Nternational Relations Outline
Nternational Relations Outline
Nternational Relations Outline
International Relations
*Exam to be held on Thursday, 14 October 2010, 14:00 – 17:00 in room A144.
**Exam re-take on 6 December 2010.
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was damaging to the reputation of the US and also to their efforts in establishing friendly and
allied nations.
o This is a rather new feature of international relations with regard to the political cost of
damage to reputation and the reluctance of other nations to take part in particular actions.
- Blurring the distinction between domestic and foreign policies (internationalization of domestic
policies and domesticization of foreign policy).
o This is with regards to environmental, financial and other policies on the international scale.
o The domesticization of foreign policy forces us to examine the domestic roots of the direction
of the policy, such as the Middle East policy and public opinion.
4. Can it be taken as a ‘blessing’ or a ‘curse’? It depends
- Globalization breeds winners and losers
- Powerful force for the creation of prosperity but often widening the gap between rich and poor
o Globalization has created major economic growth (e.g. China, Japan and Korea) and some
stagnation but it is still unprecedented to see such an amount of growth.
- Major vehicle for the transfer of technology and knowledge but at the same time posing a threat
to traditional cultures and values (coca-colonization of the world’)
o There is also the destruction of local jobs as well as traditional cultures and values.
- Weakens control of national governments and fuels races to the bottom. Makes the case for
strengthening international regulation and global governance compelling.
o The races to the bottom, where countries are trying to out compete other countries by
lowering taxes, lax standards on employment, sacrificing environmental rules. So there need
to be international organizations to compensate for the weakened control of national
governments.
o So globalization may be a force for good but there must be acknowledgement of the negative
impact of globalization and a method to combat those negative impacts. It is an unstoppable
force and no country can just ignore it.
Chapter 1: Globalization and global politics
A. Making sense of globalization
Over the last three decades the scale and scope of global interconnectedness has become
increasingly evident in every sphere from the economic to the cultural. Sceptics do not regard this
as evidence of globalization if that term means something more than simply international
interdependence, i.e. linkages between countries.
B. Conceptualizing globalization
Globalization is evident in the growing extensity, intensity, velocity and deepening impact of
worldwide interconnectedness.
Globalization denotes a shift in the scale of social organization emergence of the world as a
shared social space, the relative deterritorialization of social, economic, and political activity, and
the relative denationalization of power.
Globalization can be conceptualized as a fundamental shift or transformation in the spatial scale
of human social organization that links distant communities and expands the reach of power
relations across regions and continents.
Globalization is to be distinguished from internationalization and regionalization.
C. Contemporary globalization
Contemporary globalization has proved robust in the aftermath of 9/11 than sceptics recognize.
Contemporary globalization is a multidimensional, uneven and asymmetrical process.
Contemporary globalization is best described as a thick form of globalization or globalism.
D. A world transformed: globalization and distorted global politics
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The evolution of international society us that international (or world) politics represents more than
an international system (i.e., a collection of interrelated units), this plays an important part in one of
the classics of International Relations literature: Hedley Bull, “The Anarchical Society. A Study of
Order in World Politics” (1977).
Title: Contradiction in terms? The anarchy is from an absence of authority and is a basic status of
international law. Nevertheless, there is some order in the international system which is why we can
speak of an international society.
Bulls Thesis
- Also in political systems lacking central authority (like international relations) there can be some
degree of order.
- For example, the European state-system, which is commonly referred to as the Westphalian
order was marked by common bonds of understandings, international norms and join
institutions (diplomacy, international law and the balance of power).
o The option of war was considered a legitimate or lawful alternative to statecraft at the time.
- Thus, the option of war was open as a foreign-policy instrument but circumscribed by a set of
rules (limited wars, no unconditional surrender).
o After the end of WWII, the demand of unconditional surrender was accepted and the losing
party could not sit at the negotiation table.
o Limited war was about the idea of civility and was absent at the time.
- But the idea of international society falls short of the idea of international community (with
strong we-feeling and identification with common interests).
o It is highly doubtful whether we can speak of an international community (a clear distinction
between community and society). A community is characterized by being together, common
interests and views that would define an international community. We can hope that
international politics will create an international community but we have not arrived there
because of the enormous difference in views with regard to numerous subjects. This is
idealized by the member states of the United Nations.
Transition to Post-Westphalian Order
- Erosion of national sovereignty and deterritorialization of political authority. EU as instance of
New Medievalism (overlapping authorities and multiple loyalties)?
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o There is exclusive political control fixed over a set territory. But the question changes within
the EU and expands from where you live to what you are doing? What is your status in the
economic process?
o “New Medievalism” shows the EU as “a system of governance without a of government” it is
a system of governance because binding and authoritative decisions are made in the
framework of the EU but at the same time there is no clear sense of political authority (like
the autonomous states of medieval times who all took part in the decision making process).
There is no clear centre of political authority like there is in a nation-state, there is a diffuse
pattern of power.
o Multiple loyalties. In an established nation-state there is only one loyalty to the established
nation. But as a member of the EU, there is an individual loyalty to both the European Citizen
and their nation-state.
o But the battles in the EU is not applicable to the entire world, the whole idea of the national-
sovereign is the legacy from the European states. Traditional definitions of national
sovereignty need to be retooled to understand other nations. Ideas of national sovereignty
and non-interference in countries, such as China and India, follow the traditional definitions
of sovereignty while this has been changing in more Western countries. China’s particular
affinity for traditional definitions of sovereignty may stem from its history of humiliation and
interference by Western countries.
- The principle of non-intervention is being challenged (human rights, responsibility to protect)
o Five years ago in the UN World Summit, the responsibility to protect was accepted.
- Revolution in military technology has rendered national defense obsolete
- Transnational ideologies and movements link people to common causes across national borders.
o During the cold war, communism was the ideology. Now the transnational terrorist
movement is united by a transnational ideology.
Chapter 2: The evolution of international society
A. Introduction: the idea of international society
‘International society’ is any association of distinct political communities which accept some
common values, rules, and institutions. It is the central concept of the ‘English School’ of
International Relations. Coined to refer to relations among European states, the term may be
applied to many different sets of political arrangements among distinct political communities.
B. Ancient worlds
Elements of international society may be found from the first organized human communities.
Early forms of diplomacy and treaties existed in the ancient Middle East. Relations among city-
states of ancient Greece were characterized by developed societal characteristics, such as
arbitration.
Ancient China, India, and Rome all had their own distinctive international societies.
C. The Christian and Islamic orders
Medieval Europe’s international society was a complex mixture of supranational, transnational,
national, and subnational structures. The Catholic Church played a key role in elaborating the
normative basis of medieval international society.
Islam developed its own distinctive understanding of international society.
D. The emergence of the modern international society
The main ingredients of contemporary international society are the principles of sovereignty and
non-intervention and the institutions of diplomacy, the balance of power and international law.
These took centuries to develop, although the Peace of Westphalia (1648) was a key event in
their establishment throughout Europe.
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The Napoleonic wars were followed by a shift to a more managed, hierarchal international society
within Europe and an imperial structure in Europe’s relations with much of the rest of the world.
The League of Nations was an attempt to place international society on a more secure
organizational foundation.
E. The globalization of international society
The United Nations was intended to be a much improved League of Nations but the cold war
prevented it from functioning as such.
Decolonization led to the worldwide spread of the European model of international society.
The collapse of the Soviet Union completed this process.
F. Conclusion: problems of global international society
Globalization poses serious problems for a sovereignty-based international society. These include
the challenges emanating from new forms of community, failing states in Africa, American
hypowerpower, growing resistance to Western ideas, and global poverty and environmental
issues.
The End of the Cold War and the Emerging Power Structure
Leading Questions:
1. What caused the end of the antagonism between the West and East (1947 -1989/1991)?
o There was the armed intervention of Hungary by the USSR in 1956 and the Western powers
were reduced to issuing statements. In the latter half of the 1960’s there was the Czech
intervention where the Western powers were again reduced to issuing verbal protests.
o Both powers used everything short of actual military action between them to undermine
the other power (e.g. propaganda and economics).
2. How do we conceptualize the patterns in distribution of capabilities between the major powers?
o Unipolar system, greater strength in economic/military power in one actor, (e.g. US post-
cold war).
o Bipolar distribution of power (e.g. during the cold war, between the USSR and US).
o Multipolar distribution of power (e.g. mostly current system, power distribution between
many state and non-state actors; H. Kissinger advocates this because he believes it is stable).
o Diffuse examines the link between the system of power and the stability of the system.
Different Images of the Cold war
- The Cold War as ideological conflict (clash of two secular religions or social systems)
o Ronald Reagan’s characterized the USSR and communism as the evil empire; the more a
conflict is perceived in moral terms or values, the more difficult it is to resolve or settle it.
- The Cold War as more or less inevitable outcome of struggle for power and mastery of Europe
o Argument: many bids for hegemony by major European powers to gain ascendancy (17th to
19th century), likewise the cold war fits into this pattern. After Germany’s surrender in May
1945 and was unrepresented in the conference; the US and the USSR filled the power
vacuum. Has the EU overcome this pattern?
- The Cold War as accidental/inadvertent conflict in human misperceptions and miscalculations
o Misconceptions came from Western leaders misreading Eastern leaders and vice-versa
(mirror-image often occurring in politics); the build-up of arms caused both sides to believe
in an imminent attack. Open exchange may have prevented the cold war.
Causes of the end of the cold war
- Imperial overstretch: USSR was unable to carry the burdens of empire and sustain the arms race
with the US. Paul Kennedy, “The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers” (1987) concluded the demise
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of the powers was overstretch, where great powers assumed political and military burdens than
their economic strength can bear (USSR economy heavily focused on war time settings).
- Failure of state-controlled economy. Rigid central planning was counter to demands and
requirements of modern economy which rely on decentralization and people in lower echelons.
- The death of communist ideology (classless society) as source of legitimacy
o Ideology acts as a source of legitimacy (gives someone the right to rule) (E.g.: China was
ruler-ship on behalf of a classless society, now it may have evolved to an economic basis).
- Impact of Helsinki process (1975). Conference on European security and cooperation—final act
a relaxation of tension (détente); agreement on fundamental principles like: non-intervention,
human rights, exchange of information and people (latter two were conducive to opening the
political and social Soviet system, and helped human rights organizations gain access).
- The (decisive?) role of Mikhail Gorbachev. Many are still mystified the cold war ended
peacefully. Gorbachev was willing to give power to others and played a positive part in leading
to the end of the cold war. Gorbachev is popular in the West but is deeply unpopular in Russia.
Chapter 3: International history 1900 – 90
A. Modern total war
Debates about the origins of the First World focus on whether responsibility should rest with the
German government or whether war came because of more complex systemic factors.
The Paris Peace settlement failed to address the central problems of European security, and in
restructuring the European security, and in restructuring the European state system created new
sources of grievance and instability.
The rise of Hitler posed challenges that European political leaders lacked the ability and will to
meet.
The German attack on the Soviet Union extended the scope and barbarity of the war from short
and limited campaigns to extended, large-scale, and barbaric confrontation, fought for total
victory.
Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour brought America into the war in Europe and eventually led
Germany into war on two fronts (again).
Debate persists whether the atomic bomb should have been used and the effect on the cold war.
B. End of empire
The First World War produced the collapse of four European Empires (The Russian, German,
Austro-Hungarian, and the Ottoman Empire in Turkey).
Different European powers had different attitudes to decolonization after 1945: some decided to
leave (British), others preserved their empires, in part (the French) or whole (the Portuguese).
European powers adopted different attitudes to different regions/countries For example, British
withdrawal from Asia came much more quickly after 1945 than from Africa.
Decolonization was relatively peaceful in many cases; it led to revolutionary wars in others
(Algeria, Malaya, and Angola), scale and ferocity reflected colonial power and nationalist
movements.
The struggle for independence/national liberation became embroiled in cold war conflicts when
the superpowers and/or their allies became involved, for example Vietnam.
Whether decolonization was judged successful depends, in part, on whose perspective you
adopt—that of the European power, the independence movement, or the people themselves.
C. Cold war
There are disagreements about when and why the cold war began, and who was responsible.
Distinct phases in East-West relations, when tension and risk of confrontation grew and receded.
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Some civil and regional wars were intensified and prolonged by superpower involvement; others
may have been prevented or shortened.
The end of the cold war has not resulted in the abolition of nuclear weapons.
Nuclear weapons were an important factor in the cold war. How far the arms race had a
momentum of its own is a matter of debate. Agreements on limiting and controlling growth of
nuclear arsenals played an important role in Soviet-American (and East-West) relations.
Various international crises occurred in which there was the risk of nuclear war. Judging how
close we came to nuclear war at these times remains open to speculation.
Pax Americana (1991 – 2003? [because of the Iraq war and a lack of legitimacy])
- Unipolarity: the US as the sole remaining superpower[both hard power and soft power]
- Preponderance in terms of hard power: share of world economic output, military strength
(global power projection capabilities) and research and development
o The US was willing to share public goods like oil and other resources. The US holds 20% of
economic output and its defense budget is 45-50% of the world’s. It is one thing to have
various forms of hard power, but it is another thing to have political outcomes your liking.
- Soft power: attraction of US life-style/popular culture, ideas and values, top universities, and
entertainment products
Limits to US Power
- US military forces became overextended (unable to wage two regional wars). 9/11 showed
vulnerability of American society
- The unanswered challenge of asymmetrical warfare. Showdown between the powerful and the
weak but the weak is still prevail despite modest capabilities (relying on special tactics).
- Financial weakness: structural deficit on current account. US is largest debtor nation in the world
(e.g. the US is held hostage by China through its debts).
- US leadership claims are not universally accepted (problem of legitimacy)
The Rise of the BRICS
- Brazil, Russia, India and China: heterogeneous group. Impressive economic growth rates.
Increasing share of world output. The measurement of power can be its purchasing power.
o Debatable whether Russia is included, since it may be a power in decline than on the rise
(less than the entirety of the Benelux).
- Countervailing power? Latent tensions and rivalries between China and India, as well as
between China and Russia. Between India and China there are unsettled border wars ( 1960s),
regional disagreements, and the difference between the political systems. Between Russia and
China, the former fears mass migration into its territories.
- China the strongest. Will it surpass the US? Still lacks global (military) power capabilities and
universal (ideological) message. Rise to prominence only because of economic performance.
o The share of output and purchasing power of China is 10%. But we must keep in mind the
population difference between China and the US, so the income difference is still very large.
This is why China is still able to make claims to its position as a developing nation.
Europe (EU) Superpower in the Making?
- Pros: Largest trading bloc in the world, major donor of development assistance and largest
contributor to UN system [but it has about the same output as the US].
- Cons: Weak foreign-policy structure, limited military capabilities, lack of strategic consensus,
unfavourable demographic trends, and – perhaps – too little economic vitality
o There’s a strong position for trade, in classical inter-government cooperation but there are
only state-to-state structures in place. There’s also the aging of Europe (greater in Japan).
Conclusion
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- New multipolarity (US, China, India, Japan, Russia, Europe and Brazil) or bipolarity (‘Chimerica’)
- Joseph S. Nye, 3-layered structure: (1) military strategic domain. Predominantly unipolar (2)
economic and financial domain. Tripolar/multipolar (3) domain of new international issues
(climate change, infectious diseases, terrorism, organized crime, and human rights). Diffuse
power structure with relations between states, IGO’s, NGO’s and public-private partnerships.
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growth, regional integration, America’s presence and Japan’s peaceful foreign policy continue to
make the region less dangerous than he suggested.
Questions facing the region and the US is ‘rising China’. Realists insist it will challenge the status
quo. Others believe it can rise peacefully.
G. The haves and the have nots
One of the defining areas of instability during the cold war was the Third World.
With the end of the cold war the term ‘Third World’ has been challenged by many analysts.
China and India are examples where globalization has produced high levels of development.
Inequality creates security challenges in the form of migration, refugees, and in certain instances,
political violence directed against the more powerful West.
H. The war on terror: from 9/11 to Iraq
9/11 effectively ended the post-cold war era and in the process transformed US foreign policy.
The war to remove Saddam Hussein was sold as part of the war on terror; very few analysts,
however, saw a connection between Iraq and 9/11.
The reasons for going to war have been disputed, though most now believe it was a strategic
error.
The long-term impact of the Bush doctrine could weaken America’s global position in the long
term.
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international law because states continue to hold their ability to use force and thus the
international society continues in a state of anarchy).
o Locke, need international institutions in order to facilitate trade and interactions in general.
Core ideas of realism
- States are the sole actors in international relations and can be conceived of as unitary actors
(“individuals writ large”)
- International anarchy creates a security dilemma. International system is a self-help system.
o Because there is no central authority taking care of state security, there is the dilemma that
the search for security through the build-up of arms may cause other parties to react by
also amassing their own arms and fuelling an arms race in a self-fulfilling prophecy.
o The cost of unwarranted trust is greater than the cost of warranted trust.
- The primary task of states is survival. Hans J. Morgenthau: “Statesmen think and act in terms of
interest defined as power”. Ethical principles or moral considerations should not interfere with
foreign-policy calculations.
o Machiavelli separated political actions from ethical principles or moral considerations when
dealing with foreign policy.
- Preservation of the balance of power is the safest road to peace. Sources of war cannot be
eliminated, only limited or constrained (arms control, not disarmament).
Chapter 5: Realism
A. Introduction: the timeless wisdom of Realism
Realism has classical political theorists like Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Rousseau.
Unifying theme: states find themselves in shadow of anarchy so their security cannot be taken for
granted.
Realism continues to attract academicians and inform policy-makers, although since the end of
the cold war, we have seen heightened criticism of realist assumptions.
B. One Realism, or many?
Structural realism divides into two camps: those who argue that states are security maximizers
(defensive realism) and those who argue that states are power maximizers (offensive realism).
Neoclassical realists bring individual and unit variation back into the theory.
C. The essential Realism
Statism is the centerpiece of Realism. Two claims: (1) The state is the pre-eminent actor and all
other actors in world politics are of lesser significance. (2) State ‘sovereignty’ signifies the
existence of an independent political community, one which has juridical authority over its
territory.
Key criticism: Statism is flawed both on empirical (challenges to state power from ‘above’ and
‘below’) and normative grounds (the inability of sovereign states to respond to collective global
problems such as famine, environmental degradation, and human rights abuses).
Survival: Primary objective of all states is survival; the supreme national interest which all political
leaders must adhere.
Key criticism: Are there no limits to what actions a state can take in the name of necessity?
Self-Help: No other state or institution can be relied upon to guarantee your survival.
Key criticism: Self-help is not an inevitable consequence of the absence of a world-government;
self-help is a logic that states have selected. There are examples where states have preferred
collective security systems, or forms of regional security communities, in preference to self-help.
Core ideas of liberalism
- International conflicts are not intrinsic to international anarchy. Lack of institutions, evil policies
and misinformation are responsible for outbreak of war.
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- Peaceful relations are feasible through (1) international institutions and law, (2) democratic
regimes (Kantian view: “democracies don’t fight with one another”) and (3) economic
interdependence (“war doesn’t pay”)
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realists study security issues and are concerned with power and survival. Neo-liberals study
political economy and focus on cooperation and institutions.
B. Neo-realism
Kenneth Waltz’s structural realism claims the structure of the international system is key in
shaping state behaviour. Waltz’s neo-realism expands our view of power and capabilities.
However, he agrees with traditional Realists, major powers still determine the nature of the
international system.
Structural realists minimize national attributes as determinants of a state’s foreign policy
behaviour. To these neo-realists, all states are similar units, experiencing the same constraints of
anarchy.
Structural realists accept many assumptions of traditional Realism, that force remains an
important and effective tool of statecraft and balance of power is still the central for order in the
system.
Joseph Grieco represents neo- or modern realists critical of neo-liberal Institutionalists who claim
states are mainly interested in absolute gains. Grieco claims all states are interested in absolute
and relative gains. How gains are distributed is an important issue. Two barriers to international
cooperation: fear of those who might not follow the rules and the relative gains of others.
Scholars in security studies present two versions of neo-realism or modern realism. Offensive
neo-realists emphasize the importance of relative power. Like traditional Realists, they believe
conflict is inevitable in the international system and leaders must always be wary of expansionary
powers. Defensive realists are often confused with neo-liberal Institutionalists. They recognize
the costs of war and assume that it usually results from irrational forces in a society. However,
they admit that expansionary states willing to use military force to make it impossible to live in a
world without weapons. Cooperation is possible, but it is more likely to succeed in relations with
friendly states.
C. Neo-liberalism
Contemporary neo-liberalism has been shaped by the assumptions of commercial, republican,
sociological, and institutional Liberalism.
Commercial and republican Liberalism provide the foundation for neo-liberal thinking in Western
governments. These countries promote free trade and democracy in foreign policy programmes.
Neo-liberal Institutionalists see institutions as mediator and means to achieve cooperation in the
international system. Regimes and institutions help govern a competitive and anarchic
international system and encourage multilateralism and cooperation as a means of securing
national interests.
Neo-liberal Institutionalists recognize that cooperation may be harder to achieve in areas where
leaders perceive they have no mutual interests.
Neo-liberals believe that states cooperate to achieve absolute gains and the greatest obstacle to
cooperation is `cheating` or non-compliance by other states.
D. The neo-neo debate
The neo-neo debate is not a debate between polar opposite worldviews. They share
epistemology, questions, and assumptions about international politics. This is an intra-paradigm
debate.
Neo-liberal Institutionalists and neo-realists study different worlds of international politics. Neo-
realists focus on security and military issues. Neo-liberal Institutionalists focus on political
economy, environmental issues, and, lately, human rights issues.
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Neo-realists explain that all states must be concerned with the absolute and relative gains that
result from international agreements and cooperative efforts. Neo-liberal Institutionalists are less
concern about relative gains and consider that all will benefit from absolute gains.
Neo-realists are cautious about cooperation and remind us the world is a competitive place
where self-interest rules. Neo-liberal Institutionalists believe states and other actors can be
persuaded to cooperate if they are convinced all states will comply and cooperation will result in
absolute gains.
This debate does not discuss issues challenging core assumptions of each theory. (E.g. neo-realism
cannot explain foreign policy behaviour challenging national interest norms over human
interests).
Globalization has contributed to a shift in political activity away from the state. Transnational
social movements have forced states to address critical issues and in several situations supported
the establishment of institutions to promote cooperation, and fundamentally challenge state
power.
E. Neo-liberals and neo-realists on globalization
Neo-realists think that states are still the principle actors in international politics. Globalization
challenges some state authority and control, but politics is still international. Neo-realists are
concerned about new security challenges from uneven globalization, namely, inequality and
conflict.
Globalization provides opportunities and resources for transnational social movements that
challenge the authority of states in various policy areas. Neo-realists are not supportive of any
movement that seeks to open critical security issues to public debate.
Free market neo-liberals believe globalization is a positive force. Eventually, all states will benefit
from the economic growth promoted by the forces of globalization. They believe that states
should not fight globalization or attempt to control it with unwanted political interventions.
Some neo-liberals believe states should promote capitalism with a human face or a market
sensitive to the needs and interests of all people. New institutions created and older ones
reformed to end uneven flow of capital, promote environmental sustainability, and protect the
rights of citizens.
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o Friedrich Engels worked with Karl Marx to write the “Communist Manifesto” (1848).
- Basic notions are means (modes) of production, relations of production and social classes. Class
warfare is the driving force of history [antagonism between classes (proletariat and bourgeois)].
- Economic basis determines the superstructure of ideas (political and religious beliefs are
dependent on social position) [The place you occupy in society determines your view of society].
Chapter 8: Marxist theories of international relations
A. Introduction: the continuing relevance of Marxism
Marx`s work retains its relevance despite the collapse of Communist Party rule in the former
USSR.
Marx`s analysis of capitalism has yet to be improved. Marxist analyses of international relations
aims to reveal the hidden workings of global capitalism, to provide context for international
events.
B. The essential elements of Marxist theories of world politics
Marx’s ideas have been interpreted and appropriated in different and contradictory ways,
resulting in a number of competing. Underlying these different schools are several common
elements that can be traced back to Marx`s writings.
C. World-system theory
World-system theory (a direct development of Lenin`s work on imperialism and the Latin
American Dependency School).
Immanuel Wallerstein and his work on the modern world-system makes a key contribution to this
school and has been developed by other writers who have built on his initial foundational work.
D. Gramscianism
Drawing upon Antonio Gramsci for inspiration, writers within an `Italian` school made a
considerable contribution to thinking about world politics. Gramsci shifted the focus of Marxist
analysis towards super-structural phenomena. In particular, he explored the processes by which
consent for a particular social and political system was produced and reproduced and through the
operation of hegemony. Hegemony allows the ideas and ideologies of the ruling stratum to
become widely dispersed, and widely accepted, throughout society.
Robert W. Cox `internationalized` Gramsci by transporting concepts (hegemony) to global
contexts.
E. Critical theory
Critical theory (Frankfurt School). Habermas argued that emancipatory potential lies in the realm
of communication and that radical democracy is the way in which that potential can be unlocked.
Andrew Linklater developed critical theory themes to argue for the expansion of moral
boundaries in the political community and pointed to the EU as a post-Westphalian institution of
governance.
F. New Marxism
Rosenberg uses Marx`s ideas to criticize Realists theories of international relations, and
globalization theory. He seeks to develop an alternative approach which understands historical
change in world politics as a reflection of transformations in the prevailing relations of
production.
Benno Teschke, social property relations provides the means for analyzing the key elements of
international relations and the transitions between one international system and another.
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- Argues that the development of modern international relations largely coincides with the
emergence and expansion of capitalism from Europe incorporating many parts of the world
o In the North and Western parts of Europe before expanding to America and then beyond.
- Capitalism evolves through: mercantile, industrial, monopoly and post-industrial capitalism
o The mercantile stage can be compared to the Dutch merchants. The industrial stage is best
shown by England’s history. The monopoly stage is shown by conglomerates controlling the
economy, we can see this presently in the financial industry.
- Not states and relations between states but social classes and contradictions between classes
are key to understanding international relations
o The state is a committee serving the interest of the ruling class and not general interests.
Center-Periphery Model
- During monopoly capitalism an imperialistic two-tier structure developed.
- A dominant core (center) of highly developed countries is exploiting a dependent periphery of
less-developed countries (intermediary position taken by semi-periphery)
- The root of exploitation is international division of labour which is detrimental to poor regions
- High-value economic activities are reserved for the core countries; low-value activities
(agriculture, extracting raw materials) imposed on the periphery
- Sources of exploitation: (1) Unfair terms of trade AND (2) unequal spin-off effects
o Example of unfair terms of trade:
The countries in the center are gaining much more than the peripheral countries (also
assume that each core has its own attaching peripheral state).
o “Spin-off effect” refers to externals like pollution and ill effects on a society as a whole.
- Johan Galtung pointed to feudal interactions (pattern of hub-and-spokes). Center plays the
game of divide-and-rule
o There are no relationships between the peripheral countries with one another. It is
theorized that the core countries give privileges to some peripheral countries and not to
others, thereby continuing a strategy of divide-and-conquer.
- Application to relationship between North and South America: dependencia theory (Andre
Gunder Frank and Fernando H. Cardoso)
o Dependencia theory—although put forward by Cardoso, he repudiated the theory later
while serving in political office.
- Theory provoked a welter of criticism. Said to be overly simplistic, one-sided and outdated. How
to explain the economic success of Asian tigers, China, India and some African Countries?
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o China was particularly interesting because of its former strategy during “The Great Leap
Forward” where isolated itself from the rest of the world for independence before opening
itself for trade. Gradually, China made a move from agriculture to industrialization.
o There’s also an idea of division of labour where Asia and Africa are relegated the low-end
industrial jobs but are now given more high-tech jobs, like auto and medical manufacturing.
Social Constructivism
- Gained influence among younger generations of international relations students. Appeals to the
belief (or hope) that man can make history: human agents may prevail over social structures
- Scepticism whether social constructivism is a full theory and more than a research agenda?
Two Important Claims [of Social Constructivism]
- Epistemological claim: the social world/political reality is not something ‘out-there’, external to
people, international system is not like the solar system. It exists only as an intersubjective
awareness among people. It is constituted (constructed) by concepts, perceptions and ideas.
Alexander Wendt: “Anarchy is what states make of it.”
- Implication: the social world cannot be known by applying the scientific method of the natural
sciences. Instead of finding “laws” that link “causes” and “effects” international relation scholars
should turn to the method of “interpretative understanding”
- Substantive claim: ideas (shared beliefs), norms and social movements play an important part in
shaping international politics. Both realists and liberals overrate the importance of material
forces (either military or economic). Fail to explain changing views on national sovereignty,
human rights and the use of military force. States interests are continuously defined and
redefined as the result of new experiences.
- Implication: world orders are created and sustained not only by great power preferences and
the underlying balance of physical forces but also by changing understandings of what
constitute a legitimate international order.
o Idea that international order is more than negative physical peace (the absence of war).
Chapter 9: Social Constructivism
A. The main Constructivists tenets
Constructivists are concerned with human consciousness, treat ideas as structural factors,
consider the relationship between ideas and material forces as a consequence of how actors
interpret their material reality, and in how agents produce structures and how structures produce
agents.
Knowledge shapes how actors interpret and construct their social reality.
The normative structure shapes the identity and interests of actors such as states.
Social facts such as sovereignty and human rights exist because of human agreement, while brute
facts such as mountains are independent of such agreement.
Social rules are regulative, regulating already existing activities, and constitutive, making possible
and defining those very activities.
Social construction asks questions about the origins of what is now accepted as a fact of life and
considers the alternative pathways that might have produced and can produce alternative worlds.
Power can be the ability of one actor to get another to do what she would not do otherwise and
the production of identities and interests that limit the ability of actors to control their fate.
Although the meanings that actors bring to their activities are shaped by the underlying culture,
meanings are not always fixed and the fixing of meaning is a central feature of politics.
Although Constructivism and rational choice are generally viewed as competing approaches, at
times they can be combined to deepen our understanding of global politics.
B. Constructivism and global change
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A key issue in any study of global change is diffusion, captured by the concern with institutional
isomorphism and the life-cycle of norms.
Although diffusion sometimes occurs because of the view that the model is superior, frequently
actors adopt a model either because of external pressures or its symbolic legitimacy.
Institutional isomorphism and the internationalization of norms raise issues of growing
homogeneity in world politics, a deepening international community, and socialization processes.
Balance
- What have the main theories (realism, liberalism, Marxism and constructivism) to say about
international relations over the past 20 years? For instance: (1) globalization and the rise of Asia;
(2) military interventionism of the US; (3) radicalization of the political Islam; (3) the revival of
ethnicity and national identity in state formation; and (5) lasting poverty in many parts of Africa
- Conclusion: no theory can provide the full story of all phenomena. Some are more relevant for
explaining some developments, other are more insightful in explaining other developments
o Globalization has been driven forward by technology [*Prof--liberalism offers the best
theory to explain the drive of globalization]. Also keep in mind the role of ideas. Consider
how globalization affects the above five topics.
Focus on: international law (IL) and international regimes. The two fields are closely connected and
there is some overlap. But IL has broader scope; regimes are associated with issue-specific
institutions and rules. Importance of regimes in promoting international cooperation is illustrated by
discussing the threat of environmental degradation.
Relevance of international law
- Conflicting views: liberals and especially social constructivists are convinced of the great potency
of IL to create order and justice in the world. By contrast, Marxists hold IL serves the interests of
ruling classes while realists take a sceptical view.
- Realists are on the side of legal positivism. Reject the belief in inalienable (natural) rights and
general principles of civilization. Hold that voluntary consent and contractual obligation are the
only foundation of IL. Main thesis: governments abide by IL only to the extent that compliance
with rules serves the national interests. IL doesn’t constitute an autonomous constraining force.
o The problem is that foreign policy and national interests are divergent.
How realistic is the Realist position?
- Louis Henkin: “most states observe most legal rules most of the time”.
o There is also high and low politics. Low politics deals with economic and social issues; high
politics deals with military and sovereignty issues (like control over monetary affairs).
Generally, international politics deal with this kind of politics and we have difficulty finding
clear violations of international law. An example of when there are issues of military or
sovereignty at stake was the intervention in Kosovo by the US and UK.
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- Why? Self-interest and fear of retaliation are strong incentives to honour international
obligations. IL is an important source of political legitimacy. Unlawful acts engender political
costs (reputation damage).
o During the WWII, fear of retaliation the mistreatment of prisoners of war.
- Still, larger and smaller states tend to have different priorities as to the progressive
development of IL. Principle of legal equality is especially appealing for smaller states.
Commitment to IL may serve as compensation for lack of physical power. Reputation of law-
abiding country is a favourite small-power strategy.
o It is in the interest of small trading countries (like NL) that rules of international law prevail
in an international system, particularly where no military strength reinforce their claims.
Chapter 16: International law
A. Order and institutions
States have incentives to end international anarchy but face common coordination and
collaboration problems, and cooperation remains difficult under anarchy.
To facilitate cooperation, states create international institutions; three levels exist in modern
international society: constitutional institutions, fundamental institutions (international law falls
here), and issue-specific institutions or ‘regimes’.
B. The modern institution of international law
Modern international law is a historical artefact, a product of the revolutions in thought and
practice that transformed the governance of European states after the French Revolution (1789).
Prior to the French Revolution, in the ‘age of absolutism’, law was understood as the command of
a legitimate superior, and international law as a command of God, derived from natural law. In
the modern period law has come to be seen as something contracted between legal subjects, or
the representatives, and international law has been seen as the expression of the mutual will of
nations.
Because of its history, modern institution of international law has a number of distinctive
characteristics, informed by the values of political Liberalism. The most distinctive characteristic
are its multilateral form of legislation, its consent-based form of legal obligation, its language and
practice of justification, and its discourse of institutional autonomy.
C. From international to supranational law?
So long as international law was designed to facilitate international order, it was circumscribed:
states were the principle subjects and agents of IL; IL was concerned with the regulation of inter-
state relations; and the scope of IL was confined to questions of order.
Global governance is pushing IL into new areas, raising questions about IL as supranational law.
Individuals, and to some extent collectives, are gradually acquiring rights and responsibilities
under international law, establishing their status as both subjects and agents under international
law.
Non-government actors are more important in developing and codifying international legal
norms.
International law is increasingly affecting domestic legal regimes and practices, and the rules of
the international legal system are no longer confined to issues of order. As international
humanitarian law evolves, issues of global justice are permeating the international legal order.
D. The laws of war
Placing limits on the legitimate use of force is one of the key challenges of the international
community, and the laws of war have evolved to meet this challenge.
The laws of war have traditionally been divided into those governing when the use of force is
legitimate, jus ad bellum, and how war may be conducted, jus in bello.
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Laws governing when war is legally permitted have changed dramatically over the history of the
international system, the most notable difference being between the nineteenth-century that to
wage war was a sovereign right to the post-1945 view that war was only justified in self defence
or as part of a UN mandated international peace enforcement action.
Laws on war conduct divide into three categories: weaponry, combatants, and non-combatants.
E. Theoretical approaches to international law
Realists argue that IL is only important when it serves the interests of powerful states.
Neo-liberals explain self-interested states construct dense networks of international legal
regimes.
Constructivists treat international law as part of the normative structures that condition state and
non-state agency in international relations. Like other social norms, they emphasize the way in
which law constitutes actors’ identities, interests, and strategies.
New Liberals emphasize the domestic origins of state preferences and, in turn, international law.
Within international law, they stress the need to disaggregate the state to understand
transnational legal integration and interaction, and they prioritize international humanitarian law.
Critical legal studies concentrates on the way in which inherent Liberalism of IL curtails its
potential.
International Regimes: General
- Stephen Krasner: “sets of implicit principles, norms, rules and decision making procedures
around which actors’ expectations converge in a given area of international relations”. Regimes
may also comprise informal rules and policy understandings (cf. OSCE).
o This is not based on a treaty but on similar principles.
- Key assumption: international anarchy poses a major obstacle to cooperation because states
always fear cheaters (risk of ill-founded trust are higher than the risk of ill-founded distrust).
o Perhaps states can cooperate but there’s always fear that there are no guarantees the
other party will comply with the rules (a system of international anarchy).
- States face a prisoner’s dilemma: non-cooperation seems to be the rational (profitable) short-
term strategy. But the shadow of the future looms.
o The problem is the uncertainty about the behaviour of the other party. The idea is that it is
better to rely on the other’s bad behaviour than on the cooperation of the other party.
o ‘Shadow of the future’, the fact that non-cooperative behaviour will one day have a similar
response in kind by other countries in reaction to the prior non-cooperative behaviour.
- Regimes are supposed to breed trust and lower transaction costs.How? By collecting
information on states’ foreign-policy behaviour and by acting as supervisor of rule compliance
o Example: Market of used cars. Rumours of the poor status of the cars when sold but there
are is also the economic status of the buyer. To resolve some issues, actors can look for
guarantees and other information. Regimes act similarly to ensure compliance of States.
- Regimes may also have the authority to apply sanctions, varying from ‘hard’ sanctions
(economic penalties, suspension of membership or voting rights) to ‘soft’ sanctions (naming,
shaming, and black-listing).
Hegemony-Stability Theory
- To what extent a leading (dominant) power is necessary to establish and sustain regimes?
- Problem of collective action and public goods (available to a whole group, none excluded)
- Creates free-rider dilemma (the temptation of profiteering without paying)
o Organized international cooperation is to deal with the issue of free-riders. For example,
many nations pay lip service to environmental issues but do not actually comply with the
rules and do not share in the actual cost of the collective goals.
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- Thesis: public goods can only be produced if there is a ‘hegemon’ being able and willing to take a
disproportionate share of the costs and force free riders to pay their ‘dues’
- Hegemonic power acts as a quasi-sovereign
Chapter 17: International regimes
A. Introduction
Regimes present an important feature of globalization and a growing number of global regimes
are being formed. Détente, the loss of hegemonic status by the USA, and growing awareness of
environmental problems sensitized social scientists to the need for a theory of regimes.
B. The nature of regimes
Regime theory is an attempt initiated in the 1970s by social scientists to account for the existence
of rule-governed behaviour in the anarchic international system.
Regimes have been defined by principles, norms, rules; and decision-making procedures.
Regimes are classified in the formality of the underlying agreements and the degree of
expectation that the agreements will be observed. Full-blown, tacit, and dead letter regimes can
be identified.
Regimes now help to regulate international relations in many spheres of activity.
C. Competing theories of regime formation
The market is used by Liberal Institutionalists as an analogy for the anarchic international system.
In market/international setting, public goods get underproduced and public bads get
overproduced.
Liberal Institutionalists draw on the Prisoners’ Dilemma for impediments to regime formation. A
hegemon, ‘the shadow of the future’, and an information-rich environment promote
collaboration and an escape route from Prisoners’ Dilemmas.
Realists argue that Liberal Institutionalists ignore power when examining regimes and draw on
the Battle of the Sexes to illuminate the nature of coordination and its link to power in anarchic
settings.
The Environment: A Case Study
- Exemplifies the problems of collective action, public goods and free-riding.
- At stake is the preservation (protection) of global commons: the national resources ‘owned’ by
mankind as a whole (minerals in high seas, fish stocks, ozone layer, a ‘healthy’ climate, etc.)
- The tragedy of the commons: if actors continue to pursue their narrow self-interests,
exhaustion of natural resources seems to be inevitable [E.g. several farmers share a common
field but allow their herds to use the commons without consideration of the common.
Eventually the field becomes unusable from over-grazing and none can use the field.].
- Need to redefine the national interest and the transformation of political leaders to statesmen.
o The whole notion is to have sustainable development, meeting the needs of the present
generation without endangering the needs of future generations.
Strategies for Change
1. Privatization, e.g. the creation of exclusive economic zones (UNCLOS). But ‘pure’ public goods
cannot, by definition, be divided.
2. Establishment of international environmental regimes, setting limits to greenhouse emissions
(UNFCCC/Kyoto protocol) or allocating fish catches.
3. Public awareness campaigns/‘greening’ national economies. Life-boat ethics (Titanic metaphor).
o Insufficient lifeboats for passengers on Titanic and seating was based on class (with the rich
taking some belongings); likewise, the capacity of natural resources is insufficient to give
every world citizen a standard of living as in the rich parts of the world. Rich societies may
be required to give up some luxuries to allow others to receive a decent standard of living.
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Normative Concerns
N.B. the study of IR has a strong empirical orientation but states’ commitment to ethical and moral
standards may be an important input to the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.
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- While international law (IL) raises the question of legality of state action, international ethics
raises the question of legitimacy (are state actions righteous, just or necessary?). State actions
may be unlawful but yet legitimate.
o In India and formation of Bangladesh (1971), the formation caused civil strife and refugees
into India. India’s response was to send its army to enforce peace. People, aside from some
in the Bangladesh army, saw the actions of India as legitimate self-defence and security.
o In Tanzania and Uganda (late 1970s), at the time Uganda was ruled by a brutal dictator
(Amin) and many refugees fled to Tanzania. The Tanzanian government took steps to
remove the Ugandan dictator and issues remain if the actions were legitimate.
o In the case of Kosovo, Serbia and Milosevic, at the end of the 1990s, Kosovo was a province
of Yugoslavia and Milosevic was accused of committing ethnic cleansing, genocide, and
crimes against humanity. NATO, under the leadership of the US, came to the conclusion
that action had to be taken to end the violence against ethnic Muslims through aerial
bombing. The issue was whether it was legitimate, most Western democracies believed
that there was a moral right and a moral duty to end the Milosevic regime.
Relationship Between Insiders and Outsiders
- Are duties, if any, towards foreigners different from those towards own citizens?
- Three different positions: (1) Cosmopolitan (universalist) view; (2) Realist view; and (3)
Intermediate (middle) position taken by so-called pluralists and communitarians.
Cosmopolitan View
- The political writings of Immanuel Kant. Proponents (radical liberals) reject the insider-outsider
distinction. All people are equal, moral point of view, national borders are morally irrelevant.
- There is one humankind – a single human community whose rules apply to all
- Globalization is believed to buttress the cosmopolitan creed
o Argument that this benefits the global elite. But there is a revival of parochial attitudes,
scared about the effects of globalization (such as job protection and mass immigration). So
attention should be paid to the double-edged character of globalization.
Realist View
- Realists reject the universal meaning of ethical principles. International anarchy and self-help
dictate statesmen to accept national self-interest and survival as the only viable ethics.
- Political leaders’ primary duty is to protect the well-being of their own citizens. Individuals can
sacrifice themselves; statesmen may not endanger the fate of their country.
- Ethical standards that apply to human relations are not applicable to relations between states.
o George Kennan, a famous American diplomat and scholar, emphasized the argument
underlying a qualitative difference between normal human relations and between states.
“[…] the functions, commitments and moral obligations of governments are not the same
as those of the individual. Government is an agent, not a principle. Its primary obligation is
to the interests of the national society it represents, not to the moral impulses that the
individual elements of that society may experience. No more than the attorney vis-à-vis the
client, or the doctor vis-à-vis the patient, can government attempt to insert itself into the
consciences of those whose interests it represents.” (Keenan 1985/1986:205-206).
- Hans J. Morgenthau: a foreign policy guided by universal moral principles is bound to lead to
moral crusades and exhaustion of national resources.
o Example: British intervention on the German invasion of Belgium in 1940 and non-
intervention in the invasion of Finland by the USSR. The former was based on morality; the
latter was determined to be too risky and would exhaust national resources.
o Foreign policy arguments framed in moral crusades are harder to negotiate compromises.
Intermediate Position
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- Pluralists and communitarians contend that morality is not universal but ‘local’ (circumscribed
by particular cultures, geography and time). Different cultures embrace their own ‘ethics’.
- States may agree to a minimum core of ethical standards for co-existence as enshrined in IL.
- Leading advocate of this is Michael Walzer who distinguished ‘thick’ and ‘thin’ moral codes. The
last ones refer to what is unjust (human wrongs) rather than what is just. Ethical pluralism
doesn’t prevent the adoption of ‘thin’ codes (for instance, banning genocide and torture).
o Walzer posited that it is much easier to find agreement between states about human
wrongs than human rights (such as genocide and torture).
Chapter 11: International ethics
A. The ethical significance of boundaries: cosmopolitanism and its alternatives
Globalization lends support for cosmopolitan ethical theory. Cosmopolitanism advances a
universal human community in which everybody is treated as equal (most important thinker:
Immanuel Kant).
Cosmopolitanism has both moral and political meaning, but does not require a world state.
Cosmopolitans emphasize both positive and negative duties, usually expressed in terms of
responsibilities not to harm and responsibilities to provide humanitarian assistance or hospitality.
B. Anti-cosmopolitanism: realism and pluralism
Realism and pluralism are common objections to cosmopolitan ethics and moral universalism.
Realists: necessity demands a statist ethics, restricting moral obligations to the nation-state.
Pluralism is an `ethics of coexistence` based on sovereignty.
C. Global ethical issues
There are two components of the just war tradition: jus ad bellum and jus in bello.
Just war is different from holy war, it contains elements of cosmopolitanism and
communitarianism.
Discussions of global justice are dominated by utilitarian and Rawlsian theories.
Disagreement over inequality as a moral problem.
Cosmopolitans: a responsibility of the rich to help the poor from positive and negative duties.
Human Rights: A Political Perspective
- Universalist ethical vocabulary reflected in body of human-rights treaties after WWII.
o Universalism means that the right is applied anywhere, to all and at all times.
- Premise of universalism challenged by (1) communist countries giving priority to economic and
social rights over political and civil rights; (2) the Asian values debate (individualism vs.
collectivism); and (3) the rise of the political Islam (application of shari’a law). Universalism
doesn’t mean uniformity in implementation. Vienna Declaration (1993).
o Communist countries suggest a hierarchy to rights, with economic and social rights over
other categories (like civil liberties); what is the point of freed speech when starving?
o The Asian value debate places greater value on the collective rather than the individual,
relying on the ideas of Confucius.
o The Vienna Declaration focused on the universal application of human rights but with
specific consideration of local customs.
- Does the global power-shift from West to East lead to a weaker commitment to human rights?
- Tensions between the quest for order (stability) and justice. In foreign policy human-rights
considerations need to be balanced with strategic and economic interests. Proposition: No
government can afford human rights to be the principal foreign-policy goal in all circumstance.
- Double standards: complaints about selective indignation justified? Democratic governments
forced to coalesce with autocratic rulers in order to fight a greater evil (e.g. of Stalin and Hitler).
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o Condoleezza Rice (Spring 2005): over 6 years, US pursued stability over democracy in the
Middle East and achieved neither.
o To what extent can you dirty your hands? W. Churchill was interrogated in Parliament after
a treaty with USSR and Stalin; he said: to defeat Hitler, he would make a pact with a devil.
Chapter 29: Human rights
A. Introduction
Modern idea 3 generations of rights: broadly political; economic & social; and the rights of
peoples.
Contemporary problems concerns compliance with human rights, especially in the war on terror.
The universal status of human rights was challenged by critics who stress the Western, masculine,
intolerant nature of this universalism.
B. On rights in general
We need to establish the status of rights—what a right is, what kind of rights people have,
whether rights imply duties, and why? Distinction between rights as claims, liberties, powers, and
immunities helps to clarify these questions.
The origin of rights can be traced to natural law and the political practice of extracting charters of
liberties. Natural law generates universal rights and duties, while a charter confers local and
particular liberties. A potential conflict exists between these two sources of the idea of rights.
C. The liberal account of human rights
From medieval theory and practice emerged, liberal position on human rights, combining
universal and particularist thinking—universal rights established by contract between rulers and
ruled.
19th century Liberalism supported international humanitarian reform but within limits of
sovereignty norms and non-intervention. For some, latter norms did not apply when standards of
civilization in question. 20th century thinking on human rights was less restricted from world wars
and Holocaust.
D. 1948 and the modern agenda
The politics of the Universal Declaration of 1948 allow us to identify the 3 major human rights
issues of the post-1945 era: (1) the contest between the sovereignty norm and the norm of
universal domestic standards; the contest between political and liberal and social and economic
formulations of human rights; (3) there is the assertion of the rights of people to be different.
E. Political and economic rights
The politics of rights varies according to the constitutional or non-constitutional regime involved.
The international community rarely acts on human rights cases unless public opinion is engaged.
Economic and social rights are conceptually different from political rights, and present a more
basic challenge to existing norms of sovereignty and non-intervention.
F. Universalism challenged
The human rights template severely limits the degree of acceptable variation in social practices.
This universalism can be challenged on feminist grounds as privileging patriarchy.
More generally, the liberal position on rights privileges a particular account of human dignity.
Cultural critics of universal rights can be seen as self-serving, but no neutral criteria for assessing
this criticism exists. But a set of basic rights may be defensible or the idea of a human rights
culture.
Humanitarian Intervention (HI)
- Definition: Any action undertaken by a state, a group of states or an international organization
which coercively interferes in the domestic affairs of another state for humanitarian reasons.
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- Key IL questions: When is HI justified (to stop genocide, ethnic cleansing, etc.)? Is authorization
by UNSC necessary? What is the scope of art 39 UN Charter? Notion of responsibility to protect.
o Art 39 is about international peace and security, which allows military action by UNSC; this
requires a breach of the peace. Many states maintain a narrow reading of this article.
- Key IR questions: Is it realistic to expect governments to consider coercive action for
humanitarian reasons only? What is the impact of HI on the stability of the international
system? What is the effectiveness of HI?
o We also must examine the concepts of just war, the principles of proportionality, etc.
Humanitarian Intervention: Effectiveness
- Mixed record: successes (Bosnia, Kosovo) but also failures (Haiti, Somolia).
- Conditions of success: (1) the level of international support for intervention (legitimacy); (2) the
situation in the target-state (failed state or not, ethnic cleavages or not, wide domestic support
for intervention or not); (3) application of comprehensive strategy (integration of military with
civilian tools); (4) long-term commitment to assist target-state.
o If the target-state is a failed state, it takes more effort to fix because it requires rebuilding
the entire government. A comprehensive strategy requires more than military means of
improving a state; It must be followed by justice, economic development, etc.
Chapter 30: Humanitarian intervention in world politics
A. The case for humanitarian intervention
Counter-restrictionists argue in favour of a legal right of humanitarian intervention based on
interpretations of the UN Charter and customary international law. The claims for a moral duty of
humanitarian intervention stem from the basic proposition that all individuals are entitled to a
minimum level of protection from harm by virtue of their common humanity.
B. The case against humanitarian intervention
States will not intervene for primarily humanitarian purposes. States should not place their
citizens in harm’s way in order to protect foreigners. A legal right of humanitarian intervention
would be vulnerable to abuse by states cloaking self-interest in humanitarian claims. States will
apply principles of humanitarian intervention selectively.
In the absence of consensus about principles to guide HI, a right of HI would undermine
international order. HI will always be based on the cultural preferences of the powerful.
C. The 1990’s: a golden era of humanitarian activism?
The 1990s a golden era of humanitarian activism because of an increase in HI.
Although some interventions were motivated by humanitarian concerns, others were not. Most
were prompted by mixed motives.
The legality and legitimacy of HI remains hotly contested but a norm of intervention authorized
by the Security Council emerged in the 1990s. Interventions tended to be more successful in
stopping immediate killing and less successful in building long-term peace.
D. Humanitarian intervention and the war on terror
Optimists argued 9/11 injected self-interest into humanitarian endeavours, making states more
likely to intervene. Sceptics warned the war on terror would ‘crowd out’ humanitarianism and
encourage powerful states to cloak self-interest in humanitarian concern. There was a major
debate about whether or not the war in Iraq could be justified as a legitimate HI. Iraq has made
many states more wary of embracing a humanitarian exception to the rule of non-intervention.
A combination of prudence and statism has contributed towards inactivity in the face of the
humanitarian catastrophe in Darfur.
E. The responsibility to protect
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The ‘responsibility to protect’ switches from a debate about sovereignty versus human rights to a
discussion of how to protect endangered peoples.
The ICISS report attempted to move HI forward by forging a new consensus around the criteria
for judging when armed intervention for humanitarian purposes was justifiable. There are good
reasons to think that criteria alone will not galvanize action or consensus in difficult cases. The
responsibility to protect was adopted by states at the 2005 World Summit, but in a significantly
revised form.
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Constructivists base their ideas on two assumptions: (1) that the fundamental structures of
international politics are socially constructed; and (2) that changing the way we think about
international relations can help to bring about greater international security.
Some Constructivists accept the assumptions of neo-realism, but reject that ‘structure’ consists
only of material capabilities. They stress the importance of social structure defined in terms of
shared knowledge and practices as well as material capabilities. Constructivists argue material
things acquire meaning only through the structure of shared knowledge in which they are
embedded.
The power politics and realpolitik practices emphasized by Realists are seen as derived from
shared knowledge which can be self-fulfilling.
F. Critical security studies
Critical security theorists argue too much emphasis is given by most approaches to the state and
wish to shift the main referent to the individual and suggest ‘emancipation’ is key to greater
domestic and international security.
Feminists argue gender is left out of international security, despite the impact of war on women.
Post-modernists reconceptualise global security, looking at questions ignored by traditional
approaches. There is belief among post-modernists that the nature of international politics can be
changed by altering the way we think and talk about security.
G. Global society and international security
‘Global society school’ argue the end of the 20th century witnessed an accelerating process of
globalization—seen in economic development, communications, and culture. Global social
movements are also a response to new risks associated with the environment, poverty, and
WMD.
‘Fracture of statehood’ is creating new kinds of conflict within rather than between states which
the state system cannot deal with. This has encouraged an emerging politics of global
responsibility.
Disputes about whether globalization contributes to weakening the state or simply its
transformation, and whether a global society can usher in a period of peace and security.
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- How come? Hypotheses: (1) The end of the Cold War also put an end to proxy wars (exporting
East-West rivalries to Third World); (2) More countries adopted democratic models of
governance; (3) the moral threshold for waging war has raised (delegitimation of war); and (4)
The successful intervention of the UN and other international organizations in armed conflict
Chapter 12: The changing character of war
A. Introduction
War has been a central feature of human history. Since the end of the cold war both frequency
and lethality of war has shown a sharp decline. War between great powers has become more
unlikely than in previous eras. Changes in the international system may be changing the character
of war.
B. Definitions
War in the contemporary era is not always easy to define; war is a brutal form of politics.
C. The nature of war
Contemporary warfare is being influenced by globalization. War requires highly organized
societies and can be a powerful catalyst for change. The nature of war remains constant, but its
form reflects the particular era and environment in which it occurs.
D. The revolution in military affairs
Dramatic technological advances mean a revolution in military affairs may be underway, few
states possess such technology. The `information age` is increasingly reflected in ‘information
warfare’.
Opponents with little or no access to revolution in military affairs (RMA) technology are likely to
use ‘asymmetric warfare’ to fight the war on their own terms.
E. Post-modern war
Most recent conflicts have been characterized by the kind of ferocity that was typical of ‘modern’
war, but overall casualty levels have been much lower.
The post-modern age has seen warfare take numerous, varied forms. ‘Virtual war’, with few
casualties, is an attractive option, but is extremely difficult and probably impossible to achieve.
F. New wars
‘New wars’, following state collapse, are often conflicts over identity as much as territory and
follow a pattern of warfare that has been typical since the late 1950s. Such conflicts typically
occur in countries where development is lacking and there is significant economic insecurity.
UN Peacekeeping
- Distinction between UN-led operations and UN-authorized operations carried out by regional
organizations (NATO, EU and African Union) or coalitions of the willing acting as sub-contractor.
- Profile of classical peacekeeping: deployment of lightly armed forces as a buffer between two
(former) hostile states. Legal basis: Chapter 6 of UN Charter. Only self-defense permitted.
o This also required the consent of states.
- Over the past 10-15 years movement towards more robust military operations: Mixed mandates
(Chapter 6 and 7) allowing for wider rules of engagement than strict self-defense. [E.g. military
law enforcement operations in connection to the UN have included Korea and desert storm].
- Conclusion: Despite some successful operations the UN is not able (yet) to conduct complex and
large-scale military operations. Reasons: lack of well-developed command and control structure,
logistical facilities and other resources.
- Question: does it make sense to make the case for a standing UN army? Will article 43 UN
Charter ever be implemented? (obligation of member states to make troops available to the UN
on the Secretary General’s call in accordance with a special agreement or agreements)
Chapter 28: Human security
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UNICEF, and UNIFEM) have been crucial in addressing human security issues (refugees and the
rights of children).
Canada and Japan have made human security a major part of their foreign policy. Their approach
contrasts between ‘freedom of fear’ and ‘freedom from want’ conceptions of human security.
Non-governmental organizations promote human security by acting as a source of information
and early warning about conflicts, providing a channel for relief operations, supporting
government or UN-sponsored peace building and rehabilitation missions, and promoting
sustainable development.
The September 11 attacks on the United States and the ‘war on terror’ have revived the
traditional state-centric approach to national security at the expense of civil liberties and human
security.
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Terrorism, or acts of violence by sub-state groups, separates from criminal acts on the purpose
for which violence is applied, namely political change. Terrorists succeed when their motivations
or grievances are perceived as legitimate by a wider audience. Disproportionate or heavy-handed
responses by states to acts of terrorism serve to legitimize terrorist groups.
The technologies associated with globalization have improved terrorist capabilities.
B. Terrorism: from transnational to global phenomenon (1968-2001)
Majority of transnational terrorist attacks since 1979 targeted American citizens and symbols.
Trends since 1968 include greater casualties, increasing sophistication, and suicide attacks.
Transnational Marxist-Leninist groups have been replaced by global militant Islamic terrorist
groups.
C. Terrorism: the impact of globalization
Cultural, economic, and religious aspects provide necessary, but insufficient explanations for
globalized terrorist violence individually. The current wave of terrorist violence uses religion as a
motivator and to provide the justification to kill non-combatants.
The ultimate purpose for modern militant Islamic violence as applied is obtaining political power
in order to conduct political, social, economic, and religious reform according to Sharia law.
D. Globalization, technology, and terrorism
Globalization permitting rapid exchange of ideas and goods can also be leveraged and exploited
by terrorist groups. Technologies associated with globalization allow terrorists to operate in
highly distributed global ‘network’ that shares information and allows small cells to conduct
highly coordinated, lethal attacks. Globalization may allow some terrorist groups to acquire,
manufacture, and use weapons of mass of destruction in order to conduct catastrophic attacks.
E. Combating terrorism
States, individually and collectively, have political, military, legal, economic, and technologies
advantages in the struggle against terrorist groups. Differences between states over the nature
and scope of the current terrorist threat, and the most appropriate response to combat it, reflect
subjective characterizations based on national biases and experiences.
WMD Proliferation
- Why do (did) governments want to keep or acquire nuclear, chemical and biological weapons?
Considerations of security and national status (prestige)
- Why is the spread of WMD considered a threat to global security? (1) The increasing likelihood
of accidental war; (2) the lack of strategic stability between nuclear dyads; (3) the vulnerability
of command and control systems; and (4) terrorist groups acquiring nuclear weapons.
- Counter-arguments: nuclear weapons induce a sense of responsibility and caution on leaders. If
nuclear weapons prevented the outbreak of a new world war in the East-West context, why can
they not forestall future conflicts? [the constant threat of mutually assured destruction (MAD)].
Towards a Nuclear-Free World?
- Article VI of Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT): to pursue negotiations in good faith to end the
nuclear arms race and, ultimately, conclude a treaty on general and complete disarmament
- President Obama’s Prague speech of April 2009 calling for the abolition of nuclear weapons. Is
this attainable? Problems: (1) is it possible to disinvent knowledge to produce nuclear weapons?
And (2) are states ready to accept an intrusive and far-reaching inspection regime?
- The relationship between vertical and horizontal proliferation. The importance of
Comprehensive Test Ban Agreement and Fuel Cut-off Treaty.
o As long as some states continue to advance their nuclear technology, there’s no reason for
other states to disarm their nuclear arsenal.
Chapter 22: Nuclear proliferation
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Globalization poses some new constraints for all states, including the most powerful. In particular,
the emergence of global capital markets means that all governments have to be cautious in their
choice of exchange rate and interest rate policies.
On other issues of economic policy, wealthier and more powerful countries are less constrained
by globalization than is portrayed by the globalists. This is because the firms and investors whom
governments are keen to attract are not solely concerned with levels of taxation and wages. They
are equally concerned with factors such as the skills of the workforce, the provision of
infrastructure, and proximity to markets.
At the international level the more powerful states in the system get to set (and enforce) many of
the rules of the new global economy.
D. International institutions in the globalizing world-economy
Institutionalists argue that international institutions will pay an important and positive role in
ensuring that globalization results in widely spread benefits in the world-economy.
Realists and neo-realists reject the institutionalist argument on the grounds that it does not
account for the unwillingness of states ever to sacrifice power to other states.
Constructivists pay more attention to how governments, states, and other actors construct their
preferences, highlighting the role that state identities, dominant beliefs, and ongoing debates and
contestation plays in this process.
Effectiveness of Economic Sanctions
- Sanctions to target-state may consist of trade embargoes, boycotting products, withdrawal of
grants and loans, and halting currency support
- Success seems to be critically dependent on: (1) economic vulnerability of target-state; (2)
participation of all relevant players, plus water-tight control on implementation; (3) rapidity or
swiftness of action taken by sanction-takers; and (4) financial compensation for weak-sanction-
takers [E.g. South Africa, it’s hard to tell if economic sanctions ended apartheid because of
internal pressures within the country and within Africa. The countries who participated, asked
for compensation (the sharing of costs) for applying the sanctions to one of their main traders].
- Moral dilemma of sanctions: causing pain among people who are already suffering from
repressive regimes anyways. Smart sanctions (hurting political leaders but not ordinary people).
o Smart sanctions could take the form of freezing assets in tax havens and seizing property in
foreign jurisdictions. But do these really bite? What is the worth of the political position in
comparison to the imposed sanctions? Ultimately, this may mean a reliance on military force,
diplomatic pressure. Even though in few cases, the sanctions may bite, there is a
responsibility to find less coercive means to have the goals met.
Poverty Problem
- Why did particular poor countries move forward and others remain poor? Two conflicting views:
(1) Domestic conditions (bad geography, cultural barriers, wrong economic policies, weak state
structures)
Max Weber tried to link the Protestant work ethic and the development of capitalism in
Europe (thus acting as a cultural advantage for richer countries)
(2) External conditions (dependency on developed countries, lack of fairness of international
economic order)
- Export-led growth strategy (benefiting from cheap labour), rather than self-reliance, seems to
be the most successful strategy. Caveats: increasing inequality due to limited trickle-down
effects (need for anti-poverty programs) and high environmental costs
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o All countries claiming economic success relied on an export-growth strategy. The attempts of
countries to delinking from other countries turned out as economic failure. However, a resort
to the export-led growth strategy and links with other countries does not guarantee success.
Chapter 27: Poverty, development and hunger
A. Poverty
The monetary-based conception of poverty has been almost universalized among governments
and international organizations since 1945.
Poverty is interpreted as a condition suffered by people—the majority of whom are female—who
do not earn enough money to satisfy their basic material requirements in the market-place.
Developed countries regard poverty as something external and defining of the Third World. This
provided justification for the former to ‘develop’ the latter by promoting their further integration
into the global market. However, such poverty is increasingly endured by sectors of the
population in the North, as well as the Third World, hence rendering traditional categories less
useful.
A critical alternative view of poverty places more emphasis on lack of access to community-
regulated common resources, community ties, and spiritual values.
Poverty moved up the global political agenda at the start of the 21st century.
B. Development
Development is a contested concept. Orthodox or mainstream approach and the alternative
approach reflect very different values.
Development policies over the last 60 years dominated by the mainstream approach—embedded
liberalism and, more recently neo-liberalism—with a focus on growth. The last two decades of the
20th century saw the flourishing of alternative conceptions of development based on equity,
participation, empowerment, sustainability, etc., with input especially from NGOs and grassroots
movements and some parts of the UN. The mainstream approach has been modified slightly and
has incorporated the language of its critics (e.g. pro-poor growth).
C. Hunger
Recent decades global food production burgeoned, paradoxically hunger and malnourishment
remain widespread.
