ReWanda Dissertaion

A Masters Thesis
entitled
Post Conflict Peace Building in Rwanda, the Effect on Youth
And the Development of Bright Future Generation, NGO
By
Vanessa M. Colomba
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements
For the Master of Arts Degree in Peace and Conflict Studies
___________________________________________
George Chigas, Ph.D., Committee Chair
___________________________________________
Jenifer Whitten-Woodring, Ph.D., Committee Member
___________________________________________
Levon Chorbajian, Ph.D., Committee Member
POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

An Abstract of
Post-Conflict Peace Building in Rwanda, the Effect on Youth,

By
Vanessa M. Colomba
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
Master of Arts in Peace and Conflict Studies
The University of Massachusetts, Lowell

May 2013

An Abstract of
Post-Conflict Peace Building in Rwanda, the Effect on Youth,
By
Vanessa M. Colomba
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
Master of Arts in Peace and Conflict Studies
The University of Massachusetts, Lowell
May 2013
In the aftermath of its violent history, todays Rwanda has accomplished
significant political, social, and economic progress to prevent another atrocity like the
1994 genocide against the Tutsi and moderate Hutu. As the survivors of the 1994
genocide work hard to move on from the traumas of the past, it is the sole responsibility
of the new generation to break the cycle of victimization and build a stable foundation
from the aftershock of its violent history. Many youth suffer from psychological
distresses and difficult life conditions that prevent them from obtaining an appropriate
education and maximizing their potential. Rwanda desperately needs a catalyst on its path
to educational opportunity and economic stability. Mentoring programs meeting the
needs of vulnerable youth can be this catalyst, yet they are minimal in quantity and
severely underdeveloped. In October of 2012, I connected with a Rwandan Clinical
Psychologist, Isae Mihigo. Harnessing our research, education, and experiences working
with vulnerable youth in our respective countries, we co-founded Bright Future
Generation.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis would not have been possible without the guidance and the help of
several individuals who in one way or another contributed and extended their valuable
assistance in the preparation and completion of this study.
Foremost, I would like to thank my entire thesis committee, Dr. George Chigas,
Dr. Jenifer Whitten-Woodring, and Dr. Levon Chorbajian of the University of
Massachusetts, Lowell, for all of your patience, guidance, support, and encouragement
through the duration of this research. Without it, I may have never been able to complete
this puzzle.
Dr. Paula Rayman, Director of the Peace and Conflict Studies Department, for all
of your inspiration, advice, and moral jiu-jitsu throughout my entire Masters career.
Isae Mihigo, a trusted colleague and co-founder of Bright Future Generation, for
your dedication, persistence, and hard work to ensure the success of our new venture.
Dr. Lawrence Davis of North Shore Community College, for raising the question
that guided my educational journey and provided the foundation of this work: How do
seemingly normal individuals willingly contribute to the murder of millions of people?
Jesse Hawkes and Amy Lambe of Global Youth Connect, for providing me with a
once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to travel to Rwanda, which encouraged me to start my
own non-governmental organization, Bright Future Generation.
Finally, this thesis would not have been possible without the love, support, and
encouragement I received from my parents, siblings, extended family members and
friends. I am truly blessed to have a wonderful support system that encourages me to
follow my heart and live out my dreams, no matter where I am in the world.
iii
iv
Table of Contents
Abstract
Acknowledgements
Table of Contents
List of Abbreviations
INTRODUCTION
Methodology
Theoretical Framework
Description of Chapters
CHAPTER 1: The Historical Narrative and the Power of Situational Forces
Transformation of Economic Identities into Ethnic Identities
12
The 1959 Hutu Revolution
16
The Habyarimana Regime and Rwanda Before the Genocide
18
The Rwandan Patriotic Front
20
Cease Fires, Arms Distributions and Events Leading Up to the Genocide 24

The Power of Situational Forces in the Creation of Perpetrators
28
Understanding Evil and the Role of Bystanders
35
CHAPTER 2: Post-Conflict Peace Building in Rwanda
41
Visions of a New Rwanda
43
Promoting Peace Consciousness
44
Vision 2020
46
The New Constitution and its Criticisms
48
The National Unity and Reconciliation Commission
51
The Relationship Between the Victim and Perpetrator
55
Long-Term Consequences of the Event
56
The Role of Forgiveness
57
Reintegration of Perpetrators Ingando
60
Gacaca
66
Discussion
73
CHAPTER 3: Rwandan Youth
74
Post-Traumatic Stress and the Effects of Genocide on Youth
76
Rwandas National Education Statistics for the Youth
79
My Observations of Rwandan Youth
85
Kiziba Refugee Camp
85
Visit to the Potter Community in Mubuga
89
Rebecca Davis Dance Company and FIDESCO, Rwanda
92
My Volunteer Placement with AERG
94
Mental Health and the Need for Psychosocial Support Systems in Rwanda 95
The Role of Bright Future Generation
CONCLUSION
98
101
References
Appendices
A. Outline of the workshop The Need of Understanding the Impact of the Traumatic
Event to Ourselves and to the Community Toward a Healed Life

List of Abbreviations
9-YBE- Nine-Year Basic Education
AERG- Association des Etudiants et Eleves Rescapes du gnocide
ARC- American Refugee Committee
BFG- Bright Future Generation, NGO
COPORWA- Communaute des Pottiers Rwandais
DRC- Democratic Republic of the Congo
EICV3- The Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey
ETO- Ecole Technique Officielle
FAR Forces Armees Rwandaises
FDLR- The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda
GYC- Global Youth Connect
ICT- Information and Communication Technology
MDR- Mouvement Democratique Rwandais
MRND- Mouvement Revolutionnaire Nationale pour le Development
NCPD- National Council of Persons with Disabilities
NGO- Non-Governmental Organization
NUR- National University of Rwanda
NURC- National Unity and Reconciliation Commission
PTSD- Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder
PWD- Persons With Disabilities
RCHC- Rwandan Cultural Health Center
RDDC- Rebecca Davis Dance Company
vi

RPF- Rwandan Patriotic Front
UN- United Nations
UNAMIR- United Nations Assistance Missions in Rwanda
UNHCR- United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
UNICEF- United Nations Childrens Fund
vii
INTRODUCTION
In the aftermath of its violent history, todays Rwanda has accomplished
significant political, social, and economic progress to prevent another atrocity like the
1994 genocide against the Tutsi and moderate Hutu. Nineteen years after the genocide,
Rwanda was listed as the ninth fastest growing economy in the world, with a 7.8%
projected Gross Domestic Product growth in 2013 (The Economist, 2013), ranks 52 out
of 185 on ease of doing business and 8 on ease in starting a business. Through
safety, security, zero-tolerance for corruption, and a stated goal to eliminate foreign aid
(currently about 40 percent of its budget), Rwanda has put itself on trajectory toward
greater self-sufficiency (Cristafulli & Redmond, 2013, para. 3). Rwandas economic
success would not have been possible without the audacious and creative thinking of its
current leaders to adopt appropriate measures that ensure no more blood would be shed as
a result of ethnic hatreds.
To encourage the success of its national development plan and with the wounds of
the 100-day slaughter still fresh in the minds of the survivors, the Rwandan government
announced on January 7, 2003 its plans to release an estimated 30-40,000 prisoners held
on suspicion of involvement in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi (Aslimwe, 2003; Los
Angeles Times, 2003). Rwanda faced the daunting challenge of reintegrating the
genocidal perpetrators back into their communities, delivering justice to the victims,
ensuring the safety of both groups, and creating a culture of peace that would rebuild the
nation from scratch (Larson & Houborg, 2007; Mgbako, 2005; Purdekova, 2008). This
difficult process forces Rwanda to confront a deep historical narrative of politically
imposed ethnic ideology that violently divided the very groups they are trying to bring

together. To promote unity, reconciliation, and peace, the Rwandan government
established the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) to help
communities embrace post-conflict peace building initiatives by empowering individuals
to take responsibility for the programs success (Government of Rwanda, 1999; Nantulya
& Alexander, 2005). Additional measures included criminalizing genocidal ideology and
replacing ethnic identity labels with a single national Rwandan identity. Together,
these programs began to reintroduce order into a society decimated by ethnic violence.
However, despite the progress in developing a culture of unity, reconciliation, and
peace to coincide with the national development campaign, Vision 2020 (Ministry of
Finance and Economic Planning, 2000), Rwanda is still not where it wants to be. In
accordance with Vision 2020, Rwanda hopes to tap into the vitality of its youth and
unlock the nations potential to become a model for other African countries. As the
survivors of the 1994 genocide work hard to move on from the traumas of the past, it is
the sole responsibility of the new generation to break the cycle of victimization and build
a stable foundation from the aftershock of its violent history. Hindering youths1 ability
to do so are the hundreds of thousands of children who have been orphaned or otherwise
left without parental care since 1994 (Human Rights Watch, 2003, p. 41), therefore
leaving many to suffer from psychological distresses and difficult life conditions that
prevent them from obtaining an appropriate education and maximizing their potential
(Sommers & Ulvin, 2011; Sommers, 2012).
Definition of youth, for the purposes of this project, will be consistent with the
Rwandan definition, which defines youth as any persons aged between 15 and 35
(Ministry of Youth, Culture and Sports, 2005, p. 8), although at times some government
research will refer to youth between 14 to 35 years old.

In response to these difficult life conditions, youth have singled out education as
the only avenue towards a brighter future (Pells, 2009; Sommers & Ulvin, 2011). The
current Rwandan Government has made significant strides to increase free access to
public education and build up a self-sufficient, knowledge based economy. The goal is to
reduce dependency on foreign aid and, more importantly, to prevent another atrocity like
the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. Current educational statistics reveal an increase in
primary and secondary education enrollment and a decrease in dropout rates (National
Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, 2012; Ministry of Education, 2012; Kwizera, 2011).
Nevertheless, Rwanda desperately needs a catalyst on its path to educational opportunity
and economic stability. Mentoring programs meeting the needs of vulnerable youth can
be this catalyst, yet they are minimal in quantity and severely underdeveloped.
There is currently a lack of trained personnel within communities, schools, and
governmental and non-governmental organizations to address the psychological and
psychosocial barriers preventing vulnerable youth from obtaining a basic education. With
only six practicing clinical psychologists in the country (Musoni, 2012), Rwandan society
needs individuals trained at the grassroots level to identify and respond to the mental
health issues facing their communities (The New Times, 2013). In October of 2012, I
connected with a Rwandan Clinical Psychologist, Isae Mihigo. Harnessing our research,
education, and experiences working with vulnerable youth in our respective countries, we
co-founded Bright Future Generation.
Bright Future Generation exists as a non-governmental, volunteer organization
that partners with communities, schools, and governmental and non-governmental
organizations to build a culture of mentoring with a focus on mental health through

workshops, research, and program development. Our partnerships will increase the
confidence and proficiency of these organizations to respond to the unique problems of
the vulnerable youth they serve. The vision of this organization is to help vulnerable
youth establish the relationship between education, self-development, and the realization
of their dreams using a multi-level approach to address the psychological and
psychosocial barriers that decrease youths access to an appropriate education.
Methodology
The current study is divided into three chapters and will use an integrative
literature review approach to explore the political, economic and social circumstances
that contributed to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, Rwandas post-conflict peace
building methods, and its effect on youth. Integrative literature reviews are a specific
review method that summarizes past empirical or theoretical literature to provide a more
comprehensive understanding of a particular phenomenon or problem (Whittemore &
Knafl, 2005, p. 546). Additionally, integrative literature reviews reframe existing
knowledge to introduce new perspectives on key issues in the field (Torraco, 2005, p.
1). The current study will draw upon the previous research of leaders in the fields of
history, social psychology, peace studies, and current information on Rwanda such as
online news articles, documentaries, and information retrieved from various
governmental organizations. An interdisciplinary approach on post-conflict peace
building in societies traumatized by genocide using a social psychological approach will
challenge societies and individuals to explore the systematic, ideological, and
psychosocial factors that contribute to its conflicts.

Theoretical Framework
In 1971, Phillip Zimbardo designed a 2-week study that would simulate a prison
environment to explore the impact of situational forces on negative human behavior.
There were twenty-four male participants between the ages of 18 and 30 and selected
based on the results of a comprehensive background evaluation2 to ensure all research
participants would be as normal as possible initially, healthy both physically and
mentally, and without any history of involvement in drugs or crime or violence
(Zimbardo, 2004, p. 39).
Participants were randomly selected to either work in the prison as a guard or
be detained as a prisoner throughout the two-week study. The social psychological
constructs of a prison environment were created to establish the prison mindset. This
included transforming the basement of Stanford Universitys psychology department into
a prison by replacing corridor hall doors with prison bars to create prison cells, using
windowless and clock-less cells that afforded no clues as to time of day (Zimbardo,
2004, p. 39); providing all subjects with appropriate uniforms military-style uniforms
and silver-reflecting sunglasses (p. 40) for guards and smocks with ID numbers for
prisoners; and applying institutional rules that removed/substituted individual names
with numbers (for prisoners) or titles for staff (p. 39). Adding to the realistic nature of
the scenario, prisoners underwent a real arrest by officers from the Palo Alto Police
Department (p. 39), were taken to the police station for booking then transported to the
simulated prison.
This included five psychological tests, a detailed personal history, and several in-depth
interviews.

Known as the Stanford Prison Experiment, this study had to be terminated
after only six days because of the pathology we were witnessing (Zimbardo, 2004, p.
40)3. Zimbardo (2004, 2007) observed pacifistic young men behaving sadistically in
their role as guards, inflicting humiliation and pain and suffering on other young men
who had the inferior status of prisoner (Zimbardo, 2004, p. 40). Conversely, many of
the intelligent, healthy college students who were occupying the role of prisoner showed
signs of emotional breakdown so extreme that five of them had to be removed from the
experiment within the first week (p. 40). Zimbardo admits that he also fell into the role
of Prison Superintendent and became more concerned with protecting the security of his
prison than the needs of the young men entrusted to my care as a psychological
researcher (p. 40).
The Stanford Prison Experiment found that obedience to authority,
dehumanization of the other, and moral disengagement are situational variables that
reduce social accountability, concerns for self-evaluation by the actor (Zimbardo, 2004,
p. 32), and creating opportunities for diffusion of [personal] responsibility for negative
outcomes (p. 28). These findings debunk the myth that evil, or intentionally behaving,
or causing others to act, in ways that demean, dehumanize, destroy, or kill innocent
people (p. 22) is a result of inherent dispositions belonging to the individual. This
motivates others to look beyond the person and into the situational circumstances that
provoked the malevolent expressions of human behavior.
For a detailed timeline of the events that contributed to the abrupt end of the study, see:
Zimbardo (2007) The Lucifer effect: Understanding how good people turn evil. New
York: Random House Trade Paperback

Description of Chapters
The responsibility of Rwandas political elites in disseminating genocidal
ideology among its citizens has been well documented, with few studies giving
recognition to the difficulties and successes of state institutions that bridge negative
relationships between previous conflicting groups by promoting positive peace
consciousness. Can state institutions that promote unity, reconciliation, and peace in post
conflict societies facilitate the process of healing for victims, repair corroded
relationships between victims and perpetrators, and prevent future conflicts?
Chapters 1 and 2 will explore this question by relating Rwandas historical
narrative with its post-conflict peace building methods using a systems approach to
identify the political, economic, and social influence of state institutions such as the
National Unity and Reconciliation Commission and community programs such as itorero
ryigihugu (community mentors), ingando re-education camps, and the Gacaca
community court system that aspire to bridge negative relationships between groups
previously engaged in conflict.
While a significant amount of research is available regarding Rwandas history
and post-conflict peace building initiatives, little has been said about the difficult life
conditions and the psychological and psychosocial distresses affecting youth that
decrease their access to a basic education. Chapter 3 seeks to piece together the harsh
reality of the current generation and the pressure placed upon them to build a stable
economic, social, and political foundation to avert future conflict while maintaining a
culture of peace with minimal resources.

Section 1 of Chapter 3 will investigate the consequences of the 1994 genocide
against the Tutsi on Rwandan youth and identify the difficult life conditions and
psychological distresses that decrease youths access to an education. Section 2 of
Chapter 3 is an assessment of the existing psychosocial needs in Rwanda centered on the
relevant literature that is consistent with my experiences as a participant in Global Youth
Connects 2012 Human Rights Delegation to Rwanda. This led to the development of a
non-governmental organization, Bright Future Generation, which seeks to fill the current
gaps in research and improve the psychosocial skills of communities, schools, and
governmental and non-governmental organization.
The conclusion of this thesis will briefly call upon the need for cross-cultural
dialogue and research. The prevalence of youth involved in school shootings in the
United States is a phenomenon that has been consistently attributed to the perpetrators
underlying mental health issues and lax national gun laws (Yan, 2012; FoxNews, 2012;
Hauser, 2007; Bryan, 2011; Albracht, 2012). Rwanda can identify its national traumas in
relation to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, the root causes of which support
Zimbardos (2004, 2007) assertion that situational forces have the power to induce
malevolent human behavior. There is a demand to learn from Rwandas post-conflict
peace building initiatives to promote positive peace consciousness from the national to
the grassroots level to ensure the prevention of future conflicts in all societies around the
world.
CHAPTER 1
The Historical Narrative and the Power of Situational Forces
At 8:30 p.m. on the night of April 6, 1994, the plane of President Habyarimana of
Rwanda and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi was shot down as it was preparing
to land in Kigali (United Nations, 1999). Hours following this tragic incident, the
genocide against the Tutsi began. On the morning of April 7, 1994, massacres erupted
throughout Rwanda against unarmed Tutsi civilians and targeted Hutu political
oppositionists (Gourevitch, 1998; Human Rights Watch, 1994; Prunier, 1995; Kinzer,
2008). In 100 days, over 80 years of Hutu hatred against the Tutsi erupted into a fullfledged brutal genocide that claimed the lives of over 800,000 to 1,000,0004 innocent
civilians. The horror of the 100-day massacre involves more than the sum of
accumulated deaths in a short period of time. What is equally disturbing about this
particular genocide is that despite the trained Interahamwe and Forces Armees
Rwandaises (FAR), the genocide would not have been possible without the help of
untrained, Hutu peasant farmers living in remote villages away from the capital.
The tragedy is that familiarity and friendship did not restrain the Hutus from
killing their Tutsi neighbors. In addition to sharing the same language and culture, Hutu
women cared for Tutsi children; weddings, birthdays, anniversaries, and deaths were
observed; mixed soccer teams comprised of Hutu and Tutsi adults competed with one
4
The highly controversial research of Christian Davenport and Allan Stam challenges the
number of accumulated deaths that occurred during the 100 days of the 1994 genocide
against the Tutsi. They concluded three things about the nature of violence: not all
killings were acts of genocide, and several forms of violence occurred as a result of
political violence including acts of genocide, civil war, random violence, and revenge
killings; the extremist Hutu government and the RPF committed crimes against humanity
towards civilians; and the majority of victims were likely Hutu and not Tutsi (Project
Summary, n.d., www.genodynamics.com).

another in friendly tournaments. A kind heart did not benefit the killers or allow them to
be remorseful for their actions. Fierce political ideology undermined valuable
community connections and suspended feelings of trust through prevailing propagations
that Hutus are living among enemies seeking to enslave and rebuke their value to
Rwandan society. As one killer stated: His features were indeed similar to those of the
person I knew, but nothing firmly reminded me that I had lived beside him for a long
time (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 24).
Historical narrations of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi reveal the
responsibility of political elites in creating an environment conducive to genocidal
practices. Social psychological theories and principles compliment this finding to
demonstrate the power leaders have in influencing everyday human behavior and forming
tumultuous relationships between neighbors (Zimbardo, 2004 & 2007; Milgram, 1974).
Situational forces have the ability to reduce cues of social accountability (Zimbardo,
2004, p. 32) and concerns for self-evaluation by projecting responsibility outside the
self and onto others (p. 32). Moreover, the situation is created in such a way that
subjects act in accordance to paths made available to them, without thinking through the
meaning or consequences of those actions (p. 33). Systems outline the roles people are
expected to play, and with that comes the responsibility to follow through with these
responsibilities unconditionally. A genocidal perpetrator depends on the support systems
that reinforce its soundness as an acceptable way of life, allowing the individual to be
impenetrable to alternative realities (Zimbardo, 2007; Milgram, 1974).
Hutu peasant farmers became murderous instruments to carry out extremist
political and social agendas for the Rwandan government, who presented pro-Hutu, anti-
10

