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MECHANICAL VIBRATIONS
AND CONDITION
MONITORING
MECHANICAL VIBRATIONS
AND CONDITION
MONITORING
JUAN CARLOS A. JAUREGUI CORREA

Autonomous University of Queretaro
Queretaro, Mexico
ALEJANDRO A. LOZANO GUZMAN

National Polytechnic Institute
Queretaro, Mexico
Academic Press is an imprint of Elsevier
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© 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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Publisher (other than as may be noted herein).
Notices
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broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional practices, or medical
treatment may become necessary.
Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in evaluating
and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In using such
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Introduction
Conditioning monitoring is an evolution of predictive maintenance or pro-

active maintenance. The origin is difficult to define, but predictive mainte-
nance has made enormous progress over the last few decades. Nowadays, it
has been addressed as one of the most innovative solutions for anticipating
failures in machinery and is being used by a wide variety of industrial sectors.
Prediction maintenance could be applied to a large industrial sector when
the cost of vibration sensors was competitive. This advantage reduced the
cost of failures in comparison with the investment in the measurement
equipment and analysis system. In the beginning, the systems were rudimen-
tary and required specialized personnel to collect data and make the analysis.
The convergence of high-precision accelerometers and the ability to process
the Fourier transform with the FFT algorithm allowed the development of
rapid tools that can make a diagnosis on the actual condition of machines.
Previously, vibration sensors were applied in just a few types of equipment
due to their cost and the need for specialized personnel. These first concepts
were complemented with other emerging technologies such as ultrasonic,
thermography, acoustic sensors, and directional microphones.
The first application of predictive maintenance was made by the Royal
Air Force in the United Kingdom. It was found that the rate of failure
increased after the repair or inspection of machines, even following the
maintenance plans. This phenomenon was named the “Waddington
Effect,” which led to condition monitoring. It was decided to adjust the
maintenance programs and align them to the physical condition and fre-
quency of use to reduce the Waddington effect. The process required the
analysis of much data, but the launch of this program reduced the number
of failures. Conditioning monitoring systems evaluate the vibration data and
determine the condition of the machine based on the analysis of amplitude
and frequency. The original signal has raw data that have to be treated to
produce a reference baseline. Sampling the evolution of the data during
operation indicates the condition of the machine and, in the case of a failure,
the data will present significant changes. Conditioning monitoring systems
have increased the reliability of machinery because they include new sensors
while also using fast processing hardware and better algorithms for the signal
process. The application of artificial intelligent programs in conditioning
vii
viii Introduction
monitoring systems has increased the reliability of modern machinery,

allowing more extended periods between maintenance. These complex sys-
tems can anticipate failures in most of the components that constitute mod-
ern machines. The analysis data is also linked to purchasing programs and the
supply chain, enabling the reduction of spare part inventories.
Conditioning monitoring systems depend on the diagnosis of machin-
ery, equipment, and machine trains. The principal source of data for the
diagnosis comes from measuring mechanical vibrations. Traditionally, the
study of the mechanical vibrations has been considered tedious work
without an immediate application in engineering practice in the industry,
but that could not be further from reality. The vibratory phenomenon is,
practically, present in all machines and mechanical systems of any industrial
facility or structure. The force that excites any structure comes from the
movement of mechanical components. The variations in the homogeneity
of the materials are among the causes of vibrations. Other sources of
vibrations are the imperfections in the machining process, the manufactur-
ing tolerances, and the clearance for assembly of the machines. A machine
will vibrate if it operates in an overloaded state, if it is working below its
design parameters, if it lacks maintenance, or if it has excessive wear. The
intention of measuring vibrations is to have enough information to analyze
the conditions of a machine train and to keep the vibration levels of the
machines within acceptable values. Also, with proper interpretation, these
vibrations can provide a great deal of information regarding the operating
conditions of the equipment and mechanical systems.
The development of electronics, computers, and software provides great
storage capacity and information processing, which make possible the
application of vibration analysis in an industrial environment. However,
it is necessary to have an in-depth knowledge of the operating principles
of the measuring devices. The measuring systems generate large amounts
of data that must be analyzed, taking into account the theoretical back-
ground (theory of vibrations) and the analysis tools. The combination of
these elements potentializes the application of Conditioning Monitoring
Systems. Otherwise, one can easily become a “black box” user without
being able to interpret the causes and effects that mechanical vibrations have
in the different mechanical systems.
This book has two main objectives: To provide a maintenance engineer
with the necessary tools to make proper use of his/her measuring equip-
ment, and to introduce both engineering students and recently qualified
engineers in the practical implementation of vibration analysis in the
Introduction ix
predictive maintenance of machinery. The mathematical developments

highlight the principal concepts for understanding the theory, emphasizing
the ideas of the vibration theory as well as their importance in the practice of
predictive maintenance.
In particular, the book addresses the technicians and engineers who need
to apply their knowledge in a practical way to conditioning monitor a
machine train. Likewise, it will also be useful for actual technicians to sup-
port their observations and decisions theoretically concerning machinery
and equipment maintenance.
General considerations
The idea that the maintenance of the machinery is fundamental to increase

the productivity in an industrial plant is a concept that, finally, is being well
taken among engineers. This is surprising considering the number of indus-
trial executives who have ignored the impact that maintenance has in the
quality and quantity of the products they manufacture. The results are evi-
dent because the maintenance practices are increasing and improving, along
with the consequent reduction of costs and incidences in production.
Three maintenance administration techniques can be identified: The
failure of the equipment or corrective maintenance, the scheduled regular
intervals (preventive maintenance), and associating maintenance with the
analysis of the performance of the equipment (predictive maintenance).
The first of the aforementioned techniques is simple and direct: When a
machine fails, it has to be fixed. In a plant where this maintenance technique
is put into practice, money is spent only on spare parts when the machine
stops operating. However, in general it is the most expensive technique
for the costs involved due to the lack of production and the negative effects
this failure causes in the operation of the rest of the plant. In fact, a total lack
of maintenance is unusual in most companies, considering that some basic
lubrication and minor adjustment activities are made in the machines. How-
ever, this minimal maintenance also requires having the capacity to fix all
machines of the plant while also getting spare parts and technical assistance
within a minimum emergency time, which increases the costs of both the
technical advice and spare parts.
A more rational approach to plant maintenance is constituted thanks to
so-called preventive maintenance, which bases its methodology on the sta-
tistical behavior of the different pieces of equipment of industrial processes
x Introduction
or in a given mechanical system. There is a lot of information that shows that

mechanical systems, especially those in industrial plant machines, are more
susceptible to fail at the beginning of their lifespan due to installation errors
and inherent mismatches to their manufacture. This period is known as set-
tlement. Immediately, the failure rate decreases considerably.
Acknowledgments
Achieving knowledge and spreading it is perhaps one of the most significant

aspects of our society. The social impact of exchanging ideas and points of
view allowed us to create this book. We appreciate the effort and support
provided by diverse professionals, most of whom are researchers and special-
ists who helped enrich our analysis with their contributions and recommen-
dations. We must also recognize the institutional support given to us, for
welcoming and stimulating our research and scientific proposal, to the
Universidad Autónoma de Queretaro and the Instituto Politecnico
Nacional.
In particular, we express our gratitude to Luis Huerta Ishikawa for his
thoughtful comments regarding the material of the book. Likewise, to
Ricardo Santamaria Holek for his wise initiative to integrate and publish
the present work. Also, we want to thank Frank Beker Rubio for his effort
in reviewing the quality of the translation. Finally, we thank Rodolfo Vega
Hernandez for his support in translating the original material to English.
Juan Carlos A. Jauregui Correa

Alejandro A. Lozano Guzman
CHAPTER ONE
Fundamentals of mechanical
vibrations
General considerations
The basis for most conditioning monitoring systems is the analysis of
vibration signals. Thus, a fundamental part to understand the causes and effects
of vibrations is the study of oscillatory movements and the interactions among
the different components of a machine or a set of machines. These oscillatory
movements, in the context of design and machinery analysis, are known as
mechanical vibrations or, more generically, vibrations. The essence of con-
ditioning monitoring is the analysis of the relationship between the input sig-
nal (the source of vibration) and the output response (the output signal), and
the evolution of the dynamic behavior of the machine. In most cases, the
machinery can be considered as a lineal system, although there are some par-
ticular cases that will be analyzed in other chapters, and the output signal will
be a linear response of the excitation forces. Even though a machine is a com-
plex system composed of a large number of mechanical elements, its dynamic
response can be represented as a simple lumped-mass system.
The presented approach highlights the basic concepts of mechanical
vibrations, leaving the mathematical developments for further consultation.
There are a great number of excellent textbooks devoted to the study of
mechanical vibrations, presenting solution methods for movement equa-
tions of the different cases; from these textbooks, only the essential concepts
are summarized. The material presented in this book is organized to under-
stand the basis for the application of a conditioning monitoring system and
the interpretation for the diagnosis of machinery.
At the same time, a link is established between the merely practical and
the empirical study of vibrations and the formal study of the basic concepts of
the mechanical vibrations theory. The concepts presented in this chapter
will allow the maintenance engineer to analyze and predict causes and effects
in the operation of the machines.
Mechanical Vibrations and Condition Monitoring © 2020 Elsevier Inc. 1

