El Idioma Mon
El Idioma Mon
El Idioma Mon
by
Christian Hartmut Richard Bauer
1982
ii
ABSTRACT
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
Ethnonym.
The ethnic name of the Mon people occurs for the
in lists of slave-names
(Brandes)3
Settlements.
No census figures exist for ethnic Mons settled
/cioa/, LM tiiay.
1.
2.
3.
ix.
routes.
the Maekhlong.
does not mention the first route via Myawaddy and Mesut.
The other main movement, split at kyk p1, moved along the
Nonthaburi-Ayuthya settlement.
administrative boundaries.
Rajburi together with the area along the Menam Chao Phaya
other areas.
1
xiv.
the north was also exerted by the Burmans driving the Mons
Seidenfade*z Seid.nfld.n
Niakuol Mon
'ann, band' doy ty to. to. A' tns
'wind' k.yall kyal ky. cc
'far' cha ngoy jary hua h.
av6 jwiP pa bay paik pci
'right' sdbu cti pa b.ung paik p
'rain' prby br3y proar praa
'night' badom bartam hadoin
'houae' aangki jP hoi
'.l.pbant' jing ci j.uing ooi
'to go' cr1 ar a
'to ha y.' norn no nan
'not to have' ku-no,. kah aak liii ma a.
'to run' tariep dr.p krip krIp
'to do, work' be pa? ba to pa
'bird' kanji.in kancrna baj,n bac.m
-p *jy
> darep
OM has final liquids /-r, -1/, palatals /-c, -p/ and spirant
/-s/, these are all lost in LM/SM. Mon lacks a phono-
xvi.
and finally
Dialects.
Dialectal differences occur in almost every
patterns.
following table.
There are, however, features, especially phonological
settlements:
xviii.
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xix.
xx.
xxi:
1) MM*e>e
(lowering, merging with SM in
other contexts, see following table)
3) MM oy ) oa -'-
e s ' a (lowering, upward glide)
4) NMtN- N-
hN-
5) LM 4gali > kh
mke Jh_koe (for m? k3h, jh-kah)
NOTES
to the introduction pp. i .
10. Cf. Shackle in TPS 1979.19 19. who lists a variety of'
historical reasons which have so far inhibited the
classification of Panjab.
11. Areal diffusion has quite often been overrated, not the
least because rather intricte syntactic problems in
individual languages can thus be solved rather con-
veniently (cf. Huffman 1973 in particular, or Gorgoniev).
Karnchana (1971), for instance, points out that auxiliaries
in Thai and Kbner differ markedly in their distribution
and scope while other areas of' grammar (like deitics)
are more liable to be diffused.
xxiv.
I.
PHONOLOGY
1. Consonant systems 1
Simple initials and finals 1
Complex initials 13
Ch- ChC- initials 17
CC- initials 24
plosive/plosive 26
plosive/nasal 27
plosive/liquid 29
plosive/semivowel 30
plosive/spirant 31
Initial /ha-/ sequences 33
/ha-/ / plosive 33
/h-/ / nasal 34
/h-/ / liquid 34
/h-/ / semivowel 35
/h-/ / glottal 35
CC- forms VARIA 35
Medioclusters 37
Consonantal variation 41
Consonantal alternance 42
2. Vowel systems 43
Monophthongs 43
Diphthongs
Vocalic variation 51
Initial vocalic sequences 52
VARIA: // prosodies and central
vowels 54
3. Register 6
Distribution of register 72
Nediocluster reduction to SM CC-
initials 81
Voicing/Devoicing and registral dis-
tribution in SM 88
xxv.
Unnatural register 91
Induced register 94
4. Stress 95
II.
MORPHOLOGY
1. Introduction 136
Structural types of affixes 140
Multiple affixation 146
Isolation of affixes 149
Productivity 153
Function 155
Affix- Synkre t i smus 1 6
Affix-types 166
Previous analyses of Mon morphology 171
2. Word-bases 176
Structural types of bases 177
Loan bases 180
Reconstructed bases and derivatives 180
Contractions 203
Rules of phonological processes 210
1 Cluster-formation 210
2. Cluster-mutation 211
3. Cluster-reduction
(initial alternants) 212
4. Cluster-expansion - 212
5. Dissimilatory rules 213
C- > CJ a IC- C I c I- dissimilation
types 215
Dissimilation of simple base-
initials end consonantal
affixes 217
Dissimilatory cluster-expansion 220
Cluster-expansion and loss
of initial 221
Dissimilation of ChC- sequences
to CsC- (CJIC-) 222
Labialer Ersatz 223
APPENDIX 242
A. Prefix (PjP_, 243
246
249
(C-) 256
261
(p-) 262
(kN_) 268
N
(P -> 270
(A-) 271
B. Inf ix 272
273
276
278
279
282
XXVjj
C. Processes
289
-) 292
III.
SYNTAX
I. Complexes 371
4-term complex 372
3-term complex 373
2-term complex 373
i) Directional verbs
377
2) Modifying verbs 383
1-term complex 386
Aspect/tense 390
Ingressive Pa, tn 395
Perfective ia, th,P 396
Progressive m 397
Ordering of constituents 398
Ability 401
Obligation 404
Pre-verbal auxiliaries 408
Quasi-auxiliaries
1 Intensifier 4i5
2 Reciprocal 4i 6
3 Verbs with n./v. com-
plements 416
4) Performatives 417
Adverb ia ls 418
Class-Il auxiliaries 423
i) ni)xn 424
2)th 426
Verb concatenation 432
Sentence-particles 435
Group-I 435
Group-Il 441
1 Condition
2 Purpose 41i4
3 Consequential
11.47
4 6ion-1 41t9
xxix.
5 Similative
4o
6 mE 41
7 temporal 452
Ne ga t ion 453
Questions 464
Absolute questions 470
Relative questions 471
1 who? 472
2 when? 473
3 lb-questions 474
4 P-questions 476
Word order 478
Simple sentences 479
Complex sentences 481
Notes 487
Text (Ramma) 533
Discography - 560
Bibliography 61
xxx.
ABBREVIATIONS
Languages
AA Austroasiatic
AN Austronesian
Burm. Burm e s e
EMK Eastern Mon-Khmer
EMM Epigraphic/Early Middle Mon
IN Indonesian (= Western AN)
Jay. Javanese
Khjn. (mod.) Khmer
LM Literary Mon
LMN Late Middle Mon
MK Mon-Khmer
MKhm
Mid.Klnn. Middle Khmer
MM Middle Mon
OBurm. Old Burmese
OKhm. Old Khmer
OM Old Mon
P. Pali
PM Proto-Munda
PMK Proto-Mon-Khmer
PA Khin. Pre-Angkor Khmer
Sk t. Sanskrit
SM Spoken Mon
Vn. Vietnamese
WB Written Burmese
Books
NOTATION
V vowel
C consonant
N nasa1 consonant
L liquid consonant
glottalized consonant
C voiced consonant
C . second register (word)
CN- unspecified consonant/nasal cluster
nasalized prefix
cc- alternative syllabic spelling CC- -'.- CaC-
R register
-h final subscript -h
v. verb
n. noun
clause/phrase/sentence boundary
'I
I,
++
unacceptable, ungrammatical form
+
reconstructed form
*
* loan
// phonological form (IPA)
( affix
correspondence LM/SM
ordered hierarchy
1.
Part I.
PHONOLOGY
1. Consonant systems.
The phonemic analysis of the consonantisrn of
spoken Mon yields an inventory of terms identical with modern
Ithiner, 17 consonant phonemes occurring in syllable-initial
position. The number and internal organization of restrictive
systems to be set up to describe Mon consonantism in an ad-
equate manner, however, shows a complexity unknown in Khmer.
The maximal consonant system found in monosyllables
with simple initial is
/ p h
k
C p y
t cf n r,l s
p 6 m w /
7
affixation like the nasalized prefixes . For these more corn-
/ h
k
t n
C m (J) w 9)
from OM. to SM. (although /6, c1/ did not occur in OM. in
of velar and dental stops and nasals, OM. /-c/ > SM. /-k, .-t/
and OM. /-p/> SM. /-, -n/9.
OM SM Register
k-i k- 1
g-J 2
c-1 c- 1
i-f 2
t-1 t- 1
d_f 2
p-i
b-f
p- 1
2
gister only. They are the spirants /h, s/ and the glottals
OM /d/ > S14 /r/, OM /r/ > SM /n/, 014 /n/ > SM /d'/. Coin-
plex LM initials jr- and sj- (< OM) merged to second registei
mb & ) (LMI.xv).
for the semivowels /y, w/, /w/ occurs only twice in compound
> /y-/ (/ye/ 'police', Bunn. rai, /ya t3p/ 'to be strictly
true', Burm. rui:, both DSM), like /y3k ye I 'butterfly',
/ne? y3n/ 'muskshrew', or again a grammatical term /y, ra /
'if, provided that, when'. All first register /y-/ initials
16
are spelt LM yy-.
except /ji/.
For palatal and velar nasals controlling un-
10.
affix, or schematically
be silent' > /kanz,p/ 'to hush (up)' and /na/ 'to take (away)'
. /kna/ 'i'd' Again, SM k-. prefix corresponds to LM
vocalic infix <-s->.
head' 21t
Complex initials.
structures like
and this excludes structures like IC-, DCC- and ?V9 C- which
Except for the aksaras ha, a, na, ma, ya, ra, la, wa, and ha
and the glottals cia and ba26, LM provides no special symbols
sonait types, like a simple aspirated series /kh, ch, th, ph!,
aspirated series /'1 h, hj,, hn, bin, hi, hw/. All subsystems
like their counterparts in the simple initial consonant
systems, have to be arranged according to register and, when-
ever applicable, unnnatural register to be noted.
The first system to be set up consists of' clusters
of which only two series are found in SM: The plosives /k-/
and /p-/ taking the liquids /r, 1/ and semivowels /y, WI
as postinitial. The register is controlled by the initial
member of the cluster, the plosives /k, p/, and thus the
clusters in this set occur on both registers, as do the
plosives in the simple initial system:
ky - py-
kr- pr-
ki- pi-
kw- /
cite' 't- /c?/ 'to fight'); the other /py-/ forms of that re-
gister are simple forms.
Furthermore, SM /kx/ is a merger of LM kr- -i.. gr-,
and 124 tr- dr- as is SM /kw/ of LN k'w- -i- gw- and LM tw-
apply31.
follows:
"khw/ and /py/ with /phy/. No other CCC- fonas occur. The
for /hw, hn/ when they reflect LM cw- - jw- and LM cn- jn-
respectively. Cases of unnatural register will be listed be-
low.
distribute
Examples for aspirated plosives, then, are /khbh/
merged with /c-/ and /ch-/. I should also point out that
20.
fall into place' (> /hiak/ 'to fit in') and /khw.k/ 'platter,
1 2 1 2
Register
SM /hn-/ /hw_/ /hi-/ /hm-/
/kam-/ ' /ham-/
1 2
Register
cm- jm-
LM
development, SM /kamp/.
CaC- initials.
junction, except for the Ch- and hC- piece, and, then, those
Register 1 / 2
kc- kt- kp- kap- ken- kern- kr- k1- k3y- ka'w- kah-
tk- tej-
pk- pac- pet- . pj- pep- pin- per- pal- pa y - ph-
hk- hoc- hat- hap- haji- hen- hrn- her- h1- hy- hew-
Register 1 - ___________________
k9 5-
pa 5-
he?- had'- hat-
26.
immediately below; for the sake of' economy, we set out the
1. Plosive/plosive.
2. Plosive/nasal.
29.
3. Plosive/liguid.
This set of plosive/liquid clusters - as the following with
semivowel postinitials - consists exclusively of CC- forms
containing affixes, or of initial sequences reflecting the
first syllable of an LM disyllabic simple form; in other
words, since clusters of the type plosive/liquid or plosive/
semivowel /kr-, kl-, kw- &c./ exist as a separate system,
complex initials like /kar-, k'l-, kw-/ reflect disyllabic
forms and are not variants of the former. Those sequences
which are derivatives contain only syllabic affixes.
11. . Plosive/semivowel.
5. Plos-ive/spirant.
to set out the literary forms (cc- or CaC-) first with their
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( pp. 26-31).
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to /mjkit/.
To cite loans of this pattern rather frequently
used: /khnaP/ 'instant' (. khana), /nadi/ 'hour, clock'
(Skt. nadi which tends to be replaced by loans from Thai
(ult. Khmer ?) /mo:!j/), /manat/ 'man, human being, person'
(Thai /manfit/ t' Khmer /mnh/; the Thai spelling reflects
the Skt. borrowing manusya, the Khmer Pali manussa 50 ), /si
s'aBu/ 'soap' (Thai /sabi:/, Khmer /sa:ta:/, Portuguese sabao),
/hwara set! 'French' LM whahanset (Thai /fras:t/, Khmer
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final, results in a glottal stop /_?/ or loss) whereas long
-- (and final -a) in IA is preserved and cannot be reduced,
like /sala/ 'hail' ^ /sla/ - /sia?/ (. s1).
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Consonantal variation.
Consonantal alternance.
2. Vowel systems.
leaving apart, for the moment, the neutral vowel (schwa) which
in certain contexts must be regarded as a segmental phoneme:
/i, e, ., 0 u, a, &, b/ and /ai, oi, ui, oa, ao, i, ea,
.a/. Since the distribution of vowels depends on the two re-
gistral systems, for instance //, /b/ and /a'/ may be in
Diphthongs.
As Shorto pointed out (19 66 .401), the distinction
^ak, ' .aj/ as special cases; for the first register we obtain
the set /oa, ea, ui, oi, i, ai, ao, oe/, and for the
Register 1 Register 2
u U
register:
open-syllable contexts
/ai/ > /ay/ /ao/ > /aw,'
iou > by! /oa/ /uc/
/ui/ > buy! /ea/ . /it4/
First register
Monophthongs
/43, u, i/ do not occur before velars /k, o/.
/e/ in open syllables, before velars corresponds
to diphthong /ea/.
/3/ does occur only before velars and is in com-
plementary distribution with /b/.
/0/ does not occur before laryngeals.
// does not occur in open syllables and before
/h/.
All mentioned nuclei, except /./, occur in open
syllables as well.
Diphthongs
ba, ui/ occur only in open syllabi-es,
/ao, e/ only in open syllables and before
laryngeal s,
/ai, oi, i/ only before velars, but /ai, oil may
occur also in open syllables.
Second register
Monophthongs
/i, e, u/ do not occur before velars,
/a/ only before velars and dentals,
// only before laryngeals; in open syllables
and before velars /&/ is diphthongized.
Diphthongs
/ai/ does occur only before velars and in open
syllables,
/ oi/ only before velars and
I, ui/ only in open syllables.
The two other pairs not yet analyzed are the diphthongs /e,
are /hui/ 'to mix' (> /phui/ 'to mix in', <p->), /hmui/
'to be pliant' ( > /hme/ in /pli hrne la/ 'boy at age
Vocalic variation.
text, like DSM /khhh/ 'to be good' -'- /khh/ and DSM /pr3h/
given the shift /o/ ' / 3/ and /b/ /3/, vowel length would
be maintained, like DSM /kbm/ /k3m/ [k:m] 'to accompany'
and DSM /kom/ 'to assemble' ' /km/ Lk3mJ.
speeches, the natural rule does not apply and the original
vowel is preserved even if integrated into a different
vowel unit when preceded by, say, nasals, stops /k, p/ and
hC- pieces.
Except for the central neutral vowel /'/ (schwa), all vowels
only in loans.
flea/ 'to dry up' ( /h?ea/ 'to dry'), /L'uiJ ea/ 'to rot'
/Pa/ 'to go', /?ah/ 'to be clean', /1'^t/ 'to be finished',
/3k/ 'natural parent (to be specified by prepostioned kin-
terni)', /?oj,j/ 'to fast', /oik/ 'faeces, /?oa/ 'I, me',
/2 ao/ 'negative particle (Thail., coil.)', /ut/ 'to be off,
rotten', / P ui/ 'to swing'.
Shorto (1966.399) interprets the initial
VARIA
// prosodies and central vowels.
55.
E E E E
,.l W
I I I
Q. .
7
C C C C C C
o
I I I I I
+ 4. .4. 4 4 4
Cl
', C,
1 -4 -4
' o C 0
I I I I
. .
"-I I
o C 0
I I I
, .
Cl o
I I I I I
C C
C o C 0
I I I I I I
E E EE E C C
C) W C no
I I I I I I
.,1 C W C (70
I I I I I I I
C C C C CCC C
..1 C W C (70
I I I I I I I I
4 4 4 + 4 4 4
C 1.) C D (7 0
I I I I I I I
C' r
-4 -4
C C) 0
I I I
C
0 C..'
-4
-4 -4 0
C '. l ) 0 C (70
C I I I I I I I I
-4
0
0 .0 .0 -Ci.
C .0 CO .0 .0.0 .00
C .,4 (7 Ci C 9 Ci
I I I I I I
C)
(7. C
0 t C)(Le. (L (7. Ct C -4
(7 Ci ) C .Q Ci
C I I I I I I I I C
C) C 4 -CC C
.-4 (7 C) C C) fl 0 C C C) C
I I I I I I I I I I I I I 0
56.
PMK 4pk ) MM puik /pk/ 'to blow' > SM /pak/ 'to fan';
OM /prk/ 'to injure' > 121 pruik > SM /prak/; MM /d$b/
LM duii > SM /t/ 'stork' (MM name ?); PMKi > OM /$/ &c.
SM /a '' a'/, ef. PMK *grwik SM /hwk/ 'to shake, wave'
(OM */ga rw $k7?); PMK u > OM / / > SM /a I, cf PNK
*cfuk > OM /dtk/ > SM /dak/ 'to ride'; PMK o > OM7u.
cf. PMK*kCo j SM /ka/ 'to be bent'.
63.
OM MN SM LM
3. Register.
less, he remarks
being identical with the graphic voiceless stops (ka, ca, ta,
- vowel-quality
- voice-quality (resonance)
- consonant-quality.
than first register /3/ and /o/, and, on the scale of apertur
laryngeals (/P, h/), velars (/k, j/) and /-t, -n, -m,
b, 3?, u/.
70.
I I
'-4 -w I I
E I
1 __ ____
'-4 't0
+ 4 4 + -P 4 -P
-o -o - w - -w
I I I I I I I I I
+ 4 + 4 4 P 4 4 -P
4I () 0 u 0),.I 0)
'C
Cl. Cl-
00)
. I Cl.
,l II'? "0 -
I I I I
c_I-n. C. C'- Cl-
-0,I 0) 0 0)
--4-4
0 0)
I I
-4-4
0) .,-4 00)
t
I. 'O "0 "0)
I I I I z
"' 0
-'-4
0) 0
0 0
o
PC
0.
0)
0) .1-I 0) 0) 1.40) a) 0
I
-o ' ,.
I I
I..
"0) -o w V
I I I 0 0
0 0) 0)0 0) ._I 0) 00) w 0
C, 0) 0)0 0.-I -4
0)
C_I 4 4"
0) 0)
o.
'C 1.4
Qo
0) "-4
- 0 0
0)0 ,-' ,C o -4 ow
-o "0 ,& - ,-.-I " .)
-'-40) a i i i
.4 -0- 0) A tie *. 0) ...
4 0 '9
-
0)
- -1." 0)
00 4" 0.0
0. 0 "-40
01 '00
0
.00) (a
-'-4
0 '-1
'0
0) 0.41 PD
0) 4"
--4
-4
0
0 0) 1
Ca E
0)0 E E
-4 - 0) "-4
lc -I-"
a) CD -
E - -I E
71.
Distribution.
-4
a) 0. 73.
4..
o 0.0
a) -4
a.
a) -4-4
"4 4-. .0. a
4' 0k-P a)
-4, -.4 0
o
-4 0o4o
--40 - -
0 a) 0".4 a)
0 ...k 0 -4
-_4 00 00-.,4 ".4 a)
+4 --4 a)U) 4,
a) 4O+' 0a)+4...4 C a)V 0
U) -.4-4 kC+' 00.a)0 a) -4-I
4-. a) .0-40 a) 00
0) 4Q 4. I) f.0+'.-4 a).,.4 a) 0".4
-4 a)a) a)Q,..-. a)-4 a)
-4 '-S 0-4 a)
a) a)-. -.oa. a) (0
0 .0.4-.4 0. (4.4 ..
U)
t -4
a)
a)
-4
a)
44 ".4
'C'
a) a)
C C '4'
0 .4
-4_I 4 a)
a)4' -P 4..
4a) a)
C
a. a)-I a) a)
(I) 4
a) 0.0 .4' a)
".4 ".I-.4 .0 0) ".4
--4 ba 44' 0 C 0.
a) .4 a) a)
Co
0.t+' +. -S
4
a)
4.. a)
1) 4-,
".4 a)
-I
-4 -4
a) k 0)
.4, .4 0
-4 -4 0' -4
-4 a.
0 a) a) -p
(H
0. 0'
0 0 a)
a) 0' 0' a) -1'
4.' 4' C a)
-4 a) 0 -4
U) a) 0) C.) a)
-I a) 0.
o 0 0 0 0
.4,
4,
0.
0. 0 0
U U U
".4 -4 44
0
'-S--S-S
--S-S
o C,rl
- S555
-S-S
(0 0 4,
p.
5.5
c-I a) ________
U) ____ 14
4' a)
(0 C\J C%J C'.J 4..
. I U U
U)
.- .- CU - r r r r
.0
c-I 4.,
a) 0
4. .0
a)
-4 0
C I
a) -S 'S
14 H .0 -4 4'
P. P. 1 - S-S.
C5____ 0
_5... 1.4
P. E 4 4 4,
- -S
-4 -4 '-. 0 _5__.
.0.0 0
P. p.
4' .. - 0.0.0 a)
a) '--.5-S.- -S.-..
--S--S-S 1-4 '-, 0 P.E
0 __ c-I .0.0 C
MCI- w'4U
+.>S
a) a) 5__..
0) r.4
-.4 0) 0) "S-S-S-S
C> a)
0) 02' 0 o '-I
H .,-4.-4 ..-1 H .0
- 0)0)0) 0) U) .d 0 -4
Q),-4 4.
' (I) 00) 0'O U)
a)
0)' 0 H .rI U) II C
..-4-l.' P40)4 U)
-I __5_.
0) I.r4
0) 0)4, c-I .r1 I I U
00r40) O' I I 0 4, (a)
C 0
o H Hr-4 0.a.d (1? 0 .00 .
o5.._
C 0 0.00) H Ci) 0 0.0 __5._
74.
78.
'I ,I
a H
I
P. p.
U) 's.. -' ..'
I I
H
E E
Cl
H H
H
H
4'
H
n
4'
. 4'
-J) -.'-.
.
t I I I I I I
t3.,.,. t4.
E' E
II
I I I II I
+'. ) 1. 1. c5 '1
__________ P. P. p.
. 0 4' 4H ,
. .. I
P.P. P. P.P. p. P.
U)
I I
14 I I I $-ir-4 I I
. I
H 'H H H H H H H H H bo
.-
1
..-
,I ,I
I I I H
(I S (S
.a ,c: .a
II I 4'4' 4.'
". . a.
4,4,4-' I I I
I I I H
4-iH
I I c c c Cl
00 0
00
I I I
I I I I I I iH I
0, -' 4' . , c Cl cI Cl Cl ,H ,
H.HH () .5 (S (S
P. 0
U) -- -.-
I I I I
I I I I I I I I I I c 1.,H -,
0 4, p. ..H E E
r ( (S S (S (S r' r C
.4 .S
79.
HI
1I
I I I
i4 1 " H 'III
ai E E E H
4i t
c)'
I I I
. lii
H E E E I.,H
H
H C.) 0 0 '
-I 'I -1
I I I
H
H E E E
E I I I Ill
H
z
80.
/rn 7 $t/ 'end' AOM /$t/ 'all &c., <-ta->; SM /hbt/ 'to
process in early MM. The way this devoicing process and the
subsequent phonologizafion of 'register' 72 followed may be de-
and C'CC- and their middle and modern reflexes, table B tle
0 87.
(PCVP
CD
0
VP
U)
VP
o
C,
VP
C, C,
VP
I I
C) o
CD
o C) o
I,, I I/I
(P P
(VP VP 'P (P (D
*-
I II
I I I
PVP ,a VP CD
I I
I I IZ I ID
P $-t P kr-I
VP VP VP , VP VP
o PCP P
I Ii I
I I I '!
.p ,l + + /1 I I .I (P
CDI
(5+' VP VP +' +' .CI
VP ,c . (5 CD VPVP
.(:I
U)4 .1 * - .1 .1
.
I I I I
I 4'
I 4' I I I 4' II
, (CD lCD VP
4'VP ' 4' VP
(P .c t .0
'ri4 +' +' .*. 4''i
C', I
I I I I
I I I 4' 'd 4'
+'j C, $-i k -i $.i
(VP VP VP VP (P
o +'4' 4' C, 4' 4'
I I I I I
I4VdIP
C) C1
P
I I
I a
VP rci
l:1)
I
N- VP CD
I I
- D I-V
(I VP (P (VP VP 4
:
88.
OM MM SM
1 2
CC- CaC-
V
hC-
CC- CgC-
'F
Cc-
%. V
hiC.
C 1 'aC 2 - C1C2- c 1 C2- (type /kt-/)
For medioclusters
CCC- CC- hC-
CCC- CC- hC
For glottal medioclusters /-ncl-, -mB-/
3 3 3
CCC- CaC- haC-
3 3
CCC-
V
CC-
SF
hC-
those complex initials of' which one member of the two terms
(cc-) belongs to that class of consonants, like MM gi- ki-
SM /kl-/ on the second and first register respectively, cor-
responding to another series of complex initials, MM jm-
less plosive initial and spirant cluster /sm-/ taking the firsi
register and the earlier voiced initial /jm-. / the second.
has not yet been established exactly how the registral stage
Unnatural register.
register:
cluster series j'w- in- with its modern reflexes /hw . . hn/
on the second register. /h . / follows the same rule, although
alous glottal initial //, the remaining two glottals /?, cr7
/r. /) and
++I '?'' / / I.
iinstead of ++, ' I'..
/no/).
But it has to be borne in mind that 'unnatural
register' is an entirely theoretical concept, and that in the
Induced register.
4. Stress.
language.
Two types - length and intensity - and four
degrees of' stress - zero (unstressed), primary, secondary
and tertiary - are to be recognized here.
(/ka:c/ 'to be bad', /kac/ 'to break into pieces') and the
not attested).
so unique to Mon.
On the word level, open syllables are long, with the exception
of' the diphthong /ui/, and vowels preceding velar and laryngea
cvcv(c) cvccv(c) 2 - 1
ccv(c) 0-i
cv(c)
2-1
(0 - i)
i?CV(C)
Trisyllables (loans)
cvcvcv(c) 2-3-i
c; c vc V ( c) 0-2-1
c vc CV ( C) 2-0-1
Tetrasyllables (loans) follow the combinatorial rules outlined
briefly above, 2 - 1 - 2 - 1 without minor syllable,
th V 'must, to have to' V th 'to be able'
k V 'have a chance to' 'to be able'
/kwan ma/ 2 - 1
/kwan kh/ 1 - 2
1 - 3 - 1, in emphatic contexts 2 - 1 - 2.
Other expansions of nominal pieces follow the
106.
54
0
-S C) -I
.000- C) -4 5-.
-o 0 54 C) 0.
C) .0 ,0 0
0 '.4 4.) 54. 54 54
C) -4 00 00) 0.
0 .4 0 0.
E .000 I 4.4 0 0 C)
0 0 C) 00 C) ..,4
0 '004)- C) 0) 0)54 0
0 Oko 00 .0
0 0.0.0 0 .4 C) 4)
-4 o D+ .4.) 0 0
-4 0 00 -'40 C)
00 '4
0 0 E 0.4.4 '.44)0
0 C) 4.4 '.454 '40) V
k - C) 00 00 00 0
o .0 0 5400 -I .-40 '.4
0 00 O 0...4 k-P 0.0 4.4
-4 000 4.) 0.4 0 I.
O -4 C) _.4 0.0 00 0 0+
E-4--4 0.40 540 054
.4 0 P0 0.-4 0.0-4 C) C) 0.0
4) -4 4.) 0.0 0 0 -P EQ 00.
0 C) 4.) ..4 -'4
000 0) 0- 0:
0 4.4 0,40 00 .04.4
V C) 0.40 .4.00. "".4 0
0 0 -'4 .00 0)0 54 OP
O -D 0 - C) 0'D 00
.4 0 0 44) k o 4)0 -4 :44.)
. E H000 0-
0 E 000 0)
-4 0 0 C) 00) 0)
- 0 0 0) 0.0 .00 C) 5- 00
' '000 E.4k C)
0 -4 04) 00 4.) .-40
-4 4.) C) 0'O 0 C) C)
'0 0 0 .-0 0 '.4 C)
k 4)0 E 0.04 0 0) '.4
0 0 0 0 00 -.4 C) -4 C)
0004.4 00-4 0o 0-
4) 0
0-454 0. 0540 540
04)4) 4.)- -4 k-4 0 4)0
54.40) 0 C) 0)54 00,4 0) '.4 0)
I 0 C) 540 o 5454 00. 4.) C)+) 4) 0)
4) 00 ,0 C)0 0 0,4 0 00 C)
0054.0 54 0.4 540 000 '.40 4-..
0 0 0 0.0 4)0 '.40_I 00
0 I E+4 .0 0.0 C) C)
. k I) I 0-'4 C) '.44.40 -'4 C)E 00 C)'
o o 0 00540 0-400 0.0 0540
4.4 1H '4 00 0.E '.40 o,0 000
0 .4-
C)
--4
C) 'S.
0
4)
I I ) C)
C)
- - r C.4
I I I I
C
S.. C C'
C.
- c r' N
J-
108.
This would not, however, apply to Mon where /kh/ can, in fact,
be used as topicalizing device, and superpose, at the same
82
typologically . More relevant, however, is the question
'they are fed (by several persons for someone else)', from
the base /parab/ 83 . Khmer, old and middle Mon permit the
c.'J 0
C 0 U)
0 a)
CU) EU) H
a) ,0
('3
H
HC'3 Hc'3 H
PH Pr-1
Er-4 (I)
r 0)
U)U) ('U) rd
U)
0) rI
a)
LI) H
ci) 0)
H ('3 C)
H H
H 'do) ,0
I-- H Wa) Cd
H 0) H
5.4 0) H
U) a)('j
0 U)
U)
I E
0
('30)
rI
-p
H rlO) U)
ai F' C)
r4 cli I 0 H
U) -p U) rI rI 0
a) C) + 'd -' ('3
Ha) i--I r1 .-' 0 '-I
rl 'd os- -1
('3P 0) (3 r1 a) U) '-
U) H +'WO 0)
i--I .rI H Wo i--I a) 0 0 Or-I I
U) ('3 0 -'-- 'Cd
Ci) r1 a) U)C'3
0 0,-p o H 0 C.) +H 0 C) H
C) + r1 c0 U)r- H
('3 o d ka o I 0
-i-I 0)0) E r C.) 0 *-lU) ('4
Si 5.4
5.4 0) a)
-p a) -p -p -p
o -p C) 5.4
('3 a)s-4 , :0
G) H Ir-I -p :0 ,-i :cl
0 5-i :cd
d O) 0 w i--I ,W 5-ca)
If' ,0 . -p a,
0i i--I E HE r1 O UI U)rI C) .r
r4 ('3r C) .rl C) r4 r1 W
C') C) DH C) H
5-4 5-4 ,0 rl
r4 a) .rI 11 rl I I U:) C) .rI 0) (I)
r1+' a)Cd Ci) 00 -p 0) .r4
5-I ci C) H5-4 C) C)
:o o H r-I 0 c) .
H ('3U) H 0) 00 H Cd t
U) CD
C) C)
,-1 H
c'J ,0
LC 0 Cd "3
H i-I
0 0 H H
E
0(l) (ci U) U)
0 'dai .rI
UI H C)H 'Cd 'Cd
C),0
C) 5.4 Si
PH WI-I 0 0
a) ('3
(QU) WU) E
0c'3
rI
a) + I 0 0
P .r4 I 0 (b 0 C) 0
0 C% 0
E .r4 10 o 5- 0 0 0 0
113.
investigation.
For Huffman ( 1 97 2 )
register seems irrelevant fo
a classification of word-structure; only stress is set
up as a distinctive feature along with the criterion of a
reduced syllable being "expandable" or not. He identifies
several types of minor syllable reduction in colloquial
Khmer, like shortening of open syllables (CV > cv), re-
duction of minor syllable vocalisrn (CvC-> cc-), a sub-
sequent devoicing set, /mtray/-type reductions, rhotacized
reductions (Cr- .> ca-), nasal reductions CYNC- > CVC,
and syllabic nasal reductions ( 1 97 2 .5 8 -60) whereby medio-
clusters -mC- > jrn-, -nO- > in-, -C->4- and -pC->
- with loss of' minor syllables. If phonetic CC-
sequences are the reflex of an underlying minor syllable
vocalism, Huffman classifies them as disyllables, if //
is epenthetic it is a complex monosyllable - the difference
to Henderson's interpretation is that CCC- and raC- forms
are monosyllables, with Huffman disyllables.
The problem, however, is different for Mon even
if we encounter, superficially, the same initial patterns,
like CC- initials. Although experimental tests for SM are,
unfortunately, still lacking, a significant phonetic
difference, length, exists for the anaptyctic vowel in
Khmer and Mon, in CC- initial sequences.
In the case of' plosive / plosive sequences,
transition between the two members of the sequence is
markedly shorter in Khmer than in SM. As has been already
mentioned earlier on, modern Mon orthography allows to
write all initial sequences CO-, except plosive / liquid
and plosive / semivowel clusters which mark a phonemic
difference, LM ky- SM /ky-/ LM kay- SM /ky-/, to be
written either as a conjunct or as a disjunct, corresponding
to LM kta- (conjunct) and LM kata- mo (disjunct),
since the syllabicity indicated by the latter spelling
stems from the anaptyxis on the phonetic level SM /kta?/;
in spellings like LM kra ' LM kara the syllabicity of the
disjunct orthography reflects a vocalic infix - which does
not exist in Khmer , and anaptyxis does not occur in
sequences of' the type cited (plosive / liquid, plosive /
semivowel), so that LM kr- ) SM /kr_/, LM kar- > SM /icr-/
115.
Monosyllables.
vc R
ccv' ccvcR
ccc yR ccc
register.
Disyllables.
119.
14
-I
(5
.0
4.)
(V.
E
(V
(V
(5
(5
'(V
0
4.)
(V 0
-4
4.) -4
-;
- .4.) ' -
4
-4 _4 _4
0 - (50 -P (5
0 (V (5.0 0 -P
_1 .0
-4 E (V.0
-40 14 0, 0
; ,,a
- 0-I
(5
- (5 4) '01 (I '(V '-.41
.I.0 - 01
411 0 (5
(VI .(V ,(V
' 0
00 0 0
4141 41 (I
r:': :': 00 0 0
-1
4 (V
'-4 (V
4) '(V
(5 (5- 4.)
14 14
0 (V (V
4.) (5 .4.) (5
(5 (5 (5 14
(5(5 -4 4.)
(5 - . 4- 0.5 '0 (5
(5 14 5 (5 5.0 ,0
-4 (5 p14 440 (5 0
'(V 0 _4 4 14 4
(5 V 4)
14+ E .4.) 4.)
,-41 +I
o (VI E 1'I
(VI ..) (V .01
.01 .4.)
o ts 4.) oI 14 14 -1I +)
(V .- -I- (V .0 (4 (51 ( 01
o . (Vl (VI.0 (VI
E
(5
(5
(5
0 -4 - 0
+ b 0.0 00 0 0
(V (V 00 4141 (4 (4
Z 00 000 00 0 0
120.
a)
a)
P.O
P.O 0
-.-4-,-4 a) -4
V
V WV 0
a) 00 -4
-4.00 P
0.01W
Ct P. a) WV
-o 1. 4 a) 4__'
a) 140
- - _4
p
I. a)
,0 0- (1) O __
-I 0
p a) P.
-
4.. O 0 - WV
a) '0 p o a) .00
-0$ 0.0 . -p p
14 -P.O . 14
0 Ia) . P. -P..P.U)
a) - -4 -4 -4-
0.00.
00-p 0. -
000
.-1 (1) 0 a) ..4 P P
E a) 0
0 0
- .00- V - b o
010 Q-4-P 0 0 '04
- .i 0 1- -4 -p
WOW 00 .'-, -p P 0
P.0fr 044 -P00 O 0,0-i-I
WC)I -4 0 .000 a) --0
- -
) a)
.0 0. 0 bDW 0 .0
.4.) -Pa)- 0 -p
VkO iEW .-4 0 a)
4l0 0,D a) -i-fl40 -4.4
OWCI) P4W - 01,01,0 .01 WV
4_ - 0I-P 4I -40
'00
+'I,I
411(11(1
a)
PrJ '
AlA CDI (I (PlO
.)
CD
.or.or.o
-p-p Cl .01
(P (0 A cil
'014
0 0
-pP
A (141
(a)
0 0000 0
0000 00
0 14
0 0 0 0000 -i-I
0 0 0 0 0 0000 (H I I
4.4
CII
0
.8
a) U)
a)
-p O -P
a) -
p 14
40 a)
.0
0 a)
0 -p
- z U)
a) a) U)
E 0-4
10 a)
0 - -
p
'a) - - a) 0 '0
4 40 -P 4 a) P
0. P 0 o -4
a) -4
p4 -I P. 0
a)- E P
0.4 -P1 .W
01-P WE 4-4 - - Wa)
14.0
Pl.d 00 0
(PCI) ,0 a) , 0
a)- '0 .0 4.' 4.40
WI .0
0 W -p
WIW .0 .01- -Pa) -4 0 .0-
01-P Eft' -4V .Id 0
4 WO Ala) i-4 - a)
.I.0.10 .O 0.0 o E'.
a) a) -4.4-P. 01 4- .4-4
? 010 P. .0 14 -p. (51 P. -
I -- 14P. a) W 141
CI -p.4-i -a) 00 -0
-0 0W 0
000
V 0-p .- 0 -
- 0 a) a) p4 (D a)
'0 0(I) p I) p(H 014 .-40 .-
o 0-P -0 a) o V
o 'I c
VP. 14 - -VP "-II a) -4
a)-.14 -P140
.,l -.0i I-40 5I (H
a)0 4-4W I - 0 -
4. WOW -
(H ..0 -400 140 ,0 a)
Ia) .-400 14 -p o e-. 14
WEO 00 0
a) (500 - - -0-,0 -4 ')I 140 4.414
'0 -40W Q4OP.
0W-P - - - - 01 _ 0,0 0Z
0
a)
.0 -'I E (51(5]
cs-I
I 01
I .00.0-
-
-
0 WW ('01W .0 .0.0 1 .0Il.0I I I
0 p o - ,l.j-'I -1 . O.J
E0 P1W -4 -4
- (141(1 (1(1141 WIWrI
A CI CII ('III (II .0 .'
0 .0.0
.0 (Ip <p41
0
C.) ' 0
C.) 00
0 00 00
'01 0 0 14
0 0 0 -4
0 0 0 LO 4-4 I I I I
'I 0
(H
< I
121.
(DSM).
V
0
0
'C
0
'C
-p
C
0-
p.
0
C 0
00
-p
0-
-p
- El
-p
CO
0-- 0 '.4
V 000
'.4 -p - -
- -
o
' j J
C)
-- 00
0000
I'4
'-4
I I I I
Cl-
4-, '.4
Ct-
'.4
0-
-4
E
'C) -0-
. z,-I
rJ
-4
-p -
C) 0
V 0 C)
fr.m--
-I C)
- 0
-p
-p _4 - 0
- ,V EQ.
Cs) E -4 o
W E H '-I _4-p 0
C.) - - m 00 m
Q -1 H-- - ,-I '.40
Q. fl-l-- ,C)-p Ii
V I 0 C) k
bQ 1E C) .,.4o -
0 0 HC) ,C C.-
UC ,C) - ,.l ( Cl -
- .pC, Q - 4 C'
-4 C) C'- C.) C)
'.4
'.4
0-
'.4 ,.I
Cl- CL CL Cl.
p 10 4
-p
-I
C) 0
-I -4
('-
' 0 0
- C)
C-) 0000
"-4 00
- 0 CI
C.)
0
0
L)
-'-4 I I I I
C'.
c-I -,-4
- 00000 < 41.
12k.
Major disyllables.
145
0 (5
1, I0 127.
.0
0 .0
(5
(H 0.
1(5
- I_I (5.
1(5
0
-I
.4.) k
4-' (5 -'I
-I (H
1(5
.0
.0 45-I
45
E 0-I
0.4)
(5
I-I.
4)
45
0 C
.0.0 .0 -
4-' , 0.-
(5 (5 ;jq 111
.0' -I j
4-; .0 E Ok ..
- . 04 (1) .. 4)_I
I0 Cl) -1 Cl)00 0
..-1 (5_I 0 (flO
45 - Ibo I 0
- -.0 0 _I bO -_I
0 k .,-I 0
-,.I 0450 _l 0
- 0 '04k'- 0 I
4-' (H 0110 II rnp.-
E-- ) 0 N0Z- 0 0
II 45 0
-4-' 045 (H (5 0 0- 11
0_I 0 -'-Ia, 04- 0 bo 04)
.p 0 0 '-4_I (5 k_I
4)0 0 00 0011(5 0
oP-I ClI .00 bD_I4) bD 0110
0 4)0. 0
00 45(5 (5
bo- 0. 0- -.00._I .- -m
- - -0
0 .0 0- - 4)1
-0 C, tsl tsl olsi.0
0fa (5()-.c5 (5
,_I )(0 0 In-
(J pc'- 4.) '0
p ,.-I -01.01 ,.4
0 0 ,-l14)I E 014' d1J 'II
0
14
0 00 0
4) 0 00 4) 0-- - 00
0 - - 00 0 0) 00 0 00
-1 0 0 0' -I 00'O .0
. - 0
0 - - -0 - 00 0
0 0 00 0 00 0000 C.) )o
-I
-4
4545
0 0145 0
0 0(5
0 .0 ioaIo
(5 4' .04-' 45
(5 00 0. 0
0 010 45
0
0 0l4)
- 45 '(5
45 E 1-.
0 -I P,rI) 45 10
45 4.' 0.0 k P.
-4 0 0.
kO 0 .-'.
'5 X4 0.
4)45 0. 4545
0.
o _I '- (5 145145 4-' -I
0.4) 0, (5
0 45(5 (1) -4
0 (5
-4 - 0(5 0(545
kk(5
0. 0..
0 0 (54)
00. . bo 0 (5 4)_I (H '(5 (5 -
-I 04-'- 0 4)4-' 0 .V
-I 0 4' 0(5k 0 .E0
0. c) W0_4 (0(1) -I ho
(5 0 11 0
45(5 0 0 045 0. 0
- -4 0450.0 (H c-I
0 0- I - 4-'- c-I -0
0 ,-1 .4kO '.45 0 0
(5 (5 0 4)4500k 045- -
- 0. .0 - - (50000 rn_I-p 0 4) 04-'
00(0
a,- a, 0 l - 0.-14.' -(50 45
a, - 0 '000 0 11.-I 11
0 00. 0 .. 0 (50(5
0 00 0 o a 0(H45o -'44)-
I4) 0 0E
0 1 0 0 4) 4)
0 0(5 4) Q - - 0--
-1 - C'- 0- (5
(5 451(5 4)1(5 oII.I
o n- .-II ' .01k sIsI.0 /...,'
0 450 (5 .01 4 0I 0
0 . 01 01 C'- 4'I(5(5I(5I(5 0I
.-1 ,-40 (5 (5 ;' i
.0- -40 . . J JI 01
(5
- I
-4
(5 0
-'4 i 11
'0(5 0 ;- o- a)
4.) 0 - - - 00'-0 000 4-'
.. (5 0 0 0 00000 0(
o -, 0 000
bo
0
(5 - - - . 000 (5
0 0 0 0 0 00000 000 0 000
128.
P
a'
a'
4.'
P.
0
pp
4.' 4.' 0 4.'
. 4.' 4.' a'
a' (I) pa'
P
Ia' 4.'
.0 0
.0- EP. P
_I .- a'
P a' -4
a'
- - P.
a'
P. P
- -4.' 4.' a'
P.
a' P
- . _I P
a' a'.0.0 E C) a'
P. a-I a' _I E
a' a'
P a' - a' a'
a' .4 P
...i C) C'. -
P- I--
C..,
a' 4.'
- a' P
.0
PiI_ 'Ir,I a'. .,
4.'
IIIH
,.) .
'I .PI a'
P1 I 4 4.' 4'P
-o 4.'
1
4'E a'
0
0
0 0
0
'. 0 041
o 0 oJ 0 0J
o C) 010 0I
0000 00 0
-4
a'
P
a'
P
-4 a'
.0
P 4.'
a'
P
'a' .
E.
a' P
a'..
, pp P 'P
P (0
a' E
a'
C)
p a' -
-' -4 Pp
z -I a'
(0 0) 4.' -I
a' Ia' 4., -
P. a'
4.' C)
Ia' a' 'P.
E-4 .4 P 'P
04.' -I b -4
4.'. EQ
a' P. 0
4.' P a' P.
a' P. P. 0
pa'a' 4.'
P P. P. a' 0
'4 -I 4.' 4.' a'
- P '40) .4
- - 0 a' P 0) P. p4'
a' P a'
O'C) a' a'
o P C) EQ o
,4 C) '4,4
bo,-I PP.
o a' P.
a' a' - a' 4.'I
P C)- E a' 4.' a' 0
a' - 0 e P1 P a'
0 P a' a p1 4.' a'
-4 a' a'. (I P
4.' P PP
4.' P PP
a' (, ") 4 (4 () ('.0
a' 4 C) C)
a'
P
0
P 0
a'
0 00
0(1
a'
00
0 0)0
000 CO 00 0
C.
a' 000 00
a'
000 00 00 00
130.
Trisyllables
'a
.0 a
a
a'
4., I. 131.
0
Ia 'C a
I. a a
E a'
'a I.
'C 4-'
4., 4-' P.. I)
a
(I) 14
-P
a 1.4 IH -.4
,- 4.' '-.4 El' U)
H Ia Ia a
iO . C- a
H '0 .0 P. Ia
-aa ac5 14 a I.
a0). ,4.' -C a I
0E0 ZIP 'P
-.4 P.. aaH .0 la'U) I... a
.0 PIP--. 'C E
a-
- Ia'P.. E a
a 4Ia'- Ia-
P.. 4., - .
a' 4.' P U) C
0 ..) a-
a .ppCI) - P..H P
. P.H -
o U) a-.
H -- Hk a
14 4.' ---I - a-P '0
4.'- 140 a
a' 3 140a' HH I.
0 aPE a COW C
E '0 .,aa' -PH
a' P aH-4 PC H'OH 4.,
.,.4 14,a' Wa' 4.' WH - C
0 - P.- - P.E a a
CM z a- 14 H
- - a' P.
'a' a Ial -2
CM P .l'Cl a al
El lb ml4'I 141
-Q b) 141el a "Cl
CM /')1 '
/d_.4 EFEI
CM
CM
CM CM
o o 0
0 0. . 14 0.
a' 0'0 00 a' -0 0
4., 000 m -P 000 4 0
a 0 aq 00 a lb41 0
-.4 0 000 H 000
0
a' a' 0 a
0 0000 00 000 0 0
14
.0
a'
a a
P
a a
0, 14
'a -P
.0 a a
-P. H
a '0
0
Ia a' .-
.4 .
rI U) LL
1.. a .4 a
ia P (flP.la p tD'-
H .) a .04-' 0
'0
P a Ia 0,. 'a' 0) 0 a
.4.' 0).C' IH .0- a a .P 4p,
H P. 4.' C- a i P.-- a
(1)14 a '-- 'a
E a .14 P..
1.. P.-- Ia EP.. a
1.
4.' .eH
4.' P. 4-' , a'P
- .0 .) -E
4.'4.' a U) 4. H H -a' -
P , - P a bD a
aU) P. aaa' .0 P 4.' E 14
U) H - HP0 E' CM CHI4 a'
P. a' P.H aap
- -I C 'OW P IP 0
a '
a C- H HI4C a-' P.
- 00 P Oa' I. aOa - a'
14 (bH H4.' .CP E.0 - -I
a -,H 0 -P-P a H -1 0 P.- .0 a
o 4.' Qa' C Q4-'W P '0 0
aP.'0 aIi a' Ha p, a a-P H
14 HO a' "a 14 0 014a b
o I.E. E o a'HH , P 141E a
4.
' a- - WH -P- E'-- - CM a 0< E
0 P.O H
- (. 4.' P.
Olo-la a 4'I 'a n.I
aa WI-P al a p 114 0) 'CI'Q14-' !b)l
a io.l ni a l E El m a' -0l .l14l4 .)l
. 1) H 0)1 El "I mml.0 a El al m l 01
o H Ii 01 ml a P-i -P +l. I. (9 14Ik al
4.' 14 0 El P P,..Io 1 n l.H 1
I, a o 0)IH .0 H e)l, .Cla'.0 al
E El P10) 4-' o P-In .0 i1 Pl c - 4-' El
CM
a I
a
H - 0 :.' 00
0 0
a 00 0 - -0 0 I. 0
a o o - - 0 00W a 0 00Cb >
-4 + 00 .- 00 4 440 0 maO 0
0) 0 "(I 0 000 - a > 00
(I) H 0 00 00 ..o H 0 . 0-
- ..0 - 000 0
- -- - 0 0 a 0-0 a
0 00 0 00 0 000 0 0 000 0
132.
brhaspasti.
133.
Tetra syllables.
CM.-
.0
0-1.) a)
134.
0 . a.
(
II (a CI)
I) I-4
- -
a) CO
II to a) Ito a)
t..0 I.. a)
'-CM EE C)
a) I..
II Ia) 0. 0 4.)
a) a)
Ito
.0 -
041 to
0. '0
0 P
.00 0
CM - = E 0
a) - a)
0 a)
- Ia) 0 to
.000
a) Ia) .0
0_
a) ItO
_I a) a) .0- .1
a) to
.a) a) 0.0
00. P.- 4
P
a) 4.) (1. (- ,
C) a) a)
0 n) n0
CM a). 4)
, ,. 'I
CM
CM
o
0o
00o
CM 0
Q r
a)
4)
00oO
a) c_)
o
0000
a) 'I )
o 0 00
4)
Ia) -
a)
00
a)
'-I
0
-
I
-
a) .
a))!)
-
4) - a)
0 a)
.-40 E
_I r 4.)
a) .-I a)
o_ -1
-1
- -p
a)
a)4)
ta). a)
0"
-p
Ca
E
(a 4-
a)
on.
0 (a
0
a)
0 0
00)1
a)
-p -o
(a
0
(. '
0 C) -0
00
135.
Part II.
MORPHOLOGY
Introduction.
OM /dm/ > /drm/ 'to stay'/'place' (i)
MM /drnj/ (ii)
SM /m/ > (iii)
(where (i) incorporates a syllabic -r-> infix which is lost
in MM by mediocluster simplification, hence the vocalization
of the consonantal affix, and (iii) for the base, a plosive/
nasal cluster reduction to simple-initial /m . /, and for the
derivative, by voicing-distribution-rule, former /dm-/
SM /hm . /, hence the following affixial correspondences:
OM (-r-> I MM <--. / SN <h-,.). See also Affix-syn-
kretismus,
(as in cNcv(c) or CCVC, the latter only for OM), the first
simple . .
rhotacized 0
nasalized Cv-.
0
Prefix
reduplicative 0 . I .
labial .
voca lic
Infix
vocalic . . . .
Processes nasalization .
labialization .
C- / C- ci
C- / -C- ci . .
-C- / -C- . .
C- / -- . . . 0
Zuwa chs .
Ersatz .
starred
0 rare, irregular
13.
Multiple affixation.
'lultiple affixes
(5-/p-)
(S - /-.3 -)
(S-I-fl->
-
Isolation of affixes.
LM SM
'C-
mC- pC (kaC tc.)
icC.-
3
cC.- kC.-
J 3
tC
3
LM SM
Initial C- any h- maximal
Postinitial -C- --
Initial C- k, C, t C-
1- Ca. G)
0
..
0
Initial C- p- p-
Postinitial -C- -t- -t- minimal
Productivity.
Function.
Assigning the semantic scope, or 'function', to each indi-
vidual affix is fraught with difficulties; Jenner faced
similar problems in establishing a set of functions for
modern Khmer affixes.
My treatment here agrees with Jacob's (1963)
and differs from Jenner's (1969) for Khmer in that I limited
the number of functions and gave them a broad and flexible
scope rather than increase the number with highly specific
functions.
156.
Affix-Synkretjsmus.
The interpretation of Mon data is more complicated than
in Khmer because of the more numerous sound-shifts in
the initial and medial consonant complex (CC- -cc-)
which resulted in the loss, merger or substitution and
addition of affixial functions in the modern language.
This, however, is notaproblem exclusively
confined to Mon. Deibruck, in a monograph of 1907,
put forward the idea of a syncretism (Synkretismus)
of grammatical cases in Germanic where a number of cases
in the proto-language (say, Indo-European) a, b, C,
(Dative, Ablative, Accusative, ...) correspond to a
restricted set of cases in a subgroup or individual
language e , d, ..., where x is a syncretism of the
159.
C-
A AA
I II
a'U)
I 1.
C
5-
---S
AA A A A A A A A A .
p.. P s A A A A A A A P A .
II II III IIIp,'.. II II II II I I
Or 1.i 1.E 1.E1e I I E1. 1. Ev. 1.
.i.,.',!, .!,. ., ,, .!,J,
K AA AA A P.. AA AAP... AA
-4 II II I I II III II AA AA AP...
($4 41(141 tl (1(5 f5)i (5(5 II II II
(.4 Z II II
'5#51
I I II III II
% V.IV %V s vv s,
a' - -
0 -0
- 0 0'.4
- .4' r. '.4 Ca'
- a' 4, '.44.'
0 - ..0 a' ,.',
o - - a'a' 0
04.' '01. 4' 4'Q 0
-4 -4.0 a'4' U)a' -
1.o -U) D U-I' ,0 - a'a'
a'a' a'U) '.4 ha' - '.1 '0
4.', 0U ,CLJ r' 1. 0 a' '.40
($4 U)0 .0 -- .4' 0 04'
- --.a'fa' 4' 0 -
- 5-. U).4 a' a' a' E---
-U -0. U) .4'a'a'a' .. - '0 a'
-.' +'a'O(j U 0 '.4 "-h V
0000 -'., 01.'.4 .. 0) , a'
4 a'
a'- 0'.4 E 4 '- 0'CO .' - a' a'- 0,0 0
0. 0U Ua'0a' r)sU a' hi'O Ca' 0-
,0a' ,.4 , , 0 04.'1. 0) 0 '.'IU 04
'.-1. a'a' U)'. 4,4. ,4'.4Q - a' 4'E
0 Ua' ha' . (.40O0 4'4' 'OU) a'4.' 0a' I'.I
a'4' oH -4'1. a'a'4'Q,p,'.40'..4 ;o 0a' a'1. lc.i
E 0 0.4' N.,4 -..-4U 0 a' 4' -
,4O 1.0 CUC 00 00 -40 4,0 00
4,4 4'u4' U)0 LJI.J %..Jb'4 .' U)4.' 0.4' a'4' (4-44,
E
4 0
4 40 -I'-,4
'.44
')r, 44 00 )' (. E4' 0, 0,
fl a'-.4 000 004041 0r a' 4141 G.U) C,
'-4 00C". .-..- 1.0 4'a' a'a'
01. 1. hEa' 1.EC4141 E1. 01.1.4'
4141 4141 41 U) (la'4141a' 41411' lIla' 41(5 XZ 0.0.1'
44 4,4.' U)41 Ib4 .0,0 -P-I.' Z
a'
'.4
.4.'
a'
00 ,44 00 EE
to 00 a' 'a' a' a' i. .. n C)
.-I.14 '0'0
'.4 a' a' a' a' 41
1. 1.1. - -4 00 k 4'4.' 4'4 0.
a' x (III 4141 II II 4141 II(I lIe (5(5 (l
(I) 4 4 .Id 4 0 .0 .0 .0 S.8.'S. .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 S.'S.S.
a,
4' 1.
0 a' a'
a' H a' -
0 -I 0
0' 0 a'
a' - 4, 0 4.' -
a' a' .0 a' .0 a'
a' .0 bD U 0 a' 0 -4
0 0 - "4 1. 0 0 - 0
a' 4 .0 E a' - (to
a' -4 4 0
a' a' U) a' a' a' a' 0 a'
.0 .0 ,0 .0 E .0 4 .0
0 0 0 0
H . 0 0 0 0 0 0
4.' 4' 4.' -.4 4.' 4.' 4.' 4.' 4,
a' a'
1.
E 1.
a' 0
0 4
4' I . , 4 C,
1, E o,
- 0
a' 0 0
a' -,
1. -4 0 44 a' -.4 -a,.
c'l4
1. a'
4.' a' .0 4.' 4.' 0.
0 0
'.4
(I) 4'
I a'
K 4 fl.
'
.4 -4 a' 0 -4 4 L a',
($4 1. a' I a' a' '0 'U) ' C E '.4
4
(.4 a' a' xl 1. -4 0 - I.. a'
4.'
..)
-4 0.
h) Cfl14 4 .0 .0 4 0.
160.
Affix-Synkretismus II
Affixial correspondences
SM SM OM
165.
I I I
z z zz
.
z z
I I I
I I I I I I I
..
I I I
0 Cl 0 lb
I I I
A- A-
- H .4
A- C
0
4
C'..
0
4
0
0 I I I I I
0 > ,
I I I I
I I I I I
I I I
I I I I I I
EE EEE E
I I I I I I
I I
I I
I I I I I I I I..
b 0 0
I I I I I I I I N H
.1.4
0 0
-4 I I I I I I I I I I H"
C'-' b (II' (I l , I (P El
I I I I I I I I I 00
H
0
I 0 .
H H
0 0 0 0.1 0
0.4 0 .4.) HO
.4 NH .400 .1 0 H O E
.100.4.1.40.4.4 H H H 0
0 E HO 0 .4.400.4 -
-4 0 H . 0.4.100.40 .i .10 00
H $., H H H H H WOO -P0 E
0 -4-P 0 0 0 OH E 0 E 0
E 00-POW Q 00 H .40 -
166.
Base Derivative OM SN
V. v. Cs-), -rn-> 0 inflection
(p-). , < 1-> (p->, derivation
tc->, <t-)
V.
0 derive tion
0
c-a->, C-rn-)
<-n->, (-r-) C-->, (-r-)
Affix-types.
The typological account of affixes occurring in Mon and
Khmer, given on page 142, can be further reduced to the
following eight categories divided into two main sets:
I. Complex affixes
rhotacized prefixes Cr- /CrC-/
nasalized prefixes
-syllabic N
/CaNC-/
-non-syllabic /CN-/
reduplication of initial C C- /c c -/
labialized affixes /pC-
II. Simple affixes
vocalic prefixes /a C - I
vocalic infixes -.- /Cc-/
consonantal prefixes C-
consonantal infixes -C-
A complete list - except for EMN and LM - attested for
both languages is given on the following list (p. 167).
I Z
I
Z
I 167.
4
I I I III
I I I I I I I I .4 E ..
z : . (b A. I I I I I II
C_) 4 . +. g.
.4
C...
0.
I I I I
I I I I E ..
I I
- I I I I
0 U
.1
0.
I Z1
> 4 0.
I I I I ii
I I I E .4 (SI
o 0. I I I I II
-4'.
C...
.. 0.
0.
V
0
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0
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I Z
0.
I I I I I II
I I I I E 0
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I I I I I I I
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I 9 (S
Z 4 0-4
I I I I I
I
40 4 0.
I I I I I I
E I ZZZZ ZZZZ
Q 4 0. 4 - C-
. I I I I
0 I I I I I I I . EOZ
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(1 ()
40
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4
0. 4 0. m
I I I I I I I
zzzz zzzz S)CL
40 4 0. .. -
I I I I
I I I I I I I 0. EOZ
0 4 0. I I I I
I I I
(S (S
z E
0. I!.
0.
I I I I I I
zzzz z z
0+ 0. 4 (.
E .1
C...
168.
() C1- h hn?
>
<k-, )
...n? '
( kanP 'like this, in this way'
1958.200).
Pinnow ( 1 959) recognizes p-> causative,
but treats LM glu dlu i- darniu as prefixed forms
and includes a ghost-derivative "lA-a" (- /Pa/ 'to go').
He recognizes an <-m-) infix (1959.15) LM kiat > kamlat
and an instrumental <-n-> "Werkzeuge".
Word tases.
Derivative Base
CV no to spool, lineage' / 'cotton'
CVC nuh puh 'pellet bow' / 'to fillip'
CCV pyI ct 'to rest' / 'to rest'
CCVC kwt k3t 'learning' / 'to study'
CCCV phya 'to make low' / 'to be low'
CCCVC physik caik 'to split up' / 'to be torn'
CaCV hna sa 'met' / 'to spread out'
CCYC hsnan dan 'fish hook' / 'to angle'
C.CCV psthea thea 'to anger' / 'to be angry'
CCCVC pthbP thb? 'to place' / 'to place, throw'
(for CV- /P iP _/ disyllablu as wells. /ac/ forms, see pp. 123, 120.)
180.
Loan bases.
of causative/non-causative or transitive/intransitive
forms; in these cases they are not reducible to any
Phonological processes.
Cluster formation.
nasals /m, n/, liquids /r, 1/ and the semivowels /y, w/.
It also collates with unnatural register In, 1/ in
/hbn ? / and /halb/. Induced register does not occur
in this class.
Exx. flbt/ 'to be exhausted' /h?bt/
'to exhaust', /d'at/ 'to be sweet' > /hdt/ 'to sweeten',
/bm/ 'to be blunt' /hetbm/ 'to blunt'; /kit/ 'to
bite' > /h%kit/ 'to cause to bite', /tcm/ 'to know' >
/httm/ 'to inform', /ch/ 'to be diffused' ) /hic.h/
188.
4
1
C) C
A
-I 'I 'I 1
. C)4 .
A
I I I I
C
-I -I
0-p
A
4 C
.I -I I
0-pg. Ii
I I I I
. 0-Pg. C
'I
'I I I -, -I '1
E -1
4 0. 0 E C
V
-I -, -I 'I I I 'I -,
. 0P. 0 E
I'
I I I I I
.c. . a -P 0. 0 '-I
V
. -P
A
- z
p 0.
-
V
0
'4
-P0.
C
.0 Z I I
(1.
S.,
E
'4
C A
0 V
C
C
0) -I I 'I
0 + r7 .0
'4
'-S
I I I I I
0. 0 + C
V
191.
A
4.
V
A
z
V
192.
'2
expected ++ /naP ..v n /. Base-initial /t/, on
'cup' >
x
/h^rok/ 'cupful, bowl', /cbai/ 'to be
outstanding' /hrai/ 'glory, pride' (Skt. chaya
'beauty'), /thui/ 'to be confused' > /hrui/ 'id.',
199.
occur, /ky, kr, ki, kw/ and /py, pr, p1/> /icay,
kr, ku, ku'w/ /py, par, p1/ on the first re-
gister and, on the second register,by dissimilation
SM LM
Type 1 Type 2
ChC- CC- Base
CainC- Affix- insert ion
hC- inC- Regressive clust.r-re&ctjon
paC- Dissimilatory split
Contractions.
(i-^).
The patterns of contraction, however,
irregular developments.
LM mway sne'
/m3la'/ '10,000' (/ma/ 'one', /lk/ '10,000')
LM mway lak
The last example can be traced to OM; siin(na) /sun/,
the environment
bhai
NP num. plon ...
slik
instances:
/ma k / 'to want to' '/mcik/ 'to wish to',
/k??/ 'to be able to'
/mkh/ 'if" ,1./m'.?/ 'subordinating part.'
/k&h/ 'to say'
/m ne m / 'still, else' #ii/m/ 'to stay, reside'
/nm/ 'still, yet'
208.
//:
-kn- -kk- > -k-
>-n- > -n-
(1) Cluster-formation.
-
- - 11_-_
JI"1
Affixes <-w-, (p-).
Base-initials Ik-, y, r, l . /, /c./.
and base, except for /py . / derived from bases with /c2/
anaptyctic vowel
pk- pt'
pan- r-
(2) Cluster-mutation.
h- hji . hrj- h1
'khw- khl- khr- khy-
[p]
stop pirant
dentality > velarity dentality > glottality
/t'w/ > /kw/ / sm sw/ > /hm - hw/
(ii) The three-place initial sequence /phy-/ is reducible
to prefix < p-> which remains stable and the base-initials
/c- . s-I. As mentioned on previous occasions, this
rule follows /kc- -'.- ks_/ initials where, however, the
first term /k/ is not an affix, and the Western dialects
pushed the evolution even further,
/kc- - ks-/ > /khy-/ > /ch-/ (Western diall.)
/pc- 't- ps-I
>
/phy-/
( Li. ) Cluster-expansion.
/kl/ 'to come' > /kl/ 'to receive s.o.,' (but /kl/
'to be numerous' > /hl/ 'quantity, &c.'), /ph3ik/
21t.
11
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3:
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4, 4, _5_ -.4- -.4-. 5. _5_ 5-- _5 _5 5__ -S_ 4, -5'. _5_ 5.__ 55 -5 5 5-S _5 -S.
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4, I I I I I i i I I I I
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215.
217.
SM LM SM Register SM LM SM Register
der., <-- der., <-s->
I sr- /hr-/ /hu-/
Ijr- /hn-/ :: } 2
( Cr- /kr-/ 1 Ln_ /kn-hn-/ 1
/hm-/ 1 1
Jm- 2 /hu-/ 2
cm- /ksm-/ 1 (cv- /kv-.haw-/ 1
(sl_ 1
2
cal- /k31- hl-/ 1
infixation).
Further restrictions, such as pm_j '-
Dissimilatory cluster-expansion.
A dissimilatory cluster-split rule applies to complex
'to be short' ' /hal P/ 'to shorten', /plk/ 'to sink' >
fixes.
221.
Ch-). The infix <-r-> does not occur with any other
the initial of' the base, C., is lost and the cluster
'to return' /phyao/ 'to bring, take, back' (LM cau >
LM phyau) pcao.
Labialer Ersatz.
in the case cited, LM yuirl > 1amyuir, <i >'-> (SM /yim/>
/p3ym/).
SM LM SM
Process Affix Der. Base
labial labialer
accretion Zuwachs
lamC- /p.C./
labialer syllabic
Ersatz affix
<-rn-) kamC- /p.C-/ kC-
Complementary sets.
228.
Plosive base-initials
o _________________
... '
0 ___________
-
0 0 0 000 0 000
- -
-
o. 0 0
0 -
- 0 0000 00 00 00
I -,
.
0
0
00
7; ______ I
0
0
04
I 00 0
000
AAAA p. 1S * , a * a a a a
8 a a * * I I I I I II I I I I I I
- I I I I : CII 4)
C o o I 4) I I I, J_
I I I I i I I j..
C
- - -.
-
-
S I
1 1 U U U
_I. ('I .8.4 .8 .4
-
IC
5
I I I I
CS I I I I I I 0. 0.
.8 .8 U
U U
8 a Al a
- a - A A I II I
A I I ,
I 0.0. 0.0. 0..4I
- 0.0.0.
0. -I S.
229.
. '
.4.4
W.4
230.
Complex base-initials
0
A
lo o o 001 0 0 0 0 01 0 0 0
I
I
0 0 II I 0 0 0 00 _
0 0
S
A-'
o 0
o 0
I
-I 1 'I
- 3 ). I. -
3 4 3 S A A A
A S S
: : =
U
S .
-w
I I I
I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
-- I I I I 3.
3 - I '. '. 1 3'. C I-- ( I
-
3
3
A
3.
I.
I)
-
A S
A 535 3A IS AAS
SW .j .8 .s .8 A.
:
P. * P. ft . ft P. frg. ft ftP ** A
H AAAAAAAASSP. P. I I I I I I I I I I I
- I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
1.31. A A A A44S.A 5 4S
1.. '...S. I I.
- .1 '1 3.
1. - S 3. -
3.
.8 .8 .8 .8 A. A. A.
- CII .
:1.
A.
I. I
I I I
3- I 3.1. 3. I I I I I I I
I I I I I I I I I I - S.
. - ::: I. - 3 3. .
' ' - I .3 .8 .8 .8 A. A. A.
- :.S .8 .S A..A. .8.84 A.
H
231.
Causa tives.
'to fall (into place)' > /hlak/ 'to put on, fit in'.
If the base-initial is /p-/, causatives are derived
/B.h/ 'to be cool' > /habh/ 'to cool' and /kmbh/ 'to
cool', incorporating the affixes <Ii-> and
following synopsis:
Causative cp->.
Affix Type of base-initial
plosives, spirants, nasals, semivowel /y-/
Ch- initials
<11-> glottals, /p-/
glottals
<k-) labials /w-, m-/
two-place initials CC-, and LM reflexes
thereof.
Nominalizations.
Prefixes Infixes
SM LM SM LM
(p-) (-r->
<-a->
-> (-n-)
N N
< p -> ' p ->
N N
<k -> k ->
0
0 0
0 0
238.
The prefix SM ct
0
corresponds to LM c-a-: /oa/ 'day,
sun' /tvjoa/ 'middle of the day' - LM tiay .> tanay.
An identical pattern occurs with base-
initial /m-/ on the first (unnatural) register re-
SM LM
Prefix Base Register Affix Base-type
/n-/ 1 (-a-> kn- v tn-
/m-/ 1 --> km- tm-
labials 2
cl-,>
plosives 1
2
/s_/ 1
/i .V 2 (R->, <1->
/U - / 1 <-a->
/J . / 2 (?)
plosives 1 C.C.-
J J
2 C.C.-
"3 vJ
Part II.
APPENDIX
A. Prefixes
i) <Pi?>
2) <3-)
13) <1i->
4) ->
5) c-
6) <p->
7) <kN)
N
8) < p ->
9) X->
B Infixes
1 ) <-n->
2) <-m-)
:3) .-r->
4) <-'w->
5) <-a->
C. Processes
i) <->..->
2) <-->
D. Vestigial forms
243.
1. Prefix (i->.
2. Prefix a-,.
As in the case of the preceding prefix < P i?_) this
217.
-kraoh / kraoh 'male person' / 'man, chap'
n / ni 'respect title' / 'parent's
elder brother'
time').
3. Prefix di->.
The following set for this prefix ch-> may be set up:
0
1ik / h,lik 'to fall down' / 'to blast away'
3.2. De-causatjve
r h / hrbh 'to demolish' / 'to decay'
kui / hkui 'to rock' / 'to be drowsy'
km / h k3 In 'to be warm' /
tb fl / h- tori 'to rise' / 'rising'
cfok / hcfk 'to harrmer' / 'hammer'
cIoa / hacfoa 'in' / 'inside, middle, inter:ior'
6o k / h360k 'to hoe' / 'hoe'
/ ha6ot 'to measure' / 'measure'
ke / hake 'to weigh' / 'Baht, Kyat; weight'
ke p / hakep 'to pinch' / 'tongs'
kom / hkom 'to assemble' / 'association, club'
kut / hakut 'to cut off' / 'piece cut off'
cih / h'cih 'to descend' / 'lower level'
cun / hacun 'to lean on a stick' / 'crutch'
toe / hatoe 'to be finished' / 'perfection'
tbp / hatp 'to bury' / 'cover, lid'
tk / hta,k tkloikj 'to root up' / 'epilepsy'
ton / haton 'to stand' / 'establishment'
to ik I lmtoik 'to lie down' / 'sleeping place'
tao
/ hatao 'to belocated' / 'residence'
th / h%tah 'to be' / 'existence'
tak / htk 'to be in want' / 'poverty'
pk
/ hap&k Ucfaik] 'to splash about' / 'bathing place'
pn
/ hpon 'to rebel' / 'rebel, rebellion'
poi / hapi 'to e full' / 'day of full moon'
pot / hapot 'to rub' / 'mop'
p'?it I hapt 'to throw' / 'distance (stone's throw
m / ham3 j 'to stay' / 'place'
yh / hayh 'to dawii' / 'morning'
lh
/ hslh 'to dance' / 'dance, dancing'
haw 'to be blown away' / 'to blow away'
h wili 'to sway' / 'to cause to sway'
4. Prefix <k->.
The syllabic prefix <k-) occurs in the following en-
vii'onments, 's shown on pp. 25-31 passim:
kcS, kat, kp)
k kp, kam)
kl!
kay?, kw'
kah
ks- (on the first register only).
261.
5. Prefix
5.1. Non-causative/causative.
5.2. Verb/noun.
6. Prefix <p->.
6.1. Causatives
2. Verbalizing <p->
3. Nominalizing <p->
4. Syncretistic forms
5. Causative expansions (secondary affixation)
The prefix p-) occurs with the following base-initials:
k- c- t-
kh-, ch-, th-th-D
1-' !' J
r U , l.
y-.
/py-, pr-, pl-J and the plosives /k-, t-/ and nasals
(hapax).
S.
1 ta / plea 'to go away' / 'to chase away'
266.
268.
7. Prefix kN -.
SM has two nasalized prefixes <k1 - and in
?-, t- ) km-
' '
icarn-
p -, w-
t.
N
7.1 Causative 4k ->.
7.2. Frequentative
wi / kemi 'to go from side to side' I 'to stir'
6bh / kmuh 'to sprinkle' I 'to asperge'
7.t. Nominalizing
8. Prefix pN ->.
9. Prefix :X-).
Labial prefixial forms are restricted to three cases,
B. Infixes
1 Infix (-n-).
2. Infix <-m->.
5-
278.
3. Infix (-r-).
take place:
k
kw-
t.
p kw-
C-
hw-
5-
Ch- haw-
. '.
r1rw_ I * '.
y- < ' yaw-
5. Infix <-s->.
The vocalic infix /--/ is attested since the OM
5.6.2. Instrumental --
S3k I krk 'to plant upright' I 'beanpole'
/ horj 'to steam' / 'steamer, cooking pot'
st / hart 'to suck' / 'drinking tube made of
bamboo'
hmaik / h,maik 'to hook, draw towards one with hook' /
'hook, crook'
hwk / hwk 'to lift, carry by handle' / 'luggage
(cak_)'
hwat / hwat 'to shred with sharp instrument' / 'tool
for grating coconut'
Icyab / k5ya 'to adorn (oneself)' / 'article of
jewellery'
krat / karat 'to swill' / 'small brush'
krap / krap 'to press between two surfaces' /
'clip &c.
krm / hrm 'to erect across, along side of road' /
'trellis for creepers'
krp / hbrp 'to cover' / cover'
287.
C. Processes.
1. Nasal forms
pkp I P)P 'to joint / 'joint'
I
hwo ,, hmo 'to flow' / 'current'
kb / kno 'to be starving' / 'famjne'
Vestigial forms.
rived from the base OM /katr/ 'to stand up' > MM /ktw/
/ hala 'to cover' / 'to cover head'
t3 m / hlm 'to be secret' / 'to cover face'
th / h lh 'to be foolish' / 'id.,'
Part III.
SYNTAX
- when they are not Burmese loans and tn- and tetra-
as /hath m'^Y/.
303.
004 0
. 3
:0>3
0'0 I.
00334)1.1.033
304)
I>0
tL I!
41
01 31 4)
-.I/I .I'1 4J '!II I
I(1lIIvI 1.
0
-
I0I
-II 1.OII4)L
'='gj-'
I Ii
0I9i1 ftii
.! '
"Ii 'I
0I -I
I-I
3
4
r13
- ).. -'4
0
01.
r-'... 0
00 .4)4)-
.40 .-1.
1.0 .4031.
0.0 - 30 33
0 3' .0 3
03 >- 0:
'40 4)01.1.30
44)
0
0
3
z
1.
0
o 0 r 8
1. E ') *Ir'o 0 .0
0 I
0
-
-44)- 4)
300 0
04)4)
- 3
4) .4 0
-
3
0
3 .0'4) -
.031 -4
34 .0
-'--40 34) 0
- .0 0 00 -
3_ 3 , 0 3 - - 3 )- C
04)4)0 0> 1.: - 1.0 4)
- 0 C... 1.033.00- 00 3 --
0- 0 0 >sbC 0 004)01.1.01.>
04)-' '0 4 ).. 030 - 3030380.4
.00300.0 '00- '0-' 0-4) -4)0 '0.0 b>
O 1.84)0-4)1.- 1.0-300 ).,4) 3 >. 304)330 1. o1.
S 01.0 0'00 04) 00.00 4)
.00 8V 0. 3.0 31 '0.0.003.00
- .0'0
II 4
1 44
I..
0
ft
1 OCCO00O0CI
2J =
0
- 1.
1. 0 -
0 -) -
- 4) 3 0
4) 4) 5 0.
0 0 1. 0- .4
O 0 - 0 0 -
- - laO
0 0 0 0
O - 3 3 3
- - - 4) 0 0 00 3
o o: I - 0 0 - -4
O .. o .... 0 >. 0 0 0
1..-* 1. 0 . - 00 3 5
4)
- -
,o.
- -
=
- - -
0
- -5 - -
I
0
4 ft S
- 3 0 o - 0 31 0 ol
' S 'C 4 51 C "Cl 0 '"C
0, - .0 Cl .0 = 1.
3OL.
Type n. v. v.
Type n. n. v.
kon aik knuh 'lazy boy'
s3t matj kut dat 'sweet mangosteen'
daik ca htao 'hot tea'
Type n. v. n.
Type n. n. n.
Multiple constituents
with hkao poi 'our nation, race' which then would yield
the sequence hkao mbn poi 'our Mon nation', as in cek kwi
k%me ? d'eh 'his new car' and ck kwi deh kmoeP 'his car
309.
Complementaries
Sex/Gender specification
The pair may also be combined with the affixes .a-' and
Personal pronouns
Kin-terms
-cao 'grandchild'
-cak 'third descending generation'
-ceak 'fourth descending generation'
-cok 'fifth descending generation'
4) absolute terms:
tY 'younger sibling'
h ? 3h 'in-law, female'
the one born between the kon hcfoa and kon tao t3h.
317.
PP:
kon-cao 'grand-child'
kon-cak 'third generation descended'
1) Possession
2) Plurality
Two terms exist which may co-occur, t for the definite,
limited plural and hfa ( - kfa, 'to be much, numerous',
--> ) for the indefinite, generic or non-specific
plural. Singularity in SM is not marked by a special
noun clitic, but equally any noun, simple or complex,
which has no clitic may function as an autonomous NP and
designate plurality as well. There are, of course, a
limited number of restrictions, such as wit phi 'girls
and boys, children' may command a special context to
indicate singularity 'a girl and a boy'; on the other
hand, if singularity and determination are necessary in
a context, ml? mi.? , for instance, would be rendered rather
ml? kb ml? a 'mother and father, both of them...' (not
'parents in general').
3) Deixis
not take the prefixes h-'> and <k-? (the latter is, in
communities).
4) Determination.
pra cfeh kfhi chappya k?h 'his wife was looking for the
k?'h and hBpoi helk d'oa d, sem kh); secondly, k^h de-
the two deictic terms: ?j?n? kok h1b 'what is this call-
ed?' and ?j?n3?_kh kok h8lb 'what is this one called?'
** -N-n ** -N-te 2
**N_Pi?n3? **N_ i' te
**N_ Qte
but
_______ _____
and a sentence complement 'this...' or
bn kh*.n? and a sentence complement, as in 3n? kh
.P-h c hw (as a possible paraphrase to hni nc
k'?n...) 'here they will cremate the corpse' or Pi?nD? kh
CStewartl, sm .nh sbm ioa 'both, them and me' kbm, follow-
329.
kbh l kom '... and men will have faith as well' (P. pugala,
Co-ordination of nouns
1 rightbound 2 N N
Nominalizations.
are loans from Pali, bhava and dhamma. Both precede nouns,
as in cfoik 'servant, slave' haw doik 'slavery, repres-
sion', th? ... which may be translated as 'the
principle, notion, of'. Nominalizations proper, like the
affixed forms derived from verbs discussed earlier, can
Noun particles.
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z z
z z z z z z z
to ni-k?h.
on (top 01)
behind in (side)
after outside
from to, as far as; until
1) Spatial reference.
papers into the box', but .p^h nim m hd'oa hoe? d'eh 'they
.n^h n' im m pbt,h he? d'eh 'they are outside his house'.
tao tkah 'in [on] the sky', tao h3e? 'Eup] in the house
Cwhen on the ground]', atao noe 'on the floor', tao kmea'
'on the veranda'. Both may co-occur with ciba, ciba ahmo
sentence.
hand]'.
phya 'I come from the market', n ' i n? t' , nm chu? te?
past time with te? may be preceded by ni, but it may also
occur in expressions of the present, n'ti hnam n 9 'this
year'.
'it is now half past five'. k?h may also refer to expres-
sions of past in kh3n ? k'bh . vkhybfl k'bh 'at that moment fre-
syntactically like all other nouns kh'na ? k'?h cfeh liip hoe?
d'ot d'ot te" 'when you were a child'. te here serves not
te? ?oa dot d'ot 'then (by that time) I was very little'
parallel to nhi fl3 m an? kh 'Mr Nop who lives here'
and nai. np koh mo n39 Mr Nop lives here'.
texts, occurs also in cfoa kop kia te7 '[Id.)', or kop kla
Quantifiers.
L sm J
'I shall (be) going along with Kamnan Chaew' (and could
also be paraphrased as ... kamnan chE.w ?a kbm or kamnan
31414.
all of them...').
h3l' ? bt sbm.
clauses like kok na sbm d'eh ("-kok na d'eh 'I take him with
leftbound
N clitics
bt sbm
ri ghtbound N
' I I numeral
N saik
N (k'?h)
n. -n . =n -n.
kla saik tkah 'sky-blue box' and not **kla tkah "sky-
apart; the first consists ofma-ma and .p'j which are ver-
satile particles occurring also in different environments.
phrase, as above, th cfak kwi ama k-h?a manm 'we still have
6tt 'a house as big as a hail', h3e ? hn' k ama saia "-
3249.
Restricted noun-particles.
clitics do, but rather links the nominal phrase to the verb
351.
will call at Su-ed's as well' (or p'h ?a c13 ... 'if you
Counting, Measuring
1. Numerals.
Cardinals
cv(c) ccv(c)
mae 'one' krao 'cix'
be 'two' h)h 'seven'
'three' hacam 'eight'
'four' hicit 'nine'
'five'
/pesn/ LM msun *mway sun OM /moy sun msun/
as in
form /msun/, however, must have been the standard unit for
the surface- orm has been deleted and replaced by the pseudo-
to a base /sn/.
ch 'ten'
ba-cuh 'twenty'
h cit-cuh 'ninety'
k rao-cuh-hp3h 'sixty-seven'
p3e-i s3n 'thirty-five'
pSZfl-1S3fl 'fifty-five'
units /cuh/.
klDm 'hundred'
im 'thousand'
3514.
expressed:
355.
Ordinals.
2. Classifiers, quantifiers.
whereas Thai Mon would say s cfaik manao ma kcw 'to drink
a/one glass of lime juice'; both quantifiers are loans,
phan from phan (Burmese) and kw from k2.:w (Thai). In pass-
Measurements.
(1) Classifiers.
or, combined, smjh hart 'all', poi ji ' h p3e? hbt 'all
'six coconuts'.
(in mjiah krkul p3n 'the men of the four clans' DM1); saik
361.
2. Quantifiers.
from such bases, teh 'to hew', cak 'to make a bundle of
s.th.', kr^h 'to harrow, comb', noi, unnatural register
2. Quantifiers.
from such bases, teh 'to hew', cak 'to make a bundle of
ten metres long', h3e? kn'at pasn m&.t 'a house five
sequence: kela kayi c3h kilo 'a box weighing ten kilograms'
may thus be transformed into kayI d'eh t c3h kilo (or kay
finger'
h do n foot'
mIh 'Capprx. 16 cmJl/3 of a hot'
Die.)' (rare)
'a rice basket cip '1/4 of a basket'. kh,k toa 'a handful',
366.
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367.
khy3p kas3p 'to have a think', kepat krat krao 'to wash
[clothes]', or, in a sermon, d d'ak hc3 hacah hikao
'to walk and walk', hbm kr ' k 'to talk without interruption'.
'to have a bath' htsn daik phtnn d'aik (kb) 'to bathe (s.o.)'
'to take medicine' s hi,ui phy3 h,P ui (kb) 'to administer ..'
An alternative construction is
hsc&? kon ik p, *, 'to feed the
kon ,Jik children with
hct p lcD rice'
'to go down', <p->), phyih cb? 'to put down' (cb? 'Eid.]').
Two-term verbal sequences may also comprise a loan in any
verbs of motion/direction).
I. Complexes
4-Eerm complex
3-term complex.
?a, phik t^.a a 'to be frightened and run away', kr 'Ip tia
away'; pak hatom phyih 'to blow down', paik hatom phyih 'to
directional verb, like kl, ?a, cih &c., the sequence can
2-term complex.
hadah saisai hdah, 'to hinder' hana kr3t. " kr3t hana,
tbik hloi tik h'ti? h1oi 'to lie down and sleep'
- 'cannot sleep'
3714.
ro') r? h i? jht 'to look at'/'to perceive'
'cannot see'
kl'i ch3 kfi hii ch3 'look for'/'find'
'cannot find'
'cannot find'
sdap fu.L: scfap nn li&: 'listen'/' hear'
'cannot hear'
rian ceh rin mu4n ceh 'learn' / 'know'
But not all compounds follow this rule; if, for in-
'to learn; kle kle? ket 'to borrow', kie? k 'to lend'
pound (krIp piak 'to run after'), flip kr3p 'to enter a
S..
?a ro ch t.h, roughly to go, look and encounter
come', th kl3 'to come to be', Pa kl3 'to core and go'
(type: sht 'to see', .n' t ket 'to catch sight of', tc.m
up'.
1. Directional verbs.
pbton raise
(noun) and verb and object (noun) and verb, but in a two-
klan iti phya 'to come from the market', kl ni hoe? n'i
he? n'i np 'to come from Nai Nop's house'.
'to the market' ' 'the market', '...coming from L.' 'from
L. ' 'Lamphun'.
of the forest', ket na hia ? p3t 'to take (away) the MS',
of directional verbs:
V -na
kok 'to call' 'to take s.o. with one' 'to collect s.o.'
-Pa -kl
-phyih -patn
harui cih 'to hail in drops' hrui phyih 'to scatter in drop
htom cih 'to fall (down)' htom phyih 'to knock down'
381.
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kanon hah 'to point out' ('to point to', 'to show'),
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386.
gone', khbh kweh 'it's really good', but kheh kweh raP.
n.m ha 'did you have your bath yet?' ("have you washed
SiD ? ' not really (very) good', oa cto kweh 'I am really
tired', or as a change in emphasis, hbm 3r' khbh khDh
idiomatic usage.
distinguished:
Typel: V N c9 p c& m? p V AUX N
hum cfaik hum m d'aik
Type 3: ambiguous
cO p (I) L
t2.. 'to eat'
pa htao ta (I)
'to reside'
p' 3wi'3poa no / raP 'to attend a festival'
on the same level, ma oa plan 'a day later; one more day',
plan ha 'do you want (to eat) more?', ket pl3n 'I get
Aspect/tense
EEV NV3S.