Tutsi ideology as an acceptable justification, or rationale, for engaging in the
undesirable action (Zimbardo, 2004, p. 28). Hiding behind political ideology only
allowed the perpetrators to evade responsibility for their actions by attributing it to
expected political and social practices. One perpetrator affirmed: We heard no protests
about our murders The death of our president was the signal for the final chaos. But as
with a harvest, the seed was planted before (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 56).
The powers of situational forces extend beyond the human capacity to commit
genocide by exposing victims to traumatic situations in which the person experienced,
witnessed, or was confronted with an event or events that involved actual or threatened
death or serious injury, or threat to the physical integrity of self or others (American
Psychiatric Association, 2000, p. 467). At the start of the genocide, innocent Tutsis and
Hutu moderates had no one to turn to for protection. Places thought to provide safety and
refuge, such as schools, churches, and hospitals, became places where people were
brutally slaughtered (Prunier, 1995; Gourevitch, 1998; Kinzer, 2008). For the survivors,
this contributed to the loss of faith in humanity to prevent these atrocities from occurring
and the dissolution of trust in their fellow neighbors leading to enduring physical and
psychological wounds.
The current chapter will explore the historical narrative to identify the social,
economic, and political influence that created an environment conducive to genocidal
practices and the individual psychological processes that motivated the killings. Root
causes of the conflict arose when Belgian colonials transformed the economic identities
of Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa into ethnic and social classifications. This resulted in Tutsi
dominance over social, economic, and political life. As a consequence, the Hutu majority
11

initiated a violent revolution against the Tutsi, which lead to a Hutu-dominated
government that manipulated ethnic hatreds to gain support for their deteriorating power
as a result of economic instability. Recognizing the historical narrative is essential to
grasp how situational forces act as antecedents to genocidal behavior. The social,
economic, and political influences leading up to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi
through the dissemination of a pro-Hutu ideology transformed the hearts and minds of
innocent people to become killers through obedience to authority, dehumanization, and
moral disengagement as a result of fear of the other (Zimbardo, 2007; Hatzfeld, 2005)
Transformation of Economic Identities into Ethnic Identities
Rwanda is a small, mountainous east African state with a dense population
historically comprised of three distinct economic groups: the Hutu, the Tutsi, and the
Twa (Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier, 1995; Shyaka, 2005; CIA.gov. 2013). The Hutus
constitute 84% of the population and are peasant farmers whose responsibility is to
maintain the agricultural landscape. The Tutsis comprise 14% of the population and are
cattle herders, a sign of wealth that granted them elite status within Rwandan society.
The Twa made up the remaining 1%, lived as hunter-gatherers deep in the forests of
Rwanda, and remained inactive in the background of her economic, social, and political
structures. Despite these economic categories distinguishing each group from one
another, Rwandans shared the community of language and culture, lived among one
another within the same villages, intermarried, and conducted business together.
Historians describe social relations between Hutus and Tutsis as a stable one in which
each group accepted and respected their roles and lived without inter-group conflict
(Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier, 1995; Shyaka, 2005).
12

Politically, Rwanda ruled with a single king, or mwami, who was viewed as a
divine being with power widely regarded as sacred (Prunier, 1995). Under the king ruled
three distinct chiefs: the chief of landholdings comprised of Hutus who oversaw
agricultural production; the chief of men comprised mainly of Tutsis who recruited
soldiers for the kings army; and the chief of pastures, also comprised of Tutsis who
managed the control of cattle and the grazing lands. Each chiefs general functions were
to regulate the amount of work executed, maintain the land, and collect taxes from each
household in the village. With the exception of the chief of landholdings, the majority of
these positions are held by Tutsis (Prunier, 1995).
Economic identities remained unchanged until Belgian colonial rule began in
1918 when Rwanda was passed over from Germany due to the League of Nations
Mandate after World War 1 (Prunier, 1995). A series of economic reforms altered the
political and social structures of Rwandan society to address questions regarding the
structure of the legal system, the privilege of the Tutsis, and the previous indirect rule of
the Germans. Questioning the role of Tutsi in society became prominent when a man
named Bishop Mgr. Classes stated: The greatest mistake this government could make
would be to suppress the Mututsi caste We will have better, more active and more
intelligent chiefs than the Batutsi The government must work mainly with them
(emphasis in text) (Prunier, 1995, p. 26). Classe furthered this to state that if the Hutus
ruled, they would only bring anarchy and chaos (Gourevitch, 1998), thus leading to the
elevation of economic, political, and social power of Tutsi in the colonial vision of the
Belgians.
13

One of the initial changes the Belgians implemented was to combine all three of
the chiefly positions into one and then replace all Hutu chiefs with Tutsi (Prunier, 1995).
The implications of this shift in power meant Tutsis would have complete control over
agricultural practices, an area where they were completely ignorant. Racial preferences
for Tutsi are evidenced in the writings of Europeans, who accommodated the economic
titles to capture the racial and physical distinctions of the two groups. Hutus were
described as generally short and thick set with a big head, jovial expression, a wide nose
and enormous lips. They are extroverts who like to laugh and lead a simple life
(Prunier, 1995, p. 6). This brief description of a Hutu is largely outweighed by the
consideration of a Tutsi:
The Mututsi of good race has nothing of the Negro, apart his color. He is usually
very tall he is very thin, a characteristic which tends to be even more
noticeable as he gets older. His features are very fine: a high brow, thin nose, and
fine lips framing beautiful shining teeth. The Batutsi women are usually lighterskinned than their husbands, very slender and pretty in their youth, although they
tend to thicken with age. Gifted with a vivacious intelligence, the Tutsi displays a
refinement of feelings, which is rare among primitive people. He is a natural born
leader, capable of extreme self-control and of calculated goodwill (p.6)
It is important to note the colorful descriptions ascribed the Tutsi: beautiful shining
teeth, vivacious intelligence, and natural born leader. To emphasize this preference,
European scientists meticulously recorded physical measurements of the head, nose,
height, weight, and body structures of each group, concluding, the Tutsis had more
nobler features than the bestial Hutus (Gourevitch, 1998, pp. 55-56; Prunier, 1995)
The lack of a reliable historical narrative encouraged the Belgians to construct
their own assumptions about the origins of Tutsi, which transformed each economic
identity into ethnic categories that influenced their behavior towards each group.
European John Hanning Speke was a primary contributor through his unfounded writings
14

that inferred Tutsis were descendants of ancestors originating in southern Ethiopia. The
colonizers rationalized that the fair skin color and economic power of Tutsi were unlike
the genuine Negro of African natives and possessed features similar to Europeans
(Shyaka, 2005; Gourevitch, 1998). To further complete the social divisions between
Hutus and Tutsis, the Belgians began issuing identity cards after conducting a census in
1933 (Gourevitch, 1998). Establishing the practice of identity cards furthered Tutsi
superiority that made it easier to discriminate Hutus from Rwandan society.
Colonization of Rwanda also meant imposition of Christianity and the presence of
churches (Prunier, 1995). Conversion to Christianity was slow in the early 1920s, but
increased in 1927 as a result of political reforms. By 1932, the Christian churches had
developed sufficient influence to be transformed into a primary social institution,
providing strong moral authority through ownership of education. Only few Rwandans
were able to obtain a decent education from the church because it had to be paid for and
was not mandatory, which meant only the wealthy were granted this opportunity.
Illiteracy remained high despite the valuable educational opportunities provided by the
church. Tutsis were given priority in obtaining post-secondary education as well as
priority in administrative and political jobs as a result of their social status and
preference. Hutus were allowed to study theology, but only experienced difficulties and
discrimination in obtaining employment. Denial of this opportunity left Hutus bitter and
frustrated as they remained in their roles as peasant farmers (Prunier, 1995).
Additionally, the Belgians imposed a system of compulsory communal
development labor called umuganda to build structures, roads, and plant trees and other
crops (Prunier, 1995). Naturally, this work was monitored by Tutsi chiefs who used this
15

as an opportunity to exploit Hutus and impose taxes on them, but not without pressure
from the Belgian leaders (Gourevitch, 1998). The directive given to Tutsis was explicit:
You whip the Hutu or we will whip you! (p. 57). As Hutus continued to be excluded
from the Rwandan economy with limited opportunity for advancement, they began to
seethe with anger toward the Tutsi.
The 1959 Hutu Revolution
In March of 1957, the Notes on the Social Aspect of Racial Native Problem in
Rwanda, aka the Hutu Manifesto argued for democracy and logically asserted that if
Tutsi were foreigners, then Rwanda rightfully belonged to Hutus (Gourevtich, 1998;
Prunier, 1995). Tutsis were defensive and refused to cede to the Hutu demand to pass
over their power. A few months later, Gregoire Kayibanda created the Hutu Social
Movement in support of the Hutu Manifesto, which transformed into the Rwandese
Democratic Movement in October of 1950 (or Mouvement Democratique Rwandais
(MDR). In May of 1958, the court notables declared there could be no fraternity
between Tutsi and Hutu (Prunier, 1995, p. 47). This was the leading mentality that
guided a shift in political, economic, and social dominance, fueling the violent Hutu
Revolution in 1959 and establishing an ethnically divided government in 1961.
On November 1, 1959, sub Chief Dominique Mbonyumutwa, a Hutu political
activist, was brutally beaten by a group of Tutsi political activists (Gourevitch, 1998).
This is the first act of documented political violence between the groups as false news of
his death spread throughout Rwanda. Outraged by the news, Hutus responded by
targeting Tutsi authorities and began looting and burning their homes, leading to the first
acts of large-scale murder. In response, Tutsis began fighting back, but without the
16

strong support once awarded to them by the Belgians (Prunier, 1995). Guy Logiest,
Belgians highest ranking official representative in Rwanda, watched the violence unfold,
and instead of advocating for Tutsis to remain in power, he stood by and encouraged
Hutus to destroy the social structure they helped establish (Gourevitch, 1998). Logiest
soon became influential in supporting the revolution, stating the Belgians needed to give
the people back their dignity (p. 60) which they wrongfully took away.
As a result, the Belgians were able to evade responsibility for the violence that
erupted in Rwanda and were labeled as heroes for helping Hutus achieve their goals by
encouraging them to rise against the Tutsi monopoly and break their hold on power
(Kinzer, 2008). Throughout the violence, the process of transferring power began by
firing the Tutsi chiefs and replacing them with Hutus (Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier, 1995).
Around three hundred people were murdered and 1,231 had been arrested by the
Belgians (Prunier, 1995). By 1964, over a quarter million Tutsi fled Rwanda to
neighboring Zaire, Burundi, and Uganda to escape the violence waged against them. In
January 1961, Gregoire Kayibanda arranged a coup, declared Rwanda a republic and
established a racial dictatorship favoring Hutus. Rwanda became a fully independent
nation from Belgian rule in 1962.
From 1961 forward, the Kayibanda regime adopted the same methods of
discrimination against Tutsi that the Belgians inflicted upon them (Gourevitch, 1998;
Prunier, 1995). As Hutus monopolized on their power, they expelled Tutsi children from
their schools and eliminated all Tutsis within the government and other prominent jobs.
Few Tutsi exiles supported the new regime, while the majority organized to engage in a
military confrontation to reclaim their homes. In December 1963, Tutsi exiles from
17

Burundi invaded the Bugesera region of Rwanda. Poor planning and a lack of military
equipment further exacerbated the situation in which the government used the occasion
to launch a massive wave of repression in which an estimated 10,000 Tutsis were
slaughtered between December 1963 and January 1965. All the surviving Tutsi
politicians still living in Rwanda were executed (Prunier, 1995, p. 56). Political attacks
executed by the refugees only strengthened Kayibandas power and continued to fuel the
Hutu revolution. The violence ceased by the end of 1964, and no further conquests by
Tutsi exiles occurred.
The Habyarimana Regime and Rwanda Before the Genocide
President Gregoire Kayibandas Rwanda was described as a land of virtue where
prostitutes were punished, attendance at mass was high, and hard working peasants toiled
on the land without asking too many questions (Prunier, 1995, p. 59). Despite doing
everything in his power to prevent Tutsi from participating in political, social, and
economic activities, President Kayibandas success was short lived when economic
instability in 1973 deteriorated public support for his leadership. In an effort to revive the
spirit of the Hutu Revolution, he embarked on a violent campaign against Tutsis,
expelling them from all businesses and schools to enforce a pro-Hutu racial quota in jobs
and trigger a second mass exodus of Tutsi refugees to bordering countries while tens of
thousands were being slaughtered (Prunier, 1995). On July 5, 1973, Major General
Juvenal Habyarimana took over the government in a bloodless coup and declared himself
the new president of Rwanda. He believed that ending the violence between Hutus and
Tutsis was essential to promote economic development and stability.
18

Taking advantage of American and European financial donors, Habyarimana built
up the Rwandan economy to be stronger than neighboring countries. Under the new
regime, Tutsi were prevented from attaining positions of power in political and military
roles, but lived unharmed as long as they remained in the fringes of society. The
Mouvement Revolutionnaire Nationale pour le Developpement (MRND) was successful
in stabilizing the Rwandan economy while strengthening medical care and increasing
educational opportunities granted to Hutu children. Mortality rates dropped, violence
diminished and prostitutes were arrested, demonstrating a moral authority in the region.
However, all citizens were required to carry identification cards, stating their place of
residence and ethnicity but were prevented from moving freely around the country or
changing their address without permission of the local authorities.
The plight of Habyarimanas regime is similar to Kayibandas in that economic
instability caused by the crash of tea and coffee exports on the world market in 1986
weakened support for his rule as famine increased and resources became scarce
(Gourevitch, 1998). By the late 1980s, foreign aid was exhausted and the countrys
budget was reduced by 40% (Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier, 1995). This increased taxation
along with forced labor practices. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank
demanded Rwanda restructure their social, economic, and political practices to prevent
further economic devastation. Political oppositionists to the Habyarimana regime sought
help from Western donors who refused to extend financial support until the political
arena opened up to multiple parties. This meant allowing Tutsi to participate in the
economic system to increase the workforce. These pressures forced Habyarimana to
comply with international demands as plans to sensitize Rwandans for democratization
19

were underway. Hutu extremists5 within his regime were angered that he would readily
abandon the ideals of the 1959 revolution, and began protesting violently against these
new policies. Yet the biggest threat to Rwandan racial politics was lurking in the
background, as Tutsi refugees from Uganda planned a series of military attacks to fight
for the right of exiles to return to their homes.
The Rwandan Patriotic Front
The 1959 Hutu Revolution brought on more challenges than success for Rwanda
in relation to political and economic instability. Exile for Tutsi refugees only
strengthened their attachment to their homeland rather than weakened it, a sentiment
leading to the inyenzi (cockroach) raids from 1961-1966 (Kinzer, 2008). Refugees from
Uganda, Burundi, Tanzania, and Zaire (currently the Democratic Republic of the Congo)
ineffectively targeted police stations and government offices, behaving more like
terrorists than determined guerrilla fighters. In response, President Kayibanda supported
anti-Tutsi killings to ensure their repression within the country and pushed the guerrilla
fighters back into exile, establishing the brutal ethnic politics that would define Rwanda
in the years to come. As Tutsis understood what life was going to be like under
Kayibandas leadership, they reluctantly agreed to leave the new regime alone and
attempted to rebuild their lives in places they could not call home.
On October 1, 1990 when the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), led by Major
General Fred Rwigyema and comprised of Tutsi refugees trained in the Ugandan
military, declared war on the Habyarimana regime, nobody in Rwanda ever imagined
One of the more prominent Hutu extremist groups, the akazu, comprised of members of
Agathe Habyarimanas family and their close associates. Agathe was Habyarimanas
wife. (Human Rights Watch, 1994b; Kinzer, 2008; Prunier, 1995; Gourevitch, 1998)
20

that these exiles would try to force their way back to their homeland (Kinzer, 2008, p.
33). Motivated by anger at President Habyarimana for ignoring their cries to return to
their homeland, the RPF crossed the border with the clear goal of taking over Kigali, the
capital city. Immediately faced with Forces Armees Rwandaises (FAR), or the Rwandan
Armed Forces, comprised of 5200 men supplied by the French with Panhard armored
cars, heavy artillery, and Gazelle helicopters (Prunier, 1995, p. 94), the RPF was
prevented from reaching the capital. Within the first two days of battle, Major General
Rwigyema became a casualty, quickly weakening the RPF (Prunier, 1995). Within days,
Paul Kagame arrived in Rwanda to replace the fallen Commander and led the remaining
RPF soldiers to safety in the Virunga Mountains. Senior RPF officers who had fought
alongside him during the Ugandan war knew he had a full understanding of military
intelligence, and was a clear strategic thinker, a brave fighter, and a strict disciplinarian
who demanded obedience and tolerated no excesses (Kinzer, 2008, p. 79).
From this point on, Tutsi became Rwandas number one enemy as government
officials used fear as a tool to assure Hutu peasants that Tutsi would dominate once again
if they succeeded in penetrating Rwanda. On the eve of October 4, the Rwandan
government staged an assault on Kigali to increase fears that Tutsi refugees were
targeting Hutus. Although thousands of shots were fired throughout the night, not a
single casualty was documented nor did any of the buildings appear harmed. In his
deteriorating presidency, Habyarimana used this threat to avert attention from his failings
and unified Hutus by rejuvenating past animosities and dissatisfactions (Gourevitch,
1998; Prunier, 1995; Kinzer, 2008). With the RPF no longer an immediate threat to
Rwanda, village officials in Kibilira Gisenyi instructed Hutus on October 11, 1990, that
21

their communal work consisted of fighting Tutsi neighbors, whom theyve lived with
(Prunier, 1995, p. 84). Over the course of three days, the slaughter claimed the lives of
350 people, and forced thousands more to escape to bordering countries.
Moreover, the Rwandan government manipulated the RPF insurgency to instigate
a massive wave of arrests of targeted enemies, such as political oppositionists and
educated Tutsis. Massacres continued throughout Rwanda as Hutus murdered Tutsi and
seized their land, cattle, and material goods otherwise denied them. The French supplied
the Rwandan government with military equipment, guidance for democratization and
unconditional support for Habyarimanas response to the RPF attack (Gourevitch, 1998;
Prunier, 1995; Kinzer, 2008). The FAR opened recruitment for the army to reassure
Rwandan citizens they were taking the attacks seriously, and saw an increase to 50,000
new recruits by 1992 (Prunier, 1995). The new recruits consisted of peasants with little
to no education, which made training a strong force difficult.
Concurrently, the RPF gained strength as hundreds of Rwandan exiles left their
lives behind to fight for the cause, and were
not a guerilla force composed of societys castoffs. By one estimate, nearly all
had attended primary school, half had graduated from secondary school, and 20
percent were university graduates. Scores were physicians. By early 1991, the
RPF force had not only doubled in size, counting nearly five thousands fighters in
its ranks, but also emerged as the best-educated guerrilla army in history (Kinzer,
2008, p. 83)
In addition, one of Habyarimanas old accomplices, Hutu Colonel Alexis Kanyarenwe,
joined the RPF and was elected its chairman. Although the army was mainly comprised
of Tutsi exiles, including youth who have never visited Rwanda, their ultimate goals were
to include both Hutu and Tutsi sympathizers fighting against the injustices occurring in
their homeland. Financing the army were affluent Tutsis and Rwandese businessmen
22

with a desire to see the RPF topple the Habyarimana regime. Short on ammunition, they
continuously raided the Ugandan military supplies to stock up for future attacks.
On January 23, 1991, the RPF launched another assault in the Ruhengeri region in
Rwanda (Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier, 1994, Kinzer, 2008). Containing a high security
prison holding 1,000 inmates and political enemies, it was an ideal place for the RPF to
instigate panic and strengthen their image as a force to be reckoned with. The prison
guards were ordered to murder the inmates by top Hutu politicians for fear of providing
information to the RPF. One guard refused to follow through with these orders, which
resulted in the RPF releasing all of the prisoners and recruiting some men into the army.
After looting the prison, the bank, police stations, military outposts, and food
warehouses (Kinzer, 2008, p. 89), their presence generated a wave of panic among
Rwandans which instigated additional massacres throughout Rwanda that lasted through
March.
As sporadic fighting continued between the RPF and FAR, Rwanda recognized
they were officially engaged in civil war (Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier, 1994; Kinzer,
2008). Local and state authorities continually fed into the fears of Hutu peasants, who
encouraged massacres as a responsibility to fulfill their obligation to participate in forced
labor. For Hutu peasants, murdering Tutsi meant obtaining land, cattle, and material
goods otherwise denied to them. Burgomasters were permitted to refuse to participate if
they considered it necessary. Further exacerbating the situation, the government
attributed the massacres to the righteous anger of the people that spontaneously
launched themselves at the Tutsi. The implication seems to be that these Tutsi richly
deserved what they got since they all sympathized with the RPF (Prunier, 1995, p. 139).
23