https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-819796-7.00001-9 All rights reserved.
2 Mechanical Vibrations and Condition Monitoring
Among the concepts presented in this chapter, the definition of mechan-

ical vibrations will be divided into deterministic and random vibrations. The
deterministic vibrations represent regular movements whose waveform can
be known in time, whereas random vibrations do not repeat regularly.
However, this chapter presents the fundamentals of the study of the mechan-
ical vibration, considering that they are deterministic, suggesting that the
movement is harmonic, that is, that it regularly repeats in time.
Random vibrations are usually found in the vibration analysis for condi-
tioning monitoring. However, through spectral analysis techniques, random
signals are studied by applying the defined concepts for the harmonic
vibrations.
In order to analyze the vibratory phenomena, it is necessary to represent
the movements so that the characteristics of the vibrations can be identified
as either deterministic or random. The simplest representation of a machine
is made by idealizing its vibratory movements as a mass in motion supported
by a spring and a viscous damper (Fig. 1.1). The mass is considered a single
particle and the spring is considered an element that obeys Hook’s law,
where k is the stiffness constant of the spring, m is the mass of the particle,
and the viscous constant c is the damping of this movement. The force gen-
erated by oscillating this spring is given by Fr ¼ kx, where x is the displace-
ment that the mass m suffers. The force generated by this damper is given by
Fa ¼ cv, where c is the damping coefficient and v is the speed of the mass
motion m. The external forces applied to the mechanical system formed
by the mass, the spring, and the damper are represented by F(t).
Fig. 1.1 Conceptual model of the vibratory system.

Fundamentals of mechanical vibrations 3
F(t)
x(t)
mg
kx(t) ·
cx(t)
Fig. 1.2 Representation of the acting forces on a vibratory system.
The equation of motion is obtained by considering Newton’s second law

F ¼ ma and the sum of forces acting on the mass m. For this case, the acting
forces are those shown in Fig. 1.2, having:
kx cv + F ðtÞ mg + Fest ¼ ma (1.1)
In this formula, Fest is the force produced by the mass weight m (g, acceler-
ation of gravity), and a is the acceleration produced in the system, simplified
in such a way as:
ma + kx + cv ¼ F ðt Þ (1.2)
Considering the notation
v ¼ lim ðΔx=Δt Þ Δt ! 0; dx=dt ¼ x_
a ¼ lim ðΔv=Δt Þ Δt ! 0; dv=dt ¼ d2 =dt2 ¼ x€
The equation of motion is
mx€ + c x_ + kx ¼ F ðtÞ (1.3)
This expression is the equation of motion of one degree of freedom with
forced vibration and damping. The concept of “degree of freedom” refers
to the minimum number of coordinates necessary to define the kinematics of
a mechanical element. In this case, the system has one degree of freedom
because it is only required to know the displacement x to determine the
position of the mass m.
The solution of the second-order differential equation has two elements,
the homogenous solution and the particular solution. The homogenous
solution represents the free vibration movement and the particular solution
corresponds to the forced vibration of the mass.
The characterization of the oscillatory movement of the mass m is
obtained by defining the equation of movement according to the frequency
( f ) and the amplitude (x).
The oscillation frequency is the number of times per unit of time the move-
ment repeats and its amplitude is the magnitude of the maximum displacement.
According to the previous, it can be inferred that f ¼ n/t, where n is the
number of cycles completed in an interval t. If n ¼ 1, it is said that t ¼ T is the
oscillation period, meaning that f ¼ 1/T given in cycles/second (cycles/s) or
Hertz, abbreviated with Hz. Due to the fact that a harmonic oscillation
repeats regularly, it can be represented as shown in Fig. 1.3, where it can
be seen that for a cycle to be complete, the period must be T ¼ 2π/ω. In
this expression, ω is the angular frequency, that is, the angle that runs
through the vector A per time unit. Taking into account the previously
mentioned, the relation between ω and f is given by ω ¼ 2πf.
Considering the amplitude and speed values with which the movement
(x0 y v0) starts and which are generically known as initial conditions, the
phase angle can be defined as ϕ ¼ tan1(v0/x0ω).
Fig. 1.4 Illustrates the points of reference that define the peak amplitude,
the peak to peak, the average value, and the root mean square (RMS) in a
periodic signal and a random signal (without apparent order).
The peak-to-peak value indicates the end-to-end total displacement of
the vibration. This value is required when, for example, with the maximum
force in a machine part, it is presented with the maximum amplitude. The
peak value is useful to indicate short-term impacts, without considering
the history of the vibration. When it is required to know the average value
of the vibration, the following expression is used:
Fig. 1.3 Representation of a harmonic oscillation.

Fig. 1.4 Definition of the peak values, peak to peak, average, and the root mean square
in a vibration signal.
ðT
xprom ¼ 1=T xdt (1.4)
0
The average of a sinusoidal function is always zero; therefore, its value has
minimum contribution for the analysis of a vibration signal, and it is useless
for a conditioning monitoring system. There is another measurement of the
average amplitude of a sinusoidal signal, namely the root mean square
(RMS), which is given by the following expression:
ðT 1=2
xRMS ¼ 1=T x dt2
(1.5)
0
This formula is related to the evaluation of the vibration in the time and with
the energy content of the vibratory wave. For a sine wave of unitary ampli-
tude, the RMS value is 0.707 of the peak amplitude.
The simplest case is the free vibration of a particle without damping.
Free vibration
Assuming there is an undamped motion with no external excita-
tion, there would be an equation of the form mx€ + kx ¼ 0 in such a way
that:
x€ + ω2n ¼ 0 (1.6)
where
pffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
ωn ¼ k=m (1.7)
This last expression is known as natural frequency. It is the frequency that the
mass m would oscillate after applying an excitation with minimum excitation
energy and without damping.
The solution of the differential equation is of the form
xðtÞ ¼ αeλt (1.8)

Using Euler’s numbers, the solution of this equation can be transformed into
x ¼ x0 cos ðωn t + ϕÞ (1.9)
where x0 and ϕ depend on the initial conditions.
At t ¼ 0,x ¼ x0 , x_ ¼ x_ 0 , therefore
x_ 0
tan ðϕÞ ¼ (1.10)
x0 ωn
As can be seen, the free movement of the vibratory system is harmonic.
The natural frequency, which as a damping absence is equal to the res-
onance frequency, is a fundamental characteristic of the vibratory systems.
Therefore, in a conditioning monitoring system, it is a fundamental param-
eter that can be determined from the vibration measurements because most
of the vibratory effects being presented in the machines will be associated
with the natural frequency. Even though the operating conditions of a
machine are set away from the natural frequencies, it determines the ampli-
tude response of a machine.
Damped free vibration

_
In this case, the damping of the system is considered with the term c x,
where c is the damping coefficient and x_ is the displacement speed. Consid-
ering again Fig. 1.3 and the sum of forces is:
mx€ + c x_ + kx ¼ 0 (1.11)
that can be expressed as
x€ + ðc=mÞx_ + ðk=mÞx ¼ 0 (1.12)
Using the definitions,
k=m ¼ ω2n (1.13)
ξ ¼ c=2mωn (1.14)
with ξ defined as the damping factor (the definition of this factor is derived
from the solution of the second-order differential equation, and it is also
known as the critical damping factor), the equation of motion remains as
x€ + 2ξω2n x_ + ω2n x ¼ 0 (1.15)
The solution of this equation depends on both the value of the damping
factor ξ and the initial conditions x(0) and x_ ð0Þ. There are three possible
solutions: overdamping (ξ > 1), underdamped (ξ < 1), and critical damping
(ξ ¼ 1).
In case the displacement and initial speed are x(0) ¼ 0 and x_ ð0Þ ¼ v0 , the
solution of the equation for the overdamped case is:
v0 h 1=2 i
ξωn t
xðtÞ ¼ 1=2 e senh ξ2
1 ωn t (1.16)
ξ2 1 ωn
Fig. 1.5 shows the variations as a function of the initial speed (Fig. 1.5A), the
natural frequency (Fig. 1.5B), and the damping factor (Fig. 1.5C).
(A) (B)
(C)
Fig. 1.5 Variations of an overdamped vibration for different values of initial speed (A),
natural frequency (B), and damping factor (C).
(A) (B)
Fig. 1.6 Variations of a critically damped vibration for typical values of initial conditions
(A) and natural frequencies (B).
Fig. 1.6 shows the solution for the critical damping condition, where
x(t) ¼ v0te ωnt (this solution is a particular case for solving a second-order dif-
ferential equation when the characteristic polynomial has two identical
roots, also known as the critical damping condition). Fig. 1.6A represents
the response when the system is excited at different initial conditions, and
Fig. 1.6B shows the response of different systems with different natural
frequencies.
For the underdamped case,
xðt Þ ¼ ðv0 =ωd Þeξωn t senωd t, (1.17)

with
qffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
ωd ¼ ωn 1 ξ2 (1.18)
This solution is found by solving a second-order differential equation with a

characteristic polynomial with two complex roots. This is the most useful
solution because it represents most of the dynamic problems found in
mechanical systems. Fig. 1.7A shows the variations of this solution as a func-
tion in the initial speed, Fig. 1.7B corresponds to the solution as a function of
the damping factor, and Fig. 1.7C shows the effect of different system
parameters (different natural frequencies). The expression ωd is known as
the frequency of the damped free vibration, whose value will be lower when
the damping factor of the system is higher.
The development of the previous equations is useful when identifying
system parameters. The dynamic response of a mechanical system can be
obtained by hitting the equipment with an instrumented hammer and mea-
suring the vibrations with an accelerometer. The test results will produce a
(A) (B)
(C)
Fig. 1.7 Variations of an undamped vibration for typical values of the initial speed (A),
damping factor (B), and natural frequency (C).
similar graphic to those displayed in Fig. 1.7. From the analysis of the
response, it is possible to evaluate the dynamic parameters, first determining
the logarithmic decrement in order to find ξ. Fig. 1.8 presents the concept of
the logarithmic decrement, which allows the damping of systems to be eval-
uated considering the decrease in amplitude between two consecutive cycles
of a vibration. Considering the expressions x(t) for a damped free vibration
for either of the two consecutive cycles, if it takes place involving the times t1
and (t1 + T), the following relation can be established:
x
T=2πωd
x1
x2
t
t1 t2
Fig. 1.8 Logarithmic decrement.