The orthodox explanation for the continued existence of hunger is that population growth
outstrips food production. An alternative explanation for the continuation of hunger focuses on
lack of access or entitlement to available food. Access and entitlement are affected by factors
such as the North-South global divide, particular national policies, rural-urban divide, class,
gender, and race.
Globalization can simultaneously contribute to increased food production and increased hunger.
Blaise Pascal: “He who plays the angel ends up as the beast.”
Kofi Annan: “While the United Nations may not be able to take humanity to heaven, it must act to
save humanity from hell.”
Edward Carr: “If it is utopian to ignore the element of power, it is an unreal kind of realism which
ignores the element of morality in any world order.”
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- How does the regional approach relate to the (supreme) authority of the United Nations?
Chapter 25: Regionalism in international affairs
A. Regional cooperation and regional integration
Regionalism has various dimensions and takes different forms. Some regional integration
processes are more state-led, others more market-led. A difference between cooperation
arrangements and integration processes, both approaches may be followed in a regional system.
B. Regional cooperation in a global context
Regionalism seen as one level in emerging system of global governance, the relationship between
regionalism and multilateralism is debated in regard to economic liberalization and int’l security.
Regionalist experiences in each continent have followed different patterns which reflect their
different historical and cultural contexts. The earlier waves of regionalism arose in a context of
post-colonial restructuring, economic protectionism, or regional security concerns. A new wave of
‘open regionalism’ began around 1990 with the end of the cold war and the surge in globalization.
C. The process of European integration
Process of integration in post-war Europe launched in context of long debates about creation of a
federal system, but ultimately choice was in favour of a gradual path towards an ‘ever closer
union’.
Integration has proceeded by conferring competence for many economic sectors to supranational
institutions which can take decisions that are binding on the member states.
Over time, more politically sensitive areas, such as monetary policy or internal and external
security, have also become the domain of the European Union.
Successive reforms of the EU treaties have sought to maintain and enhance the legitimacy and
efficiency of a Union that had grown, by 2007, to twenty-seven member states, the latest stage
being the debate over a formal ‘European constitution’.
D. Conclusion
The creation of regional governance structures is not a contradiction to globalization but the
expression of local attempts to accommodate and respond to the challenges of globalization.
Despite the observation of a global trend towards greater regionalism, important differences
remain between the depth and the scope of regional institutions that develop in different parts
globally.
Regional cooperation and integration are not linear processes but depend on the varying
contingencies that provide opportunities and limits in different regional contexts.
Effective Multilateralism
- Strengthening streamlining and reforming the existing body of global organizations and regimes
as approach to global governance
- Institutions must be able to do what they say/they must be able to enforce decisions if
necessary (must ‘bite’)
- System of global governance must reflect the new balance of forces in the world; emerging
powers should be given a stronger say in global decision-making
- Reform of the UNSC and limiting the veto-power of the permanent members
o Historically, the challenge of world order, though setbacks, the world has improved over.
Chapter 18: The United Nations
A. A brief history of the United Nations
UN was established to preserve peace after WWII. The institutions of the UN reflected lessons
learned from its predecessor, the League of Nations. The institutions and mechanisms of the UN
reflect both the demands of great power politics (i.e. Security Council veto) and universalism.
They also reflect demands to address the needs and interests of people, as well as the needs and
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interest of states. The tension between these various demands are a key feature of UN
development.
B. The United Nations and the maintenance of international peace and security
The cold war and the decolonization process discouraged more active involvement by the UN
within states. After the cold war, it became more difficult for states and diplomats to accept that
what happened within states was of no concern to outsiders. It became more common for
governments to see active membership in the UN as serving national interest as well as being
morally right.
By the mid-1990s the UN had become involved in maintaining international peace and security by
resisting aggression between states, by attempting to resolve disputes within states (civil wars)
and by focusing on conditions within states, including economic, social, and political conditions.
C. The United Nations and intervention within states
New justifications for intervention in states were considered by 1990s. Most UN operations were
justified in the traditional way: as a response to a threat to international peace and security.
D. The United Nations and economic and social questions
The number of institutions within the UN system that address economic and social issues has
significantly increased. Several programmes and Funds were created in response to Global
Conferences. Despite a shortage of funds and coordination problems, the UN has done important
work in key economic and social areas.
Millennium Development Goals focused on measurable socioeconomic targets and further
integrate the work of the UN at the country level, but progress towards reaching the goals have
been uneven.
E. The reform process in the economic and social arrangements of the United Nations
Mid-to late 1990s under then Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the UN embarked on an overarching
reform effort. Reform of the economic and social arrangements of the UN aimed at improving
coordination, eliminating duplication, and clarifying spheres of responsibility (resulted in
strengthened norms of the multilateral system).
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sovereignty of another government. In some economic policy, governments lost sovereignty and
now have to exercise at the global level rather than by independent governments.
C. Non-legitimate groups and liberation movements as political actors
Effective action against transnational criminals by individual governments is difficult for the same
reasons as control of TNCs is difficult.
Groups using violence to achieve political goals generally do not achieve legitimacy, in exceptional
circumstances they may be recognized as national liberation movements and take part in
diplomacy.
Transnational activities of criminals/guerrillas shift domestic problems into global politics.
Terrorism may be particular to individual countries, have transnational aspects or be carried out
by groups in a transnational network, but it is not a single political force. Governments cannot act
as independent sovereign actors in response to terrorism nor in using violence themselves.
D. Non-governmental organizations as political actors
Most transnational actors can be recognized as NGOs by the UN, if they are not individual
companies, criminals, or violet groups and do not exist solely to oppose an individual government.
The ECOSOC statute provides an authoritative statement that NGOs have a legitimate place in
intergovernmental diplomacy.
Creation of a global economy leads to the globalization of unions, commercial bodies, the
professions, and scientists in international NGOs, which participate in international regimes.
Governments can no longer control the flow of information across the borders of their country.
Improved communications make it more likely that NGOs will operate transnationally and make it
very simple and cheap for them to do so. NGOs from each country may combine in four ways: as
international NGOs, as advocacy networks, as caucuses, and as governance networks.
E. International organizations as structures of global politics
International organizations are structures for political communication. They are systems that
constrain the behaviour of their members.
Governments form intergovernmental organizations and transnational actors form international
non-governmental organizations. In addition, governments and transnational actors accord each
other equal status by jointly creating hybrid international NGOs.
International organizations are more than the collective will of their members. They have distinct
impact upon other global actors.
F. Conclusion: issues and policy systems in global politics
The high politics/low politics distinction is used to marginalize transnational actors. It is invalid
because politics does not reduce to these two categories.
A simple concept of power will not explain outcomes. Military and economic resources are not
the only capabilities: communication facilities, information, authority, and status are also
important political assets. In addition, skills in mobilizing support will contribute to influence over
policy.
Different policy domains contain different actors, depending on the salience of issues debated.
TNCs gain influence through the control of economic resources. NGOs gain influence through
possessing information, gaining high status and communicating effectively. TNCs and NGOs have
been the main source of economic and political change in global politics.
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International order now delivers a range of international ‘goods’, but also a wide range of ‘bads’.
B. A typology of order
Order is specific to states, peoples, groups, or individuals.
International order focuses on stable and peaceful relations between states, often related to the
balance of power. It is primarily about military security.
World order is concerned with other values, such as justice, development, rights, and
emancipation.
A pattern of order may advance values at the expense of others. Often a tension, e.g., between
state-centred concepts of order and those promoting individual values. For instance, policies
based on the balance of power might lead to support for regimes with bad human rights’ records.
A key question about globalization is whether it supersedes other ideas of international order, or
whether it can be incorporated into more traditional ideas.
C. The elements of contemporary order
Order is shaped by the changed nature of states and of the tasks they perform.
There are complex questions about whether the end of the cold war has released a new agenda
of nationalism and national identity, or whether these issues have been present all along.
Security is increasingly dealt with on a multilateral basis even when this does not conform to
classical ‘collective society’ models.
The global economy is primarily shaped by relations between 3 key groupings (North America,
Western Europe and East Asia) and is managed by a panoply of western-dominated institutions.
There are dense patterns of international institutions in all functional areas.
There are strong trends towards regionalism, but they take different forms in various regions.
Human rights have a much higher profile than in earlier historical periods.
Are there two separate orders in the North and South, or a more complex diversity of orders?
D. Globalization and the post-Westphalian order?
Globalization is portrayed as an effect of the end of the cold war; this led to its geographical
spread. At the same time, globalization is one of the factors that contributed to the end of the
cold war. It was the USSR’s marginalization from globalization that revealed, and intensified, its
weaknesses.
Accordingly, globalization should be regarded as an element of continuity between the cold war
and post-cold war orders, and the latter should not be regarded as wholly distinct.
There is a reason for scepticism that globalization is the exclusive hallmark of contemporary
order. One reasons is that, as a long-term historical trend, globalization is not specific to the late
twentieth or the early twenty-first century.
Globalization is associated with a ‘borderless world’ where old Westphalian order no longer
applies.
Globalization is too much outside our control to form order on its own. We are its objects rather
than its subjects.
E. Globalization and legitimacy
There is evidence of resistance to globalization. Some is generated by the feeling that traditional
democracy does not offer effective representation in the global order.
National elections may not make politicians accountable if they cannot control wider global
forces.
There is a heated debate about whether global civil society can help democratize international
institutions, or whether they themselves are largely undemocratic.
Some governments in the South remain suspicious of social movements that may be better
organized in developed countries.
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