Cease Fires, Arms Distributions, and Events Leading up to the Genocide
As fighting continued between the RPF and FAR, foreign aid donors placed
pressure on Habyarimana to end the conflict, allow the refugees to return home, and
democratize Rwanda by giving the RPF positions in the new government, increasing
tensions within his own regime. Although Habyarimana had no intention of opening up
the political arena, Hutu extremists wanted to maintain the anti-Tutsi, revolutionary spirit
the government was founded on. To move away from a strict Hutu dictatorship would
threaten its preservation. Many felt that a new leader was necessary to uphold the ideals
of the 1959 Revolution.
In January 1992, around 50,000 people protested against the MRND cabinet, and
by April 7 of that year, a new cabinet was sworn in (Prunier, 1995). The Rwandan
government was officially open for power sharing, in which the new cabinet
courageously went on the offense to try to redress some of the regimes most obvious
injustices (p. 145). For example, Agathe Uwilingiuimana, a Hutu moderate and newly
appointed minister of education, abolished the policy of equilibrium, which enabled the
government to choose the ethnic origin of students and even in practice, within the Hutu
community, the regional origin of candidates (pp. 145-146). Changes like this infuriated
Hutu extremists, leading to a direct increase of ethnic violence. Habyarimana further
exacerbated tensions when he agreed to negotiate with the RPF to establish a cease-fire,
grant them positions in the new government, and open Rwandan borders to allow
refugees to return to their homes. The peace talks began in June 1992 at Arusha,
Tanzania, where a cease-fire was immediately established (Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier,
1995; Kinzer, 2008).
24

Peace talks with the RPF paradoxically increased the violence in Rwanda
(Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier, 1995; Kinzer, 2008) as incitements to engage in full-fledged
genocide spread throughout the country6. Radio stations played music calling Hutu to
kill the inyenzi (cockroaches) while magazines and daily newspapers were filled with
anti-Tutsi propaganda. Sporadic massacres continued throughout the country as the
MRND began recruiting individuals in an army called the Interhamwe and trained
individuals to efficiently murder Tutsis (Gourevitch, 1998; Human Rights Watch, 1994a).
It is within this tense climate that plans for genocide against the Tutsi increased, while
plans to get rid of Habyarimana occurred simultaneously.
On August 4, 1993, the RPF and President Habyarimana signed the Arusha Peace
Agreement, bringing the civil war in Rwanda to a temporary end. The terms of the
arrangement were quite clear: the RPF was promised a position in the government, all
refugees were allowed to return home, and no weapons were allowed to be distributed to
militia within Rwanda or supplied to the RPF. Hutus were infuriated with
Habyarimanas lack of willingness to uphold extremist ideologies by building peace with
Tutsi RPF enemies seeking to takeover Rwanda (Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier, 1995).
A week before the Arusha Agreement was signed, Mr. Waly Bacre Ndiaye, the
Special Raporteur of the Commission on Human Rights, authored a report regarding
serious human rights violations in Rwanda, and questioned whether it should be
described as acts of genocide due to its emphasis on ethnic identity (United Nations,
The akazu rejected seeking an accommodation with the rebels (Kinzer, 2008, p. 98)
and appealed to their supports by using hatred and fear against Tutsis as political and
social enemies. The waves of killings that occurred during the Arusha Peace Talks were
used as a tool to distract the general population from focusing too much on the conflict
occurring within the government.
25

1999). Ndiaye specifically wrote that the Tutsi population was being targeted based on
identification of this ethnic group, and recommended a series of steps to prevent further
massacres and other abuses (United Nations, 1999, pp. 6-7). Despite the seriousness of
these allegations, his report seems to have been largely ignored by the key actors within
the United Nations system (United Nations, 1999, p. 7).
On October 5, 1993, the United Nations established the United Nations
Assistance Mission for Rwanda (United Nations, 1999), or UNAMIR, whose mandate
was to monitor the observance of the cease-fire agreement (p. 8), provide security to
the civilians of Rwanda, and to ensure that refugees are being repatriated back into
Rwanda. Leading the new mission was General Romeo Dallaire of Canada. Dallaire sent
the UN a Rules of Engagement for UNAMIR that sought approval to allow the
mission to act, and even to use force, in response to crimes against humanity and other
abuses (p. 9). Regrettably, UN headquarters never sent a formal response to approve the
request (United Nations, 1999).
Dallaire was effective in gathering information regarding human rights abuses and
other related activities occurring in Rwanda. On January 11, 1994, he sent a message to
the Military Advisor to the Secretary General stating that he was in contact with an
informant who disclosed information regarding direct plans to commit genocide in
Rwanda (United Nations, 1999). A top-level Interahamwe7 militia trainer, he informed
Dallaire he trained about 17,000 men in camps for the FAR, and stated that the
Interahamwe was able to kill up to 1000 Tutsi in 20 minutes (United Nations, 1999, p.
7
The interahamwe militia and death squad was trained specifically by the akazu to
commit mass murder against the Tutsi to explicitly and quite seriously resolve
Rwandas conflict through a final solution in which every Tutsi in the country would be
killed or forced to flee (Kinzer, 2008, p. 104).
26

20). In a few days, the informant would be clearing a weapons cache to be distributed to
the newly trained militia. This was a severe violation of the Arusha Peace Agreement that
UNAMIR was supposed to monitor. Alarmed at the news and respecting his
responsibilities to oversee the cease-fire, Dallaire asked headquarters for permission to
intervene militarily to prevent the distribution of weapons (United Nations, 1999).
Headquarters suggested that Dallaire notify President Habyarimana of the breach and in
return the President was to update Dallaire of the steps he will take to monitor and control
the situation. Later that day, President Habyarimana and the National Secretary of the
MRND met with Dallaire and denied that the government militia was involved in any
such activities. The President did not follow up with Dallaire as promised.
During the first few months of 1994, Rwanda saw an increase in violent
demonstrations, grenade attacks, assassination attempts, political and ethnic killings, and
information that militias are stockpiling weapons and distributing them to their
supporters (United Nations, 1999, p. 13). Despite UNAMIR presence, the Interahamwe
and FAR knew they could get away with these activities due to mandate restrictions not
to use force unless force was used against them. The situation climaxed when at 8:30
p.m. on the night of April 6, 1994, the plane of President Habyarimana of Rwanda and
President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi was shot down as it was preparing to land in
Kigali (United Nations, 1999). Hours following this tragic incident, the genocide against
the Tutsi began.
27

The Power of Situational Forces in the Creation of Perpetrators
at the beginning of the war there was no change in relations between Hutus
and Tutsis. In 1994, the killings were provoked by the plane crash (Lyons &
Strauss, p. 73)
Ill tell you what I know. The plane crashed on April 6; it was a Wednesday.
Thursday morning, extraordinary things were said in our sector. I was in the party
administration in the sector, so I could observe the changes better than other
peasants. Thursday there was a change. I consider it brutality, or ignorance
that same day, the communal police canceled the market that was supposed to be
held, and in the evening roadblocks were established. There were roadblocks in
every sector, at the intersections. In the beginning, the objective was to prevent
the enemy from entering. That is to say, we fell into the trap of saying enemy,
which later provoked killings (p. 66)
The killings reached our sector because of a businessman, in collaboration with
the burgomaster. They are the ones who created divisions in the population. The
businessman came and brought people who were like me, but in military uniform
with local businessmen and the doctors at a hospital, they held a meeting to
separate people. They said that the country was being taken over by the Tutsis
and that the Hutus were finished. They said we had to defend ourselves (p. 87)
Rwandas history of political and economic instability uncovers the power of
situational forces that tore apart social relationships between Hutu and Tutsi. This is
evidenced through the confessions of perpetrators not involved with the FAR,
interahamwe, or other government trained militias. Most men were farmers, construction
workers, husbands, fathers, and friends (Lyons & Strauss, 2006; Hatzfeld, 2005) who
harnessed their machetes to viciously kill their Tutsi neighbors. Narratives of the events
that occurred after Habyarimanas death reveal that social relations between Hutus and
Tutsis were pleasant, and divisionism between the two groups were largely economic and
political. Habyarimana was the parent of Rwanda. Habyarimana did nothing bad to
Tutsis. He gave work to all the Tutsis who studied. No person in Rwanda thought, I am
Hutu. You are Tutsi. Habyarimana prevented all that. We intermarried. (Lyons &
Strauss, 2006, p. 81).
28

On the morning of April 7, 1994, judges, local authority figures, soldiers, and the
Interahamwe militiamen went to each household to inform the men to collect their
machetes and prepare to kill Tutsis without exception. The men were told the killings
were retaliation for Tutsis contribution in the presidents death. When the civil war
began in 1990 between the Rwandan government and the Rwandan Patriotic Front, the
Tutsi threat no longer referred to the previous economic and political control before the
1959 Hutu Revolution. The RPF insurgency presented a visible threat to national
security. So when President Habyarimanas8 plane was shot down, citizens believed it
was rational to accuse their Tutsi neighbors of being RPF supporters. Some killers
confessed, we knew full well what had to be done, and we set out doing it without
flinching, because it seemed like the perfect solution (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 59).
From sunrise to sunset, the men spent their days in the fields hunting down Tutsis.
At the end of the day, the women would help them loot the homes of the people they
murdered. Familiarity and friendship did not restrain the Hutus from killing the people
they knew. The graphic details of how ordinary peasant farmers converted to coldblooded killers can only be expressed in the words of the perpetrators themselves:
Many people did not know how to kill, but that was not a disadvantage, because
there was interahamwe to guide them in their first steps they gave great advice
on what paths to take and which blows to use, which techniques they used their
On November 17, 2006, Judge Bruguiere of France accused former senior officers of
the RPF, including Paul Kagame, of being responsible for President Habyarimanas
death. In January of 2012, French Judges Marc Trevidic and Nathalie Poux released a
report that investigated these claims and cleared those accused of any responsibility
(Kanuma, 2012). Officially, it is currently unknown who is responsible for President
Habyarimanas death, although it is consistently inferred that Agathe Habyarimana,
Juvenals wife, and members of the akazu, are the sole masterminds of the death that
triggered the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi (Prunier, 1995; Gourevitch, 1998; Hatzfeld,
2005; Kinzer, 2008).
29

spare time to initiate those who seemed uneasy with this work of killing.
(Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 36)
To forget doubt, we had meanness and ruthlessness in killing, and a job to do
and do well, thats all (p. 47)
At the beginning we were too fired up to think. Later on we were too used to it
they had already stopped being good neighbors of long standing they had
become people to throw away they no longer were what they had been, and
neither were we (p. 47)
I could not reveal my good heart. Anyone who hesitated to kill because of
feelings of sadness absolutely had to watch his mouth, to say nothing about the
reason for his reticence for fear of being accused of complicity (p. 119)
Our Tutsi neighbors, we knew they were guilty of no misdoing, but we thought
all Tutsi at fault for our constant troubles. We no longer looked at them one by
one; we no longer stopped to recognize them as they had been, not even as
colleagues. They become a threat greater than all we had experienced together,
more important than our way of seeing things in the community. Thats how we
reasoned and how we killed at the time (p. 121)
Doing the same thing everyday meant we didnt have to think about what we
were doing our arms ruled our heads; in any case our heads no longer had their
say (p. 50)
The Tutsis had accepted so many killings without ever protesting. They had
waited for death or bad blows so often without raising their voices, that in a
certain way we thought deep down they were fated to die, here and now, all
together. We thought that since this job was meeting no opposition, it was
because it really had to be done. That idea helped us not to think about the job
(p. 234)
I considered them unimportant; at the time of those murders, I didnt even notice
the tiny thing that would change me into a killer (p. 27)
For me, it was strange to see the children drop without a sound. It was almost
pleasantly easy (p. 25)
Man can get used to killing, if he kills on and on. He can even become a beast
without noticing it. Some threatened one another when they had no more Tutsis
under their machetes. In their faces, you could see the need to kill (p. 49)
30

Perpetrator confessions illustrate the transformation from being inexperienced to
showing no remorse for those they killed. For Hutus who felt uncomfortable using their
machete to kill, the interahamwe demonstrated how to use it efficiently, which reinforced
the murderous behavior. Zimbardo (2007) rationalizes that most of us can undergo
significant character transformations when we are caught up in the crucible of social
forces (p. 258). All of this led to some very demanding questions: At what point did
people change their positive interactions with the other group and turn into cold-blooded
killers? Did anybody ever stop to think about the meaning of his or her actions? And if
so, did they ever stop to think it was wrong? One perpetrator stated: When the genocide
came from Kigali, taking us by surprise, I never flinched. I thought if the authorities
opted for this choice, there is no reason to sidestep the issue (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 177).
Zimbardo (2007) describes this as administrative evil it exists beyond any one person
once its policies are in place and its procedures take control (p. 515).
Pre-Colonial Rwandan history describes political traditions as a systematic,
centralized, and unconditional obedience to authority (Prunier, 1995, p. 141). High
illiteracy rates required the general public to trust messages sent from their authority
figures to govern their everyday activities even leading to an environment conducive to
genocidal practices. One perpetrator affirmed this by stating:
Authorities began to tell people that Tutsi are mean. I will tell you that
Rwandans, we are like cows. When authorities say move to the left, we move to
the left. The authorities made the population believe that the Tutsis would kill us.
That is how the war started (Lyons & Strauss, 2006, p. 39).
This statement clearly demonstrates that obedience to authority was a contributing factor
in motivating the killing and are consistent with Zimbardos (2004) assertion that
situational influence has the ability to reduce cues of social accountability (p. 32) and
31

concerns for self-evaluation by projecting responsibility outside of the self and onto
others (p. 32). Conversely, refusal to participate came with high costs: the men either
had to pay a fine or their names were placed on a list to be sought by the interahamwe for
non-participation. One perpetrator explains: The interahamwe militia who were the
leaders of others came to my place, carrying a list of persons who had not participated.
They said, You, you come with us. They said they would kill us if we refused. They
had already started to kill Hutus who were called accomplices. (Lyons & Straus, 2006,
p. 50).
Obedience to authority appear to be a major contributing factor to the 1994
genocide against the Tutsi, but underlying social psychological principles are more
elaborate. Individuals disassociate their wrongdoings through mechanisms of moral
disengagement, which occurs when one separates from who they are as a moral being to
accept the acts of indecency they are committing. Moral disengagement is a four-step
cognitive process that allows individuals to maintain their sense of morality by
selectively choosing the need to suspend emotional response in an emergency or
situation that demands invading the privacy of others (Zimbardo, 2007, p. 272). First,
people redefine their malevolent behavior as just and honorable, such as removing a
threat from the larger society. Secondly, diffusing responsibility provides an opportunity
for that individual to disconnect from the immorality of their behavior and evade the
consequences of their actions. Third, when people feel cognitive dissonance, or an
inconsistency in their thoughts or feelings about engaging in a certain behavior, they
balance this out by either changing their thoughts to match their behavior, or vice versa.
32

And finally, people justify their actions through the belief that their victims deserve what
happens to them. This process is supported through the reflection of one perpetrator:
Killing is very discouraging if you yourself must decide to do it, even to an
animal. But if you must obey the orders of the authorities, if you have been
properly prepared, if you feel yourself pushed and pulled, if you see that the
killing will be total and without disastrous consequences for yourself, you feel
soothed and reassured (Hatzfeld, 2005, pp. 48-49)
Anti-Tutsi propaganda serves as repetitive reminders that the Tutsi are enemies
and cockroaches that prevented the perpetrators from seeing the human qualities of their
victims. Dehumanization is a process in which the others are thought not to possess the
same feelings, thoughts, values, and purposes in life any human qualities shared with
us are diminished or erased from awareness (Zimbardo, 2007, p. 272) and breaks the
bonds of the human connection by making other people threatening rather than inviting
(p. 295).
In Rwanda, this process took place over the course of forty years beginning with
the 1959 Hutu Revolution. Throughout this time, Hutus were reminded that Tutsis once
exerted great economic, political, and social power over them and would attain that
power again through force if Hutus did not fight against them. By calling them inyenzi or
cockroaches, the human qualities of the Tutsi were taken away. We no longer saw a
human being when we turned up a Tutsi in the swamps. I mean a person like us, sharing
similar thoughts and feelings. The hunt was savage, the hunters were savage, the prey
was savage savagery took over the mind (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 47). One perpetrator
compared the process of killing a Tutsi to that of killing a goat:
Many Tutsi showed a dreadful fear of being killed, even before we started to hit
them. They would stop their disturbing agitation. They would cower or stand
stock-still. So this terror helped us strike them. It is more tempting to kill a
33

trembling and pleading goat than a spirited and frisky one, put it that way
(Hatzfeld, 2005, pp. 37-38)
Deepening the dehumanization process was the use of agricultural metaphors to motivate
the peasants: killings were umuganda (collective work), chopping up men was bush
clearing and slaughtering women and children was pulling out the roots of bad weeds
(Prunier, 1995, p. 142; Hatzfeld, 2005). These commands helped the individual grasp the
fundamental principles of the killings they were obligated to participate, as most of the
perpetrators were farmers.
This also suggests that some individuals may have acted to gain material
possessions, such as cows, radios, televisions, clothing, money, the tin roofs off their
huts, and other expensive materialistic goods that the Tutsi possessed. Land was given
priority to the person who murdered the owner, and then later negotiated with others in
the community. Preparing and cooking meat was a luxury the Hutus were once denied,
but it now became abundant. Some perpetrators admitted:
We didnt care about what we accomplished in the marshes, only about what was
important to us for our comfort (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 83)
During the killings, passing neighbors dropped off more food than you could fit in
your pot meat became common Hutus had always felt cheated of cattle
because they didnt know how to raise them. They said cows didnt taste good,
but it was from scarcity (p. 63)
The Aphrodisiac of Power (Zimbardo, 2007, p. 255) is a phenomenon in which power
itself becomes a goal for many because of all the resources at the disposal of the
powerful (p. 255). Hutus acquired a mass of wealth during the genocide that belonged
to Tutsis and provided them with an opportunity to live a life they had never had before.
Were the killings motivated by the physical threat of Tutsis, which is consistent
with the historical narrative or was murder used a means to acquire possessions denied
34

Hutu farmers as a result of poverty? Reactive aggression occurs when one hurts another
individual in response to provocation or threats whereas instrumental aggression is
utilized to hurt others for personal gain (Reeder, Kumar, Hesson-McInnis & Trafimow,
2002). The historical narrative is consistent with reactive aggression in which Hutus
acted in response to a perceived threat. Some perpetrators described it as a war
you go to work because there is something to gain, but when you went there, for some it
was to protect themselves. For others, it was to eliminate their enemies. It was not like a
job. (Lyons & Strauss, 2006, p. 64). Acquiring material goods was an added reward
after a long day of searching and killing the Tutsi in which abundance relieved us of our
petty problems (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 87).
Understanding Evil and the Role of Bystanders
Evil can be defined as intentionally behaving, or causing others to act, in ways
that demean, dehumanize, harm, destroy, or kill innocent people. This
behaviorally focused definition makes the individual or group responsible for
purposeful, motivated actions that have a range of negative consequences for
other people (Zimbardo, 2007, p. 22)
The genocide in Rwanda outlines a staggering human truth that people may be
reluctant to accept. Normal, everyday people have the ability to engage in murderous
behavior if the situational forces allow them to act without consequence. There is the
belief that despite all we know about inhumanity and the evil others have caused, we still
hold firmly to the delusion that it could not happen to us. The Fundamental Attribution
Error is the tendency to explain observed behavior by reference to internal dispositional
factors while ignoring or minimizing the impact of situational variables (Zimbardo,
2004, p. 24). Zimbardo (2007) demystifies the tendency for individuals to attribute
malevolent expressions of human behavior to individual characteristics by giving priority
35

to the responsibility of situational circumstances. He states: You might well conclude
that you would not do what the majority has done, that you would, of course, be the
exception to the rule. That statistically unreasonable belief makes you even more
vulnerable to the situational forces precisely because you underestimate their power as
you overestimate yours (p. 316)
Mindfulness of the events occurring around you and an ability to predict or
comprehend how these events are going to unfold requires people to respond proactively
to prevent atrocities from occurring. Our usual take on evil focuses on violent,
destructive actions, but nonaction can also become a form of evil, when assistance,
dissent, and disobedience are needed (Zimbardo, 2004, p. 42). Termed The Evil of
Inaction (p. 42), individuals who possess the ability and resources to intervene in
situations yet fail to respond appropriately to prevent atrocities from occurring are also
responsible for the occurrence of those events. Bystanders can be members of society
who are neither victims nor perpetrators within the conflict, or outside observers such as
individuals, organizations, and nations (Staub, 1989). Perpetrators are motivated by the
passivity of bystanders because it implies approval of their actions (Staub & Bar Tal,
2003).
During the genocide, Rwanda did not have a lack of bystanders unaware of the
situation unfolding before their eyes. Rather, the international community, the local
government, and un-participating civilians stood by as hundreds of thousands of
individuals were murdered due to their ethnic identifications. What the bystanders lacked
was not complete information or resources to intervene, but lack of compassion to stand
up for what was right for the innocent. When UNAMIR left Rwanda in the early days of
36

the genocide, Hutus felt a sense of relief: For the first time ever, we did not feel we were
under the frowning supervision of whites (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 91). Hutus no longer
feared the whites were going to give out consequences for their actions.
On the morning of April 7, 1994, many prominent politicians and civil servants
called upon UNAMIR for protection of their lives (United Nations, 1999). However,
their restrictive mandate prevented the troops from providing the necessary protection to
Tutsis civilians and Hutu political moderates. One such instance was the case of acting
Prime Minister, Agathe Uwilingiuimana, who was taken to the United Nations Volunteer
compound for protection. Around 10 a.m., Rwandan soldiers entered the compound,
found the Prime Minister, brutally assaulted, raped, and then murdered her. The ten
Belgian UNAMIR soldiers that were sent to protect her were transported to Camp Kigali
by the interahamwe militia and were badly beaten and brutally murdered (United
Nations, 1999)
Another example was the Ecole Technique Officielle (ETO) technical school9.
Interahamwe militia waited patiently for Belgian UNAMIR soldiers to leave the school
then escorted two thousand people to Nyanza hill, a place where the community left all
their trash. To bring them to this hill meant they were garbage and deserved to be
murdered there. If anybody moved or got out of line, they were killed on the spot10. A
sign outside of the ETO titled Genocide: Failure to Protect describes the passive role of
bystanders during the genocide in further detail:
This story was told to me during my visit to Rwanda. Nyanza was the first memorial
Global Youth Connect visited.
10
A representative at the memorial site made the gruesome statement that by the time
they were brought to this hill, They were already dead in their hearts.
37