x1 eξωn t1
¼ ξω ðt + T Þ ¼ eξωn T (1.19)
x2 e n 1
Where
x1
ln ¼ ξωn T ¼ δ (1.20)
x2
In this formula, δ represents the logarithmic decrement.
pffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
For the damped free vibration, ωn is substituted by ωn ¼ ωd = 1 ξ2
and T ¼ 2π/ωd, making it possible to establish the relation
δ
ξ ¼ qffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi (1.21)
ð2π Þ2 + δ2
With the previous expressions, it is possible to obtain the damping of a sys-

tem by measuring the amplitude of vibration of two consecutive cycles
because knowing the logarithmic decrement can clear up the damping
factor from the previous expression. In addition, by using the expression
ξ ¼ c/2mωn the damping coefficient c can also be obtained. However, it’s
important to remark that the value of the damping coefficient of a system
only depends on the damper while with the damping factor, it is determined
by the parameters of the mechanical system.
Forced vibration
Every machine is subjected to external excitations, which are
related to the operating conditions and the mechanical configuration
of each component. For conditioning monitoring systems, this character-
istic boosts the prediction of failures at a component level. Thus, it is
important to deeply understand the response of a mechanical system to
a forced excitation. The simplest system is a one-degree-of-freedom
mass-spring system (a simple linear pendulum of a single-degree-
of-freedom oscillator has the same dynamic response). The most illustra-
tive case is when the excitation force is represented as a simple harmonic
excitation. The response of a one-degree-of-freedom system to a har-
monic excitation is presented next. An essential part of the study of
mechanical vibrations is the knowledge of the response of the system
to an external excitation. In the case of the machinery, the main source
of this external excitation comes from the power supply to the machine
through the motors used for its operation. This means that, once the
machine starts up, forced vibrations will occur. However, the total elim-
ination of these vibrations is impossible because the very operation of the
engines in industrial conditions is subject to the variation of their com-
ponents, tolerances, mismatches, imbalances, variations in the power sup-
ply, and wear of parts; in other words, countless causes. The purpose,
therefore, is to keep these vibrations at tolerable levels. With vibration
monitoring for predictive maintenance, the intention is to identify the
source of any change in the tolerable levels of forced vibration before
they exceed the reference levels of normal operation.
Here, the response of a one-degree-of-freedom vibratory system to a
harmonic excitement is studied, providing the basis for the spectral analysis
application to the study of the forced vibration in machinery.
In the previous section, the solution for the homogenous equation,
mx€ + c x_ + kx ¼ 0, was presented. This suggests the concept of the system
response to an external excitation. However, it should be taken into
account that the complete solution of the nonhomogeneous equation
mx€ + c x_ + kx ¼ F ðt Þ is the sum of the solution of the homogeneous equa-
tion, called the transitory solution, plus the solution of the nonhomogeneous
equation, called the permanent state solution, which will be present as long
as the excitation is present F(t).
From Fig. 1.4, the equation of motion is obtained by the sum of forces:
mx€ + c x_ + kx ¼ F ðtÞ (1.22)
According to this expression, F(t), the force of external excitation, displaces
the stiffness spring k in a harmonic way. The excitation force is always pro-
portional to the stiffness coefficient, thus:
F ðt Þ ¼ k f ðtÞ ¼ kA cos ðωtÞ (1.23)
Here, f(t) is the displacement function of the external force of the ampli-
tude A and the frequency ω. Dividing between m and considering the
established relations c/m and k/m in the previous section, the equation
of motion is:
x€ + 2ξωn x_ + ω2n x ¼ ω2n Acos ðωtÞ (1.24)

For a harmonic motion, it is assumed that the solution of the previous
equation is:
xðtÞ ¼ X cos ðωt ϕÞ (1.25)
This approximation can be demonstrated from the particular solution of a

second-order differential equation with a harmonic function. The demon-
stration is out of the scope of this chapter.
Here, X represents the amplitude of the response to the force F(t) and ϕ is
the phase angle between the applied force and the resulting displacement of
the system. The phase angle also represents the time delay between the exci-
tation signal and the response signal. The importance of the property will be
discussed latter because it is utilized for distinguishing the nature of two sig-
nals that have the same excitation frequency but different responses. x_ ðtÞ and
x€ðtÞ are obtained deriving two times x(t), and when substituted into the
equation of motion, solving the algebra, the procedure generates two equa-
tions from which result the amplitude relation between the input F(t) of
amplitude A and the output x(t) of amplitude X given by:
X 1
¼ qffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 ¼ jH ðωÞj (1.26)
A
1 ðω=ωn Þ2 + ð2ξω=ωn Þ2
The expression j H(ω)j is known as the magnification factor or the transfer

function between the excitation force and the dynamic response.
In Fig. 1.9, the concept of phase angle is presented, indicating the period
T ¼ 2π/ωn and phase (t ¼ ϕ/ω) between the signals f(t) and x(t). Therefore,
for this case the phase angle between the input excitation force F(t) and the
resulting output displacement x(t) is given by:
2ξω=ωn
ϕ ¼ tan 1 (1.27)
1 ðω=ωn Þ2
Fig. 1.10 shows the typical chart obtained from the relationship between the
amplitude X/A ¼ j H(ω)j and the frequency ratio ω/ωn for different values of
the damping factor ξ. Fig. 1.11 shows the variations of the phase angle as a
Fig. 1.9 Phase angle between the excitation force and the output displacement.
Fig. 1.10 Magnification factor versus relation of frequencies.
Fig. 1.11 Phase angle versus relation of frequencies.
function of the frequency ratio and the damping factor. This analysis is very
useful for understanding the transmissibility of the excitation forces within
the machine components.
In the previous case, it was assumed that the base of the system was fixed.
If it is considered that this base moves harmonically, the system can be rep-
resented by the scheme shown in Fig. 1.12, with the displacement and speed
of the base given by xb(t) ¼ A1 cos(ωt) and x_ b ðtÞ ¼ A1 ωsenðωtÞ: With
these, the equation of motion is expressed as follows:
x€ + 2ξωn x_ + ω2n x ¼ ω2n xb + 2ξωn x_ b (1.28)
The solution of this equation, as in the case seen in the previous section, is
also of the form
Fig. 1.12 Vibratory system considering the motion of the base.
xðtÞ ¼ X1 cos ðωt ϕ1 Þ (1.29)

If the base has harmonic excitation, the relation of the amplitudes is known
as transmissibility and it is given by:
qffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
X1 =A1 ¼ jH ðωÞj 1 + ð2ξω=ωn Þ2 (1.30)
The phase angle is:
2ξðω=ωn Þ3
ϕ1 ¼ tan 1 (1.31)
1 ðω=ωn Þ2 + ð2ξω=ωn Þ2
This concept of transmissibility relates the force that the mass m would trans-
mit to the base where it is fixed, if in turn this mass would be experiencing a
harmonic force F0(t) ¼ F0 cos(ωt).
Figs. 1.13 and 1.14 show the variations of the amplitude ratio and phase
angle for different values of the damping coefficient. This analysis is known
as the force transmitted by a machine to its base. This is, if the excitation
force that the machine experiences is F0(t) ¼ F0 cos(ωt), the relation between
the transmitted force (Ftr) and the applied force (F0) to the base will be
given by:
Ftr =F0 ¼ X1 =A1 ¼ jH ðωÞj 1 + ð2ξω=ωn Þ2 (1.32)
Practically, it is impossible to eliminate the vibrations of a motor operating in

industrial conditions due to manufacturing imperfections, component wear,
and the interaction with other machines through its base. An example of the
aforementioned is the case of an unbalanced motor that, when turning, has
the shaft transmitting alternating forces to the basement. To analyze this case,
it is important to consider the system shown in Fig. 1.15, which presents a
mass motor M with a support on its base, defined by a stiffness k and a
Fig. 1.13 Variation of the amplitudes relation with the relation of frequencies, consid-
ering the harmonic motion of the base.
Fig. 1.14 Variation of the phase angle with the relation of the amplitude, considering
the harmonic motion of the base.
Fig. 1.15 Representation of a motor transmitting alternating loads to its base in the
vertical direction.
damping coefficient c. If it is considered that the imbalance of the system is

