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    Reclaiming Basque: Language, Nation, and Cultural Activism
    Reclaiming Basque: Language, Nation, and Cultural Activism
    Reclaiming Basque: Language, Nation, and Cultural Activism
    Ebook513 pages8 hours

    Reclaiming Basque: Language, Nation, and Cultural Activism

    By Jacqueline Urla

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    The Basque language, Euskara, is one of Europe’s most ancient tongues and a vital part of today’s lively Basque culture. Reclaiming Basque examines the ideology, methods, and discourse of the Basque-language revitalization movement over the course of the past century and the way this effort has unfolded alongside the simultaneous Basque nationalist struggle for autonomy. Jacqueline Urla employs extensive long-term fieldwork, interviews, and close examination of a vast range of documents in several media to uncover the strategies that have been used to preserve and revive Euskara and the various controversies that have arisen among Basque-language advocates.
    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherUniversity of Nevada Press
    Release dateMar 31, 2012
    ISBN9780874178807
    Reclaiming Basque: Language, Nation, and Cultural Activism

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      Book preview

      Reclaiming Basque - Jacqueline Urla

      Reclaiming Basque

      LANGUAGE, NATION, AND CULTURAL ACTIVISM

      Jacqueline Urla

      UNIVERSITY OF NEVADA PRESS

      RENO AND LAS VEGAS

      THE BASQUE SERIES

      University of Nevada Press, Reno, Nevada 89557 USA

      Copyright © 2012 by University of Nevada Press

      All rights reserved

      Manufactured in the United States of America

      Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

      Urla, Jacqueline.

      Reclaiming Basque : language, nation, and cultural activism /

      Jacqueline Urla.—1st ed.

      p. cm.—(The Basque series)

      Includes bibliographical references and index.

      ISBN 978-0-87417-875-3 (cloth : alk. paper)—ISBN 978-0-87417-880-7 (ebook)

      1. Basques—Ethnic identity. 2. Basques—Politics and government. 3. Basques—Social life and customs. 4. Basque language. 5. País Vasco (Spain)—Politics and government. 6. Pays Basque (France)—Politics and government. I. Title.

      GN549.B3U73 2012

      305.89'992—dc23

      2011040824

      I write in a strange language. Its verbs,

      the structure of its relative clauses,

      the words it uses to designate ancient things

      —rivers, plants, birds—

      have no sisters anywhere on Earth.

      …

      Born, they say, in the megalithic age,

      it survived, this stubborn language, by withdrawing,

      by hiding away like a hedgehog…

      ….

      Its sleep was long, it bibliography brief

      (but in the twentieth century the hedgehog awoke)

      —Prologue, Bernardo Atxaga, Obabakoak (1992).

      Translated by Margaret Jull Costa

      Contents

      List of Illustrations

      Preface

      Introduction

      CHAPTER ONE     Language Loyalism's Early Roots

      CHAPTER TWO      Euskara and Basque Nationhood: From Heritage to Practice

      CHAPTER THREE    Making a Modern Language

      CHAPTER FOUR    Batua and Euskalki: Refiguring and Reappropriating the Vernacular

      CHAPTER FIVE    The Will to Count: Mapping and Measuring Basque

      CHAPTER SIX     Beyond the Classroom: New Tactics for New Times

      CHAPTER SEVEN    The Voice of the Street: Basque in the Free-Radio Soundscape

      EPILOGUE    Language Activism's New Challenges

      Notes

      Glossary

      References

      Index

      Illustrations

      Figures

      2.1    Usurbil mural, 1990s

      5.1    Conflicto lingüístico en Euskadi

      5.2    Measuring Bilingualism: Language Competency, 1996

      7.1    Paotxa Radio, Azkenean

      7.2    Paotxa Radio, Hau duk Paotxa

      E.1    Street Demonstration 18/98 plus, November 2005

      Maps

      1.    Euskal Herria and the Basque Autonomous Community

      2.    The Primitive Territories of Euskara

      3.    Linguistic Areas of Euskal Herria

      4.    Linguistic Archipelago of Euskara

      Table

      3.1    Basque Dialects and Geographic Locations

      Preface

      In the corner of the western Pyrenees known as the Basque Country, people have disagreed about many things. They have disagreed about the kind of society they want to build, its proper name, its geographic boundaries, about whether it should be socialist or capitalist, whether they want to have independence and what that might mean. They have argued bitterly over the legitimacy of political violence and have also suffered deeply its consequences. But one issue about which there has been a remarkably strong degree of consensus over the years is that the Basque language, Euskara, is a valuable heritage that should be protected and reclaimed.