On 7th April, 1994, 2,5000 people fled here to the Ecole Technique Officielle
(ETO) for protection from the genocide that was engulfing Rwanda. This
technical school housed 90 Belgian troops serving within the United Nations
Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR). The refugees had faith that respected
international troops would protect them. In the following days militia killers
surrounded the ETO. Inside, traumatized, desperate refugees found little support
from UNAMIR. Many families were forced to camp outside in the open air.
On 10th April French troops escorted all Europeans away from the ETO to the
airport. Following the murder by Government forces of ten Belgian Peacekeepers
guarding the Prime Minister, the Belgian troops requested leave to withdraw. At
2pm on 11th April the UNAMIR force, without telling the refugees what was
happening, departed. The interahamwe militia moved into the ETO immediately,
and began to kill refugees even as the UNAMIR convoy was moving out of sight.
Survivors were forced to march four kilometers southeast along the Nyanza road
and were brutally murdered at a gravel pit.
The International Community offered hope of protection at the ETO, but betrayed
the refugees with a disregard for humanity. As elsewhere in Rwanda, the
international community and UN turned its back on genocide.
ETO has become a symbol of the failure of world leaders to protect and care for
the lives of all those they are entrusted with. The international community closed
their ears to the cries of the Rwandan people before the genocide and abandoned
them during its most difficult hours during genocide. We hope the international
community will not close its eyes in the process of rebuilding, but give hope to
the survivors.
Never Again11.
During the genocide, places though to provide safety and refuge, such as schools,
churches, and hospitals, became places where people were brutally slaughtered. From
April 14-19, 1994, ten thousand Tutsis took refuge at Nyamata church when a gang of
Interahamwe militiamen and FAR soldiers attacked the compound (Kinzer, 2008).
Infants were smashed against the wall, women were brutally raped, and anybody alive
was hacked to death; no Tutsi women, children, or men were spared from the slaughter.
11
I took a picture of this sign located outside the ETO.
38

In a genocide, the killers track down everyone, in particular babies, girls, and women,
because they represent the future (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 106).
One hundred days went by as large numbers of people lost their lives in places
like the Nyamata church throughout the genocide, each death contributing to the loss of
faith in humanity to prevent these atrocities from occurring. The powers of situational
forces extend beyond the human capacity to commit genocide by exposing victims to
situations in which the person experienced, witnessed, or was confronted with an event
or events that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury, or threat to the
physical integrity of self or others (American Psychiatric Association, 2000, p. 467).
The direct or indirect exposure to traumatic situations can lead to psychiatric conditions
such as Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, depression, and other anxiety disorders.
Consequently, in addition to creating an environment where people were exposed
to violence and situations that impacted their psychological well being, the genocide
devastated any trust that may have been built between neighbors, between the individual
and their government, and the individual with the international community.
Many Tutsis no longer asked to be spared that was how they greeted death
among themselves. They had stopped hoping, they knew they had no chance for
mercy and went off without a single prayer. They knew they were abandoned by
everything, even by God (Hatzfeld, 2005, p. 143)
We find not one comradely impulse among teammates, not one gesture of
compassion for helpless babies at the breast. No bond of friendship or love that
survived from a church choir or an agricultural cooperative. No civil
disobedience in a village, no rebellious adolescent in a gang of budding toughs.
And not a single escape network, although it would have been easy to set one up
no convoy, no links among the herders paths, no web of hiding places to allow
the evacuation of survivors (p. 105)
39

The Rwandan Patriotic Front were the Tutsis only hope for survival, as they made their
way from Uganda to Kigali to stop the genocidal regime from continuing its violence.
40
CHAPTER 2
Post-Conflict Peace Building in Rwanda
As bodies piled up quickly alongside roads, homes, and spread through the
villages, the RPF continued toward the capital to stop the murder of innocent civilians.
On July 18, 1994, after months of fighting, the Rwandan Patriotic Front took control of
Kigali, declared a cease-fire, and ended the genocide in progress (Prunier, 1995;
Gourevtich, 1998; Kinzer, 2008). Reaching this victory had been difficult, but the true
challenge lay in the days that followed. Paul Kagame described it as:
the worst thing I have ever seen or experienced. More important and more
challenging was knowing that we still have to deal with this. We had defeated the
murderers, we had taken over, but now we had an equal or bigger challenge.
Where do we start? How do we bring back some sense of life? What do we do
about the effects created by so many dead? Something really fills up in your
mind, like filling a glass until it starts overflowing (Kinzer, 2008, p. 181)
The streets of Kigali were littered with debris and human remains. Survivors were
disoriented from shock to process not only the events but also the evidence of the dead
decaying on display.
Rationally, most people expected Paul Kagame to take on the role of Rwandas
acting president. Rather, Kagame took on the role of vice-president and only advised the
new president on ways to rebuild Rwanda. He elected a prominent Hutu, Pasteur
Bizimingu, for that position and installed other Hutus as acting cabinet members.
Primarily, the new leaders needed to establish some sense of security, and electing Hutus
was a way to ensure outsiders that this was not an ethnic takeover but a necessary
measure to ensure the end of the violence. More importantly, security was paramount.
Establishing some semblance of order and some basic structures of administration was
very important (Kinzer, 2008, p. 187)
41

With ten percent of the population murdered and another thirty percent having
fled the country (Kinzer, 2008) with all of the nations cash, material resources, and the
educated and skilled workers, Kagame and the RPF had nothing to work with. After the
RPF takeover, more than two million Hutus fled the country for fear of being held
responsible for the murders (Kinzer, 2008; Gourevitch, 1998; Prunier, 1995). This mass
exodus of Hutu refugees was what caught the international communitys attention as they
settled into camps funded and supplied by France and the United Nations. The people
had believed that Hutus were the real victims of the genocide, and were pro-active in
sending supplies such as tents, food, water, and medical equipment to the places they
settled. Further complicating the situation was the fact that most FAR soldiers left
Rwanda with their state issued weapons such as armored cars, air defense weapons and
anti-tank guns to regroup in the camps, plan future attacks against Rwanda, and finish
their job of murdering Tutsis (Gourevitch, 1998, p. 167)
During this time the RPF saw an increase in recruits of young men angered at the
devastation and loss of their family members. Every citizen in Rwanda was affected by
the genocide, and even though some committed revenge killings, they were surprisingly
kept to a minimum12(Kinzer, 2008). The increase in RPF recruitment was essential, as
cross-boarder raids became the norm throughout 1994 and 1995. Sometimes [the
insurgents] stormed into Tutsi homes and massacred people in their beds. They
assassinated mayors and other local officials they seized schools, forced students to
12
However, on October 10, 1994, the Gersony report given to the UNCHR estimates that
from late April/May through July, more than 5,000, perhaps as many as 10,000 persons
per month may have been killed (p. 8) and accused the RPF of systematic and sustained
killing and persecution of their civilian Hutu populations (p. 4) in various regions
throughout Rwanda. Due to the highly controversial nature of these claims, this report
will only be referenced in this footnote.
42

separate according to their group identity, and then slaughtered the Tutsi (Kinzer, 2008,
p. 193). By the end of 1995, it was estimated that the Rwandan government was
arresting seven hundred people each month, and that soldiers were killing five to ten
civilians each day (p. 193).
Hutus still living in Rwanda welcomed the insurgency because they feared that if
the new government stayed in power, they would be arrested and punished for their
participation in the genocide. This was not unreasonable, as the RPF was actively
seeking out and arresting suspected genocidaires. By the end of 1996, the nations
prisons were only equipped to hold 10,000 inmates, but held 70,000. Ultimately the
number reached 130,000 (Kinzer, 2008, p. 193). The Rwandan government predicted
that over two million people participated in the genocide and agreed the nations prisons
were unable to safely house all of those accused. Limited space within the prisons
prevented the inmates from sitting or lying down and at one point ten [people] were
dying every day from disease, hunger, gangrene, and suffocation (p. 194). Furthermore,
with a nation devastated by the genocide and all essential economic and social
infrastructures destroyed, the government needed to find a way to move these ablebodied men out of the prisons and utilize their capacities to work towards national
development.
Visions of a New Rwanda
There were cries of what should we do about the victims, people affected by
the genocide directly? There were also cries of, what do we do with these
killers? They caused the genocide, yet these were the ones we had to work with,
to integrate. We had to try to make the survivors, the victims, live together with
the perpetrators in such a confused way, even (before) you were able to identify
who was responsible for what who is a victim, who is not, to what extent, who
is responsible for what happened and to what extent and really finding you had
nowhere to start from. You had to create it Constantly, everyday I was
43

involved in meetings. I would hardly sleep it is work, it is moving, it is
meeting, it is fighting, fighting everybody, even fighting my own people Paul
Kagame, President of Rwanda (Kinzer, 2008, p. 187)
By the end of 1995, the Rwandan government knew they did not have the
resources to put all of their prisoners through trial using the traditional justice system
(Kinzer, 2008; Shyaka, 2005). Rwanda needed to rebuild its society, become an
economically self-sufficient nation and decrease its reliance on foreign aid. In order to
do so, Rwandan officials had to address the genocide in an audacious and creative way.
Over the next few years, Rwandan officials met with human rights activists and legal
experts to discuss appropriate ways to handle the current issues facing their nation.
Between 1998 and 1999, officials from the office of the President of the
Republic organized at Village Urugwiro (Shyaka, 2005, p. 35) met to reflect on the
future of the country. The final product of those meetings were mechanisms for conflict
resolution and peace building that would ensure the stability of the nation while
simultaneously addressing the traumas of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. This
resulted in the development of a new Constitution specific to Rwandas needs; Vision
2020, an economic development plan outlining where Rwanda wants to be by the year
2020; and the creation of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission.
Promoting Peace Consciousness
Among the lessons we have learned is that in order to prevent future episodes of
violence, it is important to intervene with forgiveness and reconciliation processes
when the opportunity arises, and often this means during the aftermath of a
violent conflict (Kalyajian & Paloutzian, 2010, p. 3).
According to Kalyajian & Paloutzian (2010), there are three types of peace
building: episodic, negative, and positive, all of which is reflected through various stages
of Rwandas history. Episodic peace building occurs when steps are taken to manage
44

existing or potential conflict (p. 4) and negative peace building occurs when measures
are taken to ease the tensions between the two groups actively engaged in conflict. While
the Arusha Peace Accords in 1993 and the cease-fire after the RPF takeover in July of
1994 are examples of episodic and negative peace building, the current Rwandan
government committed itself to the long-term efforts of positive peace building to prevent
future conflicts. Positive peace building occurs when efforts to reduce structural
violence, a proactive process that promotes more egalitarian social arrangements as well
as individual and collective narratives that support the sustainable satisfaction of the basic
needs for all people (p. 5). For these objectives to be achieved, there is a need for the
conflicts to be resolved and the national identity to be recovered (Shyaka, 2005, p. 35).
There are five themes that surround peace building that need to be addressed to
ensure its sustainability (Kalyajian & Paloutzian, 2010). This includes addressing
conflicting feelings of revenge and hostility and the desire to forgive(p.5); grappling
with what forgiveness means; understanding that forgiveness is a multidimensional
process; feelings, attitudes, and behaviors surrounding forgiveness; and intrapersonal
(individual) and interpersonal (between two people) forgiveness. Yet the social
psychological relationship between the victim and perpetrator and perceptions of those
roles may hinder the process of reconciliation and forgiveness
Ultimately, the three peace-building tools, Vision 2020, the Constitution, and the
development of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission are means to promote
peace consciousness among a deeply divided society. On a systematic and political level,
after security has been attained, these measures became necessary to ensure that the
nations citizens are dedicated to resiliency, self-sufficiency, unity, reconciliation, and the
45

prevention of future conflict. This is contrary to the historical evidence of systematic
support on negative human behavior at the grassroots level that led to the 1994 genocide
against the Tutsi. The challenge in promoting peace consciousness among Rwandans is
its effectiveness in motivating positive behaviors such as providing perpetrators with a
second chance at citizenship; providing the space necessary for dialogue between the two
groups, and opening up the possibility for reconciliation and forgiveness. Moreover,
unity and reconciliation is not plausible if the Rwandan government does not address the
economic inequality and instability that deepened ethnic hatreds between the previously
conflicting groups.
Vision 2020
As Rwandas history dictates, economic inequalities related to ethnic identities
can be considered a significant factor in creating initial divisions between Hutu and Tutsi
during the colonial period. Economic instability and inequality was carried on through
the regimes of Presidents Kayibanda and Habyarimana, thereby affecting the political and
social landscape of the nation. After the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, eighty
percent of the population was plunged into poverty and vast tracts of land and livestock
were destroyed the already poorly developed productive infrastructure was completely
destroyed and the nation was robbed of a generation of trained teachers, doctors, public
servants and private entrepreneurs (Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, 2000,
p. 8). This resulted in a severe shortage of professional personnel in all sectors, which is
also affected by high illiteracy rates, malnutrition and the prevalence of major diseases
such as HIV/AIDS and malaria. The post-conflict government knew they needed to build
46

Rwandan society on multiple-levels by responding to economic instability alongside
other conflict resolution tools.
In the year 2000, the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning (2000) drafted
and implemented Vision 2020 as a means to vanquish hunger and poverty (p. 3) and
become a modern, strong, and united nation, proud of its fundamental values, politically
stable and without discrimination among its citizens (p. 3). In order to achieve these
goals and become a middle-income country by the year 2020, the economy needs to
attain an annual per capita income of US $900, a poverty rate of 30% (64% today) and
an average life expectancy of 55 years (49 years today) (Ministry of Finance and
Economic Planning, 2000, p. 9). The government hopes to accomplish this by reducing
the national debt from 100% to being economically self-reliant13; transform from an
agricultural to a knowledge based economy; and create a productive middle class through
entrepreneurship and education14.
Vision 2020 aims to be successful through the development of six pillars: good
governance by a capable state; productive agriculture; building the private sector through
entrepreneurship and competitiveness; human resource development encompassing
education, health, and ICT skills (Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, 2000,
p.4); infrastructural development such as roads, transportation, energy and water
13
The national debt was at $1.5 billion USDs in 2000 (Ministry of Finance and Economic
Planning, 2000)
14
Vision 2020 only acknowledges the potential areas for economic growth and
development, but is not a strategic plan for how they are going to accomplish these goals.
For further information regarding specific strategies for economic growth and
development, see: Government of Rwanda (2002) National program for strengthening
good governance for poverty reduction in Rwanda. Kigali, Rwanda & Government of
Rwanda (2011) Economic development and poverty reduction strategy: A summary
implementation report. Kigali, Rwanda. Retrieved from:
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2011/cr11154.pdf
47

supplies; and regional economic integration with the East African Community. Three
crosscutting areas are also identified, such as gender equality, environmental protection,
and investments in science and technology, specifically information and communication
technology (ICT). Agriculture was identified as the primary challenge in that it
accounts for more than 90% of the labor force (p. 7), in which land is too small for
agricultural families to earn a decent living. Additionally, exports cannot be supported
by coffee and tea alone, as it relies on fluctuations in the international market to be
profitable. This is especially problematic because Rwanda is a landlocked country,
making trade difficult and expensive as it depends on roadway transport channels.
While Vision 2020 addresses the issues of economic instability, it does not
address the other contributing factors in the 1994 genocide as divisions based on ethnic
identification and the delivery of genocidal ideology through the political and social
structures. None of these initiatives can be achieved without successful reconciliation,
political stability, and security (Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, 2000, p. 8).
The New Constitution and its Criticisms
The second tool for conflict resolution and sustainable peace was the conception
of a new constitution responding to Rwandas unique history and own expectations of
where it hopes to be politically and socially. Historically, Rwandas state constitutions
were adapted from foreign countries just to fit the interests of the leaders of the time
(Shyaka, 2005, p. 36). The constitution was voted on in the referendum of May 26, 2003
and received 90% of the nations votes. While equitable power sharing and the rule of
law aimed at improving social welfare are important, the essential elements of the
document are the aspects that address genocidal ideology, identity-based divisionism,
48

promoting national unity, and the equality of all Rwandans, especially between men and
women. The Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda is conscious that peace and unity
of Rwandans constitute the essential basis for national economic development and social
progress (Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda, 2003, p. 1) and provides citizenship
to all those who were deprived of it between November 1959 and December 1994.
Additionally, the Constitution specifically states it aims to adhere to the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations, 1948a) and the Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (United Nations, 1948b).
Article 9 of the Constitution commits itself to conform to the following
fundamental principles: fighting the ideology of genocide and all its manifestations;
eradication of ethnic, regional, and other divisions and promotion of national unity
(Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda, 2003, p. 4). The constitution also states the
crime of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes do not have a period of
limitation. Revisionism, negationism and trivialization of genocide are punishable by the
law (Article 13). What the new constitution does is outline where they stand on the
issue of genocide, and encourages individuals to think along the lines of a national
Rwandan identity instead of previously held ethnic identifications.
Criticisms of the new constitution focus heavily on the elimination of public
ethnic identification as a means to forge reconciliation between conflicting groups. Clark
(2010) argues: In short, they are seeking to forge reconciliation through the creation of
an artificial unity that relies upon the suppression of ethnic differences. This ethnic
amnesia in turn, means that any debate about the past is inevitably constrained. Yet
unless the past is comprehensively addressed, it may once again rear its ugly head in the
49

future (p. 141). In the wake of a genocide, where ethnic identification is a driving force,
what are the real implications of imposing a single identity label? Given the dangers of
ethnic divisions, can it create true unity and contribute to the process of healing for
Rwanda?
Ethnicity in itself was not the contributing variable to the cause of the 1994
genocide against the Tutsi. Rather, it was societys arbitrary assignments of power to
ethnicity that fueled the conflict. Rwandan history dictates before colonials imposed
ethnic identity in economic, political, and social life, Rwandans lived without internal
conflicts in which there existed mutual respect between Hutu and Tutsi despite their
seemingly unequal economic positions. Neither group was given special treatment due to
its role, and it can be argued this inequality is a natural consequence of the way the
system worked at the time. Historically, all men, both Hutu and Tutsi, were responsible
for defending the kingdom when external threats were identified. Courage and bravery
was awarded with cattle to Hutus without social obligation and was claimed as private
property (Prunier, 1995). Politically, the king did not care that those who defended the
nation were of a certain economic status, and utilized all of his able-bodied men to
protect his nation.
C. Douglass Lummis (2010) asserts that economic equality can be expressed in
one of two ways: as a kind of justice or fair treatment in which some people may be
treated differently, or an indication that all people within the population possess common
characteristics and are treated similarly. He states: What is equal is not the people, but
the rules of the game. In this sense it is a kind of economization of equality under the
law. The difference is that the object of the game is precisely to produce inequality. The
50

idea is that the division of society is fair if it takes place under fair rules (p. 44).
Therefore, consistent with Vision 2020, the new Constitution seeks to level the playing
field by delivering the platform for individuals to advance economically regardless of
their ethnic identifications. This eliminates politically imposed economic discrimination
based on ethnic identity and treats everybody as a fellow Rwandan with the same rights
and privileges to advance economically with the resources available if they so choose. As
a means to promote economic equality, this is a drastic change compared to politicians
historical manipulation of ethnic identity to exert control over the economic and social
domains of Rwandan life. That does not eliminate economic or social inequality, but with
no ethnic discriminations outlined in the new Constitution, it is fair to say that the
conditions that may foster future conflict are neutralized under Rwandan rule of law.
The National Unity and Reconciliation Commission
The new Constitution is a demonstration of the political ability to acknowledge
that everyone should have equality in obtaining certain levels of advancement regardless
of how they identify themselves. However, the government did not intend to utilize this
as the only means to prevent future conflicts, as unity and reconciliation are complex and
complicated matters (Shyaka, 2005). In 1993, the Arusha peace agreement between the
Government of Rwanda and the Rwandan Patriotic Front initially set the idea for a
national unity and reconciliation commission15, which became more necessary after the
1994 genocide against the Tutsi. To address the specific issues related to the genocide,
the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) was adopted by the
15
Consistent with the historical narrative, political instability leading to the 1994
genocide against the Tutsi prevented its establishment after the Arusha Peace Agreement
was signed.
51