caused by a mass m0, which is a fraction of M and spins at a distance e around
the rotating shaft of the motor, it can be established that, in the vertical
shaft, the force that produces the imbalance is F(t) ¼ m0ω2e cos(ωt). In this
case, the lateral motion that would produce the horizontal component of the
imbalance force is ignored. If required, it would be made in the horizontal
direction, a similar approach to the one conducted for the vertical motion of
the motor.
It is F0 ¼ m0ω2e, by which the relationship between the transmitted force
and the present force due to imbalance is:
Ftr = m0 ω2 e ¼ jH ðωÞj 1 + ð2ξω=ωn Þ2 (1.33)
It must be noted that F0 is not constant but instead depends on the frequency
ω, which is the angular speed of the motor shaft, dividing both sides of Eq.
(1.33) by m0ω2ne the relation of the normalized transmitted force Ftr is
obtained, normalized in respect to the transmitted force to the natural fre-
quency, that is, the force that would be transmitted with the motor shaft
spinning to its natural frequency. In this way, the previous relation is:
Ftr = m0 ω2n e ¼ ðω=ωn Þ2 jH ðωÞj 1 + ð2ξω=ωn Þ2 (1.34)
Fig. 1.16 presents the variation of the FtrMAX with respect to the relation of
frequencies ω/ωn. In this figure, it can be seen that in the case of the
Fig. 1.16 Variation of the maximum transmitted force in respect to the relation of
frequencies.
resonance, that is, if ω/ωn and if the damping factor is ξ ¼ 0, the transmitted
force tends to infinite. It is also interesting to note that the lower the
damping factor, the greater the transmitted force.
However, if ξ is bigger, the transmitted force will increase with the fre-
quency, indicating a clear need to analyze in detail and with solid founda-
tions each vibration problem of the machinery. In many cases, increasing the
damping factor of a machine not only does not solve the vibration problem
but actually aggravates it.
Transmissibility
The definition of the previous section is very useful when designing
the supports of a machine, the shock absorbers or the foundation. To design
a shock absorber, for example, it is necessary to specify its stiffness and
damping coefficients. To find these values, it is important to determine cer-
tain design parameters from the transmissibility function, which is defined as:
vffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
u 2
u 2 ω
u 1 + 4ζ
u ωn
Tf ¼ uu !2 (1.35)
u 2 2
t 1 ω 2 ω
+ 4ζ
ωn ωn
In this case, the designer must establish a certain transmissibility value and a
specific frequency. Fig. 1.17 shows the transmissibility as a function of ω/ωn.
It is impossible to have zero transmissibility but an acceptable value is below
pffiffiffi
one. From Fig. 1.17 it is clear to find that ω=ωn > 2.
Once the design conditions are determined and the material properties
selected, the geometry of the absorber must be defined.
To better understand the effect that the excitation force has on the speed
of the equipment, it is necessary to define the concept of critical speed.
Critical speed
One concept of the vibration theory that has major application in the
analysis of the rotating machinery is the critical speed of a rotor. This is
because, at these speeds, the amplitudes of maximum vibrations are pres-
ented; these occur at the natural frequencies of the rotor. When the angular
frequency of rotation of the rotor (ω) is equal to the natural frequency of the
aforementioned (ωn), it is said that it goes through a critical speed of the
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we remained where we were. The rising sun showed us the
unfortunate city of New Madrid more than three parts destroyed,
and flooded, with here and there one of the wretched inhabitants
making his way out of the ruins. Our boats were in the centre of a
sort of island formed by falling trees, and several hours passed before
we could extricate ourselves. At Natchez, which we reached on the
thirty-second day, and where we remained a week, we heard full
particulars of the earthquake, but we saw nothing of any of the boats
that had surrounded us on the evening of the 6th February. At New
Orleans, the only sign perceived of the commotion was a swinging to
and fro of the chandeliers in the ball-room, and the sickness and
fainting of a great number of ladies. This remarkable earthquake
commenced in the north-west of Missouri state, was felt more or less
throughout Louisiana, and extended through the Gulf of Mexico to
Caraccas, where it played great havoc, destroying nearly the whole
city, and swallowing up or reducing to poverty forty thousand
persons. Nothing more was ever heard of the boats, and if we had not
remained stationary we should doubtless have shared their fate.”
After five years’ absence, Mr Nolte found New Orleans greatly
increased in size, but very little improved with respect to the
character of its inhabitants, who had added to their former bad
qualities a taste for lawsuits and chicanery, introduced amongst
them by an immigration of greedy advocates from the Northern
States. Mr Nolte—who, as somebody said of him, many years later,
when he was an inmate of the Queen’s Bench at the suit of the
litigious and crack-brained ex-duke of Brunswick, was all his life the
plaything of misfortune, and whose best concerted and most prudent
plans were invariably marred by some unforeseen incident or
disaster—had no sooner taken and furnished a house in the chief city
of Louisiana than news came from Washington of war having been
declared against England—a crushing blow to our poor adventurer’s
well-founded hopes of extensive and profitable transactions with the
great European houses who wished him well and favoured his
enterprise. There was no help for it; he could but cross his hands and
pray for peace. The Mississippi was blockaded by British men-of-
war. The state of things at New Orleans resembled the intolerable
monotony and inactivity of a calm at sea, with the difference that the
latter can last but a few days or weeks, whilst the former might
endure for years. The only incidents that varied the monotony of life
at New Orleans during that war were of an unpleasant nature. In
August 1812, a frightful hurricane drove on shore eighteen of the
ships in harbour, and unroofed nearly the whole city. A few months
later, Mr Nolte broke his right arm at the elbow by a fall from his
horse, and the limb ever afterwards remained stiff and crooked.
Party-spirit ran high; private scandal, quarrels, and duels, were
resorted to by the restless and disreputable citizens of New Orleans
as a refuge from ennui. This portion of Mr Nolte’s book abounds in
curious details. “The whole neighbouring coast was kept in a state of
alarm by the piracies of the brothers Laffitte from Bayonne, by
Jauvinet, Beluche, Dominique, Gamba, and others, who might be
seen promenading the streets of New Orleans in broad daylight, and
wholly unmolested. They had their friends and connections and
warehouses in the city, and sold, almost openly, their stolen goods,
especially English manufactures. But the slave trade was their great
resource. They captured Spanish and other slavers on the high seas,
and took them to their chief depôt, the little island of Barataria on
the coast near New Orleans, whither the planters, chiefly of French
extraction, went to purchase the slaves—for one hundred and fifty or
two hundred dollars, instead of six hundred or seven hundred, which
they would have paid in the market—and conveyed them to their
plantations, up the numerous bayous or creeks intersecting that
district. And as the pirates would be paid in hard dollars, specie soon
began to be rare in the city.” Brought into contact, by certain banking
operations, with reckless and unscrupulous men, Mr Nolte managed
to get involved in a couple of duels, in which his stiff arm was of
course highly disadvantageous to him, and, with his usual good luck,
he received a bullet in his leg, which he still carries about with him. A
serious danger put a temporary end to these squabbles. An attack
was expected from the English, and General Jackson made his
appearance at New Orleans with fifteen hundred men, the most
efficient amongst whom were five hundred riflemen who had served
with Jackson in the Indian war, and were known as Coffee’s Brigade,
from their commander’s name. These were the fellows who picked
off the British officers from behind the cotton-bale barricades, of
which the materials proceeded from Mr Nolte’s stores. Trained in
repeated encounters with the savages, they were the sort of men
Sealsfield has so vividly painted, totally ignorant of military
organisation and discipline, but inaccessible to fear, perfectly cool in
danger, of great presence of mind and personal resource, and, above
all, unerring marksmen. Mr Nolte, although his stiff arm exempted
him from service, did not choose to see his friends go out to fight and
himself remain behind—the less so that he was already suspected of
partiality to the English—and he joined the light company of a
battalion of militia, several of whose officers had served under
Napoleon. According to Mr Nolte’s account, Jackson, blustering,
presumptuous, and overweeningly self-confident, would have led his
militia and irregulars to certain destruction at the hands of the well-
drilled British troops, but for the advice given him by Livingston,
who acted as one of his aides-de-camp, to consult a French emigrant
major named St Gême, who had formerly been in the English service
in Jamaica, and now commanded a company in the battalion in
which Mr Nolte had enrolled himself. “This officer had been a great
deal with Moreau, when the latter, on a visit to Louisiana a few years
previously, had scanned, with the critical eye of a tactician, the
position of New Orleans and its capabilities of defence. St Gême
rendered General Jackson and the American cause the great service
of making him understand that, in the open field, the English would
surround him and his handful of inexperienced followers, who had
but the name of soldiers, would utterly rout and certainly capture
them; and he pointed out to him the M’Carthy canal as the position
which Moreau had himself fixed upon as the most defensible,
especially for raw troops.” Mr Nolte, who writes impartially, and
without visible leaning either to English or to Americans, praises
Jackson for the self-command (a quality he did not often display)
with which he waived his own wishes in deference to the opinion of
the French general (he must have been mad to have disregarded it),
and abandoned plans which assuredly, if carried out, would have led
to the annihilation of his army and the capture of New Orleans.
Livingston, by whose representations he was induced to take counsel
of the French major, was a much better lawyer and statesman than
warrior, according to Mr Nolte, and showed himself but little where
bullets were flying. When the position decided upon was to be taken
up and redoubts built, the ground was found to be swampy and
slimy, and the earth unavailable for any sort of fortification,
whereupon a French engineer suggested the employment of cotton
bales. The plan adopted, Jackson would lose no time. “It was
observed to him,” says unlucky Mr Nolte, lugubriously, “that he
certainly might have plenty of cotton in the city for six or seven cents
a pound, but its conveyance would cause a day’s delay, whereas a
barque, already laden with cotton, and whose departure for the
Havana had only been prevented by the arrival of the English
squadron, lay close to the shore. It had on board two hundred and
forty-five bales, which I myself had shipped just before the invasion,
and sixty others belonging to a Spaniard of New Orleans. I was ill-
pleased, when they could have had cheap cotton for six or seven
cents in the town, to see them land, from a ship all ready to sail, my
best quality, which had cost me ten or eleven cents, and I said as
much to Livingston, who was my usual legal adviser in New Orleans,
and whom I fell in with at Battery No. 3. He was never at a loss for an
answer. ‘Well, Nolte,’ said he, ‘since it is your cotton, you will not
mind the trouble of defending it.’ A reply which was the foundation
of the story that, when the owner of the cotton complained of its
seizure, Jackson sent him a musket, with the message that upon no
man was it so incumbent to defend the bales as upon their owner,
and that he therefore hoped he would not abandon them.” Mr Nolte’s
whole account of the operations at New Orleans is clear and graphic,
but that brief campaign has been so often described that we are not
induced to dwell at much length upon his narrative, although it
contains some passages that, proceeding from an actor on the
American side, possess particular interest. On the left wing were the
best sharpshooters of Kentucky and Tennessee, invisible in the
cypress wood, and loading their rifles with three or four buckshot