The zero-marked sequence may be interpreted
or, again, where modality and tense occpy the same position
in a different environment consisting of a postpositioned
pa 2 htao m 'residing'
pa 2 htao the 'resided'
v. asp. n. tns.
v. asp. tns.
v. asp. tns.
v. asp. n. tns.
393.
tbn marks
the beginning of an action: th tbn cbt 'to get fond of
s.o.', tm z'at ton 'to get acquainted with', pyT ton 'to
Perfective: thb ? , l.
This aspect marks the conclusion of an act, and does not
c3v) th? hw.? t3e 'having cremated him', thb? daik th,2
'splashed water'.
OM ar (SM ?a)
Progressive: m'
may occur with stative verbs as well as operative
Egressive: cut
Shorto noted in DSM cut as an aspectual verb (classified
have taken ? oik cut 'to defecate', haya cut 'to urinate'.
It may also have a perfective aspect, as DSM pn cut 'to
hit' (pan 'to shoot') which I did not note, although MSS
Ordering of constituents
N IAapect N T.ns. Modal Qu.stion
t3e raP ha
NEG Iv IN I Aip.ct Id.
may not co-occur with the modals ra and no', and the
absolute question-marker ha may not co-occur with the
modal P1? may never be separated from ra (unless it
(but ?oa ket cia') kla 'I get the umbrella firstrgoing
back, upon leaving7'), cteh ti.h klb 'he hit the dog',
pn h%cem h th 'he aimed at the bird, but missed' (2-
term verbal complex 3I) th).
Ability
different.
swim'.
NEG auxiliary v. V I NEG I auxiliary v.
3M
amer aan
Thai
SM
Khmer aan
Thai
SM k3'
Khmer aan
Thai
SM hi'
Khmer Saaxi
Thai
have the chance (hb k) t.m 'I did not know (because
nobody told me)'), - and in this sense it indicates
an action which was not accomplished, but past (like Thai!),
( p . 402) hti ? k? itip a 'you may not enter' and lip ?a hi?
k? 'I cannot enter (for whatever reason)'. If personal
Obligation
NEG At' Any/P P P
Np V
h.rn4!
khh khh
Ih 1h
are used.
proper since sean and nba (even if, as has been claimed,
happen to' (DSM: oa kea cDp m'?a l?n 'I have been there
(or t.h, for that matter) follows the main verb ('I have
follows:
m'bik k? -V
hur moik -V
'where would you like to go 9t , hii mMk toik 'I don't want
to lie down', hi? m?ik pt.t na pah 'I don't want to take
it outside'.
411.
kh'oh khvh 'do you speak Thai as well', 'Yes', 'Oh, good',
verb, and only ?-bt and kbrn may be negated whenever occurr-
412.
sense 'to be late (in doing)' kwi kamot cbp c'bca f ra?
satisfactorily:
?oa kh l a kDm
'he can speak Thai'. In both cases, the order kom (or k3?.)
Quasi-auxiliaries.
which may take either a noun or a verb, but may not occur
1. Intensifier.
kr' ,k 'to walk too much'. Its use with cE.? and s is
worth noticing since, in all other contexts, these two,
2.. Reciprocal
the main verb. The difference between the two is, however,
that plan may also follow a noun - kleai, may also precede
phrase n^a saik pl3n 'and yet s.th. else (the speaker
So far, I have found only one case or a verb which may not
complement.
1117.
4. Performatives.
P.rforme tive
Performa tiv.
pr.poiit ion postpositiofl
hm kb oe deh h k1
kb oa
deh tI 1? Ic1i 1mm
Non-autonomous verbs.
Adverbials
and hbm m?n khh kh-oh "he speaks Mon (very) well',
verb.
did not enter the house at all (but stayed outside all the
420.
negation of another:
htm klah klah 'to speak clearly'
hbm h? klah 'to speak indistinctly'
hbm klah h'h? seas, Id.'
hut hbm klah klah 'not to speak at all'
of the latter are rum kop rum rum kop kop 'to suffice,
happy' > mip mIp sp sip 'very happily' (ce? mip mip sip
'to enjoy the food'), niim rim rIm kp k?p ra ha
year, I shall come back here', DSM: ..cfeh hman ?oa pl3n
completely 142
violated.
Class-Il Auxiliaries.
be deleted.
421i.
i) .
2) t'bh
/p?ar ds/ 'to put into practice', /?ar d3s/ SM ?a t'bh 'to
become', /ktr ds/ SM kt tbh 'to come into being', /tlu
-I
(i) h3er hnok NP / statement
(ii) he hnk t NP / statement (to be speci-
fied)
(iii) h3e? hn?k ra statement
1t28.
N. kc,h N st
Nk
SM .oa naP oa aa
Khmer tvay nIh t'ay
kI: 'today is Tuesday'
Thai 'wan nf: wan ?akha:n
N V N-complement
Poa kina? cfat kh 'I am eating sweets'
?oa t.k thp 'I beat the drum'
dbh th nih khh 'he is a good man'
kao oa th 'ca s 'my elder brother is a
physician'
If th is catalyzed by means of negation (hi), it may be
classified as a stative verb,
N V-conplement
hwa? kc3h d' hX s 'the curry is not salty'
Bun sok hl? keak 'the razor is not sharp'
kon sem h1' seat 'he is not a Thai'
cfeh th man 'he is Non',
In some instances, mainly in oral narratives and
certainly in LM t'?h may be negated; this is not in con-
of them'
U Wyama's t'bh y'ba nIa kit ha - yba na kit hh? sea y'ba pao?
c3t (1957.399).
t?h are kl and ?a, t?h a 'to become' (Khmer shows in-
verse order tu c'i:), hnam ?a te? k' bh d'eh tbh a h.nk
Verb-concatenation.
fact, there are only two, t.h and kb?, since always
follows immediately the verb it refers to and not to the
entire sequence). The modals ra? and flOb cannot serve the
and toik hI hloib 'to lie down (but in spite of it, un-
did not meet...' and, finally, ?a i'o ch3 h? t.h '. ..at-
V I V2 V3
c h', kr cit
ch th
and pause.
Sentence-particles.
tense te no
assertive no a... ra
assertive /Q ra V ra? ha
aspectual ra V 2 i' ra
tense-aspectual
hmah y'd, kV
ut k?
modal, aent.nc.-fin.l p.
N-particle !2 VP
ml N-particle h1ai, , man, hbt
their immediate environment, kl3b nti phya 'I come from the
market', hbt nti cl'eh ?oa kl3 hii m' n 'because of him, I
1. Condition
.' '
I shall come, too'. yo ra? proa ku ioa kl3b woi aoa
S
mu -
hu kz 'if . .
it .
rains, I shan , t come and visit you',
3 ra?ctth hiI? klea lik k ?oa mba knah oa thea
1 ike
cn cfak kia raP mkih,,
'shall thus be fulfilled,'
DSM describes this use
a blessing. 152
14Z44
2. Purpose
'to eat with a spoon', whereas kw&k never has the function
pim hla? p3t tan3? 'for whom do you photograph all these
manuscripts?', kon nan hal ' b htak kwk d d'eh ta? ra?
1 'oh dop ma? hi k? kI ? ket cfa 'if you go out in the sun,
i.a._
i.b. N
ii... V.rb S.nt.ntia 1
ii.b.
ii.c. N N N
comp L.ment
ulated for LM, swak gwa' /hwk kP/ which does not occur
3. Consequential.
land m'n (ni). hbt, a Pall loan, hetu, may also occur in
ZL8.
Si I 2 J
S
___ Ikc3hI I I
S
lI-I I
L349.
4. fii,n l &c.
5. Similative.
of meaning, like ni't and mht kb, ? , when occurring with the
-ingthe alrm;thesonicludethrn
list of particles is solely made on the basis that can
co-occur with variable classes/word as its second term,
autonomous (hamah), auxiliary (ks?), clitic (ra) and zero
7. Temporal particles.
say, ... kom hrm d'oa sala '... they assemble at the hail')
The difference, however, is that kala9.la ? are to be regard-
d'en kmot te ph k3t l'bik ?a 'he lit the lamp, and then
Negation.
the entire act or action has not been attempted ('I did
not (even) look for it') whereas if only the second term
is negated (kill h ch3), an attempt has been made, but
failed and entails the meaning of inability ('I did look
for it, but could not find it'). The negative particle
itself, Fct1 ? , may, however, never change its position re-
kla (nm) 'he did not arrive (yet)'). The latter pattern
d'aik ktao h ? sean 'the water is not hot'. That h't ? sea
rule), and nL.m 'still, yet' and l.h lIh klah klah 'nega-
tive intensifiers' may only occur in a negated sentence
but not with hti? ), hii? tm n.m 'I do not know yet', h1j?
ally preceding (or following) a verb, DSM: pbh rao p '?th h'
ip khyu rao khyu hti ? lp "he can neither read nor
write", 1mm rao hi? k he cann't speak it (Mon &c.)'.
The origin of this use of rao, homophonous with the rela-
tive question particle rao, is obscure, but exhibits the
use of either has ever been noted, and indeed quite often
both co-occur, as in pa? pa? hkh ra ? 'don't do it that
/sak sds/ 'shall not be',-'- /ds/ 'to be', /sak/ 'negative
particle').
are there (left)? - one', and seat may occur without its
psn sea ha 'in this district, there are five Mon mon-
L462.
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0 $4 z 0
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4' 0 4' 4' 4' S
4' 0 000
0 0 5000 4'
- 0 O .4 05 0
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k km '0 0<
o 00 Ii
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CON .4.'
0 - - 0.
0
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0 0 005.4
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ZI
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Z6Zs.
Questions.
relative' questions .
The absolute question-particle, ha,
in sentence-final position, sollicites a 'yes/no'-
diction of a proposition.
Particles of reply, as in Thai or Khmer,
Question-intonation.
Five variables may be set up for
intonation systems:
466.
- pitch height
- pitch range
- intensity/stress
- tempo
- rhythm
Not all parameters can be taken into account here, tempo
hake 'how much did you pay (for it)?' the pitch is
falling, as with statements in general which are not
1167.
Expon.nt Absolut. Qusation R.lstiv. Qu.stion
pitch: contour rising fs 1 ling
h.igbt id-high (I) high-low (\)
vow.1 quantity short.niDg 1.ngth.ning
S ti...
s.condary pri..ry
Illustrations to intonation in
types are set up, absolute and relative questions (i. and
tEizL
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0.1
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470.
Absolute questions.
you going/is he gone?', hum ctaik t3e ra? ha 'have you had
either.
Relative questions.
it?'.
472.
-lb
- C
and as affixes -,, i-> and ch-> . nib? and .r.h can
only be described as simple forms (not to be confused with
bases properly speaking). m?, however, may occur by it-
1. 'who?'.
2. 'when?'.
3. lb- questions.
as ?a 3lb n&m rao 'where are you going? (if you went some-
where before, as I know)'. hlt is the most complex
4. m'b?- questions.
have you had the fever?'. hba ttt hl m? ci? rao 'how
do, act, perform &c.') and m'b? t?th hlb, but as I have in-
thammay, mak ? ?a kwan k3? kret pa? halb 'why do you want
to go to Ko Kret?', m'?? pa? hlb cfeh hii? cap ne..m rao 'why
dependent sentence.
Word-order.
to postpositioned/auxiliaries.
Simple sentences.
subject preceding the verb and the direct object following it:
Z80.
Subj. V Obj.
SM m k p I t
tical with the ones given above, hwa d' and kib ki, so
3 P3 n'im 'there is (some) rice' or with a double subject con-
struction ?oa kon p3e? n'tim 'I have three children'. The
point, too: The movement away from the speaker is not overtly
marked, but contained in the verb itself 'to gi to' ?a
Subj. V Compi.
SM oa Pa yhva
)Oimer 'I go to the market'
SM Poe p
Khmer m:k 'I corn, from th. monastery'
li81.
Complex sentences.
nbn km 'he speaks Mon as well', although this dose not en-
out that in this particular example hnm may not occur by it-
self, but only followed by some particle or auxiliary, like
kbm, l' p,kV. A sequence consisting only of a verb and object
with overt subject marking; thus deh pre lik nP 'he sent
this letter' is unlikely to be accepted, outside a specific
context, in its prepositioned form lik n 3 ? d'eh pre.. If
however, the sentence is extended by an adjunct, say a bene-
factive, cfeh pr& l?ik n? kb Poa 'he sent this letter to mel
he sent me this letter' may be - in most contexts actually is
- moved forward to lik n? cfeh pr kb oa. The direct
object, l'?ik n3?, may not occupy any other position nor may
(i)
4
aeh kth
S.
oa n,? kl hi? ?
(ii) deh k.h kl3b h k? joa n?
(iii) oa n,? kl3 h.i? kV deh kh
(iv) kl3 hii k53? oa n? cfeh kIh
'he said, he couldn't come today'.
htt? kea ,t. Equally, an adjunct may move freely ?oa kea
5- 55 5. S.
cp d hm.a moa leh'. moa leh ?oa keai3 cp cf., hm&a
the adjunct may move freely within the dependent clause, nih
even once').
cao ayh hnam 'next year, I shall come back'. If two adjuncts
185.
position while the adjunct may move freely within its boun-
daries.
free the main verbs from their main position, like kam ma
NOTES
TEXT
DISCOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX
487.
24. /nea/ 'to pinch skin' and /n3m/ 'urine' do not fit
this semantic pattern in an absolute sense.
56. Cf. Stewart MS, /pm ata plm/ (pp. 38sqq.), for
instance.
'1) Aspiration
Burmese has a limited number of 'words, intransitive /
non-causative, 'which derive transitive verbs or
causatives by aspiration, as in /k'we: tel 'to break'
(intrans.) > /hk'we: te/ 'to break s.th.', /nou: tel
'to be a'wake' /hnou: te/ 'to awaken'. Henderson
( 1 97 6c . 2 ) sets up similar pairs for Chin, /,pu:k/
'to fall' > /,phu:k/ 'to fell'. Another language
sho'wing the same device of derivation is Lushai,
and Archaic Chinese is quoted to belong in the
category as 'well (Henderson (1976c.3)).
2) Voicing
Voicing as a morphological exponent in Praok as
in /klm/ 'to carry on shoulder' > /glm/ 'load'
(Shorto (1963.53)). Henderson suggests voicing
as being of limited use (1965.419).