Parliament in March of 1999 and established by law No. 03/99 of 12/03/99 (Government
of Rwanda, 1999).
Comprised of three units, the Department of Civic Education, Department of
Conflict Resolution, and the Department of Community Initiative Support, the NURCs
main responsibility is to foster conditions where reconciliation and healing is possible
and to use all available means to mobilize and sensitize Rwandans for this task
(Government of Rwanda, 2003, art. 3 section 2). The National Policy on Unity and
Reconciliation (as cited in National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, 201016)
defines unity and reconciliation as
A consensus practice of citizens who have common nationality, who share the
same culture and have equal rights; citizens characterized by trust, tolerance,
mutual respect, equality, complementary roles/interdependence, truth, and healing
of one anothers wounds inflicted by our history, with the objectives of laying a
foundation for sustainable development (p. 18).
The processes of unity and reconciliation operates under the principle that the
Rwandan national identity and national interests of economic stability and security are of
primary importance compared to notions of ethnicity, gender, religion, and familial
relations (National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, 2010). A national identity will
aid in the combat against genocide ideology, divisionism and discrimination with an
ultimate respect for human rights. Unity and reconciliation between citizens can be
achieved when they work together to heal one anothers physical and psychological
wounds while building future interpersonal trust based on truth telling, repentance and
forgiveness (as cited in National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, 2010, p. 18).
16
As cited in the Rwanda Reconciliation Barometer: Republic of Rwanda National Unity

and Reconciliation Commission (2007). The National Policy on Unity and
Reconciliation. Government of Rwanda. Kigali, Rwanda. Original source could not be
located.
52

The National Unity and Reconciliation Commission is responsible for
implementing a number of key community programs that complement its mission. One
significant program is itorero ryigihugu, a traditional civic educational forum which
promote[s] opportunities for development using Rwandan cultural values, identify
taboos that inhibit the development of the country, fight violence and corruption,
eradicate the culture of impunity, strengthen the culture of peace, tolerance, unity and
reconciliation and eradicate the genocide ideology and all its roots (National Unity and
Reconciliation Commission, 2009, p. 8). The central goals of itorero ryigihugu are to
train community mentors to promote positive cultural values within Rwandan society that
strengthen the foundation for sustainable peace and development; catalyze a change of
the mindset and behavior in work and society; and promote a culture of patriotism
through the recognition of Rwandas positive achievements and cultural traditions.
Itorero ryigihugu is a traditional, home grown Rwandan cultural practice that
existed prior to the colonial period and was a channel through which the nation could
convey messages to the people regarding national culture in areas such as language,
patriotism, social relations, sports, dancing and songs, defense of the nation, etc. (p. 4).
Intore, or an individual who participated in itorero ryigihugu, were different from other
people, especially in matters of expression and behaviors because they had the benefit of
understanding the usefulness of friendly relations (p. 4). Each group would contain
between 40 and 100 participants that included all citizens who had the desire to
participate regardless of economic status and level of education. After completing itorero
ryigihugu, the intore developed effective communication skills that allowed them to
53

explain and discuss difficult concepts to others as intelligent, polite individuals who
maintain good relationships with others as community mentors.
As social and cultural traditions were gradually replaced with colonial customs,
itorero ryigihugu limited its focus to cultural dancing (National Unity and
Reconciliation Commission, 2009). This negatively impacted social relationships at the
community level as genocide ideology slowly spread throughout the nation as a result of
the 1959 Hutu Revolution. Consequently, Rwandan citizens lost their attachment to
traditional cultural values that promoted notions of a fair and equal society (p. 5).
Reinstituting the itorero ryigihugu civic education center in the aftermath of the 1994
genocide against the Tutsi will complement the work of other current national
organizations by solving problems related to mindset, bad behavior, bad practices
through [the application of] Rwandan cultural values [and] aims at mentoring a
Rwandan citizen to become a positive change maker (p. 9).
Itorero ryigihugu will be decentralized from the national level to mentor
community leaders, teachers, and Executive Secretaries over a 45-day period; the
urugerero level that mentors secondary school students before they enter university; and
the ingando (village) level that will include all intore from the village regardless of
where they have been [previously] mentored (p. 11). Intores enjoy the responsibility of
being counselors at the community level to provide families with daily help to achieve
positive changes [to] peoples welfare (p. 15). At the national, district, and sector level,
intores are responsible for mentoring in specific categories17 and supervise intores
working in levels below them. This process of mentorship helps citizens reconnect with
17
As stated previously, this includes discussing positive cultural values and traditions,
and conditions that foster unity, reconciliation, and peace within communities.
54

a national identity by cultivating patriotism through the recognition of traditional cultural
practices and positive achievements of Rwanda.
While itorero ryigihugu fosters patriotism and acceptance of a national Rwandan
identity, it does not address the complex issues regarding justice, unity, and reconciliation
between the victims and perpetrators of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. The
ingando re-education/solidarity camps and the Gacaca community court systems are
other key community programs that help the NURC achieve this mission.
The Relationship Between the Victim and Perpetrator
As quickly as the relationships between the Hutu and Tutsi were torn apart,
bringing both sides together to work towards the common goal of national development
is not as simple. Research by Reeder, Kumar, Hesson-McInnis & Trafimow (2002)
observed how outsiders perceived acts of aggression by rating the level of morality
through perceived motives. More so, the researchers sought to understand the motive
behind aggressive actions and what the person wanted to accomplish by harming another
individual. They discovered that reactive aggression - or the result hurting others
through provocation or threats- is utilized as a self-defense technique and was perceived
was being morally acceptable, whereas instrumental aggression- used for personal gain
was rated low in terms of acceptable acts of behavior.
Relative to Rwandas history, were Hutus engaging in reactive or instrumental
aggression, or was it a mixture of both? Some Hutus acted under the belief that Tutsis
were a threat to Rwandan economic, political, and social security, and believed to be
responsible for Habyarimanas death. Other Hutus may have acted to gain material
possessions cows, houses, and other expensive materialistic goods that the Tutsi
55

acquired. The perceived and actual motives of a Hutu perpetrator may vary depending on
the individual, but it is clear that on a systemic level the aggression was born because
Hutu power felt threatened by the Tutsi presence. How victims understand the perceived
motive of the perpetrator may help or hinder the process of healing through perceptions
of long-term negative consequences.
Several studies (Baumeister, Stillwell & Wotman, 1990; Zechmeister & Romero,
2002; Shnabel & Nadler, 2008; Gollwitzer, Meder & Schmitt, 2011; Hall & Finchman,
2008; Ingersol-Dayton, Torges, & Krause, 2010; Rapske, Boon, Alibahai, & Kheong,
2010) document how victims and offenders perceive the situation that caused the
transgression, the long-term negative consequences of the event, revenge seeking, and the
role of forgiveness.
Long-Term Consequences of the Event
Victims perceived the incident18 in a longer time frame by recounting previous
episodes prior to the offense, the offense itself, and after the event, which caused longterm, negative consequences (Baumeister, Stillwell, & Wotman, 1990; Zechmeister &
Romero, 2002). This includes permanent damage to the relationship and an ongoing
sense of loss, grievance, and suspension of personal control (Shnabel & Nadeler, 2008).
Motives of the offender were incomprehensible, arbitrary, incoherent, contradictory, or
senseless. These perceptions contributed to enduring anger towards the perpetrator,
potentially leading to psychological distress19.
18
These studies do not include the perceptions of victims and perpetrators in relation to
the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. Therefore, incident will refer to the transgression
that created the victim and perpetrator roles.
19
These studies have not provided in-depth details regarding the negative psychological
effects of hanging onto the anger associated with the offense. It can only be inferred that
56

In contrast, offenders perceived their actions as an isolated incident, and did not
indicate any negative, long-term consequences (Baumeister, Stillwell & Wotman, 1990;
Zechmeister & Romero, 2002). Perpetrators portrayed their motives as impulsive,
something out of their control, or due to external or mitigating causes; therefore, they
rationalized their actions as legitimate given their situations. They viewed anger by the
victim as an overreaction, excessive, and unjustified, and even accused them for
provoking their behavior.
The Role of Forgiveness
Zechmeister & Romero (2002) observed how forgiveness influences the
perception of negative, long-term consequences between victim and perpetrator accounts.
Participants in their study were given a 28 Item Interpersonal Reactivity Index to test for
dispositional empathy, hypothesizing that victims who rate high on this scale may be
more prone to forgive the offender and that offenders may be more likely to forgive
themselves for their actions.
Forgiveness, whether told from a victim or offender narrative, indicated that the
incident was closed with no negative, long-term consequences. Victims who rated high
in dispositional empathy perceived the perpetrators motives as justified, claimed
responsibility for contributing to the incident, did not indicate long-term negative
consequences, and were more likely to portray the incident in a less severe way than their
non-forgiving counterparts (Zechmeister & Romero, 2002). Additionally, victims were
more likely to forgive when victims empathize with the offender, through either taking
the offenders perspective or feeling emotional concern for the victim (Zechmeister &
psychological distresses are a contributing factor to the perceptions of long-term,
negative consequences of the event on the victim.
57

Romero, 2002, p. 684). Empathy was also linked with a sense of similarity to the
offender in that if people see themselves as capable of committing similar wrongdoings,
it becomes easier to forgive the offender for their actions.
In contrast, victims who were unable to forgive the perpetrator for the offense
stated they would be satisfied only when the perpetrator knows why he or she has been,
will be, or could be punished (Gollwitzer, Meder, & Schmitt, 2011, p. 371). Many
victims who seek out revenge do so as a means to deliver a message to the offender that
ensures they are aware of their misdoings, understand the consequences that accompany
their actions, and why they deserve to be punished.20 Researchers suggest that victims
should be less likely to take revenge if they have reason to believe that the offender has
learned his or lesson and will refrain from behaving unfairly again in the future
(Gollwitzer, Meder, & Schmitt, 2011, p. 373). Therefore, the negative consequences of
harboring anger for the offender may contribute to the cycle of violence through acts of
revenge if the proper structural processes such as court proceedings leading to prison
sentences do not appropriately address these transgressions. However, it is not
understood through these studies if the offenses were criminal or minor, social
transgressions. This information is essential to understand whether these unforgiving
victims need to learn non-violent conflict resolution skills or if they rely solely on the
criminal justice system to dole out appropriate punishments.
Moreover, withholding forgiveness from an offender serves as a measure of
protection from future victimization, freedom to continue reaping benefits by staying in a
victimized role, allows the victim to stand firm in their convictions that the offender was
20
The cited studies did not indicate whether that meant actively hurting the individual or
if traditional justice measures delivered by a third party were satisfactory.
58

wrong, may prevent further conflict and confrontation with the offender, and reduces
stress through acknowledgement and acceptance of their anger (Rapske, Boon, Alibahai,
& Kheong, 2010, p. 1121-1122). Although these were viewed as positive consequences,
the only disadvantage of withholding forgiveness was that grudges were psychologically
unhealthy. Holding a grudge caused undesirable changes in their character, elicited
feelings of guilt or wrongdoing, made it more difficult to forgive in the future, backfired
in the sense that it hurt them and not their offenders, and resulted in lost opportunities
(Rapske, Boon, Alibahai, & Kheong, 2010, p. 1125).
Offenders who scored high on dispositional empathy had a lower rate of selfforgiveness for their transgressions because they were able to empathize with their
victims (Zechmeister & Romero, 2002). When offenders experienced regret for their
actions, it was associated with a lack of self-forgiveness rather than forgiveness
(Zechmeister & Romero, 2002, p. 682) that contributed to feelings of guilt, self-blame,
and rumination of the event potentially leading to depression (Ingersol-Dayton, Torges,
& Krause, 2010; Zechmeister & Romero, 2002; Hall & Finchman, 2008). This also
contributed to damaged psychological resources in that perpetrators lose their sense of
belongingness, social acceptance, and find it difficult to shed the negative image imposed
upon them so they can be accepted back into their communities (Shnabel & Nadler,
2009). Distress and shame about oneself is another obstacle offenders face before selfforgiveness (Zechmeister & Romero, 2002), but it diminished when offenders were
forgiven by the victim or an identified higher power, making it easier to extend
compassion to the self (Hall & Finchman, 2008).
59

Self-forgiveness for their actions was associated with less empathy for the
victims and often was associated with righteous self-focus and victim blaming
(Zechmeister & Romero, 2002, p. 684). This contributed to indifference towards the
needs or wishes of the victim, often leading to teasing and other mild forms of hurtful
communication (Rapske, Boon, Alibahai, & Kheong, 2010). Further research is needed
to understand the psychological processes that contribute to perpetrator self-forgiveness
and its relationship to continued negative interactions with the victim.
These studies indicate that there is a unique, contrasting psychological
relationship between perceptions of identifying as either victim or perpetrator, and
provided the information necessary to understand how those relationships can be repaired
and transformed into positive identifications of the self and other. Rwandas introduction
of the ingando re-education camps reconstructed the negative images of the perpetrators
by offering them an opportunity to become active members of society, thereby
eliminating the structural negative image imposed upon them for their actions.
Furthermore, the Gacaca community court system helps both victims and offenders
reconcile by providing the platform necessary for open communication and allocation of
responsibility for the crimes committed. Essentially, both of these programs demonstrate
the systematic capabilities to influence positive human interactions, and the success of
these programs relies heavily on individual ability to transform perceptions of the other.
Reintegration of Perpetrators -Ingando
Ingando re-education camps were initially developed at the creation of the
National Unity and Reconciliation Commission in March 1999 as a tool to re-integrate
ex-combatants who escaped to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, ex-soldiers of the
60

FAR, genocidaires, accused prisoners who participated in the genocide, prostitutes, and
street children into Rwandan society (Thompson, 2011; Mgbako, 2005). The ultimate
goals of ingando are to politically indoctrinate ex-combatants about the ways of the new
government by focusing on the importance of accepting personal responsibility for their
contribution to the conflict and emphasizing truth telling as the only way to receive
forgiveness from those they have harmed. Ingando includes lessons on unity and
reconciliation, history classes that highlight the defects of the genocidal regime, and
lessons on present government programs and policies that stress the democratic
elements of the current government (Mgbako, 2005, p. 209). Typical time frame for
ingando participation varies depending on the groups they are working with. Ex-armed
groups attend ingando for two months, whereas others attend for as little as two weeks
(Mgbako, 2005). Furthermore, ex-combatants are not allowed to return to their
communities until they demonstrate thorough knowledge of Rwandas history and the
root causes of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.
In the film Ingando: When Enemies Return (Larson & Houborg, 2007), excombatants stated they returned to Rwanda to commit to the rebuilding of the new
country. They too have lost family members from the war and their time in exile in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Tired of fighting with the FDLR21, many excombatants didnt expect to be welcomed back into Rwanda. The ingando camps are
their only opportunity to their families and communities, and to transform their lives for
the better. Those that have chosen to remain in the DRC hold onto the belief that there is
21
The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda is a group of ex-combatants

located in the Democratic Republic of the Congo seeking to stir up conflict with Rwanda,
and has remained a threat to security within its borders (Karuhanga, 2013)
61

nowhere else to go, not because they want to maintain their extremist Hutu ideologies.
FDLR leaders warned that if they returned to Rwanda, Tutsi extremists would kill them
and they would be mistreated. However, the decision to stop fighting and help rebuild
Rwanda was the motivation they needed to return to their homes.
Participation in the ingando camps revealed to the ex-combatants that they would
be welcomed back to Rwanda with full rights and privileges, and without fear of
discrimination (Larson & Houborg, 2007). The re-education camps help promote the
process of reconciliation and educate ex-combatants about new government policies so
that they can re-enter society with a full understanding of what is expected of them under
the RPF leadership. They also receive valuable information on how to live together, and
make peace with their neighbors with conflict resolution tools. Ingando re-education
camps are meant to prepare the ex-combatant for a life of peace and harmony in Rwanda
by replacing violent mentalities with peaceful ones. Furthermore, many ex-combatants
at Mutobo ingando expressed optimism regarding their futures and listed home support,
education, and the freedom to live as other Rwandans as their future hopes. Ingando
leaders planted and nurtured this optimism (Mgbako, 2005, p. 212).
What about those that were killed? When do they come back? one survivor
stated (Larson & Houborg, 2007). In the aftermath of the genocide, many survivors are
left without any surviving family members and struggle daily with the burdens of this
loss. Survivors are confronted with the horror of their past when faced with the arrival of
ex-combatants in their communities. As one survivor stated: It is easy for them because
they only lived as exiles. They still have families when they come back. They never
experienced the consequences of the genocide. Furthermore, survivors view the ingado
62

camps as a way to cover up the fact that the genocide happened and do not see it as an
effective tool to promote reconciliation.
In contrast, the ex-combatants see it is a way to promote the values of unity and
reconciliation, believes it is an obligation of every Rwandan to be reconciled, and are
willing to keep the process going until harmony is achieved. There are two parts to
society: the ones who killed, and the ones who were killed. The only way for
reconciliation to be achieved is if Rwandans focus on the future and avoid all ideology
that caused us to kill each other without reason. Although survivors acknowledge that
the return of those who participated in the genocide is out of their control, there remain
lingering feelings of mistrust and fear, which may make the process of reconciliation
difficult for survivors.
Ingando: When Enemies Return (Larson & Houborg, 2007) is the only film that
takes the perspective of the survivors and ex-combatants and the difficulties both groups
face in their reintegration into society. All other literature regarding the ingando reeducation camps takes the perspective of Western scholars such as Susan Thompson
(2011) and Chi Mgbako (2005) who argue that the camps are focused on the
dissemination of pro-RPF ideology, a dangerous undertaking in a country in which
political indoctrination and government-controlled information were essential in sparking
and sustaining the genocide (Mgbako, 2005, p. 202). Thompson (2011) asserts instead
of promoting unity and reconciliation, it teaches these men, the majority of whom are
ethnic Hutu, to remain silent and not question the RPFs visions for creating peace and
security for all Rwandans (p. 332). Mgbako (2005) states that this leaves them in
highly vulnerable positions, susceptible to attempts at political indoctrination (p. 215).
63

Thompson stresses that this system of education silences any disagreement regarding the
new government, which may crystallize and create strong dissent in the future (p. 332).
Another criticism of the ingando re-education camps focuses on the bitter reality
that all Rwandans face: unemployment and the difficulties of returning to civilian life
(Mgbako, 2005). Upon completion of ingando, ex-combatants are provided with World
Bank financed government aid to jumpstart the rebuilding their lives in their respective
communities. While this aid does not address problems of poverty and unemployment, it
may be viewed as an incentive to further encourage them to proclaim allegiance to the
government (Mgbako, 2005, p. 215). While the ex-combatants are readily rewarded for
putting down their weapons and dedicating themselves to the new government, the
survivors have a difficult time receiving that financial cushion. The Fund for Assistance
to Genocide Survivors (FARG) is a quasi-governmental organization that caters to the
health, education, and housing needs of impoverished survivors (Mgbako, 2005, p. 216),
and has an annual budget of $10,000,000.00 USDs. Although survivors are not denied
access to this money, most survivors are unaware that this money exists and only receive
it when they actively seek it out. The unfairness in the distribution of government aid and
how it is received by its beneficiaries can reasonably be seen as a systematic failure of the
Rwandan government, which may be a hindrance to rebuilding trust between the
survivors and the new government.
However, these criticisms fail to consider the alternative lives these ex-armed
combatants would have had if these opportunities were not available. Whether they
returned to Rwanda from living in the jungles of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
or were prisoners released from the overcrowded prisons, none of them would have an
64

opportunity to continue their lives as free men had the Rwandan government not
established the ingando re-education camps. Historically, these men lived in a world
where all they were taught was fear and hatred of their fellow Tutsi neighbors. That
politically induced fear transformed the hearts and minds of these men into cold-hearted
killers whose only other options after the RPF takeover was to remain prisoners escaping
the responsibility for their crimes.
Political indoctrination is a central feature of the ingando re-education camps to
ensure participants respect for the national values of unity, reconciliation, and peace. If
the RPF led government is giving ex-combatants a second chance to live as free men,
then they have every authority to dictate that their freedom is contingent upon their
adherence to the laws of the new government. Compromising the freedom to dissent
against the government is a reasonable restriction of their human rights as these men
severely violated the human rights of their neighbors, which contributed to one of the
worlds most brutal genocides.
Ingando repairs the damaged psychological resources of belongingness, social
acceptance, and the stigmatization of being a perpetrator from the national to the
individual level. However, consequences of maintaining the negative image of the
perpetrator can increase anger, mistrust, and fear, and decrease the possibility of healing
for survivors. As stated previously, unforgiving victims who seek revenge do so only to
deliver a message to the offender to ensure they are aware of their misdeeds and
understand the natural consequences of their actions. Victims will be less likely to take
revenge if they have reason to believe that the offender has learned his or her lesson and
will refrain from behaving unfairly again in the future (Gollwitzer, Meder, & Schmitt,
65