      This book explores the pursuit of that conviction, examining some of the changing methods, modes of representation, and discourse of the Basque language revitalization movement as it was first expressed at the end of the nineteenth century and again when it reemerged as a social movement in the waning years of the Franco regime. Drawing on the analysis of historical documents, political treatises, and my own direct observations and interviews conducted through ethnographic fieldwork over the course of more than twenty years, I explore the reasons why people have thought it important to save Basque and how they have gone about it.

      These efforts at language revival have been unfolding alongside and sometimes at the very center stage of the simultaneous Basque nationalist struggle for autonomy. For some language advocates, the two struggles are inseparable. For others, they are issues that should be kept clearly distinct. We will look at these and many other debates that language advocates have about what affects the social life of Basque and what it means to speak a modern language.

      The principal protagonists behind these actions call themselves euskaltzaleak, Basque-language advocates. Though many are of Basque ethnic heritage, others are not. And while many language advocates speak Basque natively, some learned Basque as a second language, and yet others may not know Basque well at all. Euskaltzaleak are best thought of not as an ethnic group or a linguistic community in the usual sense of the term, but as a political-affinity group. Coming from various class and social locations, intellectuals, artists, musicians, linguists, educators, parents, and young people of varying walks of life, euskalzaleak make up a polymorphous social movement. Some of them have gone on to become part of official language-planning efforts working in town halls and provincial or regional governments, while others work in a wide array of civic organizations that are collectively referred to as euskalgintza. A compound work composed of the root euskal (Basque) and the suffix gintza (production, construction), the term euskalgintza conveys an understanding of language revival as an active and ongoing process of collective making and remaking Basque. Euskalgintza is the main focus of this book, and by all accounts, the results of this movement have been nothing short of impressive.

      The ethnographer enters the lives of others and, if they are willing, stays for a long time to inhabit their world and experience it with them. The research on which this book draws comes from many such extended stays in the Basque Country, during which time I have received many kinds of support, advice, introductions, and extraordinary help, for which I am very grateful. I want to thank the dozens of people over the years at schools, radio stations, language-planning offices, town halls, research institutes, community associations, and newspapers in the Basque Country who allowed me to consult their archives, observe their events, and interview them. I learned much from these interviews and have tried as best I can to represent their viewpoints faithfully. To protect the anonymity of my interviewees, in most cases I do not give their real names. For most of my research, I have lived in the town of Usurbil (Gipuzkoa) and have benefited enormously from the help of its town hall and residents. There are more people who helped me there and elsewhere than I can list, but I would like to signal in particular the invaluable help and encouragement I have received from Olatz Altuna, Esther Barrutia, Olatz Osa, Lurdes Zubeldia, Jaime Otamendi, Alan King, Xabier Falcón, Arantxa Enetarriaga, Itziar Illaramendi, Joselu Aranburu, Feliz Aizpurua, Maialen Lujanbio, and Joxean Artze. I also want to thank the Patri Jatetxea and its extended family, the entire Zabalea household, Xabier Garagorri, Pedro SanCristobal, and students and colleagues in the anthropology department at the Basque University in Donostia who have hosted me and been encouraging of my work, in particular Jone Miren Hernández, Teresa del Valle, Txemi Apaolaza, and Aitzpea Leizaola.