besides the bullet. Their good weapons and sure aim sent destruction
through the ranks of the English, who saw no foe, but beheld all their
officers picked off. The whole right flank of the English column was
raked by this deadly fire, whilst in front the American batteries kept
up an uninterrupted discharge. “From time to time,” says Mr Nolte,
“when the smoke blew aside, I and my company obtained a view over
the battle-field, and there we saw the whole English centre
retreating, throwing away their fascines, and a staff-officer on a black
horse gallop forward, his hat in his hand, which he angrily waved as
if threatening the flying column. Suddenly, struck by several bullets,
he fell backwards from his horse—some soldiers wrapped him hastily
in blankets and carried him off. We learned in the evening that the
staff-officer was the commander-in-chief, General Pakenham.” The
fight was soon over. As Mr Nolte justly observes, it was a butchery
rather than a battle. The Americans, completely sheltered, had but
some thirty men killed and wounded, whilst their opponents had to
deplore the loss of many hundred good soldiers, than whom none
braver ever bore muskets, but whose commander’s good fortune was,
upon that occasion, unfortunately not equal to his often-tried valour,
and who, moreover, was misled by false information.
Mr Nolte does ample justice to the coolness, energy, and resolution
of General Jackson, and shows that even the gasconades and
exaggerations in which he constantly indulged had their use, since he
thereby deluded his own people, and all the prisoners taken by the
English concurred in such formidable accounts of the forces at his
disposal as could not fail to influence the proceedings of the
invaders. But after the affair of the 8th January, Jackson,
prodigiously elevated by his triumph, was anxious to assume the
offensive. For the second time he was indebted to Livingston for
sound advice. “What would you have more?” said the lawyer; “the
city is saved; the English will not renew the attack. Against troops
like those, whose intrepidity amidst the most frightful slaughter you
yourself have witnessed, what is the use of exposing yourself and
your handful of men to be roughly handled, to the diminution of your
glory and at risk of valuable lives?” As in the case of the position, the
general took his aide-de-camp’s sensible advice, and, as is not
unusual, got the whole credit of adopting the only rational course.
Livingston, some of whose eulogists have made of him a hero as well
as a lawgiver, was seized, it appears from Mr Nolte’s version of the
campaign, with a bad colic on the evening of the 7th, just after it
became known that the English would attack next morning, and
retired into New Orleans, where he next day received news of the
action. An hour afterwards he was back in camp—the English and the
colic having retreated together. Another of Jackson’s volunteer aides-
de-camp, also a lawyer, was off into the city before daybreak on the
8th, without even a pretext, and passed the morning riding about the
streets, shouting out that the foe was at hand, and calling upon all to
arm and hasten to the field—whereas all capable of bearing arms
were in the field, except a few skulkers like himself. No notice was
taken of these gentlemen’s shy behaviour, and Jackson, in his
despatch, drawn up by Livingston, thanked his military and
voluntary aides-de-camp “for their cool and deliberate bravery!”
The cotton bales used for the redoubts, and a quantity of blankets
that had been taken from Mr Nolte’s warehouse during his absence
from the city, gave rise to discussions which brought out the least
favourable side of Jackson’s character. Immediately after the
embarkation of the English, a commission was appointed to settle all
claims. Mr Nolte’s was for 750 blankets and 245 bales of cotton. The
former he was allowed for at the price of the day on which the
English landed—namely, eleven dollars a-pair; but when the order
was submitted to Jackson for his signature and ratification, he said
that as the blankets had been taken (almost forcibly) by the
Tennessee riflemen, they should be paid for in Tennessee notes—
then worth 10 per cent less than New Orleans paper-money. Mr
Nolte was fain to submit to this shabby trick, worthy of a Connecticut
pedlar. As regarded his cotton he had much more trouble. He
produced the invoice, proving that he had bought it, two years
previously, at 10 cents a pound, from a well-known wealthy cotton-
grower. He claimed that price, with the addition of two years’
interest. During the whole of that time, it had never been lower than
10 to 11 cents a pound, and a few days before the landing of the
English he had bought some at 12½ cents. But when the British
troops were on shore, and close at hand, there was a panic; markets
fell, the timid realised at any price, and a small parcel of cotton of the
same quality was sold at 7 cents. When Mr Nolte’s claim was
submitted to Jackson, he allowed it, and said the cotton must be paid
for at the price it would have fetched upon the day the American
troops marched out of the town. No notice being taken of Mr Nolte’s
written protest against such manifest injustice, he went to Jackson,
then in all the intoxication of his triumph, and of the exaggerated
homage paid him by his countrymen, and very well disposed to exert
the arbitrary power given him by the military law he still quite
unnecessarily maintained—a stretch of authority for which it will be
remembered that he was afterwards fined by the civil tribunals. In
reply to Mr Nolte’s representation and remonstrance—
“‘Aren’t you very lucky,’ he asked, ‘to have saved the rest of your
cotton through my defence of the city?’
“‘Certainly, general,’ answered I, ‘as lucky as every other man in
the place, but with this difference, that it costs them nothing, and
that I have to bear all the loss.’
“‘Loss?’ cried the general, getting rather angry—‘loss? You have
saved everything!’
“I saw it was no use arguing with such an obstinate man, and
remarked to him that I only wanted compensation for my cotton,
nothing more, and that the best compensation would be to give me
back the same quantity and quality that had been taken from me;
that I would appoint one merchant, he another; they would agree as
to quality, buy the cotton, deliver it me, and he should pay for it.
“‘No, no, sir!’ replied Jackson; ‘I like straightforward business, and
that is too complicated. You must take 6 cents for your cotton. I have
nothing more to say.’
“I wanted to make the whole thing clear to him, but he cut me
short: ‘Come, sir, come! Take a glass of whiskey-and-water; you must
be damned dry after all your arguing.’
“All I could do was to say: ‘Well, general, I did not expect such
injustice at your hands! Good morning, sir!’ And I went away. Three
days afterwards news came of the conclusion of peace, and the
consequence was an immediate rise of cotton to 16 cents, at which
price I bought several parcels. The committee of claims were
embarrassed; they felt that it was now impossible to fob me off with
6 cents. At last I was asked if I would now be content with payment
of my invoice; and I agreed to be so, since I must else have
complained to Congress, and the affair might have dragged on for
years.”
Some pages are devoted by Mr Nolte to an appreciation of Old
Hickory’s character. He condemns his arbitrary and overbearing
disposition, and his cruelty to the unfortunate Indians, whom he so
implacably and perseveringly hunted down, but does justice to his
shrewdness and other good qualities, considering, however, that
good luck had more to do than commanding talent with the
distinction and popularity he attained to in the States—an opinion
which we suspect to be now entertained by a very large number of
Jackson’s countrymen. Of the general’s tone and manners—rough as
those of a far-west woodsman—Mr Nolte gives some humorous
examples. After the action in front of New Orleans, demonstrations
innumerable were made in the hero’s honour. On his return into the
city, Mrs Livingston placed a crown of laurel upon his head, which
seemed considerably to embarrass the slayer of Seminoles, who took
it off as if it burned his brow; the ladies subscribed for a costly set of
jewels for Mrs General Jackson; and the principal inhabitants got up
a grand ball in the French Exchange. Mr Nolte, who had seen more
public festivities than most of the people of New Orleans, was a
prominent and active member of the committee.
“The upper part of the Exchange was arranged for dancing, the
lower part for supper, with flowers, coloured lamps, and
transparencies. Before supper, Jackson desired to go alone and take
a view of the arrangements, and I had to show him the way. On one
of the transparencies, between the arcades, were to be read the
words: ‘Jackson and victory, they are but one.’ The general turned
round to me, in a more cordial manner than I might have expected,
and asked, ‘Why did you not say Hickory and victory, they are but
one?’ After supper the hero of the day gave us the diverting spectacle
of a pas de deux between him and his wife—an Irish emigrant of low
origin and considerable corpulence, whom he had taken away from a
planter in Georgia. To see those two, the general a long lean man
with skeleton-like limbs, and his wife, a short thick specimen of the
female figure, dancing opposite to each other like half-drunken
Indians, to the wild tune of ‘Opossum up a gum tree,’ was truly one
of those remarkable spectacles which would be sought in vain in any
European ballet.”
During the second year of the war between England and the States,
a fine West Indiaman of 900 tons burthen, the “Lord Nelson,” was
captured by the Yankee privateer Saratoga, taken into New Orleans,
and sold by auction for a fourth of its value. Mr Nolte was the
purchaser. Now that the war was over, he loaded her with cotton and
deerskins, altered her name to the “Horatio,” and sailed for Nantes,
with several passengers on board. The ship was but just outside the
mouths of the Mississippi, when she spoke a vessel that had made an
unusually short voyage from Havre, and brought news of Napoleon’s
landing at Cannes, rapid march through France, and reinstallation in
the Tuileries. Two Frenchmen, who were amongst the passengers,
and one of whom had served under the emperor, were overjoyed.
Presently it was discovered that the “Horatio” had not enough ballast
for her two thousand bales of cotton, and she put into the Havana to
supply the deficiency, thus somewhat lengthening her voyage. Off the
Scilly Islands she spoke the monthly packet from London to New
York. After the interchange of a little nautical information: “What
news from France?” roared Mr Nolte’s captain through his speaking-
trumpet. “The Duke of Wellington and the British army are in Paris,”
was the reply. “Where is Buonaparte?” “Fled—nobody knows where.”
And the two ships pursued their respective courses. The French
passengers would not believe a word of it. It was English news, they
said, manufactured in London; and they proved to each other, as
clear as sunlight, that it was physically and morally impossible the
intelligence should be true. It took the testimony of a French pilot,
and the sight of the white flag on the banks of the Loire, to convince
them that Napoleon had again fallen. The French population of New
Orleans went yet farther in their incredulity. The Buonapartist
Courrier de la Louisiane analysed the news, and ingeniously proved
that the pretended victory of the Allies was merely a mask for a total
defeat; that the emperor had achieved one of his great triumphs,
which should forthwith be celebrated. And accordingly Napoleon’s
bust, crowned with laurels, was that evening carried in procession,
by the light of hundreds of torches, with several bands of music
playing French national airs;—premature rejoicings, which the
confirmation of the defeat of the French converted into profound
consternation.
Paris, whither Mr Nolte hastened as soon as possible after landing,
was full of novelty and excitement, and the focus on which the eyes of
Europe were fixed. He devotes an interesting chapter to sketches of
“Paris after Waterloo.” Amongst the crowds of foreign uniforms were
here and there to be seen, he says, “spectral figures, in long blue
coats buttoned to the chin, spurred boots, and hats pressed down
over their eyes. These men, who cast such gloomy glances around
them, were the officers of the disbanded French army. The ribbon of
the Legion of Honour had disappeared from their button-hole, but it
was easy to recognise them by their flashing eyes and fierce
expression when an English uniform drew near. An accidental push
or touch on the foot, often unavoidable in a crowd, and they would
burst out, in great bitterness, with an angry—‘Je suis Français,
Monsieur!’ or, ‘No, Padrone, questa e l’uniforme di Amburgo!’ and if
