
from order have been called into question when studying the Synoptic Problem,27
since different theories can dictate a priori who changed whose order. Yet even in
Synoptic studies, there are discernible tendencies, such as Luke’s repositioning
events earlier in the narrative.28 The Diatessaron proves much easier, for there is
no question that Tatian was working with the fourfold gospel.29
The main question is how to sort the different witnesses to the Diatessaron. My
findings confirm the priority of the eastern sources. Accordingly, the western
witnesses attest a thoroughgoing recension of Tatian’s Gospel. The most crucial
aspect of my study is what to do when the western harmonies disagree among
themselves. The prevailing theory is that the Middle Dutch and Middle High
German Stuttgart, Liège, and Zurich harmonies directly descend from the Latin
Fuldensis text. Schmid writes:

until better evidence is available, Codex Fuldensis should be viewed as the

ultimate archetype of the entire harmony tradition that has, broadly speaking,
the same sequence and is extant in Latin and other Western vernacular
languages. Since the Codex Fuldensis sequence appears to be—when compared

24 Crawford and Zola, “Introduction,” p. 7.

25 James W. Barker, “The Narrative Chronology of Tatian’s Diatessaron,” NTS 66 (2020): pp. 288–98.
26 For an overview, see Adela Yarbro Collins, “Redaction Criticism in Theory and Practice,” in
Method and Meaning: Essays on New Testament Interpretation in Honor of Harold W. Attridge, ed.
Andrew B. McGowan and Kent Harold Richards, RBS 67 (Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature,
2011), pp. 59–77. For substantial applications of redaction criticism to the Diatessaron, see Watson’s
“Towards a Redaction-­Critical Reading of the Diatessaron Gospel” along with Matthew R. Crawford,
“Rejection at Nazareth in the Gospels of Mark, Matthew, Luke—and Tatian,” in Connecting Gospels:
Beyond the Canonical/Non-­Canonical Divide, ed. Francis Watson and Sarah Parkhouse (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2018), pp. 97–124.
27 David J. Neville, Arguments from Order in Synoptic Source Criticism: A History and Critique, New
Gospel Studies 7 (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1993).
28 Greg Carey, “Moving Things Ahead: A Lukan Redactional Technique and Its Implications for
Gospel Origins,” BibInt 21 (2013): pp. 302–19.
29 I concur with Charles E. Hill’s (“Diatessaron, Diapente, Diapollon? Exploring the Nature and
Extent of Extracanonical Influence in Tatian’s Diatessaron,” in The Gospel of Tatian: Exploring the
Nature and Text of the Diatessaron, ed. Matthew R. Crawford and Nicholas J. Zola, RJT 3 (London:
T&T Clark, 2019), pp. 25–53) argument that Tatian did not use additional sources such as the Gospels
of Thomas or Peter.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

Introduction 5

to other Latin and Western vernacular harmony sequences—the closest to the

Arabic harmony sequence and the sequence derived from Ephaem’s commentary
on the Diatessaron, in all likelihood only one Western witness has an
independent voice, and that is Codex Fuldensis itself. Forget about the rest, if
you want to reconstruct Tatian’s Diatessaron.30

My book not only offers “better evidence” but also reveals the generalization
“broadly speaking” to be highly problematic. That is, the Middle Dutch and
Middle High German harmonies do not agree with Fuldensis at every turn. And
in rare, yet significant instances, the Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich harmonies align
with the Arabic harmony in ways that cannot reasonably be explained as
accidental.
I am deeply indebted to Schmid’s painstaking analysis of the Latin harmony
tradition, and he has precisely demonstrated that medieval texts such as the
Munich harmony and Peter Comestor’s Historia Evangelica derive from Fuldensis
(see §1.3).31 And in some cases, Schmid and August den Hollander have shown
conclusively that medieval glossed manuscripts of the Fuldensis text explain
aspects of the Liège harmony.32 Conversely, I can show that the glossed
manuscripts fail to explain key differences in the Middle Dutch and Middle High
German harmonies’ narrative sequence, as compared with Fuldensis. If the same
redactional criteria are applied equally across the board, then sometimes these
vernacular harmonies preserve a more primitive sequence than Fuldensis does.
Moreover, while Hollander and Schmid have jettisoned the theory of an Old Latin
Diatessaron,33 I have discerned clear traces of the Old Latin Gospels preserved in
Middle Dutch, wording that cannot be explained by Fuldensis or any of its glossed
copies (see §6.4.2). In the end, I argue that Fuldensis and the Stuttgart–Liège–
Zurich harmonies are twin branches descending from a Western Archetype in
Old Latin; I leave open the possibility that the archetype also circulated in Greek.
Chapter 1 provides an overview of witnesses to the Diatessaron. I maintain the
traditional geographic distinction between eastern and western sources. Ephrem’s
commentary and the Arabic harmony are the most important eastern texts
preserving Tatian’s narrative sequence, and the western witnesses comprise
Fuldensis and its copies along with the Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich harmonies. I also