      The research on which this book is based first began with my doctoral research in 1982–83. I should like to recognize here the early and critical guidance I received from faculty in the anthropology department at the University of California, Berkeley. Paul Rabinow, John Gumperz, and Stanley Brandes in particular helped me in the early stages of my doctoral research. Also very influential on my intellectual formation was a cohort of graduate students at UC Berkeley that formed to study the work of Michel Foucault. My thanks to Arturo Escobar, David Horn, Keith Gandal, Steve Kotkin, and Jonathan Simon. Our study-group meetings and work together with Paul Rabinow as editors of the newsletter History of the Present shaped many of the questions that run through this book.

      Subsequent to finishing my doctorate, I joined the Department of Anthropology at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, where I was able to continue and expand my research with further fieldwork until 2006. I have benefited from the advice and encouragement of colleagues and former students who have seen this project evolve over the years. I would like to thank in particular Reyes Lázaro, Oriol PiSunyer, and Susan DiGiaccomo for being wonderful interlocutors for my work. William Douglass, Joseba Zulaika, Begoña Echeverria, Sharryn Kasmir, and the late Begoña Aretxaga, all fellow scholars of Basque language and cultural politics, were terrific sources of advice and inspiration. Brenda Jo Bright and George Lipsitz helped to shape my approach to popular culture; Galician sociolinguist Celso Alvarez Cáccamo was helpful early on; Susan Gal and Kathyrn Woolard have been frequent readers of my work and mentors for the kind of politically informed linguistic anthropology I have wanted to carry out; Alan Swedlund, Lisa Henderson, Julia Urla, and my former students Mary Orgel and Susan Hyatt have offered great ideas, important conversations, and sustaining friendship.

      I am very grateful for the financial support that has made the research on which this book is based possible. These include: the Social Science Research Foundation International Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship; the MacArthur Foundation Program in International Peace and Security; the Program for Cultural Cooperation Between the Ministry of Culture and the United States; the Basque Studies Program at the University of Nevada, Reno; the University of Massachusetts Amherst Faculty Research Grant; and the University of Massachusetts Amherst Department of Anthropology European Fieldstudies Program. Work on the writing of this book was also supported by a year-long fellowship at the School of Advanced Research funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities and by a postdoctoral fellowship at the Center for Historical Analysis, Rutgers University. I am very grateful for the opportunity these research institutes gave me to rethink my work and to all of my colleagues at SAR and CHA who provided me with insightful commentary on my work in progress.

      Portions of various chapters have appeared in an earlier form in the journals American Ethnologist (Urla 1993b), Pragmatics (Urla 1995), Critique of Anthropology (Urla 1993a), and Cultural Anthropology (Urla 1988). My thanks to the editors and anonymous reviewers for those journals and to the reviewers at the University of Nevada Press for commentary that helped to shape my understanding of the materials. Thanks also to the wizardry of Michelle Turré for helping out with the maps.

      I owe an inestimable debt of gratitude to my colleague Justin Crumbaugh, who enthusiastically read every chapter, often more than once, and who gave me the encouragement and stimulating questions that allowed me to bring this book to completion. On the serendipitous path of the book, one of my best pieces of good fortune was to have been befriended by Jone Izeta and Jakoba Errekondo. They made my work possible, and each in their own way taught me much of what I know about what Basque language, culture, and politics mean to its practitioners. They have been teachers, friends, and generous pillars of support. I dedicate this book to them and to the memory of my father, José Luis Urla, who died suddenly before this research began, and to Juanita Sagardia, a beloved mentor, who passed just as it was ending. Mil esker denoi.

      Introduction

      In 1963 a group of idealistic youth who had recently formed the revolutionary group ETA Basqueland and Freedom declared in their magazine Zutik! [Arise!]: The day that Basque ceases to be a spoken language, the Basque nation will have died and, in a few years, the descendants of today's Basques will be simply Spanish or French (Jáuregui 1981: 160). After the death of the dictator Francisco Franco almost twenty years later, Spain was reconfigured into a quasi-federal political system of autonomous communities. Soon after achieving its autonomy, the newly created regional Basque government, representing a much more moderate sector of the political spectrum than Basqueland and Freedom, nevertheless expressed a similar sense of compelling urgency about Basque-language revival in its first political program: The Basque community has become aware in a gradually more intense and, given the circumstances, more desperate fashion, of the capital importance of Basque, understood simultaneously as a national language, as a fundamental sign of our community, and as a genuine instrument of thought and creativity.… Today we are completely convinced that Euzkadi will never be fully realized, in the full sense of the word, if the Basque language dies (Eusko Jaurlaritza 1980: 72–73). Yet another twenty years later, on the cusp of the new millennium, this commitment was renewed once again as thousands of citizens in a coordinated simulcast event filled four soccer stadiums in capital cities across the Basque territory to mark the twentieth anniversary of the Basque language campaign Bai Euskarari! [Yes to the Basque Language!].