the ‘Pardon, Monsieur!’ was not forthcoming, a quarrel was the
almost inevitable result. The police had the difficult task of keeping
these remnants of the French army out of Paris, but they were not
very successful in so doing. Notwithstanding the violent irritation of
the French military, which was kept under only by the strong hand,
nobody in Paris went amongst them more fearlessly than the Duke of
Wellington, who showed himself everywhere in a plain blue frock,
with the English red scarf round his waist, and a simple red and
white feather in his cocked hat, and usually rode about alone,
followed only by a sergeant. Thus plainly equipped and slenderly
escorted, I saw him one morning ride into the court of the Hotel de
l’Empire, and ask for the celebrated London banker Angerstein, who
was stopping there.” Ney’s death, the restaurants and coffeehouses
then in vogue, and which were thronged with English and Prussian
officers, and grand reviews of the allied troops, are in turn glanced
at. At the review of the Russian guard, drawn up along the whole
length of the boulevards, Mr Nolte had a particularly good view of
the sovereigns. By favour of a colonel, with whom he had fallen into
conversation, he was allowed to remain within the line cleared by the
sentries, and close to the colonel’s horse. “Suddenly the three
monarchs came riding rapidly up, the Emperor Alexander in the
middle, his eyes directed to the ladies in the balconies and at the
windows—on his right the Emperor Francis, with a serious
straightforward gaze—on his left King Frederick-William III., who
seemed to be examining the grisettes in the crowd rather than the
ladies at the windows. The staff, according to the estimate of my
obliging colonel, comprised more than a thousand military men of all
nations. As good luck would have it, the sovereigns and their whole
retinue paused in front of the regiment on my right, and the colonel
pointed out to me the Russian grand-dukes, the Austrian archdukes,
several Prussian princes, Wellington, Schwarzenberg, Blucher,
Platoff,” &c. &c. Of all the commanders then assembled in Paris, the
most dissatisfied was the American general, Scott (since noted for his
campaign in Mexico), who had been opposed to the English on the
Canadian frontier, had taken a fort or two, and was looked upon by
his countrymen as a military star of the very first magnitude—second
only to Jackson, and equal to any other warrior then extant. He had
been sent to Europe to increase his military knowledge and study the
art of war, and reached Paris fully convinced that all the great chiefs
of the Continental armies would hasten to greet and compliment
him. “To his visible vexation, he found himself completely mistaken.
In the great military meetings in the French capital, where
Wellington, Blucher, Schwarzenberg, Kutusoff, Woronzoff, and a
host of other celebrities, laden with stars and orders, were assembled
—the long thin man, in his blue coat without embroidery, and with
only a pair of moderate-sized epaulets, excited no attention. Scott
could not get over the contrast between the figure he had so recently
cut in his native land, and the insignificance he was condemned to in
France, and he often exhibited bitter and somewhat laughable ill-
humour.” After a visit to the field of Waterloo, Mr Nolte returns to
America, on cotton speculations intent—of which, and of Baring
Brothers, he for some time discourses, until we are not sorry to see
the theme changed, and him back in Paris, passing a Sunday at the
country-house of Maison sur Seine, built by Louis XIV., and then
just purchased from the French government by the banker Jacques
Laffitte, whom he found in his park, accompanied by two plainly-
dressed and plain-mannered Englishmen, who talked knowingly
about cotton, and whom he took for Manchester cotton-spinners. At
dinner, to his surprise, although Casimir Perrier and several deputies
and Frenchmen of mark were present, the places of honour were for
the Englishmen. He made up his mind that they must be very great
people in the cotton-spinning line—perhaps the first in Manchester—
and that they must have large credits on Laffitte’s house—that giving,
not unfrequently, the measure of the hospitality of Parisian bankers.
Laffitte, who was a great talker—given to discourse for hours
together, with scarcely a break, and with innumerable digressions
totally irrelevant to the subject under discussion—was loquacious as
usual, and related many things that had occurred during the
Hundred Days. At that time Napoleon had sent for and consulted
him almost daily. Laffitte said that he had never been a worshipper
of Napoleon’s, but he then had opportunity of convincing himself
that the emperor possessed, in the highest degree, the art of
popularity. “‘He was very confidential with me,’ said Laffitte, ‘spoke
without reserve, and once made a striking remark concerning our
nation. “To govern the French,” he said, “one must have arms of iron
and gloves of velvet.”’ My readers may probably have heard this
remark, but not the reply immediately made by Madame Laffitte’s
right-hand neighbour (one of the Manchester cotton-spinners
aforesaid). ‘Yes,’ he said, ‘that is very true, but—he often forgot to put
on his gloves.’ The remark was so apt and true that all present
laughed heartily. I asked my next neighbour who the witty foreigner
was, and learned that it was the Marquis of Lansdowne.”
Involved in the commercial disasters of 1825–6, Mr Nolte left New
Orleans, sixteen years after his first establishment there, and went to
seek in Europe that fortune which had constantly eluded his grasp in
the States. His success in the Old World was little better than in the
New. In after years, he again more than once visited America, and
engaged in enormous cotton speculations, in which he burnt his
fingers. Cotton seems to have had for him the same irresistible
attraction that dice have for the veteran gambler. Although many of
his misfortunes were the result of circumstances neither to be
foreseen nor guarded against, and although we may suppose that he
makes out the best case he fairly can, the impression left by his book
upon the reader’s mind is, that Mr Vincent Nolte has been, to say the
least, a very venturesome person, and that his abilities and
opportunities would have amply sufficed to insure him ultimate
affluence, had he been less impatient to acquire a large and rapid
fortune. On the other hand, he deserves credit for his unflinching
pluck, and for his elasticity under misfortune. When he left New
Orleans, he attempted to form a partnership at Havre, but in vain;
and he himself frankly admits that he was unsuccessful, because the
merchants with whom he would have associated himself were
deterred by his reputed taste for the vast and daring operations in
which he had been early initiated. The slow but sure gains of the
steady trader he never had patience to collect; the ordinary routine of
commercial affairs was to him wearisome and intolerable; he carried
into the peaceful paths of trade something of that venturesome and
aspiring spirit which, upon the battle-field, insures the soldier high
distinction or sudden death—a bullet or a marshal’s baton. We regret
to fear that it has led Mr Nolte, after his long and busy life, to no very
prosperous position; although he seems to preserve to the last the
spirit and vigour that have borne him through so many trying
vicissitudes. At the time now referred to, he was still in his prime,
and full of hope and confidence. From Havre he betook himself to his
favourite city of Paris, where, by the assistance and introduction of
his staunch friends the Barings, he was on the eve of concluding a
partnership for the establishment of a house at Marseilles. The
circulars were printed; Mr Nolte took a run to Hamburg, Holland,
and England, to visit commercial friends, and everywhere he met a
kind and encouraging reception. He reached Southampton, on his
return to Paris, two hours after the departure of the packet, and, with
characteristic impatience, rather than wait two days, hired an open
boat, whose owner undertook to land him at Havre early the next
morning. It was a moonlight night, and a fair wind at starting, but he
was becalmed in the Channel, and lay a whole day roasting in the
sun. Upon the morning of the 26th July 1830, he landed at Havre,
and posted on to Paris. At Rouen he remarked signs of uneasiness,
and the troops were under arms; at Courbevoie he received the first
news of the fatal ordinances; outside the Paris barrier, a few persons
stopped his chaise, and tore the white cockade from the postilion’s
hat. Paris was enacting the most peaceful and respectable of its
numerous revolutions.
Mr Nolte witnessed the proceedings of the three days of July, and
betook himself to Marseilles, where he had scarcely commenced
business when the failure of the Irish-French bankers who were to
advance the greater part of the capital on behalf of his partner
compelled him again to abandon it, and once more to return to Paris.
He had been on very intimate terms with General Lafayette during
that veteran revolutionist’s visit to the United States in 1825, had
travelled with him, acted as his banker, rendered him some service,
and shown him many attentions; for which he deemed himself far
more than compensated by the privilege of the general’s society, and
by the interest of his conversation. Alone with him, in the cabin of
the American steamer which the authorities of New Orleans had
allotted to the use of Washington’s old friend and comrade, Lafayette
spoke freely of his past life and present opinions, and Mr Nolte was
astonished by the revelation of plans which he would never have
suspected to have lingered in that venerable head—so soon, in all
probability, to be laid in the grave. The man who, at least as well as
any living, had had opportunities of judging the Bourbon character—
before and since the day when, upon the balcony at Versailles, he
kissed, in sign of peace and good understanding, the hand of the
defamed and martyred Marie Antoinette, amidst the acclamations of
assembled thousands, whose discontent the symbol and the
promised return of the royal family to Paris promptly, although but
temporarily, appeased—declared his conviction of its unworthiness.
For the good of France, in his opinion, she must expel the race of
whom Talleyrand so truly said, that they had forgotten nothing, and
learned nothing. “‘France cannot be happy under the Bourbons,’ said
Lafayette, ‘and we must get rid of them. It would be already done,
had Laffitte chosen.’
“‘Indeed!’ I exclaimed; ‘how so?’
“‘It is not so long ago,’ continued the general, ‘that you will have
forgotten how two of the regiments of guards that were ordered to
Spain under the command of the Duke of Angoulême, halted in
Toulouse, and showed signs of raising the banner of revolt. The affair
was quickly suppressed, and kept as quiet as possible. But the plan
was ripe! I knew that from my private correspondence with several
officers, and nothing but money was wanting for a successful
insurrection then to have occurred. I addressed myself to Laffitte; he
had scruples; he would and he would not. At last I offered to carry
the thing through without his participation. On the first occasion
when we are alone together—I said to him—but as soon as possible,
lay a million of francs in bank-notes upon the chimney-piece—I will
put them in my pocket without your perceiving it. The rest you may
leave to me! Laffitte hesitated, was undecided, and at last declared he
would have nothing whatever to do with the affair. And so the whole
project fell through!’
“I could not conceal my surprise. ‘Had I heard what you have just
told me from any other lips than yours, general,’ I said, ‘I would not
have believed a word of it.’ The general merely replied, ‘C’etait
pourtant ainsi.’”
In 1830 Lafayette’s desire was fulfilled—not to its full extent, for he
wished the Bourbons to be replaced by a republic, partly because he
believed that form of government the best suited to render France
happy and prosperous, and partly because it would have best enabled
him to gratify his unbounded greed of popularity. But the Bourbons
had fled, and France had a citizen king and a national guard. Arms
were required for the latter, and Mr Nolte thought that their supply
would be a profitable business—quite in his way, because there was
much money to be made in a short time. Lafayette, besides being
commander-in-chief of the national guard, was the intimate friend of
Gerard, Louis Philippe’s first minister of war, in whose department
the matter lay, and who was desirous of making contracts for the
supply of muskets. Mr Nolte betook himself to Lafayette, who
received him most cordially (embracing him, to the infinite
astonishment of his aide-de-camp, who had taken Nolte for an
Englishman), and gave him the strongest recommendation to