30 Schmid, “Diatessaron of Tatian,” p. 137.

31 Ulrich B. Schmid, Unum Ex Quattuor: Eine Geschichte der lateinischen Tatianüberlieferung, VL
37 (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 2005).
32 August den Hollander and Ulrich Schmid, “Middeleeuwse bronnen van het Luikse ‘Leven van
Jezus,’ ” Queeste 6 (1999): pp. 127–46. For the textual transmission of the Middle Dutch and Middle
High German harmonies, see Elisabeth Meyer, “Schone Historie und Ewangelien: Untersuchungen
zur Text- und Überlieferunsgeschichte dier niederländisch-deutschen Evangelienharmonie Het Leven
van Jezus/Das Leben Jhesu,” Ph.D. diss., Vrije Universiteit, 2013.
33 August den Hollander and Ulrich Schmid, “The Gospel of Barnabas, the Diatessaron, and
Method,” VC 61 (2007): p. 20.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

6 Tatian ’ s Diatessaron

defend the Dura fragment as a witness to the Diatessaron, one that potentially
bridges the eastern and western branches.34
Chapter 2 elucidates Tatian’s compositional practices. He had to know the
Gospels’ contents remarkably well via repetitive reading. Whether as an individual
or in a group, Tatian could manipulate four source texts simultaneously, and he
could have written on waxed tablets, bookrolls, and codices. I also calculate that
the Diatessaron would have been 78 percent as long as the fourfold gospel, which
would save approximately five days of copying. Tatian lived in an era of Gospel
proliferation, and I consider that his most reasonable expectation would have
been for his Gospel to be read alongside—not instead of—its eventually canonical
counterparts.
Chapter 3 identifies the main characteristics of the Diatessaron’s sequence. The
chronology of Jesus’s ministry is paramount, for the Diatessaron included all
the festivals from the Gospel of John, but Tatian rearranged the feasts and some
of the events surrounding them. Also, Tatian thematically clustered characters
and events.
Chapter 4 introduces quintessential changes common to all the western
sources. An anonymous recensionist methodically eliminated perceived
redundancies. The recensionist also relocated Jesus’s long mission discourse as an
extension of the Sermon on the Mount. Other alterations, interpolations, and
relocations confirm that the western witnesses are dependent on the narrative
sequence of the eastern ones.
Chapters 5 and 6 reveal a bifurcation in the western witnesses. The Latin Codex
Fuldensis and its copies fall to one side, and the Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich
harmonies stand opposite. Chapter 5 identifies interpolations, relocations, and an
elimination in the Middle Dutch and Middle High German harmonies; in these
cases, the Fuldensis text is primary. Chapter 6, however, argues for the priority of
the Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich harmonies at three crucial points. Without special
pleading, the priority of Fuldensis cannot be maintained in every instance.
Chapter 7 defends the Western Archetype as a sufficient hypothesis. In other
words, Fuldensis is the sibling, not the parent, of the Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich
harmonies. Glossed copies of the Fuldensis text cannot explain characteristics of
the vernacular harmonies, and a lost Old Latin Gospel harmony deserves strong
reconsideration.
The Conclusion summarizes my findings and charts paths for further study. In
particular, the Stuttgart harmony needs to be considered right alongside Fuldensis
and the Arabic harmony in future Diatessaron studies. Finally, for reference
throughout this study, the Appendix provides a detailed chart comparing the
­narrative sequences of the Arabic harmony, the Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich har­
monies, and Codex Fuldensis.

34 Carl H. Kraeling, ed., A Greek Fragment of Tatian’s Diatessaron from Dura, SD 3 (London:
Christophers, 1935).
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

1
An Overview of Diatessaron Witnesses

This chapter introduces the extant witnesses to Tatian’s Diatessaron, including

several that have not been cited in previous scholarship. I maintain the practice of
splitting them geographically into east (§1.1) and west (§1.2). The western
witnesses are further divided into Latin manuscripts, beginning with Codex
Fuldensis and its copies (§1.2.1), followed by the medieval Stuttgart–Liège–
Zurich harmonies translated into Middle Dutch and Middle High German
(§1.2.2). I devote more attention to these vernacular harmonies than is common
in recent studies, for in subsequent chapters I will reclaim the Stuttgart harmony
as a significant witness to the Western Archetype, which underlies all western
witnesses. I also discuss harmonies that are more distantly related to Tatian, and
some harmonies’ narrative sequences are completely independent of the
Diatessaron (§1.3; cf. §3.1). In the end, though, I defend Dura Parchment 24 as a
witness to the Diatessaron (§1.4), even though its fragmentary nature cannot be
compared with the overall narrative sequences of the other complete harmonies.