2011, p. 373). The Gacaca community court system empowers communities to govern
their own justice by providing a safe platform for the survivors to confront the
perpetrators who have harmed them, thereby starting the process of healing and
reconciliation.
Gacaca
During the Village Urugwiro meetings held between May 1998 and March 1999,
President Pasteur Bizimungu reintroduced the traditional Gacaca community courts in
response to the systematic hindrances of the traditional court system, and is a means to
bring forth the truth about what happened, and to create a climate propitious for
coexistence in Rwanda (Karekezi, Nshimiyimana, & Mutamba, 2004, p. 71). Gacaca is
an informal justice system that relies upon voluntary participation of the community to
help expedite the prosecution of genocide suspects, to ease their reintegration into the
community, and to encourage communities to confront their own involvement in the
genocide (Des Forges & Longman, 2004, p. 62). Regarded as a means to restore
harmony within the community, Gacaca has been successful because it involves all
Rwandans in the search for truth about the genocide, provides justice for the victims,
allocates responsibility to individuals who participated, and creates an environment
conducive to reconciliation (Karekezi, Nshimiyiman, & Mutamba, 2004). A testament to
its success is that between June 2002 and June 2012, the Gacaca trials have tried more
than 1.9 million cases, with only 25% of cases resulting in acquittal of suspected
perpetrators (Musoni, 2012, June 18).
After the genocide, lack of trained personnel and material resources, financial
difficulties, and loss of credibility contributed to the deterioration of the legal justice
66

system (Africa Rights, 2008). With an overwhelming number of accused perpetrators
overflowing in the nations prisons, it was essential to handle these cases in a timely
manner to deliver justice to the survivors and establish the historical narrative.
Furthermore, no international traditional justice system was equipped to try the unique
cases of genocide, in which the enormous caseload and inadequate human and material
resources meant that it would take many years for their legal status to be considered and
regularized in accordance with the law (Africa Rights, 2008, p. 21).
Moreover, the legal restrictions regarding testimony and age constrain the number
of cases that can be submitted for trial, thereby leaving out essential information that
contributes to the collective memory of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi (Africa
Rights, 2008). One survivor and Gacaca judge stated:
When you consider how the genocide unfolded, it was difficult for someone who
was being hunted to closely follow the scenes of killing so that he can testify in a
conventional tribunal where you are expected to speak only about what you saw
and what happened in your physical presence. You cant say that you witnessed
the incident if you were hiding in a bush or a house close to where the crime took
place, because you were not actually there. The survivors who wanted to testify
were forced to be on the move because they were being hunted. And because of
this, they could not at the same time be present at the scene of the crime (Africa
Rights, 2008, p. 23)
Citizens are familiar with their neighbors and are aware of who committed acts of
genocide within their communities although they did not physically witness it. This
information is essential but is not admissible as evidence under traditional court systems.
Furthermore, a significant number of children or youth also experienced and witnessed
crimes but were not allowed to testify about these crimes in court (Africa Rights, 2008).
All of these restrictions led to the necessity of implementing the Gacaca court system.
67

After the Village Urugwiro meetings, Rwanda began an educational campaign
regarding the use of Gacaca to elect judges beginning on October 4, 2001 (Karekezi,
Nshimiyiman, & Mutamba, 2004). Judges were trained between May and April 2002,
and 80 pilot trials began on June 19 of that year. By November 25, 2002, the program
expanded to one sector in each of the 12 districts, then increasing to 600. It was fully
expanded to the entire country in 2004. Each Gacaca court functions at its own pace,
but they all follow a set pattern (Karekezi, Nshimiyiman, & Mutamba, 2004, p. 72).
Phase one is an assembly of the community to determine what actually took place and
who was responsible for participating in the crimes that ensued.
The second phase is a private meeting of the judges to classify the accused into
one of four categories of crime. Crimes to be tried in Gacaca are ones committed
between October 1, 1990 and December 31, 1994. Category 1 crimes are reserved for
leaders, planners, organizers, and instigators of the genocide, in addition to well-known
killers and rapists and are punished with life-long prison sentences (Human Rights
Watch, 2011). Category 2 crimes are those that involved killing or injuring another with
the intent to kill on the orders of an authority figure. Category 3 crimes are those who
killed or inflicted bodily harm without the intention to kill (Human Rights Watch, 2011,
p. 18). Punishments for category 2 and 3 crimes are met with lesser penal sanctions, such
as time served in jail with the opportunity for release. And category 4 crimes are related
to property damage or stolen items, and receive no penal sanction but only the payment
of restitution to the value of the damaged or looted property (Africa Rights, 2008, p. 21).
Phase three begins when all of the necessary information is collected to begin the
trials (Africa Rights, 2008; Karekezi, Nshimiyiman, & Mutamba, 2004). Those who fell
68

into category 1 are ineligible to be tried in the Gacaca court system, as they were seen as
the masterminds behind the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, and required stricter, more
formal justice22.
All members of the community are encouraged to attend each of the Gacaca trials
and testify publicly about any information necessary to contribute to the understanding of
the events that occurred within that community (Africa Rights, 2008; Karekezi,
Nshimiyiman, & Mutamba, 2004; Human Rights Watch, 2011). These trials allowed the
victims to confront the perpetrators to hear the truth of what really happened to their
family members, friends, and other loved ones who were hurt or killed by their actions.
At first, the great majority of survivors were apprehensive when the system was first
conceived, worried that it would enable perpetrators to elude appropriate punishment
(Africa Rights, 2008, p. 29). However, with time, survivors began to appreciate the
system especially as it enabled them to learn much more about the fate of their families,
friends, and neighbors who were killed in 1994 (Africa Rights, 2008, p. 29).
For survivors, truth telling was more important than appropriating punishments or
other forms of retribution (Africa Rights, 2008). Killers and other perpetrators did not
enjoy impunity because individuals are confessing and testifying on their involvement to
specific crimes. As one individual stated: They are now aware that someone knows
what they did and is ready to testify against them. They may even have been cleared by
judges, but their conscience will continue to remind them of the wrong they did (Africa
Rights, 2008, pp. 29-30).
22
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was established for this
purpose. More information regarding the ICTR can be found at: www.unictr.org
69

In addition to testimonials given by the survivors, the perpetrators are given the
opportunity to confess their crimes and claim responsibility for their actions (Africa
Rights, 2008).
A large number of people confessed in Gacaca. And when they give a full
confession, they lay everything out, saying whom they killed, who they buried.
Sometimes they even gave the names of witnesses who saw them. Thats why I
believe that is difficult to escape the truth in Gacaca because, sooner or later,
someone will cite your name amongst the people they saw committing the crime
(p. 31).
This information also led to evidence regarding where certain corpses were buried, which
allowed families to organize proper re-burials. Gacaca allows perpetrators to testify fully
to their crimes and are treated more leniently than those found to be lying, even if their
crimes were more serious (Kinzer, 2008, p. 261). Essentially, truth telling has the
potential to serve a crucial function for peace building in creating a space for a national
conversation after which no one can say I dont know or deny the realities of what took
place (Brouneus, 2010, pp. 408-409).
Although testimonials by the perpetrators in Gacaca is seen as beneficial to
understanding the events of the genocide and allocates accountability, some individuals
who do confess seek to elude personal responsibility by blaming the crimes on
Interahamwe militia or other individuals who have left Rwanda (Africa Rights, 2008). As
one witness stated:
We attend Gacaca to learn from those who know. But they dont tell us the truth.
Instead, they transferred all the terrible crimes to the people who are still in exile,
or those who have died. As survivors, we find this shocking. Even if we were in
hiding during the genocide, we witnessed terrifying killings, which claimed the
lives of our children, neighbors, and relatives. When those who are accused, by
people who saw them participate in the killings, are stubborn in their denials, then
to me they are making fun of the genocide because they are refusing to
acknowledge the weight of the crimes they committed (p. 42)
70

Perpetrators also diffuse responsibility by blaming the system for encouraging their
behavior. As one perpetrator stated: I killed, yes, but I was also used as an instrument to
get rid of people. I was not the machine who was controlling and leading the massacres.
They were, and they are not here (p. 44). Although assigning responsibility towards the
genocidal government is a realistic approach, this denial of personal responsibility for
their actions may hinder positive relationship building between the survivor and offender,
especially if they need to co-exist within the same community.
Gacaca helps foster forgiveness and reconciliation between previously conflicting
parties through truth-telling, personal responsibility, and the platform for survivors to
confront those who harmed them during the 1994 genocide (Africa Rights, 2008; Kinzer,
2008; Brouneus, 2010). However, some issues regarding open communication means
that discussions are not limited to individuals who are a part of a particular case. The
public nature of the proceedings allows the whole community to be involved in the trials
even the perpetrators one of its greatest strengths can also be a hindrance. Although
most perpetrators confess openly to their crimes, when they return to their villages they
may terrify the survivors and keep them in a never-ending state of fear and humiliation
(Africa Rights, 2008, p. 52). Moreover, even if one perpetrator will take responsibility for
their own participation, they may harass survivors for naming additional accomplices.
This correlates significantly with the social psychological research that states offenders
who have forgiven themselves tend to relate negatively to the victim.
Survivors also experience anxieties when confronting the offenders for their
crimes. As one survivor stated: They think it is a simple matter to go in front of the
perpetrator to remind him what he did. But its very difficult (Africa Rights, 2008, p.
71

36). One researcher examined the long-term, psychological impact of truth telling in
relation to Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder or depression (Brouneus, 2010). Brouneus
(2010) found that survivors who witnessed and confessed in Gacaca were more likely
than non-witnesses to report higher levels of depression and PTSD when controlling
for important predictors for psychological ill health such as sex and cumulative trauma
exposure (p. 425). She also tested the hypothesis to explore the relationship between
long-term exposure to Gacaca and a decrease in depressive or PTSD symptomology, and
found that negative psychological effects persisted whether survivors were exposed to
truth telling from the beginning pilot trials beginning in 2002 to those established
afterwards. This suggests, the protraction of the truth-telling process involves an
ineffective, repetitive exposure to suffering, similar to what is known as rumination23 in
psychology (p. 426).
Thus, while Gacaca has been successful in holding perpetrators accountable for
committing acts of genocide within their communities, identifying the location of corpses
and burial grounds, and adding to the narrative of the events that occurred in 1994, its
negative effects on the survivors only contribute to the persistence of psychological
trauma. Furthermore, there is a lack of information regarding how the survivors and
perpetrators get along within their respected communities after the Gacaca trials. Further
research is needed to monitor the long-term process of reconciliation as a result of these
programs.
23
Rumination is the incessant, repetitive thinking about past trauma, which is frequently
reported in individuals with PTSD and which has been found to be not only a strategy to
cope with intrusive memories of trauma but also a trigger of such memories, resulting in
a cyclical process (Brouneus, 2010, p. 427).
72

Discussion
In the aftermath of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, the Rwandan government
has made significant political, social, and economic changes to prevent another atrocity
from occurring again. As Rwandas history dictates, systematic forces were responsible
in motivating negative human behavior at the interpersonal level, which led normal,
everyday people to kill their neighbors. The current Rwandan government understood
they needed to take appropriate measures to increase security within its borders while
building a self-sufficient economy to decrease their dependency on foreign aid.
Rwandas three peace-building tools, Vision 2020, the new Constitution, and the National
Unity and Reconciliation Commission are all efforts to promote positive peace
consciousness on the systemic level and reduce the likelihood of future conflict. This
meant re-integrating ex-genocidal perpetrators back into their communities through
ingando and aiding in the process of justice and reconciliation through the Gacaca
community court system.
These programs demonstrate success of the systemic efforts to decrease tensions
between groups previously engaged in conflict and promote a culture of peace through a
unifying identity. Whether individuals believe there is true unity and reconciliation
between the groups is still a matter of debate, and only time will tell if these initiatives
have the ability to prevent future conflicts. As Rwandan journalist Sam Nshimiyimana
states in the documentary Co-Exist (Mazo, 2010):
If people force themselves to have a reconciliation that is not real, at least they are
making an effort not to beat each other up At least with this reconciliation
policy there is a certain amount of tolerance. Because without it, we could see
some acts of revenge Reconciliation is like a state formula, a government
formula, that the population has memorized, and that they repeat to everyone.
73
CHAPTER 3
Section 1
Rwandan Youth
In a population of over 11 million people with a median age of 18.8 years,
persons between the ages of 0-24 constitute 61.8% of the populace (CIA.gov, 2013). The
Ministry of Youth, Culture and Sports (2005) defines youth as persons aged between 15
and 35 (p. 8)24. The Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey, (or EICV3)
(National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, 2012), states the total number of youth
between the ages of 14 and 35 is 4,159,000, and make up 39% of the total Rwandan
population.
Expectations for youth are outlined in Rwandas National Youth Policy (Ministry
of Youth, Culture and Sports, 2005) that states:
The youth represent a vivid force which is full of aspirations that are proper to
that age group We know that the youth have plenty energy, ideals, vitality,
great imagination and capacities for action, which make them a paramount human
resources for development and important factor for social change, economic
development and progress. Those capacities must be developed in order to
thoroughly move from childhood to adulthood and be able to hold responsibilities
and play determining roles in the society (p. 6)
The significant loss of family members and a decimated nation torn apart through ethnic
violence has left youth with more reasons to continue the cycle of violence in the
aftershock of the genocide. While the survivors of the 1994 genocide work hard to
recover from the traumas of the past, it is the sole responsibility of the new generation to
24
This differs significantly from the United Nations definition of the youth as those
persons between the ages of 15 and 25 years (What do we mean by youth, n.d., para.
5). For the purposes of this paper, the Rwandan definition of youth will be utilized.
74

break the cycle of victimization and build a stable economic foundation from the
aftershock of their violent history.
Growing up in Rwandan society with a national agenda of unity, reconciliation,
and peace provide youth with options other than violence to remain resilient when faced
with adverse situations. On March 18, 1997, around 8pm, students and teachers at the
Nyange Boarding school were preparing for their evening classes when militia men
entered the school, seeking to stir up ethnic divisions and continue the genocide. After
killing a night guard at the school, the infiltrators commonly known as Abacengeziordered the students to separate themselves according to their ethnicity (Bucyensenge,
2013, para. 4), Hutus on one side, Tutsis on the other. Despite the fear of imminent
death, the students refused to do as they asked. One girl bravely stood up and stated:
There are no Hutus or Tutsis here, we are Rwandans (para. 23). The infiltrators then
shot indiscriminately at the students. Six of them were killed immediately (para. 9),
while 20 others were wounded and left in critical condition.
This event is significant in that the youth persevered against ethnic violence and
refused to see each other along those lines. Although the students knew each others
identities and whose parents were involved in the 1994 genocide, they set aside those
differences to stand up for the rights of their peers. As one survivor reflected in the end:
Our leaders always told us that unity was our strength, Uwamahoro narrates. Due to
the education we were receiving at school, we entertained brotherly relations between us.
We were not just friends, but rather it was as if we were relatives. The mood at the
school was like that of a family (para.38).
75

The tragedy at the Nyange Boarding School will always be remembered as the
meaningful event that changed the mindset of the Rwandan people. The ability of
Rwandan youth to show respect for their fellow peers demonstrates their commitment to
prevent future conflict in relation to the ethnic hatred that resulted in the 1994 genocide
against the Tutsi. Instead, Rwandan youth who grew up during the genocide or were
born after 1994 face difficult life conditions that hinder their ability to live up to
expectations as stated in Rwandas National Youth Policy (2005). Their present can only
be understood in reference to the past. The past often features as the backdrop to their
narrative, and past experiences similarly shape their outlook on the future (Pells, 2009,
pp. 339-340). In addition to post-traumatic stress, living without parents and proper
guidance while fending for themselves in a world that is unresponsive to their plight are
immediate consequences that extend beyond the genocide.
Post-Traumatic Stress and the Effects of Genocide on the Youth
Very few studies regarding post-traumatic stress within the Rwandan population
have looked at the effects of the genocide on youth. Available research repeats the
findings of the 1995 UNICEF National Trauma Survey (Neugebauer, Fisher, Turner,
Yamabe, Sarsfield & Stehling-Ariza, 2009; Dyregrove, Gupta, Gjestad, & Mukanoheli,
2000), which found that out of the 1482 respondents, 96.1% of youth were victims of the
threat of violence, 93.5% witnessed violence against others, 86.6% witnessed property
destruction, and 34.3% experienced the death of a family member as a casualty of the
genocide. Overall, the survey found that 54-62% of respondents met criteria for
probable PTSD (Neugebauer, et al, 2009, p. 11).
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This study demonstrates that exposure to acts of violence during the genocide
extends beyond the adult victims and perpetrators, yet all that is known about the possible
effects is that slightly more than half of the respondents are at risk for developing PTSD
or display related symptoms. That says little about the current mental health of youth
responsible for ensuring Rwandas future success in economic and social development
and the prevention of future conflict.
The biggest effect of the genocide on youth is the hundreds of thousands of
children who have been orphaned or otherwise left without parental care since 1994
(Human Rights Watch, 2003, p. 41). A Human Rights Watch Report (2003)
documenting the consequences of the genocide on Rwandan youth states:
Genocide survivors who were orphaned in 1994 are among the most
vulnerable children in the world: many witnessed unspeakable atrocities including
the murder of family members and some narrowly escaped death themselves,
leaving them deeply traumatized. Many of those who survived now live in misery,
often lacking the means for education and basic health care. (p. 44)
Challenges that hinder youths ability to get through daily life are the loss of one or both
parents as a casualty of the genocide, imprisonment due to participating in the genocide,
or loss of life as a result of major diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, or malnutrition
(Human Rights Watch, 2003; Pells, 2009). Households headed by children confront
daily challenges of feeding, sheltering, and clothing themselves; trying to attend school;
or trying to earn a living [while] thousands of vulnerable children are exploited for
their labor and property and denied the right to education (Human Rights Watch, 2003,
p. 41). Although the Rwandan government recognizes that unaccompanied children may
have better lives with families, the alternative to state-run orphanages are susceptible to
overcrowding, lack of trained workers, isolation from society and limited food resources.
77