Gerard; the result of which was, that he obtained extensive contracts
for the supply not only of muskets, but of the briquets or short
Roman swords which Soult, who succeeded Gerard at the war-office,
introduced into the army, and by which the mercenary old marshal—
so his enemies affirmed, and thousands to this day believe—himself
pocketed no inconsiderable sum. Be this true or not—and Soult’s
proved rapacity at many previous periods of his life gave but too
much probability to the accusation—Mr Nolte had occasion, whilst
carrying out his contracts, which extended over a considerable time,
to note several instances of that venality of French officials which
rose to such a height under Louis Philippe’s reign as at last to extend
to his very ministers, and to constitute one of the prominent causes
of his dethronement. As early as 1831, Mr Nolte assures us, itching
palms were plenty in France, and that amongst personages of no
humble rank. But as far as military men were concerned, this was a
mere continuation of the traditions and usages of the Empire—that
period of unrefined sensuality and reckless extravagance, during
which Napoleon’s subalterns, following their leader’s unscrupulous
example, filled their pockets whenever and wherever they could,
without much regard to the delicacy of the means employed.
Amongst the anecdotes illustrative of this state of corruption to be
found in Mr Nolte’s Reminiscences, is one of a certain general
officer, not named, whom he thought it advisable to propitiate by a
present. In this case, as in all others of the kind in which he had to
deal with men of good breeding and position, the puzzle was how to
administer the douceur so that it might be taken without
embarrassment. Mrs Nolte, to whom her husband communicated his
difficulty, undertook to ascertain, through her acquaintances, the
tastes and partialities of the high functionary in question. She
discovered that he was very fond of snuff-boxes.
“This ascertained,” says Mr Nolte, “I chose a very handsome box,
and placed a bank-note in it, in such a manner that on opening the
box the amount, 1000 francs, must immediately catch the eye. Then I
took the first opportunity that presented itself, when my friend had
recourse to his own box for a pinch, to produce mine, as if for the
same purpose. It immediately attracted his attention. ‘That snuff-box
is really in excellent taste!’ he exclaimed. ‘Since it pleases you,
general,’ I replied, ‘oblige me by accepting it as a keepsake!’ He
thanked me, took the box, and at once opened it. I did not long
remain in doubt as to the manner in which my present would be
received. ‘Aha!’ he cried, ‘but it is right you should know that I am a
great snuff-taker. A double pinch never does any harm, my dear sir!’
and so saying, he pocketed the box. The hint sufficed. On my return
home, I enclosed a second thousand-franc note, with my card, in an
envelope, and sent it to him.”
Another officer of rank, a colonel of artillery, who had served
under Napoleon, and was then in command of the arsenal at Havre,
made some difficulty about receiving a much larger sum, offered him
by Mr Nolte in acknowledgment of important and gratuitous
services, most kindly rendered. He ended by pocketing the affront,
when it was sent by Mr Nolte under cover to his confidential servant,
and probably, as an old soldier of the Empire, he thought it quite
equitable and honourable that he should have his slice of the
contractor’s gain. But he afterwards made a most generous use of a
portion of the sum. Poor Nolte, after toiling hard for three years,
during which time he delivered arms to the amount of nearly eight
millions of francs, fell amongst thieves, as too often happened to
him, and was swindled out of all his earnings. Some time afterwards,
when he was absent from Paris in pursuit of fresh schemes, Colonel
Lefrançois happened to hear that his wife was in embarrassed
circumstances, and immediately called upon her. “My dear Madam,”
he said, “I have received a great deal of money from your husband,
much more than I had any claim to—I have spent and squandered
the greater part of it, as one is wont to do with windfalls of that kind.
But now that you need it, it is my duty to return you what remains.
Here it is—do me the favour to accept it. You, your husband, and
your little family, will always be dear to me.” This trait contrasts
pleasingly with the numerous others, of a very contrary nature, to be
found in the record of Mr Nolte’s Parisian experiences and
transactions. These were of a nature to bring him into unavoidable—
but, to him, in no way discreditable—connection with various
equivocal characters. Some of his contracts were for secondhand
muskets, which he employed agents to seek in the brokers’ shops of
Paris. Many of these agents were recommended to him by the
subordinate officials of the war-office. Others he fell in with casually.
Thus, in the month of December 1831, a down-looking man, of
unprepossessing exterior, accosted him on the stairs of the artillery
depot, in the Rue de Luxembourg, and offered his services for the
purchase of old muskets. Mr Nolte briefly replied, that if he knew of a
parcel of such weapons for sale, he would send to look at them, and
would buy them if price and quality suited. Accordingly, several
small parcels of arms were purchased of this man, whose name was
Darmenon, and whose flighty, uncertain manner always displeased
Mr Nolte, and made him think he must have done something that
would not bear daylight. On inquiry of the police, he learned that he
was a forger, who had served his time at the galleys. He could not,
however, on this account, make up his mind to refuse the
unfortunate fellow’s services, and so, perhaps, drive him again to
crime, so he continued to employ him, and Darmenon made himself
very useful, and, moreover, gave him constant information of the
plans and movements of the malcontents of the Faubourg St
Antoine. Through him and other agents, Mr Nolte was kept informed
of the number of muskets daily brought into Paris, the persons to
whom they were delivered, and various other particulars. It was rare
that more than 100 or 120 came in at a time. One morning, however,
Darmenon informed his employer that 2600 had been brought in at
an early hour through the barrier of St Denis, and had been taken to
the faubourg of the same name. On reporting this at the ministry of
war, Mr Nolte received directions to purchase the whole lot
immediately on government account, and regardless of price. The
purchase was effected, but not without some competition, which he
thought unlikely to proceed from a merely mercantile motive, and on
setting his agents to work, he found that his competitors were the
Legitimists, who had been very busy for some time past. He became
convinced, from this and other information that reached him, that
there was a plot in existence against Louis Philippe, and he desired
Darmenon to keep a sharp look-out, and inform him of whatever
came to his knowledge. The occupation seemed to the taste of the ex-
galley-slave, who reported, on the morning of the 1st February, that
several Carlist emissaries were at work in the Faubourg St Antoine,
that towards noon there would probably be a gathering of workmen,
who would raise the banner of Henry V., and that at ten o’clock at
night the conspirators would leave the house, No. 18 Rue des
Prouvaires, force their way into the Tuileries, where there was to be a
ball that evening, surround Louis Philippe, lead him away, and put
him to death. The conspirators, with whom Darmenon confessed
himself to have been long in the habit of intercourse, had offered him
6000 francs for 200 muskets, and had paid him 2000 francs in
advance. These circumstantial details, and the sight of the notes,
convincing Mr Nolte of the truth of the story, he jumped into his cab
and drove to the prefecture of police, then presided over by the
notorious Gisquet. On his way he called at the Bourse. There had
been a sudden fall of 1½ per cent, owing to alarming rumours and to
heavy sales by the Carlists. Gisquet, with whom Mr Nolte was
acquainted, discredited, or affected to discredit, the whole affair, but
noted a few particulars, and politely thanked his informant for the
needless trouble he had given himself. But, before seven o’clock that
evening, Darmenon had the whole 6000 francs in his possession.
The 200 muskets were to be sent for before ten o’clock. Mr Nolte
again hurried to Gisquet, and asked if he should deliver them. “Yes,”
was the reply; “a few at a time; I will have them followed.” Mr Nolte
gave the needful instructions, and was informed, the next morning,
by his storekeeper, that Darmenon had had seventeen muskets
delivered to him, and had been forthwith arrested. The Paris papers
of the 2d February announced that the police, with Mr Carlier (then
chief of the municipal guard, since prefect of police under the
Republic) at their head, had forced their way into the house, No. 18
Rue des Prouvaires, at 11 o’clock on the previous night, and, after
some resistance, had captured the whole band of conspirators there
assembled. From the evidence on the trial, it appeared that Gisquet,
incredulous to the eleventh hour, was even then undecided what to
do. He feared the attack of the opposition press, ever ready to accuse
the police of fabricating the plots they discovered. Carlier at last put
an end to his perplexity, by violently exclaiming, “They are armed;
we are of superior force; we must enter the house and use our
weapons!” An hour later this was done; a municipal guard was killed,
and Carlier himself received a slight bullet-wound on the head.
When Marshal Soult, Mr Nolte tells us, learned that it was one of
his contractors who had led the way to the discovery of the plot, he
was displeased that he had not been first informed of it, instead of
the prefect of police. He was jealous of Thiers, then minister of the
interior, who, on his part, bore him no love. Soult would not have
been sorry to expose the inefficiency of his colleague’s police; Thiers,
owing to the course adopted by Mr Nolte, was enabled to make a
boast of its vigilance. All the merit of the affair was attributed to
Gisquet, who was promoted to the rank of officer of the Legion of
Honour. And when that worthy, after he was dismissed for his
venality and scandalous immorality, wrote his memoirs and
attempted justification, he ascribed the discovery of the plot of the
Rue des Prouvaires entirely to his own activity and zeal, and made no
mention whatever of Mr Nolte.
A chapter of amusing gossip, headed “Reminiscences of the
Artistic World of Paris,” tempts us to linger, but the length to which
this paper has already extended admonishes us to pause. We
conclude by extracting a short anecdote, which we do not remember
to have before heard, of that eccentric genius, Horace Vernet. It was
some time before the capture of the Smala, his picture of which
added so greatly to his reputation. Vernet was in Marshal Bugeaud’s
camp, where all the soldiers knew of his presence, and one of them,
who had promised to send his portrait to his mother, went to him
and asked him if he would undertake the work, and at what price.
Vernet’s reply was that he could not do it for less than a twenty-franc
piece. The soldier thought this rather a high figure, but agreed to pay
it, provided the likeness was perfect. This the painter promised that
it should be, and accordingly, when the picture was done, it was
exhibited in the camp, and the striking resemblance was proclaimed
by all the comrades of the original. Thereupon the soldier paid the
stipulated price, which Vernet quietly pocketed, observing that an
artist must live by the price of his work. On leaving the camp, two
days afterwards, he sent twenty napoleons to the captain of the
soldier’s company, for distribution to him and his brave comrades.
Seldom, either in print or in the flesh, have we fallen in with so
restless, versatile, and excursive a genius as Vincent Nolte, Esq., of
Europe and America—no more limited address will sufficiently
express his cosmopolitan domicile. The reader will perhaps imagine,
after the perusal of this tolerably desultory paper, that we have
traced a considerable portion of his journey through life. No idea was
ever more erroneous. We have only picked a little here and there,
and have taken scarcely any notice of the parts the author doubtless
considers the most important in his book, and which will certainly be
read with strong interest by bankers and merchants old enough to
remember the mercantile history of the first quarter of the present
century. It is chiefly to those intimate and personal commercial
details that we attribute the uncommon success Mr Nolte’s
autobiography has had in its place of publication, and in Germany
generally. Independently of those, it contains matter of interest and
entertainment for all classes of readers.