1.1 Eastern Witnesses

For narrative sequence, the main eastern witnesses to the Diatessaron are the
Arabic harmony, Ephrem’s commentary, and Aphrahat’s Demonstrations.1

1.1.1 The Arabic Harmony

The Arabic harmony is the single most important Diatessaron witness in the
east.2 The oldest extant MS is from the Vatican Library (Vat.ar. 14) and is dated to

1 For Tatian’s wording, there are additional eastern witnesses, such as the commentaries on the
separate Gospels by Ishoʿdad of Merv in the ninth century and Dionysius (aka Jacob) bar Salibi in the
twelfth century.
2 See esp. Peter Joosse, “An Introduction to the Arabic Diatessaron,” OrChr 83 (1999): pp. 72–129;
see also William Petersen, Tatian’s Diatessaron: Its Creation, Dissemination, Significance, and History in
Scholarship, VCSupp 25 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994), pp. 133–8. Hope W. Hogg’s English translation
appeared in Allan Menzies, ed., Ante-­Nicene Fathers, vol. 9, 5th ed. (New York: Charles Scribner’s,
1906), pp. 42–130. I do not object to the designation “Arabic Diatessaron,” since I argue that this
harmony is the closest we can get to Tatian’s narrative sequence. I nonetheless refer to it as the “Arabic
harmony” throughout this book.

Tatian’s Diatessaron: Composition, Redaction, Recension, and Reception. James W. Barker, Oxford University Press.
© James W. Barker 2021. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192844583.003.0002
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

8 Tatian ’ s Diatessaron

the twelfth or thirteenth century.3 Augustinus Ciasca used that MS along with a
fourteenth-­century Vatican MS (Borg.ar. 250) for his 1888 edition.4 A.-S. Marmardji’s
1935 edition is based on additional MSS,5 some of which identify Ibn at ̣-­Ṭayyib
(died 1043) as the translator. The source language was undoubtedly Syriac,
although the underlying text had been conformed to the Peshitta, so the Arabic
harmony does not necessarily reflect Tatian’s wording in every instance.6 More
importantly, the Arabic harmony is indispensable for discerning Tatian’s narrative
sequence.7 A new critical edition remains the foremost desideratum in
Diatessaron studies.

1.1.2 Ephrem’s Commentary

Another essential reference is the commentary on the Diatessaron attributed to

Ephrem (c.306–73).8 The commentary is attested in Syriac and in an Armenian
translation.9 There are interpolations in the Syriac version,10 but—as a Syriac
commentary on the Syriac Diatessaron—it remains the strongest witness to
Tatian’s wording.11 Ephrem’s commentary is also highly valuable for sequence, for
it independently corroborates the order of the Arabic harmony in numerous
instances.12
Yet it is crucial to recognize that Ephrem’s commentary does not cover the
entirety of the Diatessaron and that Ephrem sometimes skips around.13 For
example, the commentary (5.18–19) transitions from the miraculous catch of fish

3 https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Vat.ar.14.
4 Augustinus Ciasca, Tatiani Evangeliorum harmoniae arabice (Rome: Typographia Polyglotta, 1888).
5 A.-S. Marmardji, Diatessaron de Tatien (Beirut: Imprimerie Catholique Beyrouth, 1935).
6 Joosse (“An Introduction to the Arabic Diatessaron,” p. 127) points out that even when the
Arabic harmony diverges from Ephrem’s commentary due to the Peshitta’s influence, the harmony
may still attest Tatian’s text, so variants must be weighed case by case.
7 The main discrepancy among Arabic MSS is the placement of the genealogies. Vat.ar. 14 (et al.)
includes each one in its canonical location, whereas Borg.ar. 250 (et al.) appends the genealogies after
the ascension and conclusion to the harmony.
8 Christian Lange (Ephraem der Syrer: Kommentar zum Diatessaron, 2 vols., Fontes Christiani 54,
(Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), vol. 1, pp. 53–55, 81–106) makes a strong argument that the commentary
comes from a school associated with Ephrem rather than Ephrem himself.
9 For the Syriac, see Louis Leloir, ed. and trans., Saint Éphrem: Commentaire de l’Évangile
Concordant (Chester Beatty MS 709), 2 vols., CBM 8 (Dublin: Hodges Figgis & Co., 1963 [vol. 1];
Leuven: Peeters, 1990 [vol. 2, additional folios]); for the Armenian, see Louis Leloir, ed. and trans.,
Saint Éphrem: Commentaire de l’Évangile Concordant, version arménienne, 2 vols., CSCO 137, 145
(Leuven, 1953–4); for an English translation, see Carmel McCarthy, ed. and trans., Saint Ephrem’s
Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron: An English Translation of Chester Beatty Syriac MS 709 with
Introduction and Notes, Journal of Semitic Studies Supplement 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993).
10 Lange, Kommentar zum Diatessaron, vol. 1, pp. 56–66.
11 Louis Leloir, Le Témoignage d’Éphrem sur le Diatessaron, CSCO 227 (Leuven: CSCO, 1962).
12 F. C. Burkitt, “Tatian’s Diatessaron and the Dutch Harmonies,” JTS 25 (1924): pp. 115–16;
Petersen, Tatian’s Diatessaron, 138.
13 Petersen, Tatian’s Diatessaron, p. 135.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/08/21, SPi

An Overview of Diatessaron Witnesses 9

(Luke 5:1–11) to the paralyzed man in Capernaum,14 which resembles Luke’s

sequence but passes over several pericopes in the Arabic harmony (6.5–7.10).
Similarly, Ephrem’s omission of the feeding of the four thousand does not mean
that Tatian excised this story,15 which is present in every extant harmony related
to the Diatessaron. As I have demonstrated elsewhere, Ephrem’s clearest
redactional Tendenz is the intentional suppression of Johannine references to
Jewish festivals (see §3.1.1).16 Agreements between the Arabic harmony and
Ephrem’s commentary are highly significant, but omissions from the commentary
are not indicative of absences in the Diatessaron.

1.1.3 Aphrahat’s Demonstrations

Aphrahat occasionally attests the Syriac wording of the Diatessaron.17 His

Demonstration 20, on caring for the poor, also attests the same sequence found
in the Arabic harmony and Ephrem’s commentary as well as western witnesses. In
this instance, Tatian grouped several rich men who appear in different places in
the separate Gospels (see §3.5).18

1.2 Western Witnesses

I divide the western witnesses into two branches. One comprises the Latin Codex
Fuldensis, its copies, and its translation into Old High German. The other
comprises the Middle Dutch and Middle High German Stuttgart–Liège–Zurich
harmonies. These western witnesses are clearly related, but one of my main
contentions throughout this book is that these medieval vernacular harmonies do
not derive from exant Latin MSS as easily as recent scholarship has claimed.

14 Matt 9:1–8//Mark 2:1–12//Luke 5:17–26.

15 Contra R. H. Connolly, “The Diatessaron in the Syriac Acts of John,” JTS 8 (1907), p. 574; cf.
Samuel Hemphill, ed., The Diatessaron of Tatian (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1888), p. 24.
16 James W. Barker, “The Narrative Chronology of Tatian’s Diatessaron,” NTS 66 (2020): pp. 292–4;
the commentary reflects Ephrem’s fourth-­century Syrian concerns about Christians participating in
Jewish rituals, and I retain the traditional attribution to Ephrem, even if the commentary derives from
his school.
17 For the Syriac text, see W. Wright, The Homilies of Aphraates, the Persian Sage, vol. 1 (London:
Williams & Norgate, 1869); see also Johannes Parisot, Aphraatis Sapientis Persae: Demonstrationes,
2 vols., Patrologia Syriaca (Paris: Firmin-­Didot, 1894–1907); for a French translation, see Marie-­Joseph
Pierre, Aphraate le Sage Persan: Les Exposés, 2 vols., SC 349, 359 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1988–1989);
for English translation, see Adam Lehto, ed., The Demonstrations of Aphrahat the Persian Sage, Gorgias
Eastern Christianity Studies 27 (Piscataway: Gorgias, 2010).
18 On Aphrahat’s witness to Tatian’s wording in the rich young ruler, see Jeffrey Paul Lyon, Syriac
Gospel Translations: A Comparison of the Language and Translation Method Used in the Old Syriac, the
Diatessaron, and the Peshitto, CSCO 548 (Leuven: Peeters, 1994), pp. 93–118.
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