These conditions are similar, if not worse, than those of children living on the streets to
fend for themselves.
Although human rights workers and other non-governmental organizations work
to reunite children with their extended families or place them in homes, they are
generally exploited for their labor as domestic servants with no compensation (Human
Rights Watch, 2003; Pells, 2009). Due to limited resources, the foster children are often
last in line to eat, get medical care, or be sent to school (Human Rights Watch, 2003, p.
47). Many youth are only provided with a roof over their heads, and have to seek
additional work to pay for their own food and support those who sheltered them.
To escape these difficult conditions, many youth leave these homes and migrate
to the city in hopes of finding work. Also known as street children, or mayibobo in
Kinyarwanda, these children have been demonized and marginalized by urban society
(Human Rights Watch, 2003, p. 62). In their struggle to survive, children and youth are
left to beg or engage in petty theft and are treated as a nuisance by the locals. Although
there are centers in the city areas to house, feed, clothe, and educate the children, the
local governments are hostile towards them and accuse these centers of attracting
children to the streets to provide the care that their parents or caregivers can not afford to
deliver. As a result, the children commonly resort to drug use to cope with the hunger,
cold, and difficulties of life in the streets smoking marijuana, sniffing glue, and inhaling
gas fumes (Human Rights Watch, 2003, p. 62).
Additionally, female orphans and street children are more vulnerable to sexual
and physical exploitation than their male counterparts (Human Rights Watch, 2003; Pells,
2009). In a testimonial collected by Pells (2009), one girl recounted how she got
78

pregnant deliberately in the hopes that the man would marry and so support her and her
siblings. Instead, the man abandoned her and the baby, thus adding to the number of
children for whom the girl was responsible (p. 342). Some women sell sexual favors to
various men in hopes of earning enough money to feed their siblings or pay for their
school fees so that they can attend school, but would deny the privilege of education for
themselves.
Rwandan youth also face other, cultural challenges: the economic difficulties of
reaching cultural perceptions of adulthood (Sommers & Ulvin, 2011). Strict
governmental regulations, cultural norms, and difficult life conditions make the transition
from youth to adulthood particularly difficult, especially for males. The golden ticket to
adulthood is only obtained when male youth have earned enough money to build a home
to support a future wife and children. Similarly, adulthood for women is achieved
through child rearing. Adding to the strains to secure housing and get married, the legal
age limit to wed is 21 years old, but by the ages of 24-25, cultural perceptions designate
a female youth in a rural area too old to marry (Sommers & Ulvin, 2011, p. 3). A
small time frame allotted to achieve cultural adulthood for both men and women
significantly adds more pressure to earn enough money to purchase roofing tiles,
resulting in rural males and some females abandoning school to work on farms for
roughly 200 Rwandan Francs a day (or $0.32 USDs). Furthermore, working at this rate
for less than pennies a day makes it virtually impossible for male youths to afford tiles,
and they may never purchase land to build a house within their lifetime.
Rwandas National Education Statistics for the Youth
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In response to these difficult life conditions, youth single out education as the
only way out (Pells, 2009, p. 344). However, barriers to receiving an education are
largely economic: the inability to pay for secondary school fees, materials, and
transport; the need to earn a living to support their family (p. 344). Some youth tend to
think practically about their situation in that most ordinary Rwandans believe that they
have no chance to make it to higher education and the social advancement that it
represents (Sommers & Ulvin, 2011, p. 6), thereby reducing the possibility of
disappointment if they do not reach these goals. In addition to the difficult life
conditions, economic hardships, and cultural challenges of reaching adulthood, the
Rwandan government adopted policies emphasizing education as a means for social
upward mobility but fails to address the social and economic barriers that children living
on their own or on the streets confront.
The EICV3 report states that 62.2% of youth between the ages of 14-35 have
either never attended school or have not yet completed primary school, 31.5% completed
primary school, with a minimal 4.9% having completed post-primary, vocational,
secondary, or higher education (National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, 2012). These
rates are significantly lower for youths living in rural areas, where 8.1% never attended
school (compared to 4.7% of urban youth), 58.3% did not or have not yet completed
primary school (compared to 37.2% of urban youth), 29.5% have completed primary
school (compared to 41.6% of urban youth), and 2.9% have completed post-primary,
secondary, or higher levels of education (compared to 14.5% of urban youth). Despite
the profound differences in the highest levels of education achieved by urban and rural
youth, the EICV3 reports that overall 80% of youth know how to read and write (88.4%
80

literacy for urban youth and 78.5% rural youth). Computer literacy rates vary; with only
7% of all Rwandan youth stating they are confident about their ability to use a computer.
In urban areas, 18.7% state confidence in using a computer in contrast with only 4% of
rural youth. These statistics reveal not only profound difference in education between
urban and rural youth, but also demonstrates that Rwanda is not where it needs to be if
they hope to achieve economic success through pathways of education, consistent with
Vision 2020.
To address these issues, on February 3, 2009, the Rwandan government
announced a nine-year basic education program (9-YBE) which is an effort to provide
free and quality education for all youth living in Rwanda, thereby decreasing the drop-out
rate in primary and secondary education. In 2010, Rwanda built over 3,000 classrooms,
with another 2,936 fully equipped for student use (Kwizera, 2011). On April 12, 2011, a
Rwandan news article states, the primary school completion rate is at 76 percent
(Kwizera, 2011, para 1). In a testament to Rwandas dedication in improving their
educational system and educational accessibility are the recent statistics published by the
Ministry of Education in January 2012. The Rwanda Education Statistics documents the
change in enrollment rates for primary, secondary, and post-secondary higher education
from 2005 to 201125, and indicates an increase in the number of students who pass the
required national exams to move forward in their education.
Primary education lasts six years and covers the ages of 7 to 12. In order to
advance from each stage of education, students are required to pass the national
examinations. In 2007, there were a total of 2,150,430 students enrolled in primary
25
Dates of information vary depending on available statistics at the time of retrieval.
81

education, with only 31,037 teachers. Dropout rates at this time were 13.9%, with only
22.4% of students passing the required national exam. In 2011, student enrollment in
primary education remained steady, with a total of 2,341,146 children but showed an
increase in teachers to 40,299. Dropout rates decreased slightly to 11.4%, and in 2010,
82.6% of students passed the national exams.
Secondary education also lasts six years and covers the ages of 13 and 18. It is
composed of lower secondary in the first three years and upper secondary in the
remaining three. Secondary education statistics show a more profound enrollment
increase, in which 266,518 were enrolled in 2007 compared to 486,437 students in 2011.
The total number of teachers almost doubled in that time frame, with 12,103 in 2007 and
20,522 in 2011. Dropout rates for 2007 are unavailable, however 2008 saw a dropout
rate of 9.6%, which decreased slightly to 7.4% in 2010. The number of students who
passed the lower secondary national exams doubled from 36.8% in 2005 to 84.9% in
2010; upper secondary national exams also show a similar increase, with 64.7% in 2005
compared to 87.4% in 2010.
Higher education attendance rates are much lower, with no available information
regarding dropout or success rates. With 31 total institutions, 17 public and 14 private,
73,674 students enrolled in higher education in 2011, nearly doubling from 37,149
students enrolled in 2006. An additional 11,315 students attended short term or longer
vocational training. This totals 85,049 students enrolled in post-secondary education in
2011.
These numbers demonstrate that Rwandas current education program is
positively evolving with an increase in enrollment rates, qualified teachers, and the
82

number of students passing the national examinations with a slight decrease in dropout
rates for both primary and secondary education. However, if the EICV3 (National
Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, 2012) estimates that there are a total 4,159,000 youths
between the ages of 14 and 35 living in Rwanda in 2011, with youths between the ages of
14 and 19 years old totaling 1.5 million, and only 486,437 students attended secondary
educational institutions in 2011, then roughly one million youths in this age bracket are
missing from the essential transitional schooling that will allow them to receive higher
education training. This could possibly hinder Vision 2020s goal of building a
knowledge-based economy with the intention of decreasing reliance on foreign aid.
Furthermore, if the additional youths between the ages of 20 and 35 make up the
remaining 2,668,000 populations of Rwandan youth, and only 85,049 are enrolled in
higher or vocational training in 2011, then information is missing for over 2.5 million
youths. It is critical to see how many youths have completed vocational or higher
education and how many are working in professions related to their field of study outside
of the traditional agricultural occupations.
Economic statistics in the EICV3 state, The overall employment rate for youth is
70.2%, and most of those who are not active are students (26.3%) (National Institute of
Statistics of Rwanda, 2012, p. 10), with 1% of all youth reported being completely
unemployed. The median hours of work per week for youth is 28 hours. Further
breakdowns of these statistics reveal chief positions youth hold. Many are unpaid family
farm workers (38.3%), followed by waged non-farm work (21.4%), independent farmers
(16.7%), waged farm work (11%), independent non-farm work (10.3%), and non-farm
unpaid work (1.5%), totaling 2.9 million.
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Although these numbers reveal that almost all youth are engaged in some form of
work that is considered employment, there is still a total of 39.8%, or 1,162,558 unpaid
youth. In 2011, the poverty line was 118,000 RWF per adult per year (or $185.61
USDs). Overall, 38.5% of young people live in households that are below this poverty
line, which is slightly below the figure for all Rwandans of all ages at 44% (p. 16).
Extreme poverty is described as people who cannot afford even to buy the minimum
amount of food that they need to be healthy the rate of extreme poverty for young
people 14-35 years old is the same as for Rwandans of all ages, at 24% (p. 17).
These numbers demonstrate where Rwandan youth are in terms of their level of
education, enrollment in educational institutions, and overall employment rate. There are
few to no current statistics in the EICV3 report regarding child headed households,
orphans, or number of current street children in Rwanda. This information is essential to
make the connection between the difficult life conditions facing youth today, the growth
in the education sector and how it relates to the economic situation facing youth.
Furthermore, additional research is needed in order to assess the success of Vision 2020
and the pressure it places on Rwandan youth to build a stable economic foundation from
the aftershock of their violent history.
While these numbers appear promising and demonstrate a step in the right
direction, my brief visit to Rwanda in August of 2012 revealed that there is still a lot of
work that needs to be done for the nations youth in order to predict long-term stability of
its current initiatives. The demands for appropriate services addressing the needs of
Rwandan youth became evident during my time there and planted the seed for a nonprofit organization titled Bright Future Generation.
84

Section 2
My Observations of Rwandan Youth
Alongside fifteen North American and fifteen Rwandan participants, the mission
of Global Youth Connect is Empowering youth to advance human rights and create a
more just world. Described as a learning and action community, plans for the delegation
included workshops discussing human rights, followed by a three day trip to Kibuye in
the Western Province, a volunteer placement with a local organization, a two-day
homestay experience, and visits to memorials where acts of horrifying violence were
committed during the genocide. Three significant site visits corresponded positively to
the research and reality of the difficult life conditions Rwandan youth face today, while
my volunteer placement with AERG revealed to me that mental health services
addressing the needs of youth they serve are currently unmet.
Kiziba Refugee Camp
In the Western Province of Rwanda in the Karongi district, on the border of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, is a refugee camp home to roughly 18,000 Congolese
who arrived in Rwanda in 1996 to flee from violent conflicts around the Lake Kivu
region (Bucyensenge, 2012; UNHCR, 2010). Before our arrival to the camp on August
7, 2012, we discussed some of the issues currently facing the residents. One of my
fellow delegates was a resident in the refugee camp, and discussed the educational and
employment difficulties that people face within the camp. He stated that even if an
individual obtains a degree in Rwanda and returns to the camp, there are no secure or
available jobs. This is significantly hindered by the fact that refugees in the camp have
not claimed citizenship status in the Democratic Republic of the Congo or Rwanda.
85

Although the Rwandan government is encouraging residents within the camp to claim
permanent citizenship, the reality is that people identify as Congolese, not Rwandese, and
asking them to do so is contrary how they choose to identify themselves. This
background information was essential for us to understand the difficulties that the
residents within the camp face, and it also pointed to the realities youth face.
Currently leading the camp projects was the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights (UNHCR) and the American Refugee Committee (ARC). When we
arrived, we were able to meet briefly with some of the camp managers who discussed
with us their activities regarding access to safe water, sanitation, health, anti-gender
based violence campaigns, and their educational system for the youth. We were told that
every resident, no matter their age, receives 28 liters of safe drinking water per day. The
staff also discussed their mission to follow through with Rwandas anti-gender based
violence campaign. Sensitization programs and focus group discussions encourage the
whole community to take action in reporting and standing up against gender-based
violence within their neighborhoods.
After the initial meeting, our delegation was divided into two groups to learn
about the health care and education system. I chose to explore the camps school
facilities to understand how youth are receiving this essential tool that will provide them
with a better life. The group started the tour at the camps vocational training center, an
alternative educational avenue that provides youth and some adults with skills in the
domestic economy sewing, tailoring, and cooking. The sewing machines and equipment
used to stock these centers were donated from China; this is also true of the primary
86

schools computer room that has full access to the Internet and teaches students typing
skills and Microsoft Office 2007 programs.
Currently, the camps basic educational system only covers primary and lower
secondary school or 9 years of basic education as a result of limited land space and
funding. Students who have passed the national examination are eligible to attend upper
secondary school outside the camp. Classes are taught in both English and Kinyarwanda,
and are eight hours a day. Students have the option to repeat a grade if they fail a course
or do poorly in their classwork, but are not required to do so; as a result of limited
funding, teachers are unable to stay behind to ensure that each student is thoroughly
understanding the material and are confident enough to take the national exams. This
impedes a students faith in his or her ability to complete the appropriate schooling
necessary because he is not grasping the material at hand. The greatest challenges the
students face are lack of motivation and teacher encouragement.
Difficult life conditions youth face within the camp and their parents inability to
contribute to their school fees discourage youth from continuing their education. As a
result, most never complete their primary or lower secondary education provided within
the camps, and they select lifestyles that only increase the difficult life conditions and
psychological hindrance to a brighter future. What youth choose to do after they drop out
of school differs between males and females. Some women leave the camps to work as
prostitutes or as domestic workers, only making 200 Rwandan Francs a day or less (or
$0.32 USDs). Most male youth will remain in the camps after they dropout, but form
gangs and are the highest drug abusers, leading to an increase in crime and rape.
Additionally, most children of primary school age group are logistically unable to attend
87

classes because the schools are over-capacity. This forces them to live in the camps as
street children.
The issues of the educational system within the Kiziba refugee camp are not due
to a lack of care. The schools are hindered in their ability to help youth succeed as a
consequence of limited space, funding, and difficult life conditions facing all individuals
residing at the camp. Prostitution, drugs, teen pregnancy, crime, and number of street
children increase the chance of youth leaving the camp to search for opportunities
outside. Most return only to discover that life on their own is far worse than what they
had living in the camp.
The representatives from UNHCR informed us that they are doing everything in
their power to gain access to more land and are seeking funding to build more schools
and develop more programs to keep youth out of trouble. In addition to building sports
programs and a new library, leaders of the camp are actively engaging in conversations
with the local authorities to ensure they are meeting these needs. Additionally, donors
are providing scholarships for females to attend school outside of the camps. For some
this includes funds to attend a university. The downfalls to receiving these scholarships
are that it excludes males. The directors are aware of this inequality, but they have to
promote the principle of do no harm - any donations that the camp receives cannot be
refused, even if that means there is a gender imbalance in the allocation of those funds.
Leaders of the Kiziba refugee camp are cognizant of the issues in their
educational system and the difficult life conditions the youth are facing. Hindering their
ability to address these concerns are strongly related to funding. With adequate funding
they can build the necessary schools to ensure that all children are receiving the basic
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nine-year education as promoted by the Rwandan government. However, there are also
larger, psychological hindrances that are not being addressed. This includes lack of
motivation of youth or proper tutoring to ensure students are fully grasping the material
they are learning within their classrooms in order to pass the national exams. An
educational system that cannot address these greater issues may succeed in terms of its
existence but could fail the students they are trying to educate by not providing the
attention and care that is essential to their growth and development. Finally, if teachers
are unable to help the students see the connection between education, self-development,
and the realization of their dreams, they are doing them a disservice; teachers may lose
faith in the students ability to succeed, knowing the grim conditions that may await them
whether or not they see themselves living life outside the camp.
Visit to the Potter Community in Mubuga
The day after our visit to the Kiziba refugee camp, we traveled to Mubuga to
work with the Potter Community, also known as the Twa or historically marginalized
people. Before we traveled out there, we had an opportunity to discuss the current issues
facing this particular community with a representative and program delegate from
COPORWA, or Communaute des Pottiers Rwandais, an advocacy group working with
the Potter Community to obtain political recognition and be allocated the proper services
and rights extended to other Rwandans. Also known as the forest people, they prefer to
reside in the nations forests without proper shelter, food, or clothing, and are isolated as
active citizens from the Rwandan social, political, and economic landscape. After the
genocide, the new government declared all of the forests national property, and has been
working diligently to move the people out of there and integrate them into communities.
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As hunter-gatherers, the Twa have little experience living in homes, and are quick to sell
the tin roofs for money to support the needs of their family. Additional challenges facing
the Potter community are related to ethnic identity, stigmatization, poverty, and lack of
access to appropriate education for the children.
Batwa is an ethnic term that the group refuses to discard, despite political
pressure to identify as Rwandans. The rationale for the explicit use of this term, although
not politically recognized, is that until they receive and have access to the appropriate
services awarded to all Rwandans, they will remain Batwa. As a historically
marginalized people and non-participants of the genocide, they cannot be forced to
integrate into society without receiving the tools and education necessary to do so. Their
existence was not recognized before the genocide, but afterwards significant attention has
been given to them with substantial pressure to be integrated into society. The
stigmatization attached to their identity is related to their poverty level. They are
considered dirty, uncivilized, and are taunted for their inability to be economically selfsufficient, despite producing beautiful pottery. Economic instability is also a reflection of
an inability to grasp business practices as a means of sustainability. Thinking only about
taking care of their immediate needs, Twa find it difficult to see how certain practices can
be used to provide long-term stability.
The agenda was to participate in a special umuganda, or obligatory community
work, to help clear away brush and land, which will prepare the foundations for future
home construction. After our hard work, we listened in on their community meeting,
which was spoken in Kinyarwanda, then shared drinks with them. The community
members appeared to be excited and grateful that a group of young adults, both Rwandan
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and North American, came to visit them and help them with this difficult task. Yet the
primary goal of our work was to discuss the importance of education with the children in
the community by actively engaging with them in group activities.
We were divided into four or five groups of five to six delegates each, and worked
with thirty of the community children, although we were unsure of how many identified
as belonging to the Potter community. Delegates sought to understand the challenges
these children faced regarding their access to appropriate education, and how their
perceptions of the value of education in their lives. The children mentioned various
challenges that prevented them from succeeding in their studies: hunger, lack of school
supplies, inability to pay for school fees, and social stigmatization. Children who identify
with the Potter community are commonly bullied in school children do not want to sit
next them because they are considered dirty even though they bathed before attending
classes. Hunger was identified as another major barrier to going to school, as many
families cannot afford to feed them. Additionally, many children are asked to leave
school to look for jobs to supplement their family income, and struggle with a lack of
motivation to go to school because their parents do not understand or support the longterm value of obtaining an education.
These children appeared between the ages of 3 and 10, and despite the difficult
life conditions they are raised in, they acknowledged the value of receiving a basic
education. When the children were asked about the importance of school, they answered:
to expand your mind; to have a better life; to teach you to care about the environment;
and to respect your parents. The economic and social disadvantages decreased childrens
access to an appropriate education.
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Rebecca Davis Dance Company and FIDESCO, Rwanda
The group also had an opportunity to visit a GYC alumna Rebecca Davis and
learn about her work and partnership with FIDESCO with street children in Kigali,
Rwanda. At the time, FIDESCO was home to around 60 males who were placed there by
the Rwandan police (Rogers & Mutabazi-Uwamariya, 201226). The Rebecca Davis Dance
Company (RDDC) seeks to educate and impress social skills upon these youth, and they
aim to fully reunite and reintegrate them into families and society as a whole (para 1).
There are four permanent Rwandan staff in addition to one psychologist who work
directly with the children.
During our visit we had the opportunity to watch the staff and older male youth
demonstrate the dances they have learned during their time there. Afterwards, they
taught the delegation some of their moves and graciously answered a lot of our questions.
We learned that
There have been some cases where youths have successfully completed the
RDDC program and been reunited with their families due to the efforts of
FIDESCO, only to leave home due to dire circumstances, thus perpetuating the
same cycle which these two organizations strive so hard to break (Rogers &
Mutabazi-Uwamariya, 2012, para. 6).
Additionally, the RDDC is seeking to raise funds to pay for the youths school fees so
they can continue to flourish after successful reintegration back into their communities.
One pressing question I needed to ask concerned additional training of the staff to
address the negative behaviors some youth display as a result of the psychological and
emotional impact of their difficult home and life conditions. I asked this question based
on my experience working with children and youth through the Department of Mental
26
This information was gathered from a blog post written by my peers during the
delegation and is an accurate reflection of what we learned that day.
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Health, Department of Children and Families, and Department of Youth Services in
community and group home settings. As a direct care worker, my main responsibilities
and training were in behavior modification, whereas the clinicians worked directly in
helping youth understand the psychological problems they are facing. Most youth I have
worked with face similar, although not equal, difficult life conditions as the youth served
by RDDC and FIDESCO. So I identified the possible struggles that the staff members
face to address maladaptive behaviors that may be a result of the psychological issues
these youths face.
The staff members stated that they have received no additional training to
recognize how the difficult life conditions facing the youth they serve affect their
psychological and behavioral well being. They said that amidst the daily struggles they
faced, they relied on patience, guidance, and the hope they have in each of the individuals
they work with to learn through dance how to cope with the confusions of life. In this
way, they are able to achieve their goals. Dance, they said,
has a unique power to heal For young people who have experienced trauma
and violence in their short lives, teaching dance is not only an engaging physical
activity, but also has the power to provide young boys with the ability to express
and share their stories or pain through an alternative medium. As an untraditional
method for reconciliation and reintegration, dance has the capacity to provide
young people with confidence and security, and teach them to relate to their
fellow youth (Rogers & Mutabazi-Uwamariya, 2012, para. 3).
The therapeutic significance of dance and the fact that Rebecca Davis was a GYC
alumna who returned to Rwanda to take action to address a significant social issue
encouraged me to take action using my own skills, knowledge, and research. It was not
until my volunteer placement with a student survivor association called AERG that my
interdisciplinary interests could be channeled to a sustainable profession.
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My Volunteer Placement with AERG
Participation in the delegation meant that all individuals were required to
volunteer for a Rwandan non-governmental organization for three days. While I did not
know much about Association des Etudiants et Eleves Rescapes du Genocide, or AERG,
and the work that they do, I was aware that their main goal was to provide an artificial
family environment for university students who were orphaned as a result of the 1994
genocide against the Tutsi. Within each of the 30 institutions, there are at least 15
artificial families, in which there are 30 parents, and totaling 900 parents to meet the
needs of the 43,000 members they serve.
When I first met with Eugene and Omar, the volunteer leaders who we would be
working with, I told them that I had 4+ years experience working with youth in various
group home and community settings as a mentor to address their behavioral issues as a
result of the psychological and social issues they faced. So on my first day of volunteer
work, I was given the following tasks:
1. Research contemporary counseling services for genocide survivors and/or
orphans,
2. Skills building for AERG counselors who will counsel AERG members, and
3. Research funding opportunities for these services.
Drafting a comprehensive plan for AERG was difficult given the lack of information or
insight regarding the artificial family structure, knowledge of the practices they already
adopted to address the specific mental health issues facing their members, their needs in
terms of addressing these specific issues, and how I could be of help in optimizing these
existing services. Given the amount of insight and information I needed to draft such a
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plan I would require more time to immerse myself in the AERG community. This was
not an opportunity I had due to the limited amount of time I spent there. I asked Eugene
and Omar if I could take the time to work on this project back at home, and promised to
maintain communication through e-mail and Skype conversations. They agreed, stating
that although they were determined to come up with solutions to their unique situation,
they were aware that taking the time to address a long term problem was favorable when
it came to drafting a long term solution.
Mental Health and the Need for Psychosocial Support Systems in Rwanda
On April 21, 2013, a third year student at the National University of Rwanda
(NUR) is under detention after he allegedly killed his mother, in an incident which local
leaders and the Police have described as rare and extremely shocking (Bucyensenge,
2013). Motive for the murder is unknown, however authorities allege that the 25-year old
male was prevented from exerting control over his personal funds. An editorial in The
New Times (2013), Rwandas daily news source, indicated that there is a need to increase
the psychosocial support system within Rwandan society:
This is one of the many related cases that have been reported in the media over
the last six months. Last week, a man hacked his wife and three-month-old baby
before turning the machete on himself, but did not die. The media have been
awash with such stories where people unleash violence on their loved ones
mostly close family members.
This is a trend that government should look into through reviewing the current
social support systems in place. For instance, all work places should have a
counselor. Universities and schools should have trained counselors as well. This
should be mandatory.
This should be the same at the community level. Local leaders should try to avail
counseling services and should have mechanisms of identifying people who need
such support.
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Government has invested a lot in building strong psychosocial support systems
but this should be reviewed in light of the rampant cases of homicide coming up
lately. The history of this country and the trauma that people went through
following the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi cannot heal in 19 years. That is
why psychosocial support to victims and perpetrators of the genocide and
violence that came with it, need continuous support and reviewing.
There is need for more sensitization of the population to look out for people who
need such support before they end up committing crimes associated with mental
breakdown. Psychosocial support will help to prevent such incidents. (paras. 2-6)
The exposure to traumatic situations during the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi
have led to the prevalence of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and depression, and an
increase in psychosocial issues. Rwandan society needs an effective mental health system
responsive to the psychological and psychosocial needs of all its citizens. Current
information reveals that there are only six clinical psychiatrists (Ministry of Health,
2012) actively working within the nation, with 1 mental health outpatient facility, 1 day
treatment facility, 72 psychiatric beds in general hospitals, and 1 psychiatric hospital with
310 beds (World Health Organization, 2011). Additionally, research in Rwanda has
highlighted the magnitude of mental health problems. Around 29% of the general
Rwandan population has been found to have post-traumatic stress disorder and 15% has
depression (Mukamana & Piddington, 2012). Rwandas current mental health policy
(Ministry of Health, 2012) acknowledges they need to increase their capacity to
effectively treat psychiatric conditions. This is especially important if Rwanda seeks to
decrease the possibility for future conflict while increasing economic stability.
Building Rwandas mental health services requires more than just trained
psychiatrists to address mental illness at the institutional level. Individuals can be trained
at the grassroots level to identify and respond to mental health issues through trainings in
trauma informed care. This is especially important as the effects of the 1994 genocide
96