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Conditioning monitoring is an evolution of predictive maintenance or pro-

monitoring systems has increased the reliability of modern machinery,

predictive maintenance of machinery. The mathematical developments

The idea that the maintenance of the machinery is fundamental to increase

or in a given mechanical system. There is a lot of information that shows that

Achieving knowledge and spreading it is perhaps one of the most significant

Juan Carlos A. Jauregui Correa

Mechanical Vibrations and Condition Monitoring © 2020 Elsevier Inc. 1

Among the concepts presented in this chapter, the definition of mechan-

Fig. 1.1 Conceptual model of the vibratory system.

The equation of motion is obtained by considering Newton’s second law

Fig. 1.3 Representation of a harmonic oscillation.

xðtÞ ¼ αeλt (1.8)

Damped free vibration

x€ + 2ξω2n x_ + ω2n x ¼ 0 (1.15)

xðt Þ ¼ ðv0 =ωd Þeξωn t senωd t, (1.17)

This solution is found by solving a second-order differential equation with a

Fig. 1.8 Logarithmic decrement.

With the previous expressions, it is possible to obtain the damping of a sys-

x€ + 2ξωn x_ + ω2n x ¼ ω2n Acos ðωtÞ (1.24)

This approximation can be demonstrated from the particular solution of a

The expression j H(ω)j is known as the magnification factor or the transfer

Fig. 1.10 Magnification factor versus relation of frequencies.

Fig. 1.11 Phase angle versus relation of frequencies.

x€ + 2ξωn x_ + ω2n x ¼ ω2n xb + 2ξωn x_ b (1.28)

Fig. 1.12 Vibratory system considering the motion of the base.

xðtÞ ¼ X1 cos ðωt ϕ1 Þ (1.29)

The phase angle is:

Practically, it is impossible to eliminate the vibrations of a motor operating in

damping coefficient c. If it is considered that the imbalance of the system is

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