Overview

Kinship refers to the culturally defined relationships between

individuals who are commonly thought of as having family ties.
All societies use kinship as a basis for forming social groups and
for classifying people. However, there is a great amount of
variability in kinship rules and patterns around the world. In order
to understand social interaction, attitudes, and motivations in most
societies, it is essential to know how their kinship systems
Mother and children
function. in Papua New Guinea

In many societies, kinship is the most important social organizing principle along with
gender and age. Kinship also provides a means for transmitting status and property
from generation to generation. It is not a mere coincidence that inheritance rights
usually are based on the closeness of kinship links.

Kinship connections are in turn based on two categories of

bonds: those created by marriage and those that result
from descent, which is socially recognized links between
ancestors and descendants.

Your husband or wife, mother-in-law, father-in-law, brother-

North American family in-law, and sister-in-law are all kinsmen related to you
through marriage. They have an affinity bond with you
and are your affines or affinal relatives. In contrast, people who have socially
recognized biological links to you, such as your mother, father, grandparents, children,
grandchildren, uncles, aunts, and cousins, are your consanguines or
consanguinal relatives. They have a consanguinity relationship with
you.

The word "consanguinity" comes from Latin roots meaning "with the
blood." It is a term that came into use during earlier times in Europe
when it was commonly thought that blood is passed between parents
and children during conception and that this is how they receive their
genetic characteristics. This is not true, despite that fact that we still
talk about "blood relatives." The actual genetic material that we inherit
consists of microscopic DNA molecules within sperm and ova. These Masai Elder with
contain the genes that determine what we are like genetically. his children in
Kenya
Occasionally, a third category of bond, referred to as fictive kinship, is used to create
links to people who otherwise would not be kinsmen. This can be an expedient for
dealing with irregular circumstances or even a mere social courtesy. Godparenthood
and the adoption of children are examples of fictive relationships in European cultures.
Godparenting has been particularly important in Latin America where friends voluntarily
create lasting ties of shared responsibility for their children--they become respected
compadres (co-fathers) or comadres (co-mothers).

It is important to remember that people often use different kin terms when addressing
someone directly in contrast to when they are referring to them in a conversation with
someone else. In North America today, for instance, it is common for people to call their
mother "mom" when talking to her but to use the more formal "mother" when talking
about her. In this case, "mom" is a term of address and "mother" is a term of
reference.

Descent Principles: Part 1

Kinship is reckoned in a number of different ways around the world, resulting in a variety
of types of descent patterns and kin groups. Anthropologists frequently use diagrams to
illustrate kinship relationships to make them more understandable. The symbols shown
here are usually employed. They may be combined, as in the example below on the
right, to represent a family consisting of a married couple and their children.

In kinship diagrams, one individual is usually labeled as ego This is the person to whom
all kinship relationships are referred. In the case below on the right, ego has a brother
(Br), sister (Si), father (Fa), and mother (Mo). Note also that ego is shown as being
gender nonspecific--that is, either male or female.

Unilineal Descent
Most cultures severely limit the range of people through whom descent is traced by
using a unilineal descent principle. This traces descent only through a single line of
ancestors, male or female. Both males and females are members of a unilineal family,
but descent links are only recognized through relatives of one gender. The two basic
forms of unilineal descent are referred to as patrilineal and matrilineal.
With patrilineal descent, both males and females belong to their father's kin group but
not their mother's. However, only males pass on their family identity to their children. A
woman's children are members of her husband's patrilineal line. The red people in the
diagram below are related to each other patrilineally.

The form of unilineal descent that follows a female line is known as matrilineal. When
using this pattern, individuals are relatives if they can trace descent through females to
the same female ancestor. While both male and female children are members of their
mother's matrilineal descent group, only daughters can pass on the family line to their
offspring. The green people below are related to each other matrilineally.

In societies using matrilineal descent, the social relationship between children and their
biological father tends to be different than most people would expect due to the fact that
he is not a member of their matrilineal family. In the case of ego below, the man who
would have the formal responsibilities that European cultures assign to a father would
be his mother's brother (MoBr), since he is the closest elder male kinsmen. Ego's father
would have the same kind of responsibilities for his sister's children.

Inheritance patterns for men in matrilineal societies also often

reflect the importance of the mother's brother. For example, in the
Ashanti Kingdom of Central Ghana, a king traditionally passes his
title and status on to his sister's son. A king's own biological son
does not inherit the kingship because he is not a member of the
ruling matrilineal family group. Women usually inherit status and
property directly from their mothers in matrilineal societies.
Unilineal descent has been found most commonly, but not exclusively, among materially
rich foragers, small-scale farmers, and nomadic pastoralists. The common factors for
these types of societies are small populations that usually have more than adequate
food supplies. Until the early 20th century, approximately 60% of all societies traced
descent unilineally. Since then, many of these societies have disappeared or have
been absorbed by larger societies that follow other rules of descent.

Cognatic Descent
At least 40% of the societies around the world today trace descent through both the
mother's and the father's ancestors to some degree. They follow one of several
nonunilineal or cognatic descent principles. The result is usually more varied and
complex family systems than are found in societies with patrilineal or matrilineal descent
patterns. Cognatic descent is known to occur in four variations: bilineal, ambilineal,
parallel, and bilateral descent. By far the most common pattern is bilateral descent,
which is commonly used in European cultures. It is described in the next section of this
handout.

When both patrilineal and matrilineal descent principles are combined, the result is the
bilineal, or double, descent pattern shown below. With this rare hybrid system, every
individual is a member of his or her mother's matrilineage and father's patrilineage.

As a result, everyone, except siblings, potentially have a unique combination of two

unilineal family lines, as shown in the diagram below. Note that parents only share
either their children's matrilineal line or patrilineal line of descent.

The Yäko of southeastern Nigeria are an example of a society with

bilineal descent. Their important portable property, including
livestock and money, are inherited matrilineally. Fixed property,
such as farm plots, pass down through the patrilinal line as do rights to trees and other
forest products. It is not surprising that they have patrilineally inherited obligations to
cooperate in cultivating their fields. Obligations to perform funerals and pay bride price
for sons are inherited through the matrilineal line.

The Toda of southern India also follow bilineal descent.

Their property is inherited patrilineally and ritualistic
privileges related to funerals are inherited matrilineally.

A similarly rare combination of unilineal descent patterns is

known as parallel descent. With this system, men trace
their ancestry through male lines and women trace theirs
through female lines. Unlike bilineal descent, each individual
is a member of only one descent group.

Ambilineal descent is still another unusual descent system that, in a sense, combines
unilineal patterns. Descent from either males or females is recognized, but individuals
may select only one line to trace descent. Since each generation can choose which
parent to trace descent through, a family line may be patrilineal in one generation and
matrilineal in the next.

The reason for choosing one side over the other often has to do with the relative
importance of each family. In other words, ambilineal descent is flexible in that it allows
people to adjust to changing family situations. For instance, when a man marries a
woman from a politically or economically more important family, he may agree to let his
children identify with their mother's family line to enhance their prospects and standing
within the society.
 Descent Principles: Part 2
Bilateral, descent is used by most people in Europe and the Americas today. This
cognatic system traces descent from all biological ancestors regardless of their gender
and side of the family. In addition, all male and female children are members of both
their father's and mother's families. Everyone shown in red below is a bilateral relative
of ego.

In some societies that use bilateral descent, the non-red people in the diagram may also
be considered relatives. However, this is often a matter of individual choice. In North
America, they are referred to as in-laws and are generally considered to be more distant
kinsmen. Take another look at the diagram above and think about who you consider to
be your relatives. Does your family follow this or one of the other descent patterns
described in the last section of the tutorial?

While there is no inherent gender bias in the bilateral descent principle, there often is a
slight male bias in marriage practices and in the creation of families. This can be seen
in North America today when a man's last name is used by his wife and children. With
this exception, however, there usually is no other similarity with patrilineal descent.

Bilateral descent is rare among the societies of the world, though, it is common if you
count people instead of societies. It is characteristic of large agricultural and industrial
nations as well as hunters and gatherers in harsh, relatively nonproductive
environments such as deserts and arctic wastelands. It is also found among some
transhumance pastoralists living in poor environments.

How Many Relatives do you have?

The specific type of descent system employed has a major effect on the number of people who
are recognized as ancestors. With unilineal descent, there is only one direct ancestor in each
generation. However, with bilateral descent, there is a doubling of ancestors with each
generation further back in time.
 ANCESTRAL NUMBER OF DIRECT ANCESTORS
GENERATION Unilineal Bilineal Bilateral
1 1 2 2
2 1 2 4
3 1 2 8
4 1 2 16
5 1 2 32
6 1 2 64

Given the fact that bilateral descent results in many ancestors in just a few generations, it is not
surprising that few people in North America know the names of all eight of their great
grandparents, let alone the names of their sixteen great great grandparents.

A large bilateral family in North America

By comparison, it is not unusual for people who use unilineal

descent systems to remember all of their ancestors for five or
more generations. In fact, some Polynesians from the island
of Rarotonga in the early 20th century knew the names of
their ancestors back 90 or more generations. In fairness,
however, it should be noted that the people of Rarotonga
traditionally have had more of an ancestor focus than do
most people in North America today. This difference in focus
may have as much to do with their respective economies and pace of life as with their
kinship systems.

One further trait of bilateral descent deserves mention. Families using this system have
a potential for recognizing far more collateral descendants than would those using one
of the unilineal patterns. This is not due to producing more offspring but to having
descent lines continued by both male and female children every generation.

Summary
You have learned that the two principle ways people around the world trace descent are unilineal
and cognatic (or nonlineal). Unilineal descent recognizes only a single line of ancestors through
males or females. It occurs in two forms--patrilineal, which follows the male line, and
matrilineal, which follows the female line. The patrilineal form is more common. With cognatic
descent, both the mother's and the father's ancestors to some degree are considered to be within
the family line. Cognatic descent occurs in four forms--bilineal, parallel, ambilineal, and
bilateral descent.

GENERAL RULE SPECIFIC RULE

patrilineal descent
unilineal descent
matrilinal descent

bilineal descent

parallel descent
cognatic descent
ambilineal descent

bilateral descent

One final caution is in order. People do not always follow their culture's descent
principles precisely. Kinship is often manipulated. For instance, people may create or
deny links to particular ancestors in order to make their genealogy come out to their
advantage. In addition, kinship systems are changing rapidly today as societies are
increasingly exposed to other cultures around the world and new kinds of economies.

Descent Groups
Different descent principles and marriage rules result in the formation of different types of
families and larger kin based groups. Regardless of the descent and marriage pattern used by a
society, however, most people at some time in their lives are members of more than one family
group. For example, in North America and other monogamous societies with bilateral descent
patterns, people usually see themselves as being members of two related nuclear families--the
one in which they are a child (family of orientation) and the one in which they are a parent
(family of procreation).
 Do you think that this
picture shows a nuclear
family of orientation or
of procreation?

In reality, the 21st century American family is often missing an adult male as a result of

death, divorce, abandonment, or no marriage having occurred. Such families are often
referred to as being matricentric or matrifocused. They may also include the mother's
daughter's children, as in the case shown in the diagram below. The matricentric family
pattern exists in all segments of the American society today but is most common in poor
urban African American communities.

In some cases, it is the wife-mother who is absent from the family. As a result, the
husband-father usually takes on both parent roles. Another increasingly common form
of family in contemporary America is the dual-family. This occurs when children move
between the separate households of their divorced or separated parents. Since half of
all marriages in the U.S. now end in divorce, it is likely that the dual-family will become a
more accepted family alternative.

Unilineal Descent Groups

When a unilineal descent principle is used, people are most often members of multi-generational
groups of close relatives called unilineages. These may be matrilineages, as in the case of the
green people in the diagram below, or they may be patrilineages, depending on whether the
links are traced through women or men.
 Three generations of a small matrilineage Members of a unilineage in New Guinea

Societies that have unilineages also often define larger, more inclusive kin groups called
clans. These are groups of people who claim unilineal descent from a common
ancestor but who cannot specify all of the actual links. The ancestor is genealogically
so remote that he or she is thought of often as a mythical being.

Such distant, non-human ancestors become identifying symbols of the

clan. Anthropologists often refer to these fictional clan originators as
totems or totemic emblems. Often, there are cultural rules requiring
that clan members show respect for the totemic animal or plant and
observe a prohibition against killing or eating it. Medieval European
heraldry also used animal representations to identify family lines.
However, such creatures were not considered to be family ancestors
but rather as symbolic representations of virtues such as strength and Typical English crest
with heraldic animals
loyalty.

Australian Aboriginal bark

painting showing totemic
ancestors in the "dreamtime"
(the mythical time when the
world was created)

Some societies group their clans into even larger-scale unilineal descent groups called
phratries. As with clans, the actual genealogical links are not clear and the phratry
ancestors are usually mythical.

Entire societies may be divided into two large unilineal descent groups that have
reciprocal responsibilities with each other. These groups are known as moieties (from
the French word for half). The distinction between phratries and moieties is not simply a
matter of the number of groupings. Moieties are intended to produce a balanced
opposition within a society. The constantly reinforced social and economic exchanges
between moieties encourages economic equality and political stability.
The often complex patterns of reciprocity inherent in moiety
systems can be seen operating in the marriage patterns of the
Kariera Aborigines of Western Australia. They follow patrilineal
descent but with a peculiar twist that is known by anthropologists
as a four class system. They have two moieties and four "marriage
classes." An individual's moitey and marriage class identity
determines who he or she may marry.

Each Kariera moiety has two generational marriage class "names." Everyone in a
moiety who is in the same generation has the same marriage class identity. For
simplicity, the moieties are designated below as "A" and "B", while the marriage class
"names" are "a", "b", "c", and "d" respectively.

An "a" man can only marry a "c" woman from moiety "B". Their children will be "b's" in
moiety "A". Conversely, a "c" man can only marry a woman from moiety "A" and their
children will be "d's" in moiety "B".

Ideally, Kariera men from different moieties marry each other's sisters. This results in
strong reciprocal bonds between the men and their moieties. There is a generational
alternation in class "names" among the Kariera. People have the same class identity as
their grandparents and grandchildren but not their parents and children. It is sobering to
note that as confusing as the Kariera 4-class system seems, it is not the most complex
example of Australian Aboriginal kinship.

Societies with moieties usually consist of a few thousand people or less. In contrast,
societies with phratries are often larger. As in the case of clans and phratries, moiety
members usually cannot demonstrate all of the descent links back to their supposed
common ancestor.

Membership in unilineages, clans, moieties, and phratries is inherited and usually

continues throughout life. As a result, these unilineal descent groups often function
successfully as long-term joint property owners and economic production teams.

Bilateral Descent Groups

Bilateral descent groups tend to be more fragile and short term than unilineal ones.
Beyond the nuclear family, there usually only exists a kindred. This is a group of
relatives who are linked together by a single individual who can trace descent and/or
marriage relationships to every other member of the kindred.

In North America today, a kindred group usually informally includes spouses and in-laws
as well as biological relatives. All of the people below may be part of ego's kindred.

This loosely defined type of kindred allows people to be part of the extended families of
their spouses as well as their own. An unfortunate consequence is divided family
loyalties when an issue comes up that places consanguinal relatives and affines on
opposite sides. Conflicting interests and obligations usually prevent such expanded
kindreds from functioning as efficiently as a unilineage in collective ownership and
mutual aid.

North American kindreds are not only fragile but also usually short term social
groupings. When an individual dies or is divorced, the kindred that was focused on him
or her is altered significantly or may even cease existing. The only kind of bilateral
kindred that regularly continues to exist after the death of its founder is a dead ancestor
focused one. For example, members of the well known, politically active Kennedy
family of Massachusetts, which has included a U.S. President and several Senators, still
considers themselves to be a large closely related kindred despite the fact that Joe
Kennedy, the family founder, died in 1969 and many of the Kennedy kindred do not
have the Kennedy name.
 Kin Naming Systems: Part 1
All societies have standard kinship names for specific categories of relatives. For
example, both ego's father's sister (FaSi) and mother's sister (MoSi) in the diagram
below would be referred to as ego's aunt by most North Americans. Ego obviously
knows the difference between the aunts, but it is not important to assign distinct terms
of reference for them.

Different cultures often have very dissimilar reference terms for relatives. For instance,
some cultures refer to the person in the diagram above labeled MoSi (aunt in North
America) as ego's mother. She is treated the same way as the biological mother (who
is also referred to as mother) for kinship related matters. They both have the same
responsibilities and expectations in regards to ego. Such kin terms are valuable clues
to the nature of a kinship system in a society as well as to the social statuses and roles
of kinsmen. Anthropologists have discovered that there are only six basic kin naming
patterns or systems used by almost all of the thousands of cultures in the world. They
are referred to as the Eskimo, Hawaiian, Sudanese, Omaha, Crow, and Iroquois
systems.

Eskimo System
The most common kin naming pattern in North America and Europe today is known as
the Eskimo system. Members of the nuclear family are given terms of reference based
only on their gender and generation (in the diagram below 1 = father, 2 = mother, 5 =
brother, and 6 = sister). No other relative is referred to by any of these terms.

Aunts and uncles are distinguished from parents in the Eskimo system and separated
only by gender (3 = aunt and 4 = uncle). The spouses of aunts and uncles may also be
given these kin terms. All cousins are lumped together (7 = cousin). No kinship
distinction is made between uncles, aunts, and cousins with regard to side of the family.
For instance, there is no kin term for aunts on the mother's side of the family in contrast
to those on the father's side--they are all called aunt.
The Eskimo kin naming system is found mainly in societies that use the bilateral
principle of descent and that strongly emphasize the nuclear family over more distant
kinsmen. Both ego's mother's and father's collateral relatives are considered equally
important. That is to say, no distinction is made between relatives on the mother's and
father's side of the family. This is reflected in the kin names. Despite the fact that some
relatives are lumped together with the same linguistic terms in the Eskimo and other kin
naming systems, people do make distinctions between them as unique individuals. For
instance, you would make a distinction between your uncle John and your uncle Pete by
using their first names along with the kinship term.

The Eskimo system is one of the simplest, despite the fact that it is found among some
of the most technologically complex societies. It is also found among hunters and
gatherers living in harsh environments, such as the Inuit, or Eskimo. In both of these
extremes, the common denominator for the Eskimo kin naming system is an economy
that forces the nuclear family to be mostly independent. The Eskimo system is used
today by about 10% of the world's societies.

Hawaiian System
The least complex kin naming pattern is found in the Hawaiian system. The nuclear
family is de-emphasized. Relatives within the extended family are distinguished only by
generation and gender. This results in just four different terms of reference. Ego's
father and all male relatives in his generation have the same kin name (1). Likewise,
ego's mother and all female relatives in her generation are referred to by the same kin
term (2).

Similarly, all brothers and male cousins are linked by giving them the same kin term (3).
Sisters and all female cousins are also referred to by the same term (4). Not
surprisingly, marriage of cousins is generally forbidden since they are treated like
brothers and sisters.

The Hawaiian terminological system is used by about a third of the world's societies, though they
are relatively small ones. It is found widely in the islands of Polynesia where it is usually
associated with ambilineal descent. Since both sides of the family are treated equally, an
individual's choice of ancestral line to trace is less biased.

Polynesian woman from Tonga

Sudanese System
At the opposite extreme in complexity is the Sudanese system. Most kinsmen are not
lumped together under the same terms of reference. Each category of relative is given
a distinct term based on genealogical distance from ego and on the side of the family.
There can be eight different cousin terms, all of whom are distinguished from ego's
brother and sister.
The Sudanese system is found in Sudan, Turkey, and some other societies with patrilineal
descent and considerable social complexity. The fine distinctions made between kinsmen
mirrors the society's desire to distinguish people on the basis of class, occupation, and political
power.

Turkish woman

Kin Naming Systems: Part 2

The remaining kin terminological systems are named after
three North American Indian cultures that used them:
Omaha, Crow, and Iroquois. The fact that these naming
systems are strikingly different from each other is a reminder
that there was considerable cultural diversity among the
original inhabitants of the western hemisphere.

In order to comprehend the Omaha, Crow, and Iroquois

naming systems, it is important to first understand a common distinction made between
types of cousins in societies following unilineal descent. For the majority of people in
contemporary Europe and the Americas whose cultures use the bilateral descent
principle, these cousin differences seem to be irrelevant and unnecessary. However,
they are logical and easy to understand when viewed in their cultural context.

Parallel cousins are ego's father's brother's children and mother's sister's children. In
contrast, cross cousins are ego's father's sister's children and mother's brother's
children. In other words, there is a crossing of gender in the parent generation with
cross cousins but not with parallel ones. The gender of the cousin is not relevant in
making this distinction.
The importance of this categorization of cousins can be understood in terms of descent
relationships. Note that in the red patrilineage shown below, parallel cousins are
members of ego's unilineage, while cross cousins are not.

The same is true with matrilineages--only parallel cousins are relatives. These
distinctions can be critical in determining who an individual may and may not marry and
with whom there is likely to be mutual assistance obligations.

Omaha System
The Omaha kin naming system is characteristic of societies that use patrilineal
descent. Relatives are lumped together on the basis of descent and gender. Siblings
and parallel cousins of the same gender are given the same term of reference (5 =
males and 6 = females). Father and father's brothers also have the same kin term (1).

Other people in ego's mother's patrilineage are lumped across generations (2 = female
and 4 = male). This reflects the comparative unimportance of the mother's side of the
family in a society that strongly follows the patrilineal descent principle.
 Crow System
An almost mirror image of the Omaha pattern is the matrilineally based Crow kin
naming system. Relatives are also lumped together on the basis of descent and
gender. Siblings and parallel cousins of the same gender are given the same term of
reference (5 = male and 6 = female). Mother and mother's sister also have the same
kin term (2).

Other people in ego's father's matrilineage are lumped across generations (1 = male
and 3 = female). This reflects the comparative unimportance of the father's side of the
family in a society that strongly follows the matrilineal principle of descent.

Differences between the Omaha and Crow systems can be seen in the terms of reference for
cross cousins and whether or not uncles and aunts are lumped with them. These differences stem
from the fact that the Omaha system is patrilineal and the Crow is matrilineal. Compare the two
kin naming systems and note the similarities and differences.

Omaha
system

Crow
system

Iroquois System
In the Iroquois kin naming system, the same term of reference is used for father and
father's brother (1) as well as mother and mother's sister (2). This merging is related to
shared membership in unilineages, as it is in the Omaha and Crow systems. However,
the Iroquois system may be either patrilineal or matrilineal and is usually not as strongly
one or the other.

Also like the Omaha and Crow patterns, the Iroquois system lumps together parallel
cousins from both sides of the family with siblings but distinguishes them by gender (5 =
male and 6 = female). What sets the Iroquois system apart is the fact that cross
cousins are also lumped together and distinguished by gender (7 = male and 8 =
female). The reason is that there usually is a preference for marriage to cross cousins
in societies that use the Iroquois system.

Summary
There are six distinct kin naming systems used around the world. They are referred to
as the Eskimo, Hawaiian, Sudanese, Omaha, Crow, and Iroquois systems. Keep in
mind that they are not limited to the cultures for which they were named. It is also
important to understand that these systems are seldom followed exactly--they usually
have unique cultural variations.

Kin naming systems are complex and confusing for most students. If you are still not
clear on how they work, it would be a good idea to go over them again.