3) Tone change
The number of languages 'which operate this device
is larger; it should be pointed out that tonal
change as a morphological exponent does not apply
to 'what we call 'induced tone/register' 'which is
merely a phonological process overlapping 'with the
morphological one (as in Riang-Lang /l./ 'to go out'
/plv/ 'to drive out', cp-> prefix (Shorto (1963.53)).
Languages showing this type of atternation are Vit
and Thai (also, according to Downer, Classical
Chinese).
511.
.k '%
V1 ? t : cay // cay 'to transplant' / 'tree'
s'p / sp "se coucher ...' / 'lit de
camp, ..." (Ferlus (1977.5Le))
Thai: /k:n/ /ko:n/ 'to fell' / 'base of tree'
/ths:vj/ /th/ 'to pierce, stab' / 'bar;
long object'
/f/ /f3:1/ 'to float freely' / 'foam,
bubbles' (Prapin (1980.
passim)).
L) Registral change
Of all the register languages reported, only one,
Non, shows registral change as being used as a
prosodic morpheme, and, so far, it is only a hapax:
SM /j,I/ /J13e/ 'to be level' / 'to level'.
The latter form has as a variant /pajize/.
Anaphora:
Classfiers may also have a pronomima' izing function
in an anaphoric reprise:
528.
Vietnamese:
cai ma' Bao
, thay 1 ci bn (Nguyn phfi Phong
Cl. p. see BE Cl. n. 1975.65)
v i V2
'he raised objections and declined to give the
permission', where the two main pieces are divided
by the negative particle; since the following verb
is not an auxiliary, but a v. n. complex, hi) cannot
refer back to the preceding piece.
533.
TEXT
born in 1911.
Ramma.
romm,
m& t3e te nm k1a rs3e? ma pa htao m3 dba-k
hatao 2 the kri t k3h ra p . (8) E....] tEt kon k6h kon
kt t6h nih h1ah k1 h1ah 13 hira kot k1a 9 rseP
k6h raP. (9) ph h'1h tt toe kon ik kh kr^. tn
toe. (10) k1a2 rsoeP k6h m6i t3e: "Pe, hriXP
kon ik 1b ki? prb ? m3 c atsmapat ?oa n3P",
t3e k1a? rs3e? k6h tt Pa. (ii) tt r6 kri B
k6h ch.3 t.t k1a? rasoe P k6h t3e. (12) kri P k6h
phik ta krip harip t.a 1p krp Pa. (13) k1aP
rs3e ? k6h d r6 ch th kon ctot m6a th kon ik
(20) creh hp.? t.h phoik cteh k?a ? na ktao kt-on tbn toe
(45) khy3p hakh t3e kse? hQn.P kyaik k1ea 1ip cf3j
jh_kh. (46) kaleab 1p cf3j te pa? btao m croa
ct3 h-kh.
538.
Notes.
(3)
kI p3tsao t3e
v. n. n PS.
(4)
k1a ? ras3e 7 kh 'the hermit'
n. n. ci.
(5)
kri ? kh 'the deer'
n. n. ci.
qualifies the preceding noun as female (fauna].
Icl ? 1 P koh kl S3 th d'aik hy
V. fl. V V. V. fl. n.
(6)
kri t kh sr ttn. 'The deer got pregnant.'
n. n. c1. V. V.
N V
(7)
s ton d'ak piv cz,h hotao t3e kri kch ra?.
V. V. V. V. nUn. fl. p5. fl. I]. ci. p8.
V N
ton used, again, as an aspect marking auxiliary ('ingressive'),
following the main verb; the following complex dk
'to be complete, full', refers to the nominal piece coh
hatao? 'ten months'. Mons refer to the period of preg-
nancy as to ten months. The ensuing word-order is prob-
lematic, unless considered peculiar to the oral style.
Normally, the grammatical subject 'the deer' kri 63 P kh
ought to precede the verb phrase. Ambiguity, however,
does not arise in this context since the first clause
(or rather, sentence) is closed by the sentence-particle
toe (marking past tense). An alternative interpretation
- or one which could well be incorporated into the discourse-
style analysis - would accord raP a verbal role (after
all, it derives /?iP ra P / and bases are to be taken as verbals).
(8)
tt kon kh '... gave birth to a child'
V. fl. ci. (initial complement unclear on
tape-recording)
kon ktv th n)h - the child being human -
n. v. v. n.
(9)
ph hi.h tt tze 'As soon as it was born'
S. V. V. p5.
(io)
kla rasae kth 'the hermit'
n. n. ci.
h,kV p rb
pri. V. ?
/p3rb P/ is an unknown word.
(ii)
tt r kri f? kh
'He went out and saw the deer'
v. v. n. n. ci.
V N
(12)
kri t? kh
'The deer'
n. n. ci.
V 1 V2 V3
(13)
kala rs3e P kch 'The hermit'
n. n. ci.
Pa rj ch tIh 'found'
V. V. V. V.
V2 V3
N 1 N2
(14)
o, nim kb the, mtta kruna 'Oh, he had pity upon her'
p. v. p. n 1 n. n.
the kla? rsze ? pa ? ? ath'IP than: 'and the hermit made a vow:'
ps. n. n. V. n.
N V
verbalizes the noun ?athI ? than 'vow' (Pali adhitthna,
naturalized in DSM as /athl?than/). the connects
this segment with the preceding, but To conveys a
545.
th t3e
? V. PS.
kb cl'aik th k? t.t n kon toa ?oa n,? 'let milk
v. n flow from my little
-- - finger'
._ :__:_
V N
k 'to give; to let s.th. to happen, allow', kon toa 'little
finger'; j functions here as auxiliary to 'to come
out, emerge', that is 'to enable, to happen to'.
pa P P ath'? than 'andso he made this vow.'
V. fl.
(i)
pa 2 Pathi2 than t3e 'Having made the vow'
V. fl. PS.
k'ala? rs3e?
pa? ?atft? than te 'the hermit having made
this vow'
fl. n. v. n. PS.
peculiar to narrative style
daik t3h kh 'the milk'
n. n. ci.
546.
(16)
kla? ras3e yk ket kon ik kch 'The hermit took the
child'
fl fl V. V. n. n. ci.
N V N
(17)
l'a l kon kh hnk tn 'The child grew up'
v. V. n. ci. v. v.
V N. V.1
1
V N
'to reach', yk 'age', kha 'time' (according to DSM
a Burmese borrowing; but widespread in Thailand). The
deictic term n' 'this' refers to the entire nominal piece,
with as head-noun.
tb th 'and became'
V. v,
(18)
kla rs3e kh 'The hermit'
Ti. n. ci.
V N
c? in this, and the preceding segment, denotes the
habitual aspect of an action, and not the verb 'to eat';
like other verbs functioning as aspect marking devices,
it is postositioned to the main verb which may be complex
( ? a t.t kr3p).
kwib kon kch 'worried about the child'
v. n. ci.
kwi kb kon Pa 'worried about the child'
V. p. Ii. V.
kb indicates the benefactive, Pa aspectual.
hP k r1aI9 cbt l l nP. 'and could not distract him-
NEG V. V. self.'
n. r v. ci.
AUX V N
(19)
htt ni kwi 'Because of his worries'
pS. P . V.
ha w3i km, kon kc3h 'he did not play with the child'
NEG v. p. n. ci.
V N
ph 3 ik th ? onkri rna ma krjp kh 'being afraid of some
nun. nm. n. ci. or other peril in the
v. v. n.
forest
V N
th aspectual; kh cannot refer to the entire nominal
piece (N) since ma mca some, some or other, various'
cannot be determined (unless they have been referred to
previously, which is not the case here); ponkri, a
Pali loan, antaraya; initial vocalism might be contaminated
with Thai assimilation rules of IA loans. Var. ont3ri
(r. pron. )
5L8.
vi
Again, phik 'to fear' postpositioned to hp^.P t^h 'to
meet, encounter'.
(21)
kala ma boap]on 'One day'
n. nun. n. V.
(22)
'Once Indra had noticed it'
ktao cp ?in t3e
v '.. n. PS.
1 in kh km3? panadu 2 kmo kambh ttn toe.
n. ci. n. 11. v. PS.
(23)
hmoiP ?in khyp hacarna r kh. 'Indra was pondering.'
n. n, v. V. V. ci.
hacarana 'to reflect, meditate' (Pali vicran) and
J1 'to look' are nominalized by k?,h.
(2L)
Pe, nim h-ct ma ma tn th raP. Perhaps there was a reason.'
p. V. n. rum run v. v PS.
(25)
croa-ka lak nP kh 'In our world'
pn. n. ci. ci.
bmoi in kh
n. n. ci.
Pa kli 'and went to look for'
V. V.
s3t chu? 'fruits and plants'
n. n.
functions as the head-noun to the following enumeration
k3 n ctt t3e
NEG V. V. II. PS.
V
n D, but the auxiliary complex h ? ks.? 'cannot,
unable to' and various other compounds with cbt 'mind &c.'
imply that it is a verb.
hmoi Pin kh
n. n. ci.
(26)
hmoit3 ?in kh 'Indra'
n. n. ci.
1.
(27)
hnioiv) ?jn Indra
n. n.
tak l k hcm 'tied an amulet'
V. V p. n.
i aspectual (perfective).
V. V. p. n. ps.
(28)
hmoib Pin 'Indra'
n. n.
(29)
k1a ? r.s3e? kMi 'The hermit'
n. ci.
k? tsak cbt ni fl3P kb tsak ckt t3e. 'was very happy about
v. n. n. p. ci. v. n. n. PS. it.'
V V
1 2
552.
(30)
klaP rs3eP 'The hermit'
m ?a m Pa 'stayed there'
V. V. V. V.
(31)
kala? rse ? p1n 'The hermit'
n. n. V.
pa ka hacbt a, 'died.'
V. fl. fl. V. -
a aspectual, to verbalize ka hact, 'to die'.
(32)
tw^. P t a o ?jn kim Indra'
Ti. n. V.
cih kl3D c hw
krci).t. 'descended, cremated his body
and collected the bones.'
V. V. v. n. v. n.
v i V2 V3
(33)
kla? ras.e? 'The hermit'
n. n.
(35)
t.h kalaI ma oa kh pl3n 'Once upon a time'
V. n. num. -n ci. v.
(36)
hap th hbmot pra t3e 'Upon meeting her'
V. V. fl. n. PS.
V N
(37)
?ekrat kh 'The king'
n. ci.
lp ?a; 'entered;'
V. V.
hamot pra kh 'the girl'
n. n. ci.
jjt th nih kraoh kl3 hi ? keat m3a lh'who had never seen
a man before'
V. V. fl ---v NEG v riini. n.
V 1 N V2
V
A directional verb and a verb marking the aspect ('ingressive')
are combined.
t3 the? kr tpe. 'and shut the door.'
V. V. fl. PS.
thD? aspectual ('perfective').
(38)
?ekrat kth 'The king'
n. ci.
(39)
kya ik hbm ar kb .. .2 'And then he started talking
to (the girl inside'
n. V. fl. P.
N V
555.
(40)
hot h k3? kea ..nt nTh mta lh 'because you have never
. NEG v. v. v. n. n_un. n. seen a man before'
m cfoa krp_kh 'living in the forest."
v. pn. n. ci.
(4i)
1 tn cbt te 'Once she trusted him'
V. v. n. ci.
vi V2
556.
th nih kweh 'but a real human being'
V. fl. PS.
(43)
'ekarat kb hn ? kyaik kh 'The king and the queen'
n. p. n. n. ci.
N 1 N2
nih kb ma Cb? 'lived together'
V. fl. p. rixn. n.
m &oapra sat 'in the Prasada'
V. pfl. n.
m m!a mja
V. V. V. V. V.
(114)
?ek rat kMi cha ? k.h 'But the king (thought]'
n. ci. p.
oa c& m kv-ctoa krp n3? h1 ? k? ' "I cannot go on
n. v.v. pn. n. cl. NEGv. living in this forest'
V-------AUX
557.
(45)
3P hkh te 'Having thought that'
V. p. PS.
(46)
ka1ea lip cf t3e 'Back in the City'
V. V. fl. PS.
pa? htao m cfoa Jh-k3h. 'they stayed there.'
V. fl. v. pn. n. n.
558.
Translation.
(29) The hermit was very happy about it. (3o) He stayed
there until the day (31) he died. (32) Indra descended,
cremated his body and collected the bones. (33) The
hermitt...) (31i)[...].
(35) Once upon a time, there was a king; Rarnma
by name. He went out into the forest and reached the
hermitage where he met a girl. (36) Upon meeting her,
he liked her. (37) The king was about to enter when
the girl, having never seen a man before, ran into a
corter of the Prsda and shut the door. (38) He came up
to the door. (39) And then he started talking to the
girl inside: "You are afraid of me and tremble, because
(ho) you have never seen a man before, living in the
forest." And he talked and talked until she trusted him.
(4i) Once she trusted him and realized that he was not
an enemy, but a real human being who was speaking to her,
and she opened the door. (42) When she saw his face, she
made up her mind and found a liking for him.
(43) The king and queen lived together in the
Prsda. (44) But the king thought-by himself: "I cannot
go on living in this forest; I have to return to the
City." (45) He then persuaded the queen to return to their
City where (46) they continued living.
560.
DISCOGRAPHY.
BIBLI OGRAPHY
Abbrevia tions
ZPhon Zeitschrift fr Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und
Kommunikationsforschug, Berlin.
563.
a. Sources
b. References
1. Mon
i . I J7)
3 0)
b.$'(r)O? 5' I I (.r7
1965, 255pp.
1972-73 15-25.
coSjf
Mon-Burmese dictionary, vol. 1 (ka - kha).
Rangoon, 1977, 861pp.
2. Thai
cti
4o17 J4'7VH
MA diss., Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, 1976 (BE 2519),
310pp.
iqu41 7f Vt) )
3. Burmese
II.
1 9 10 .
Quelques notions sur Ia phon6tique
du talain et son vo1ution historique. JA, 10e s6rie,
15.1177.505.
1 976 .
Le syntagme verbal en vietnamjen.
Den Haag / Paris, Mouton (= Matriaux pour 1ttude
de l'Extrme Orient moderne et contemporain; tudes
linguistiques, 5).
1 979. Deux types d'interrogation en
vietnamien, CLAO 6.75-89.
1 97 6 .
A comparative study of Old Mon epigraphy
and modern Mon. AAS 11,891-918,
1975. Proto-Indonesian
and Mon-Khmer. Asian Perspectives 17.112-124.
1 9 06 .
Die Mon-Khmer Vlker, em Binde-
gied zwischen Vlkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens.
(= Archiv fr Anthropologie 33.59-109).
1 95 8 .
Review of' P.Dupont, La version mane
du Nrada-Jtaka, Paris, 1954. BSOAS 21.199-200.
1 9 6 5.
The interpretation of archaic
writing systems. Lingua 1Zl.88-97.