      As a unique, non–Indo European language, Basque enjoys a kind of mysterious status in Europe. It is a language isolate with no known relation to any other existing language. It is spoken today by approximately 750,000 people, or about a third of the population who live in a geographic territory of the western Pyrenees spanning four provinces in northern Spain and three in France. The territory of Euskal Herria is larger than the three provinces that make up the contemporary Basque Autonomous Community of Spain—Araba, Gipuzkoa, and Bizkaia (see map 1). It is considered by many Basques to be a distinct nation and the homeland of the Basque language, Euskara, the traces of which can be found on archaeological remains dating back to the Neolithic (Trask 1997).¹ Contemporary Basque speakers are spread unevenly over this territory. In the province of Gipuzkoa, Basque speakers make up close to half the population. In the Gipuzkoan town where I lived during much of my research, the percentage of speakers is closer to 70 percent. In other areas like the province of Araba or the south of Nafarroa, Basque speakers can be few and far between.²

      This complex and uneven linguistic landscape is due to a process of what scholars call language shift (Gal 1979; Fishman 1991) that had been going on for several centuries and became especially accelerated after the middle of the nineteenth century. By the twentieth century, language shift had led to a situation some sociolinguists call diglossia, in which the state languages—Castilian in the southern Spanish side, French in the northern territories—dominated as the taken-for-granted languages of education, commerce, and public life, while Basque survived largely as a home language. Language shift turned Basque for a long time into a language associated mainly with the countryside, spoken largely by farmers and fishing folk, few of whom knew how to read or write in it.

      As we will see in more detail, socioeconomic changes, especially industrialization and urbanization, labor migration, as well as mandatory schooling worked together with deliberate state repression to accelerate Basque-language abandonment. In France formal state policies to eliminate Basque took shape at the time of the French Revolution. The ideologues of the French Republic viewed Basque, along with other regional languages, as obstacles to the spread of civic culture, liberty, and democracy itself. The French Republic, as Europe's first and most influential model of the democratic nation-state, set into place a strong association between minority languages and ideological backwardness, narrow-minded provincialism, and fanatical politics (de Certeau, Julia, and Revel 1975; Balibar and Laporte 1974; Higonnet 1980). The linkage it drew between monolingualism and democracy proved powerfully influential in Western political theory. To this day, the French state remains reluctant to officially recognize its ethnic and linguistic diversity and hesitant to fully endorse the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (Grin, Jensdóttir, O'Riagáin 2003; Safran 1999).

      In Spain we encounter a very different scenario. Ironically perhaps, it is in Spain, where democracy has had a shorter political life, that Basque has faced both the most intense repression as well as the greatest support to date. In Spain as in France, elites widely regarded Basque as a backward language destined to disappear. But the Spanish state was historically weak (Linz 1973), allowing for the formation of powerful regional elites who began by the late nineteenth century to conceive of themselves as separate nations and take steps to preserve their languages. Their efforts were crushed under the Franco dictatorship (1939–75). The Franco regime promoted an aggressive Castilian-only language policy that created a climate of intimidation and repression for speakers of minority languages. My conversations and interviews with Basques about the Franco period were filled with stories of the many ways that Basque-speaking children were shamed by storekeepers or physically punished or humiliated by their teachers for speaking Basque. Under Franco, teaching or using Basque in anything other than a folkloric context was regarded as anti-Spanish. These hostile state policies toward Basque cultural expressions accelerated Basque-language loss and profoundly marked the generation that came of age under the dictator.

      As leftist and progressive sectors began to organize more openly against the regime in the sixties, these language policies came increasingly under critique. Simultaneous with the reemergence of Basque-nationalist political groups, Basque-language revitalization efforts began to appear, led by university students, Jesuit priests, parents, and teachers. Without books or money, makeshift classrooms were created to teach children in Basque. Low-cost night schools emerged in many towns to teach Basque to adults, serving simultaneously as sites for consciousness-raising about linguistic inequality. The intense desire for social liberation that ran throughout Spanish society after the end of the dictatorship and the subsequent restructuring of the state into autonomous communities allowed these early grassroots efforts at language revival to flourish and grow.

      Basque-language revival is today one of the largest and most vital social movements of post-Franco Spain, involving people of many walks of life and a tremendous investment of human energy, time, and resources—much of it voluntary. Without this continued popular involvement and without the institutional support of the Basque Autonomous Community's regional government (established in 1979), it is entirely possible that the Basque language could have disappeared. But, as novelist Bernardo Atxaga says in the prologue to his novel Obabakoak, in the twentieth century Basque awoke, like a hedgehog, from its long sleep. Indeed it did. Basque language revival is today a social struggle spanning more than a century, made up of networks of intersecting activities and organizations. Over the years the struggle has become professionalized, and both its discourse and methods have changed in response to a changing political climate. The angry protests and street demonstrations of the sixties and seventies demanding Basque in the Basqueland, which successfully won the recognition of Basque as a co-official language in the Autonomous Community, have given way to less overtly nationalist and more systematic language planning. But the popular commitment to language revival has remained remarkably enduring, as evidenced by the thousands of citizens who participate in the many fund-raising events for Basque immersion schools, who continue to work for Basque-language media, music, and arts or have become dues-paying members of their local Basque-language association [euskara elkartea]. Basque-language revival continues to engage a wide array of people in varying degrees of commitment and very diverse activities.

      This popular engagement makes the Basque-language movement stand out among Western Europe's many minority language–revival movements—Irish, Scottish Gaelic, Welsh, Catalan, Galician, or Breton. Language-revival efforts have been most vigorous and successful in the Basque Autonomous Community of Spain, where Basque promotion gained legal and institutional support in 1979. The Basque Autonomous Community created a Department of Language Policy to oversee and guide language revitalization, and public funding has helped to support these activities in the Autonomous Community and at times to assist parallel efforts in the larger Basque-speaking territories.³

      But the movement is by no means a terrain exclusive to governmental planners or professional linguists. What makes the Basque case particularly exceptional is the high level of popular involvement and the numerous civic organizations working on behalf of language revitalization. In refusing to surrender language revival to official institutions, Basque-language advocates have held on to the view of language revival as a democratic project in social change rather than simply a policy regime.

      Language Revival as a Social Movement

      Language-revival efforts are on the rise around the globe. In the last decade of the twentieth century, public and scholarly recognition of language endangerment as well as new international nongovernmental organizations, Web sites, and publications addressing the decline of language diversity worldwide have grown dramatically. With over half the world's languages predicted to lose their last remaining speakers by 2100 (Nettle and Romaine 2000), the National Science Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities have made funding for endangered-language documentation a top priority. We have seen the concept of language rights become an increasingly salient issue in indigenous politics across the globe. Simultaneously, within Europe there has been a growing amount of public debate about the rights of linguistic minorities and the place of linguistic diversity in the deliberative bodies and policies of the expanded European Union (Wright 2004; Phillipson 2003). Policy frameworks like the 1996 Universal Declaration of Linguistic Human Rights, the 1992 European Charter for Minority or Regional Languages, and the 2003 UNESCO Convention for Intangible Heritage all signal to us a growing international recognition of the need for governments to value and protect human linguistic diversity.

      The mobilizations we find today to protect language diversity and define language rights are exemplary of the trend in contemporary social movements to address themselves to forms of domination that are cultural in nature (Melucci 1980; Offe 1985; Taylor 1994; Crossley 2002; Hobson 2003). Nancy Fraser (1997) has described these as struggles for recognition rather than redistribution. That is, they are struggles that forefront forms of exclusion based on denigrating a group's social status, identity, or way of life. Such struggles and forms of inequality often have class dimensions, but as Fraser notes, they are not class conflicts as traditionally conceived. In the essay he authored that coined the phrase the politics of recognition, philosopher Charles Taylor (1994) described recognition struggles as expanding our understandings of justice to include issues of inclusion, rights, and respect for group identities and differences. Taylor gave as one of his primary examples the struggle for the language rights of French speakers in Quebec, Canada. Curiously, however, despite this explicit reference to language in such a landmark text, and despite the growing salience of language endangerment and revitalization movements worldwide, the study of language revival remains a relatively marginal topic in discussions of multiculturalism, a specialty niche in sociolinguistics and folklore studies, and an extraprofessional activity for progressive linguists. This is not to say that language revitalization has gone unstudied. Sociologist Joshua Fishman has dedicated a lifetime to the study of language revitalization (1972, 1973, 1989, 1991, 1996, 2001), and many other linguists have joined him since (e.g., Hale et al. 1992; Reyhner 1997; Grenoble and Whaley 1998, 2006; Hinton and Hale 2001; Freeland and Patrick 2004; Nettle and Romaine 2000). Anthropologists have contributed a corpus of ethnographic studies of minority-language communities and movements that have generated many valuable insights into language struggles.⁴ French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1991) had been writing on the political dynamics of language domination since the seventies, and in the fields of postcolonial and Latino studies the experiences of minority speakers have long been central objects of concern.

      Curiously, then, mention of struggles to redress language domination has been strikingly absent from the lively discussions taking place today about the nature of social movements, power, cultural activism, neoliberalism, and structured forms of inequality. Neither a recent authoritative compendium on social-movement theory (Snow, Soule, and Kriesi 2004) nor a reader on the anthropology of social movements (Nash 2005) makes any reference to language revitalization. When they are not outright ignored, language-revival movements, particularly in Europe, suffer the condescension and stigma of association with backward-looking regionalism or, worse yet, divisive and potentially violent ethnic nationalism (Fishman 1991; May 2001). The result has been that language-revitalization struggles, the inequalities they address, and the particular kinds of discourses and strategies they deploy have yet to become fully appreciated or integrated into more general scholarly theorizing about multiculturalism, human rights, and strategies of collective protest.

      Attention to language movements is long overdue, particularly given the heated public debates centering on language brought to the fore by debates over immigration and multiculturalism: English Only initiatives in the United States, the enactment of language requirements for immigrants in Europe, and the new initiatives by international nongovernmental organizations to make language a part of the discussion of universal human rights.⁵ Political theorists in the last decade have begun to recognize that respect for language diversity must be a fundamental part of any program for a multicultural society and cultural democracy (Kymlicka and Patten 2003; May 2001; Freeland and Patrick 2004).

      Revitalization, Resistance, and Modernity

      The contemporary political climate would seem sufficient to justify more attention to language-oriented social movements, but their relevance is not only a question of timeliness. Such movements are worthy of analytical attention because they speak directly to contemporary theorizing about culture, identity, and power. In Life After Primordialism, Arjun Appadurai writes: It will no longer serve to look at ethnicity as just another principle of group identity, as just another cultural device for the pursuit of group interests, or as some dialectical combination of the two. We need an account of ethnicity that explores its modernity (1996a: 139). The same holds true for language: we need an account of language that explores its modernity. This is precisely what this study of Basque-language activism seeks to offer. The study of language activism has a lot to teach us about modern ways that language and cultural identities are understood, documented, and managed in modern society. It has the potential to expand our understanding of mechanisms of exclusion that infuse everyday life and social institutions. Language struggles are not simply in the service of other ends; they illuminate the role of language as an axis of social stratification in its own right, while also deepening our appreciation of language as an instrument of resistance and creative cultural expression. Language revitalization and protection movements are also a fertile terrain for exploring the role that experts and expertise of various sorts—planning, demolinguistics, statistics, and management—have in activism, forming part of the field of discourses reshaping how the social life of language is imagined.

      In analyzing how the Basque language was reclaimed and reconfigured in the latter half of the twentieth century, it is my goal not only to make some of the dynamics of this particular movement more well known, but also to take the study of language-revival activism out of its specialty niche and place it within wider conversations taking place about the nature of modern forms of power and resistance. As I hope to demonstrate, within the skirmishes over orthography and standardization, the development of language surveys, or the language play of pirate-radio broadcasters, we have fascinating windows into various ways of understanding and enacting what it means to be modern, to have a culture, to be a nation, and the challenges of trying to speak a small language in an increasingly transnational world. For this task I have assembled an eclectic analytical tool kit. Linguistic anthropology is one important source. In the last two decades, linguistic anthropologists have moved increasingly to bridge the gap between their more microanalyses of language use and macrotheories of ideology, culture, political economy, race, and ethnicity (Gal 1989; Hill 1985, 1993; Woolard 1985; Irvine 1989; Rampton 1995). Work by linguistic anthropologists on questions of language ideology has helped to denaturalize cultural evaluations made about languages and thereby show their historical development and political significance (Schieffelin, Woolard, and Kroskrity 1998; Kroskrity 1999; Woolard 1998a; Briggs and Bauman 2000; Gal 2006).

      gi wa' Thiong'o (1986) offer some of the earliest and most eloquent analyses we have of the place language has in the colonization of consciousness. Ongoing work by Latino artists, writers, and cultural critics has been especially instrumental in giving greater prominence to language in the analysis of the experience of cultural domination and the tactics of resistance (Anzaldúa 1987; Arteaga 1994; Flores, Attinasi, and Pedraza 1981; Flores and Yúdice 1990; Fusco 1995; Gómez Peña 1993). This divergent body of work, along with the analytics of power as developed principally by Michel Foucault, together inform my way of studying language-revival activism premises, tactics, and outcomes.

      What is language revival, then, and what does it involve? As typically understood by sociolinguists, language revival, or reversing language shift (RLS) as it was called by Joshua Fishman (1991), refers to organized efforts to increase the relative number of speakers of a language and extend the domains where it is employed (Grenoble and Whaley 2006: 13). To achieve this goal, language-revival advocacy can involve a wide array of activities, chief among which tend to be teaching the language; seeking legal protections and/or official recognition; supporting the creation of literary works; and augmenting the visibility and use of the language via minority-language television, radio, and print media. In addition to education, law, and the media, a fourth arena of intervention by advocates is the language itself. Revival almost invariably involves some efforts to document and reform the language, as in the creation of a standard written variety. Goals are tempered by pragmatic conditions: resources, political backing, and social support. Language movements may aim for the modest goal of preserving a record of the language by creating a dictionary or the more ambitious goal of language maintenance—ensuring, in other words, the continuity of a community of speakers (Maffi 2000). At a minimum, language maintenance may simply aim to protect speakers' rights to use a language and incorporate a few hours of instruction into the schools. At a maximum, a language-revival movement may seek to expand the knowledge and use of the minority language in the general population such that it could become a frequent or possibly even the preferred language of use in a wide variety of domains.

      In short, language revival can be played out in very different ways in different places. In some cases, it may be the action of a few intellectuals or a handful of teachers. In others, like the Basque, we find a broadly popular involvement. Even beneath a broad consensus supporting the revitalization of a language there may exist differing views and expectations about what revival entails for everyday language use (see Zalbide, Gardner, Erize, and Azurmendi 2006: 122). To use the term revival to describe what goes on in a language movement can be, in fact, somewhat misleading. For while language advocacy often frames itself as recovery of the past, the outcomes and objectives of the movement are as much about change and reinvention as they are about reproduction. Revival is fundamentally about creating a new linguistic future.

      In attempts to reclaim Basque, the practices of language loyalism are simultaneously introducing distinctively modern ways of conceptualizing the Basque language, identity, and speaker. Much of this is quite deliberate. Social movements typically seek to change cultural attitudes, values, and meanings (Earl 2004). Minority-language advocates are keenly aware that some of the greatest obstacles to revitalization are the views they and others have internalized of their language as inferior, exclusionary, or impractical—something that they must inevitably give up to be sophisticated, good citizens or simply to be reasonable. In his important work on minority languages and political theory, Stephen May (2001) has brilliantly deconstructed these negative conceptualizations of minority languages and traced their origins to the philosophical matrix of the modern nation-state. Their association with obsolescence and the presumed inherent antagonism between minority languages and modernity, progress, and democratic values, he argues, has been one of the principal forms of symbolic violence through which minority languages have been marginalized to and contained in the private sphere or the museum. These sets of ideas continue to be one of the explicit targets of much of the discourse and strategies of language revival. Advocates of Basque preservation at the turn of the twentieth century, for example, spent a good deal of effort arguing that Basque was evidence of their distinct nationality, fully capable of functioning as a modern language. They sought to facilitate this by developing a set of standardized norms they thought would help adapt it to contemporary life. Minority-language advocates have drawn upon discourses of nationalism and the rationality of standards to promote and preserve their language, but they have done so with a strong degree of self-criticism—more so than we typically find, for example, in majority-language contexts. Within Basque activism we find trenchant critiques of bourgeois and primordialist notions of the nation. Contemporary Basque advocates have worked very self-consciously against nativism to develop a language movement that has been community based, participatory, and inclusive. Thus, as fraught as nationalism may be as a basis for staking claims to social justice, we should also recognize, as Sharryn Kasmir (2002) has argued, that not all nationalisms are alike. Even within the Basque country, there are clearly different ways of acting upon a sense of shared nationhood. Contestation and evolving critique are a part of the nature of Basque-language revival that we necessarily need to keep in view.

      Examining the varied efforts of Basque-language advocates to challenge the marginalization of Basque and also improve its chances of survival provides us with a window into the evolving landscape of language ideology. I use the term language ideology to refer to commonly held conceptualizations about the social life of language that circulate in the discourses of experts, political organizations, and civil society at large. Within language ideology I include, for example, the ideas (shared or contested) that people have about what speaking a language (Basque, French, or Spanish or a specific variety of a language) implies about one's identity or political loyalties; beliefs about how a language should be spoken and with whom; comparisons people make about the value, beauty, or elegance of different languages or dialects; theories about what makes a language live or die, and so forth. In keeping with recent work on this topic (Schieffelin et al. 1998; Kroskrity 1999), I use the term ideology not in the sense of false ideas, nor in the functionalist sense of mystifications that are promulgated by a dominant class or state for the purpose of justifying historical inequalities. To be sure, ideas about language are interest laden. I follow Raymond Williams (1977) in seeing the critical task of analysts not to be that of debunking ideologies as false so much as understanding them as effective forces in society, constitutive of our worlds. Conceptions of language reflect the complex histories of social relations out of which they emerge and are themselves powerful forces in their own right, shaping social behavior and language use. As Kathryn Woolard has argued, ideologies have consequence (1998a: 10–11). They transform the social world they ostensibly just describe. The alternative perspectives and the shifts in language habits that revival movements seek to engender—the habit, for example, of assuming a stranger should be greeted in Spanish rather than Basque—can lead to meaningful material-semiotic changes in the world. Ben Rampton's fascinating study of young people's language use in Britain argues powerfully in this vein (1995). Language, he shows, is an axis of social stratification intersecting with other factors, like class, but not reducible to them and certainly not superficial. A lesson can be had, he argues, in the feminist movement's challenge to generic masculine pronouns. Feminist efforts were often derided by detractors as merely symbolic issues. But, as Deborah Cameron has argued, a shift in linguistic practice is not just a reflection of some more fundamental social change: it is itself a social change.… Eliminating generic masculine pronouns precisely eliminates generic masculine pronouns. And in so doing it changes the repertoire of social meanings and choices available to social actors…[thereby] restructuring at least one aspect of how individuals interact with each other (Cameron, in Rampton 1995: 12). Language, in short, is a powerful element that shapes how we are able to inhabit the world.

      At a general level, then, I argue that language

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