against the Tutsi extend beyond the adult population, leaving hundreds of thousands of
youth to survive against difficult life conditions that decrease their access to an
appropriate education (Human Rights Watch, 2003; Pells, 2009). My personal research
and experiences in Rwanda support the deficiency in appropriately trained personnel to
address the psychological and psychosocial issues within communities. In October of
2012, I connected with a Rwandan Clinical Psychologist, Isae Mihigo. Harnessing our
research, education, and experiences working with vulnerable youth in our respective
countries, we co-founded Bright Future Generation.
Through our research and discussions with representatives actively working on
the ground in Rwanda, Isae and I have learned that the capacities to address the
psychological and psychosocial needs of the youth and adults are hindered by lack of
training in mental health and skills building in mentorship. Another hindrance was
expressed during a conversation I had with a representative of the Clinton Health
Initiative27, who stated that mental health is just not sexy because it is perceived to be
immeasurable. Meaning, funders prioritize lending to an organization that provides
medical care to individuals infected with diseases such as malaria or HIV/AIDS as
opposed to training programs for mentorship in mental health. The difference is in the
tangibility of results, such as the number of individuals who were treated for malaria.
Others fail to see the long-term, negative consequences of leaving an entire society
traumatized by the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi without appropriate psychological or
psychosocial supports. Rwandan society is observing these consequences as an increase
in homicidal activity; there may be other underlying social psychological issues that
27
Interview on August 19, 2012 in Kigali, Rwanda
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could lead to negative expressions of human behavior that are not adequately being
addressed. In addition to the need for trained mentors to respond to the psychological
and psychosocial issues, there is need for an increase of research to identify the specific
psychosocial issues that various communities are facing and develop best practices for
addressing these concerns.
The Role of Bright Future Generation
Bright Future Generation exists as a non-governmental, volunteer organization
that partners with communities, schools, and governmental and non-governmental
organizations to build a culture of mentoring with a focus on mental health through train
the trainer workshops, research, and program development. Our partnerships will
increase the confidence and proficiency of these organizations to respond to the unique
problems of the vulnerable youth they serve. The vision is to help vulnerable youth
establish the relationship between education, self-development, and the realization of
their dreams using a multi-level approach to address the psychological and psychosocial
barriers that decrease youths access to an appropriate education.
In addition to working with vulnerable youth, Bright Future Generation seeks to
increase psychosocial support systems within communities through workshops that focus
on trauma informed care. In March and April of 2013, Isae led a four-part workshop at
the National University of Rwanda associated with the Clinical Psychology department
titled The Impact of the Traumatic Event to Ourselves and to the Community Toward a
Healed Life (See Appendix A for full details of the goals of the workshop). This
workshop covers four specific themes that include: the impact of the traumatic event to
ourselves and others; sharing ones life experience as a way of exploring/assessing
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ourselves and others in the community; the journey of healing and facilitating the healing
process in our communities, and; how we can help an individual experiencing symptoms
of trauma during the commemoration period.
Additionally, Isae is currently involved in anti-begging campaign research led by
the National Council of Persons with Disabilities (NCPD) in collaboration with Rwandan
Cultural Health Center (RCHC). This research is guided by the belief that within
Rwandan culture, begging is considered as divergent from ones dignity, [which] makes
someone who begs to feel and be considered helpless and worthless in the society, hence
decrease his self-esteem (Nyirabugenimana, 2013, para. 1). The Rwandan government
hopes to utilize this research to change the negative image of persons with disabilities
inflicted upon them by the larger society and to change the PWDs own negative mindset
of their conditions.
Additional projects Bright Future Generation seeks to undertake are:
1. AERG: Skills building training in mental health awareness for AERG counselors
who will counsel its members. This requires further assessment of the artificial
family system to asses the current strengths, weaknesses, and gaps in their
service delivery. Furthermore, additional research is needed to assess the
prevalence of specific mental health issues and general psychological and
psychosocial needs of AERG members.
2. Rwanda Red Cross: Increase volunteerism among youth. This also requires
further assessment of their strengths, weaknesses, and gaps in their means to
recruit and train youth as volunteers.
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3. COPORWA: Research to identify the psychological and psychosocial barriers
that decrease children and youths access to an education. This research proposes
to identify the unmet needs of the children, stigmatization and potential bullying
within schools, and specific actions to address lack of parental support towards
their childrens education.
Research with the intent to publish is also a primary need and a goal that Bright
Future Generation seeks to meet. Assessments will be made the first phase of BFGs
service delivery to further understand the populations that communities, schools,
governmental and non-governmental spheres serve. This will allow us to design trainings
and aid in program development that are specific to the communities we partner with
while deepening our understanding of the psychological and psychosocial needs of
Rwandan society.
100
CONCLUSION
School Shootings and the Need for a Cross-Cultural Dialogue
April 20, 1999, two teenage boys named Eric Harris, 18, and Dylan Klebold, 17,
entered Columbine High School, murdered 13 students, 1 teacher, injured 21 others
before killing themselves in the town of Littleton, Colorado (Bryan, 2011).
April 16, 2007, Cho Seung-Hui, 23, murdered 32 people, and injured 15 others
before killing himself at Virginia Polytechnic Institute (Hauser, 2007).
July 20, 2012, James Holmes, 24, opened fire in a movie theater at the midnight
showing of Batman: The Dark Knight Rises, killing 12 people and injuring many
others in the town of Aurora, Colorado (FoxNews, 2012).
And a few months later, on December 14, 2012, Adam Lanza, 20, entered Sandy
Hook Elementary School, murdered 26 innocent people 20 children, all under the ages
of 10, along with 6 teachers in addition to killing his own mother, in Newtown,
Connecticut (Yan, 2012).
In the aftermath of these atrocities, news reports revealed that these young men
were consistently teased and bullied by their own peers. Emotionally, their need for
social acceptance was unfulfilled, which forced them into isolation to seethe in their
anger against those who psychologically harmed them. These shootings occurred as a
means to seek revenge against those who harmed them, resulting in the deaths of
innocent people and exposing hundreds, if not thousands, of others to traumatic situations
that negatively impact their mental well-being.
To reiterate, research suggests that victims who were unable to forgive others for
their transgressions are only satisfied when the perpetrator knows why he or she has
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been, will be, or could be punished (Gollwitzer, Meder, & Schmitt, 2011, p. 371). Many
victims who seek out revenge do so as a means to deliver a message to the offender to
ensure they are aware of their misdeeds, understand the consequences that accompany
their actions, and comprehend why they deserve be punished. Researchers suggest that
victims should be less likely to take revenge if they have reason to believe that the
offender has learned his or her lesson and will refrain from behaving unfairly again in the
future (p. 373). This research suggests that harboring anger may result in acts of
revenge if the offender is unaware of the consequences of their actions, thereby
continuing the cycle of violence.
Fourteen years after the Columbine massacres, the United States is still unable to
build a culture of peace and provide the psychosocial supports necessary to prevent or
discourage these atrocities. The psychological and psychosocial issues of Americas
youth have no connection to any large-scale, ideological agenda, yet the simple
components of negative human interactions are the same. Children, youth, and adults
create social environments that exclude and at times dehumanize others. Yet when those
individuals act aggressively in response to the hostile environments others create, we find
their actions incomprehensible and outright evil. Senseless acts of violence are
rationalized with individual mental illness and lax national gun laws, which supports the
statement:
We could never imagine being like them, doing their unthinkable dirty deeds, and
do not admit them into our company they are so essentially different as to be
unchangeable. This extreme position also means we forfeit the motivation to
understand how they came to engage in what we view as evil behavior (Zimbardo,
2004, p. 27).
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Matthew Albracht (2012) articulated a powerful statement in the aftermath of the
Sandy Hook Elementary School Shooting:
Luckily, we have proven methods to prevent violence and engage in smart
intervention in all sectors of society. We must invest in these areas like peace
building and conflict resolution programs, which are universally applicable
modalities to help create a more peaceful culture and deal much more effectively
with the kinds of violence weve seen recently. Psychological and emotional
support resources should also be far more available for all ages in every
community.
Every child should also be taught social and emotional learning skills in schools.
We must teach our kids how to deal with conflict, how to interact with kids who
are different, and how to be more accepting and get along in the world. In
addition to creating a more peaceful environment - and potentially mitigating the
lashing out by these alienated individuals committing such atrocities these skills
have been shown to correlate strongly with success and, most importantly,
provide a more meaning-filled life experience. (paras. 14 & 15).
Rwanda can identify their traumas as genocide, or multiple acts of genocide,
which occurred as a result of the dissemination of divisionism and hatred from the
political elites down to the common people. Understanding this phenomenon, Rwandas
post-conflict leaders took the initiative to promote a culture of peace by building solid
political and national foundations to ensure its citizens take responsibility for unifying
with previous enemies and work together towards a brighter future. Although Rwanda
still faces many psychological and psychosocial challenges that could hinder its ability to
be economically self-sufficient and avert future conflicts, the significant amount of
progress its made over the course of nineteen years is admirable, and the lessons to be
learned immeasurable. Cross-cultural dialogue with the intention of getting to the root of
the psychological and psychosocial issues that face all societies around the world have
the potential to promote peace consciousness and prevent future conflicts.
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APPENDIX A
OUTLINES OF THE WORKSHOP
THE NEED OF UNDERSTANDING
THE IMPACT OF THE TRAUMATIC EVENT TO OURSELVES,
OTHERS AND THE COMMUNITY TOWARD A HEALED LIFE
Drafted By: Bright Future Generation
GENENERALITY
Psychological trauma is a type of damage to the psyche that occurs as a result of a
severely distressing event. When that trauma leads to posttraumatic stress disorder,
damage may involve physical changes inside the brain and to brain chemistry, which
changes the person's response to future stress.
A traumatic event involves a single experience, or an enduring or repeating event
or events, that completely overwhelm the individual's ability to cope or integrate the
ideas and emotions involved with that experience. The sense of being overwhelmed can
be delayed by weeks, years or even decades, as the person struggles to cope with the
immediate circumstances. Psychological trauma can lead to serious long-term negative
consequences that are often overlooked even by mental health professionals.
Trauma can be caused by a wide variety of events such as the genocide
perpetrated against Tutsi in Rwanda, in April 1994. Psychological trauma may
accompany physical trauma or exist independently of it. However, different people will
react differently to similar events. One person may experience an event as traumatic
while another person would not suffer trauma as a result of the same event. In other
words, not all people who experience a potentially traumatic event will actually become
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psychologically traumatized. This workshop will allow the participants to deeply assess
the impact of the traumatic event, particularly the genocide happened in Rwanda to
their lives, neighbors and community in which they are living so that they will be able to
analyze and intervene in effective way not only during the commemoration period but
also in daily life interventions. The participants will meet with professionals in this
domain in safe place where they will experience the healing process and learn technical
skills that are helpful in helping others who are in need.
WORKSHOP OUTLINE
Day One
Workshop One
THE IMPACT OF TRAUMATIC EVENT TO OURSERVES AND OTHERS
Key Objectives:
To explore the different levels of trauma
The cognitive-behavior changes among the survivors who have passed through
traumatic event such s the genocide
To differentiate the normal grief and chronic grief
To understand how our individual and collective memories of the past influence
our present identities and how we live and tell our lives.
To explore how historically compounded grievances and deeply buried wounds

may continue to hold us as individuals and future generations consciously and
unconsciously to remain in the cycle of violence
Contextualization in the case of Rwanda
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Brief description of the workshop
This workshop will help us explore who we are, what shapes our identities, and
how we can extend our identities to include the others. This will be an opportunity for
the participants to understand others in the community who might express behaviors or
beliefs related to their trauma. They may consider them as stranger but they will get
broader understanding of how they may become the channels of healing process. They
will be aware of how traumatic event can transform beliefs, emotions, and behaviors as
they might be associated with painful memories and inherited experiences from the
smallest individual tragedy or illness to community traumatic event, past or present.
Workshop Two
SHARING ONES LIFE EXPERIENCE AS ONE WAY OF EXPLORING/ASSESSING
OURSELVES AND OTHERS IN COMMUNITY
Key Objectives:
Feel heard and supported
Know that feelings can differ from one to another
Emotions can be expressed in different ways
Be more aware of our obstacles and challenges during the sharing of our own life
Group discussion/Interaction

This workshop will be the continuity of the workshop one. We will create an
emotionally safe place where the participants will feel free /safe to share in small groups
as well as in the large workshop group. It will require taking time and creating
opportunities to reflect on the talks and discussions from the dialogue of facilitators who
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might be more skilled in this domain. This workshop will help the participants to make
one s self journey which will allow them to explore their inside so that they may be
aware of the connection between the present and the past. Moreover, we have to
recognize that the emotions and feelings may come up during the event for all the
participants.
Day Two
Workshop Three
THE JOURNEY OF BEING HEALED AND FACILITATING HEALING PROCESS
INTO OUR COMMUNITY
Key objectives:
To learn how through compassion, and understanding of others and ourselves, the
grievances may be transformed and released.
To look at empathy and self-empathy and reflect on how it can help us when
listening to the story of the 'other'.
To encourage peace, harmony and understanding between peoples regardless of

their ethnic origin or religion by beginning to take responsibility for ourselves.
To create a community of peace that can help healing the wounds of conflicts.
To support participants to work with their difficult emotions and see their
situations from a different perspective
To cultivate skills in how to counsel both victims and perpetrators in helping the
participants face each other in order to deal with the painful issues of the past.
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If the victims do not heal from their psychological wounds, they have a higher
likelihood of becoming future perpetrators of crime. This workshop will allow the
participants to be aware that the victims and offenders need a help for overcoming their
anger, guilt and need for revenge through the process of transforming their unpleasant
memories, and negative narratives and by generating new social capital that facilitates
peace, unity and reconciliation in the midst of conflicts.
Workshop Four
HOW CAN WE HELP AN INDIVIDUAL EXPERIENCING TRAUMA DURING
COMMEMORATION PERIOD?
Key Objectives
Be familiarized with some psychological techniques that can allow participants to

approach the people who are in need.
Creating a safe place
To recognize an individuals role in creating an environment of trust
To learn how to work with anger in a healing capacity
To be able to retell one s story to create a healing narrative that reflects a

deeper understanding of what actually happened
Have more tools to transform our pain
Brief description
This workshop will be based on workshop three. After creating a safe place, the
participants will be divided into small groups, where they will share their experiences and
try to practice the acquired skills. During this stage, the facilitators will guide the
119

participants by responding to the different questions raised. Afterward, each group will
present in from of large group the outcomes from this training, as facilitators will direct
it. They will emphasize on their experience before the training and the feeling after it.
This will be an opportunity of hearing some testimonies about their feelings and how they
are going to improve the way of helping the individuals who have passed through a
traumatic past event.
120

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A Masters Thesis

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

Post-Conflict Peace Building in Rwanda, the Effect on Youth,

The University of Massachusetts, Lowell

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

CHAPTER 1: The Historical Narrative and the Power of Situational Forces

Transformation of Economic Identities into Ethnic Identities

The 1959 Hutu Revolution

The Habyarimana Regime and Rwanda Before the Genocide

The Rwandan Patriotic Front

Cease Fires, Arms Distributions and Events Leading Up to the Genocide 24

Understanding Evil and the Role of Bystanders

CHAPTER 2: Post-Conflict Peace Building in Rwanda

Visions of a New Rwanda

Promoting Peace Consciousness

The New Constitution and its Criticisms

The National Unity and Reconciliation Commission

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

The Relationship Between the Victim and Perpetrator

Long-Term Consequences of the Event

The Role of Forgiveness

Reintegration of Perpetrators Ingando

CHAPTER 3: Rwandan Youth

Post-Traumatic Stress and the Effects of Genocide on Youth

Rwandas National Education Statistics for the Youth

My Observations of Rwandan Youth

Kiziba Refugee Camp

Visit to the Potter Community in Mubuga

Rebecca Davis Dance Company and FIDESCO, Rwanda

My Volunteer Placement with AERG

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA