The Forbidden "R" Word in

Myanmar
Compiled for research study by Naing Tinnyuntpu World Opinions
in some of the links may contain views that are inaccurate and biased
or incomplete facts that presented only one side of the story.

Last edited: 12/20/16 11:22:28 PM

Table of Contents

Background
Who are the Rohingyas?
History of Chittagong
Rakhine State
A Myanmar Historian Looks at Rohingya
Early History from late 1700s to 1931
1931 Census of British Burma
Burmese Word for Indians
Indians in British Burma
The role of Buddhist Nationalists
Analysis of 2014 Census

2
1950's and early 60's
Who are the Mujahids?
1970's - 1980's
Bangladesh
Identification Cards History
2015 Racial and Religious Tensions
Green Cards
Race and Religion Protection Laws
Anti-immigrant sentiments in other parts of the world
Timeline of the "R" Word
Witnessing History in the Making

3
Background

You can talk about anything in China, conventional wisdom says, except the
3 T's — Tibet, Taiwan and Tiananmen (1989) — Gate of Heavenly Peace
with the Forbidden City in the backdrop. In Myanmar, there is a word with
"R" in it that should be treated with sensitivity. It's not about the old debate
on whether to call this country "Burma" or "Myanmar". In recent years, the
"R" word is making headline news around the world for approximately a
million stateless people in Rakhine (formerly Arakan) state. Co-incidentally,
"R" also spells "Refugees" for countries like the U.S. and Australia that no
longer want to absorb a large number of them. It's hard to say which is more
— true love and compassion for the plight of "the least wanted people in the
world" described by the Los Angeles based Jewish Journal, or fear of a large
influx of Muslim refugees.

Australian government now has offshore detention facilities in Pacific island

nations of Nauru and Papua New Guinea where hundreds of refugees and
asylum seekers are detained, and accused of Human Rights abuses.

That brings back the memories of post 9/11 Muslim detainees at

Guantanamo Bay where American interrogators put in use the infamous
Enhanced Interrogation Techniques approved by then vice-president Dick
Cheney. By not bringing them to the American soil, the detainees were not
protected by the American legal system including the right for an attorney.

4
http://www.rfa.org/english/news/myanmar/rakhine-06212012190247.html

The riots finally came after weeks of sectarian disputes including a gang rape
and murder of a Rakhine woman by Rohingyas and killing of ten Burmese
Muslims by Rakhines.[79][80]
From both sides, whole villages were "decimated".[80][81] According to the
Burmese authorities, the violence, between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and
Rohingya Muslims, left 78 people dead, 87 injured, and up to 140,000 people
have been displaced.

— Wikipedia —

5
Brussels-based International Crisis Group has an insightful description of the
situation in Rakhine. Here are some highlights:

The situation in Rakhine State contains a toxic mixture of historical centre-

periphery tensions, serious inter-communal and inter-religious conflict with
minority Muslim communities, and extreme poverty and under-development.
This led to major violence in 2012 and further sporadic outbreaks since then.
It represents a significant threat to the overall success of the transition, and
has severely damaged the reputation of the government when it most needs
international support and investment. Any policy approach must start from
the recognition that there will be no easy fixes or quick solutions.

This crisis has affected the whole of the state and all communities within it. It
requires a sustained and multi-pronged response, as well as critical
humanitarian and protection interventions in the interim.

The largest group in the state are the Rakhine, who are Buddhist, and there is
a significant Muslim minority, including the Rohingya – a designation
rejected by the government and Rakhine.

The Rakhine community as a whole has tended to be cast internationally as

violent extremists – ignoring the diversity of opinions that exist, the fact that
the Rakhine themselves are a long-oppressed minority, and rarely attempting
to understand their perspective and concerns. This is counterproductive.

Muslim communities, in particular the Rohingya, have over the years been
progressively marginalised from social and political life. Many have long
been denied full citizenship, with significant consequences for their
livelihoods and well-being.

6
Ms. Yanghe Lee is a South Korean UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar
Human Rights issues. She visited Myanmar for the 4th time in June-July
2016. Her most memorable visit was in January 2015.

“We have explained about the race protection law, but the bitch criticised the
laws without studying them properly,”

“Don't assume that you are a respectable person because of your position. For
us, you are a whore.”

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-30928744

7
Washington Post reports on October 19th, 2016:

Suu Kyi told the U.N. investigator that the government would avoid using the
term “Rohingya,” which many Burmese consider incendiary. Many Burmese
call the Rohingya “Bengali,” a reference to the fact that some migrated from
Bangladesh years earlier.

“This is inflammatory,” Suu Kyi said. “We simply say Muslims of Rakhine
state. Because this is just a factual description which nobody should object to.
But of course, everybody objects because they want their old emotive terms
to be used.”

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi often uses the word သတ္တိ Thut-ti1 meaning courage
to challenge the people to be brave and bold. New York Times editorial board
on May 9, 2016 run an article: Aung San Suu Kyi’s Cowardly Stance on the
Rohingya. That was a major shift in reporting by the media in the West on
Aung San Suu Kyi since the days following the 1988 events when articles by
just a handful of authors such as Bertil Lintner and David Steinberg on
Burma first appeared in magazines such as Far Eastern Economic Review
and Asiaweek. All along, they have been solidly behind her.

8
According to Amnesty International, estimated 140,000 people were
displaced in Myanmar in 2012 and almost 86,000 made the hazardous
journey into neighboring countries and denied resettlement in Indonesia,
Thailand, Bangladesh, Malaysia or Australia.

“To Burma (and the rest of the world it seems), the Rohingyas are not people.
They are stateless. Without the proper required identification documents, they
have no chance at being a citizen anywhere.”

— Amnesty International —

The figures by the Amnesty International could be a little inflated. Some

percentage of them turned out to be Bangladeshis fleeing poverty in their
homeland in neighboring Bangladesh. Australian Foreign minister Julie
Bishop had this to say:

“They (Indonesia) believe there are about 7000 people at sea (and) they think
about 30-40 per cent are Rohingya, the rest are Bangladeshi; and they are not,
in Indonesia’s words, asylum-seekers, they are not refugees, they are illegal
labourers, they’ve been promised or are seeking jobs in Malaysia,”

http://www.news.com.au/world/pacific/rohingya-refugee-crisis-indonesia-
claims-boats-carry-bangladesh-labourers/news-
story/f2fa38314cb8d58d547f9a3b454cf8d1

9
Who are the Rohingyas?

Until the 2012 Rakhine State Riots, the word "Rohingya" was virtually
unheard of in Myanmar. For an average Burman, all Indian looking people
are ကုလား (ka1-la3). In addition to Indo-Arayan people of Indian sub-
continent, this word also refers to Arabs, Caucasians, and Negroids from the
West side of the world as opposed to Mongoloids in the East such as Chinese,
Thais, Koreans, and Japanese. Who are the Rohingyas? Political Science
Professor Sumit Ganguly at Indiana University, Bloomington wrote on The
Diplomat :

“The Rohingya are an ethnic group closely linked through language, culture,
and religion to the dominant Bengali population of Bangladesh. Indeed, the
Rohingya language is very close the variety of Bangla spoken in Chittagong,
Bangladesh’s major port in the southeast, and until the late 1600s part of the
Arakanese Empire in today’s Myanmar. The Rohingya are concentrated in
Rakhine (previously Arakan) State, Myanmar. However, under the 1982
Burmese Citizenship Law, Rohingya were denied the right to claim Burmese
citizenship. The government argued that the Rohingya were illegal migrants
that only settled in the country during British rule, which justified the denial
of their citizenship rights.”

http://thediplomat.com/2015/10/refugees-and-neighbors-rohingya-in-
bangladesh/

10
History of Chittagong

“Chittagong has been a seaport since ancient times. The region was home to
the ancient Bengali Buddhist Samatata and Harikela states.[1] It later fell
under of the rule of the Gupta Empire, the Pala Empire and the Vesali
kingdom of Arakan till the 7th century. Arabs traded with the port from the
9th century AD. An account by historian Lama Taranath has revealed a
Buddhist king Gopichandra had his capital at Chittagong in the 10th century,
and according to Tibetan tradition, Chittagong was the birthplace of 10th
century Buddhist Tantric Tilayogi.[2] In the Fourteenth Century, explorer Ibn
Battuta passed through Chittagong during his travels.”

“Sultan Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah of Sonargaon conquered Chittagong in

1340 AD.[3] Sultan Giasuddin Mubarak Shah constructed a highway from
Chittagong to Chandpur and ordered the construction of many lavish
mosques and tombs. After the defeat of Mahmud Shah in the hands of Sher
Shah in 1538, the Arakanese Kingdom of Mrauk U regained Chittagong.
From this time onward, until its conquest by the Mughals, this region was
under the control of the Portuguese and the Magh pirates (a notorious name
for Arakanese) for 128 years.[2]”

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Chittagong

Note: Vesali kingdom of Arakan is known as ဝေသာလီ Waithali Kingdom in

Burmese. Their alphabets are shown in the middle two columns of the table
on the cover of this paper.

11
Rakhine state

Rakhine, formerly known as Arakan is situated on the western coastal stretch

of Myanmar. From the Google satellite photo, Rakhine state line separating it
from the central plains to the east and lower delta regions to the southeast can
be made out by the stretch of Rakhine Yoma range of mountains. To the north
of Mrauk-U, those mountains connect with Chin hills in Chin State. To the
northwest lies Chittagong Hills in Bangladesh.

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At least half of Chittagong Hills region in Bangladesh used to be part of
ancient Rakhine kingdoms -- Vesali kingdom of Arakan in the 7th century
and Kingdom of Mrauk-U in the 1600s. Between 1430 AD and 1785, Mrauk-
U was the last capital of Rakhine Kings. After the First Anglo-Burmese War
in 1826, Sittwe was made the seat of administration by the British. Mrauk-U
was called မြို့ဟောင်း (myo1-houn3) Mrohaung meaning "old city" until the
original name was restored back in 1979.

Although Rakhine today is among the poorest, and arguably the most
neglected states in Myanmar, it has a huge earning potential and employment
opportunities from tourist attractions in Ngapali, ancient temples of Mrauk-
U, and from Special Economic Zone in Kyaukphu.

Deep sea ports located on Kyaukpyu and nearby Maday Island are strategic
locations which connect 2,400km (1,500 mile) gas and oil pipelines to
Kunming, the capital of the southeast Chinese province of Yunnan. The oil
pipeline not only shortens the distance of oil supply from the Middle East, it
also bypasses the Straits of Malacca, which is vulnerable to navel blockade
by the U.S. 6th Fleet in potential future conflicts. State-owned oil company
China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) had invested $2.5 billion into
the project.

http://www.forbes.com/sites/ericrmeyer/2015/02/09/oil-and-gas-china-takes-
a-shortcut/#2513804b2d40

http://thediplomat.com/2016/01/chinese-company-wins-contract-for-deep-
sea-port-in-myanmar/

13
A Myanmar Historian Looks at Rohingya

Dr. Aye Kyaw was born in Rakhine state. He has a BA in history and religion,
an MA in Asian history and a BA in law from Rangoon University. He earned
a Ph.D in Southeast Asia History at Monash University in Australia. Dr. Aye
Kyaw taught at universities in Burma, Thailand and the US. Now retired, he
lives in New York city. A Historian Looks at Rohingya published by
irrawaddy.org on October 7, 2009 shed some lights on this subject from the
insider view point. Here are some highlights:

“The clean AFPFL faction leader, prime minister U Nu, set up Mayu District
in Arakan State. He registered Bengali as citizens through national
registration and allowed them to vote. During the Colonial era, the Bengali
started coming into Arakan to work. They mostly worked in the agricultural
sector, and then returned when the work was done. One of the prominent
leaders among Bengali was Sultan Mahmud. The AFPFL was weak in a
sense. When U Nu allowed Bengalis to enter Mayu District that was the
beginning of today’s Rohingya problem.”

Irrawaddy: Do you know when the use of the term "Rohingya" began?

“I think it appeared during the 1960s. Because even the Bengali leader,
Sultan Mahmud, when he became a member of parliament, I don’t think he
used the word "Rohingya." In earlier Burmese history and in Arakan history,
I haven’t seen the word Rohinhya. Even after independence, there was no
such word.”

14
Irrawaddy: What does "Rohingya” mean?

“When Sayagyi U Tha Tun was in good health, we visited whenever he was
in Rangoon. We had conversations on several themes: literature, history and
other social matters. Once, he explained to me the meaning of Rohingya. The
word derived from an Arakan word, Lwintja. Lwintja in Arakan means leaves
falling from trees and blowing around without any purpose.”

The statement makes one smile. According to this, the meaning of the word
"Rohingya" was pondered over decades ago. If Dr. Aye Kyaw was right, the
word Lwintja (လွင့်ကျ) might have been used as a poetic reference for the
Rohingya by the Arakan people in a negative sense. Rohingya people,
however, could not have been so proudly identifying themselves as leaves
falling from the trees without any purpose or in another word "vagabond".
Dr. Aye Kyaw further confirmed the existence of the word:

“The word basically means anything or anyone wandering around without a

cause. I analyzed the word in the linguistic sense, and I once wrote an
academic article in the Pyinnya Padesa journal, published by Rangoon
University.”

Irrawaddy: Nowadays, many Arakans see the Rohingya as a threat. Why?

“The underlying reason was the emergence of the Mujahids, who started an
armed insurrection in Arakan State to try to acquire their own land.
Originally, they were Bengali from Bangladesh. In earlier days, they came to
work in Arakan and returned to their homes when the work was done. Then
they faced difficulties living in Bangladesh because it was so crowded.
Afterward, the Mujahids attempted to set up a Muslim State in Buthee Taung,
Maung Daw and Yathei Taung townships of Mayu District, where U Nu had
granted them the right to live.
15
When the Mujahids began to prosper, the Arakans didn't accept the idea. The
Arakans see them as a danger, threatening their land, national identity and
religion, and that is why the Arakans are so allergic to the word, Rohingya.”

Dr. Aye Kyaw also gave some clues as to why Rohingha was not listed as one
of 135 ethnic groups in Myanmar.

“In 1978, while under the Burma Socialist Programme Party rule, me, Dr.
Maung Maung (the late President), and U San Thar Aung discussed a law on
ethnic nationality. Dr. Maung Maung was an academic on law, I am an
historian and U San Thar Aung was director general of the higher education
department at that time. We discussed the matter in a room in the State
Council office. I said that for recognizing an ethnic nationality in Burma,
there was a census record during the Bodaw Phaya reign, made in the 18th
century. It listed all nationalities living in Burma, and it mentioned Arakans,
Karens and Mons (Talaings) in the survey. The document can be taken as a
base, I suggested.”

“Dr. Maung Maung said that survey was too early. Then I suggested the year
of 1824, a turning point in Burmese history when the British annexed lower
Burma. Dr. Maung Maung agreed on that date, and we drafted a law that
people living in Burma during 1824 were recognized as ethnic nationalities.
We found no such word as Rohingya in that survey.”

1824 was the start of the First Anglo-Burmese War. It ended on 24 February
1826 and only then Arakan was annexed into British India. The first census
of British Burma was taken only in the year 1871-1872. Mrauk-U, was
captured during ဘိုးတော်ဘုရား Bodaw Phaya reign in 1784. Dr. Aye Kyaw
was probably making reference to the 1826 survey by the British diplomat
Henry Burney (published 1842) based on စစ်တမ်း sit-tan by the Burmese at
the Court of Ava.
16
Early History from late 1700s to 1931

The first comprehensive census of British India was taken in the year 1871-
1872 to obtain the statistics of the age, caste, religion, occupation, education
of the population, and the results for each provinces had been carefully
analyzed. In India, the census has been held every ten years since then, with
the fifteenth national census held in 2011. It is reasonable to assume that
those censuses would give some reliable clues to the population of Rohingya
Muslims in Arakan (Rakhine) or in any other provinces of British India.

“By the time of the 1931 Census “Chittagonian” immigrants outnumbered

indigenous Muslim residents of Arakan by at least four to one. During British
rule, the designation “Rohingya” was unknown. After independence the
indigenous Muslim community said that they wished to be called
“Rwangya.” The Muslim Council of North Arakan said that they did not wish
to be called “Chittagonians” but “Burmese Muslims” or “Arakan Muslims”
and that descendants of the Arab settlers were actually known as
“Ruwangya” or “Rushangya.” A Muslim scholar at Rangoon University, Ba
Tha later suggested that they had originally been called “Roewenhnya” and
after many years of intermarriage their descendants this term had morphed
into “Roewengya.” “Rohingya” though was eventually to be the community’s
designation, chosen under pressure from separatist Mujahid rebels supported
from East Bengal.

No historical sources for the origins of these various R-words have ever been
provided in support of any of these designations...”

— Derek Tonkin, a former British Ambassador to Thailand, Vietnam and

Laos October 16, 2015 —

http://thediplomat.com/2015/10/rohingya-breaking-the-deadlock/

17
Derek Tonkin is also the Chairman of Network Myanmar. He in an another
paper with the filename Rohingya-Origins-121112.pdf, explained the origins
of these various R-words:

This 1815 document describes Muslims as “Rooinga” or “Ruïnga”, one of

only a very few references to “Rooinga” prior to 1824 and seemingly based
on an isolated, possibly unique account by Dr Francis Buchanan, geographer,
botanist and explorer who visited Amarapura (close to Mandalay) in 1799...

Network Myanmar has more details (Buchanan_New_Version.pdf):

“I shall now add three dialects, spoken in the Burman Empire, but evidently
derived from the language of the Hindu nation. The first is that spoken by the
Mohammedans, who have long settled in Arakan, and who call themselves
Rooinga , or natives of Arakan. The second dialect is that spoken by the
Hindus of Arakan. I procured it from a Brahmen and his attendants, who had
been brought to Amarapura by the king’s eldest son, on his return from the
conquest of Arakan. They call themselves Rossawn, and, for what reason I do
not know, wanted to persuade me that theirs was the common language of
Arakan. Both these tribes, by the real natives of Arakan, are called Kulaw
Yakain, or stranger Arakan.”

— Buchanan, Francis, A comparative vocabulary of some of the languages

spoken in the Burmese Empire (1801) —

That was the earliest record of Mohammedans who called themselves

Rooinga. while native Arakan (Rakhine) people referred to them as Kulaw or
ကုလ (ku1 la1) in Pali meaning foreign origin. To recap, Mohammedans
(Muslims) called themselves Rooinga meaning "natives of Arakan" in their
language, and Hindu called themselves Rossawn for unknown reason.
Rakhine people called Mohammedans "strangers". When was that? Burmese
king’s eldest son mentioned was သတိုးမင်းစော Thado Minsaw. He captured
Mrauk-U on the last day of 1784.
18
Derek Tonkin further explained:

“Rooinga” is generally accepted to be a variation of the name “Mrohaung” or

“Rohang”, the old Arakanese Kingdom which fell to the Burmese in 1785.

This linkage between Mohammedans in 1785 who called themselves

"Rooinga" with မြို့ဟောင်း “Mrohaung” is debatable.

Mrauk U was founded in 1430 by Rakhine King Mong Saw Mon and re-built
by the help of Portuguese a century later. It lasted for 355 years until
Burmese Royal Army led by သတိုးမင်းစော Thado Minsaw , son of King
ဘိုးတော်ဘုရား Bodawpaya, captured it in the last day of 1784 and forcibly
took Mahamuni Buddha image (now in Mandalay) to အမရပူရ Amarapura.

According to the Burmese/Rakhine account, the name "Mrohaung" meaning

old city to Mrauk-U was given only in 1826 when the British shifted the seat
of administration to Sittwe. (Ref: pg. 20, THE GOLDEN MRAUK-U — An
ancient Capital of Rakhine by U Shwe Zan) In either case, it became an old
city for all residents including the Rakhine people.

19
Indigenous Muslim residents of Arakan who wished to be called “Rwangya”
after the independence mentioned by Derek Tonkin was recorded in the 1931
Census as Indo-Burman races. Arakan-Mahomedans (the same as reference
by Buchanan in 1801) were the second largest in that race group.

Arakan-Mahomedans were clearly a group distinct from Indian races of

Bengali and Chittagonian during the British survey in 1931, possibly
descendents of earlier arrivals from Chittagong when the region was under
Vesali kingdom of Arakan in the 7th century and Kingdom of Mrauk-U in the
1600s who were described as "Mohammedans, who have long settled in
Arakan, and who call themselves Rooinga" in 1801 Francis Buchanan
account. Since Chittagong was a trading post for Arabs in the 9th Century,
the possibility of having mixed Arab blood among them could not be ruled
out.

By looking at the tables from CENSUS OF INDIA, 1 9 3 1 VOLUME XI

BURMA Part I.—REPORT separately, it is not immediately apparent what
language those Arakan-Mohammedans spoke. It was not listed under Indian
Languages or anywhere else. Was it listed under Bengali just like for
Chittagonians who spoke Bangali dialect?

20
CENSUS OF INDIA, 1 9 3 1
VOLUME XI

BURMA
Part I.—REPORT

http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs22/1931_Census_of_India-Vol-XI-Burma1-
tpo.pdf

This 1931 Census was the last census conducted by the British in Burma that
survives today. The return for an another one taken in 1941 was lost during
World War II. The next Census was taken by the Burmese government only
in 1973.

21
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/Foreign_Office-1931-
Tables_on_Race_and_Language_in_the_1931_Census-en.pdf

22
The table with Indian Languages heading shows that there were 242,415
male and 134,579 female who spoke Bengali Language. A simple math by
comparing this with the table with Races heading is needed to determine if
the Arakan Mahomedans spoke a dialect of Bengali listed under Bengali.

Races Male Female

Chittagonian 163,912 88,240
Bengali 48,682 16,529
Zerbadi 60,413 62,292
Arakan-Mahomedan 26,153 25,462
Myedu 2,445 2,715
Arakan-Kaman 1,296 1,390
Chittagonian + Bengali 212,594 104,769
Chittagonian + Bengali 273,007 (exceeded total 167,061 (exceeded total
+ Zerbadi Bengali speakers) Bengali speakers)
All except Zerbadi 242,488 (close enough) 134,336 (close enough)

23
A small discrepancy could be due to some in mixed-race families who spoke
more than one language. They could have been listed in categories other than
Bengali speakers although listed as Indo-Burman races and vice versa. It
appears that Arakan-Mahomedans spoke Bengali or Bengali dialect, but in
terms of race, they were listed separately from Chittagonians and Bengali.

Who were the Zerbadi? They were described as Mahomedans of mixed

Burmese and Indian origin. (Ref: Burma, Provincial Geographies of India,
pg. 139 by Herbert Thirkell White.) Their numbers were too large to be
Bengali speakers. It's not clear what language they spoke.

Some excerpts from the 1931 Census report by the British:

The Coast subdivision consists of the Akyab, Kyaukpyu and Sandoway

districts in the north and the Amherst, Tavoy and Mergui districts in the
south. These two-coastal strips are separated by the Delta subdivision. The
northern part is roughly the old province of Arakan ; races of the Burma
group (Arakanese, Yanbye, Burmese and Chaungtha) represent 64 per cent of
the population, Indians 22 per cent (all but about six thousand are found in
Akyab district), Indo-Burman races (mostly Arakan Mahomedans) 6 per cent,
and Chins 6 percent.

Coast {Arakan),—The northern portion of the Coast subdivision consists of

the Akyab, Kyaukpyu and Sandoway districts. The increase in the population
of Akyab district was 11 per cent. There were considerable differences in the
rates at which the populations of the separate townships increased:

Maungdaw and Buthidaung had increases of 18 and 16 per cent, respectively,

while in Akyab and Kyauktaw the increase was only 4 per cent. Maungdaw
and Buthidaung are largely composed of Indians, particularly Maungdaw.
Indians form about one-third of the population of the district and there is
considerable migration between the Akyab and Chittagong districts.

24
In the case of Akyab, the figure for the sea traffic between Akyab and India
proper are not much use since the immigrants from Chittagong usually come
to Akyab by land and return by sea, and no figures are available for land
traffic. An estimate of the increase due to migration between Akyab and
India proper can be made from figures from immigrants and emigrants for
Akyab district at the 1921 and 1931 censuses and from the figures for the
Indian population of Akyab district at those censuses. In paragraph 16 this
increase is estimated to be about 21,000.

25
Burmese Word for Indians

In everyday usage, the word ka1-la3 for Indian is neutral without any hint or
intention of racial prejudice, just like the word တရုတ် ta1-yoat for Chinese.
The fact is there are no other good alternatives to speak of. အိန္ဒိယလူမျိုး
ain2-di1-ya1 lu2-myo3 is too formal and applicable to those living in India.
The colloquial Burmese language has

ဟိန္ဒူကုလား hin2-du2 ka1-la3 Hindu Indians

မွတ်စလင်ကုလား moot-sa1-lin2 ka1-la3 Muslim Indians

ပန်ချာပီကုလား pan2-cha2-bi2 ka1-la3 Punjabi

ချစ်တီးကုလား chit-ti3 ka1-la3 Tamil speaking Indians (money lenders)

ဘင်္ဂါလီကုလား bin2-ga2-li2 ka1-la3 Bengali (Bangladeshi)

ခေါ်တောကုလား khau2-tau3 ka1-la3 Chittagonians (Bangladeshi)

ဘရင်ဂျီကုလား ba1-yin2-ji2 ka1-la3, descendants of Portuguese, and

ဂူဂျာရတီကုလား gu2-ja1-ra1-ti2 ka1-la3 (from Gujarat, Western India), etc..

Gurkhas originally from Nepal are not Indians and they are called just
ဂေါ်ရခါး gau2-ra1-kha3. One famous Burmese Gurkha was ဗဟာဒူး Suk
Bahadur, captain of Myanmar national football team (1952-1970) and another
one, Suk Bahadur Rai received the highest military honor "Aung San
Thuriya" award in the Myanmar Army.

26
According to the dictionary by the Myanmar Language Commission, this
word has a Pali root ကုလ ku1-la1 meaning foreign origin. A related word
with this root is ကုလသမဂ္ ku1-la1 thun1-met-ga1 which refers to the
United Nations, where သမဂ္ thun1-met-ga1 stands for organization. The
word ရိုဟင်ဂျာ Rohingya, however, did not make it into the dictionary entry,
and its root could not be explained from Myanmar Language standpoint.

The word ကုလား ka1-la3 is used by some as a derogatory term. The word
has some association with unskilled laborers (coolie) that the British brought
from India during the colonial time when Burma was part of British India. It
may have some truth that the word also has a connotation of black or black
skin derived from words such as Kalo in Bengali or Kaalee in Hindi, but not
necessarily so in all cases. The word was even used to insult Dr. Michael
Aris, the Caucasian British late husband of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by some
who had no great affection for her. The word ကုလားဖြူ ka1-la1-pfyu2
meaning White Indian at one time referred to the British Colonists.

27
Oscar Award Winning American Actor Morgan Freeman

https://www.washingtonpost.com/entertainment/myanmar-buddhist-group-criticizes-
former-un-chief-kofi-annan/2016/08/30/ab3d6256-6e99-11e6-993f-
73c693a89820_story.html

In a sense, the word ကုလား ka1-la3 can sometimes be a xenophobic racial

slur word similar to Mandarin Chinese 鬼 子 (pinyin: guǐzi) or ghosts
translated as "foreign devils". What was life of ka1-la3 in Burma like?

28
Indians in British Burma

“In 1941, when the 2nd World War spread to Asia, Rangoon was
predominantly an ‘Indian’ city in that the majority of its population consisted
of people of subcontinental origin or descent. According to the 1931 census,
there were slightly more than a million Indians in Burma at the time; of these
some sixty per cent (617,521) were born in India. ”

“The consequences of Indian migration into Burma were too complex to go

into here. Suffice it to say that the through the 1920s and 30s, there were
some powerful currents of hostility to the Indian presence in Burma. In 1930
bloody anti-Indian riots broke out in Rangoon and many thousands were
killed. As a result of these developments, there was an increasing
nervousness within the Indian population in Burma.”

— Exodus from Burma, 1941: A Personal Account, Parts 1, 2 & 3 by Amitav

Ghosh | June 21, 2011 —

“Burmese Indians (Burmese: ကုလားလူမျိုး; MLCTS: ku. la: lu myui:) are a

group of people of Indian origin who live in Burma. While Indians have lived
in Burma for many centuries, most of the ancestors of the current Burmese
Indian community emigrated to Burma from the start of British rule in the
mid-19th century to the separation of British Burma from British India in
1937. During British times, ethnic Indians formed the backbone of the
government and economy serving as soldiers, civil servants, merchants and
moneylenders. A series of anti-Indian riots beginning in 1930 and mass
emigration during the Japanese occupation of Burma followed by the forced
expulsion of 1962 left ethnic Indians with a much reduced role in Burma.”

Wikipedia
29
The role of Buddhist Nationalists

In November 2015, five men were arrested for printing several hundred
copies of a calendar in English, Burmese, and Arabic which stated that
Rohingya Muslims are an ethnic-religious minority in Myanmar. The 2016
calendar printed at the request of Aung Khin, a 57-year old resident of Shwe
Pyi Thar township in Yangon, mentioned the word Rohingya and contained a
statement that there used to be a “Rohingya radio programme” in the 1950s
Burma of Prime Minister U Nu. It had quotes from U Nu and other Rohingya
historians. (Ref: http://www.fortifyrights.org/publication-20151211.html)

Highlights of report from www.myanmar-now.org:

YANGON (Myanmar Now)—Five people have been sent to jail awaiting trial
for their involvement in printing a calendar that stated that Rohingya
Muslims are an ethnic-religious minority in Myanmar, police said on
Wednesday.

A court in Yangon’s Pazundaung Township had fined the men $800 each on
Monday for breaking Article 4 of the 2014 Printing and Publishing Law,
which bars individuals from publishing materials that could damage national
security and law and order. The men, who all live in Yangon, paid the fine
and went home.

However on Tuesday morning they were re-arrested and sent to Insein Prison,
Pazundaung Township police chief Maj. Khin Maung Lat told Myanmar
Now.

30
They have been charged with Section 505 (b), which says those publishing
information that may cause public fear or alarm and may incite people to
commit offences “against the State or against the public tranquility” could be
sent to prison, he said.

“I received an order from my superiors to arrest these men under a separate

charge,” said Khin Maung Latt, adding that the men would appear in court on
Dec. 1.

On Sunday, radical Buddhist monks of the nationalist Ma Ba Tha movement

held a full-day meeting in North Dagon Township’s Magwe Pariyatti
Monastery during which they condemned the calendar. In the days before,
members of the movement had spread word of the existence of the calendar
on social media. Monk Pamukka told the gathering that Ma Ba Tha members
in Panzundaung and Shwepyithar townships should file a legal complaint
with police against those who produced it.

Contacted by Myanmar Now on Wednesday, Pamukka said they felt the fine
was inadequate and had plans to pressure the authorities if not further action
was taken.

Who are the Ma Ba Tha Nationalists? (မဘသ) Ma Ba Tha is an abbreviation

of အမျိုးသား ဘာသာ သာသနာ စောင့်ရှောက်ရေး အဖွဲ့ a-myo3-tha3 ba2-dtha2
tha2-tha1-na2 soun1-shout-yay3 a-pfweare1 or Association for the Protection
of Race and Religion, Organization for the Protection of Race and
Religion and Committee for the Protection of Nationality and Religion
(Patriotic Association of Myanmar). Some of its members such as the
Buddhist monk Ashin Wirathu are associated with anti-Muslim 969
movement.

31
Source: http://content.time.com/time/covers/asia/0,16641,20130701,00.html

"You can be full of kindness and love, but you cannot sleep next to a mad
dog," Wirathu said, referring to Muslims. "If we are weak," he said, "our land
will become Muslim."
— Wikipedia —

32
Analysis of 2014 Census

The fear of Muslims may not be unfounded. The survival instinct to protect
the land from avalanche of new-comers can be found in the old Burmese
saying:

မြေမျို၍ လူမျိုးမပြုတ်၊ လူမျိုမှ လူမျိုးပြုတ်မည် | Myay2 myo2 yway1 lu2-myo3

ma1 pyoat, lu2 myo2 hma1 lu2-myo3 pyoat myi2 - Quicksand will not
swallow culture and race, outsiders will swallow up the nation into
extinction. Rakhine people reportedly fear that they will become minorities in
their own state. How true is it?

33
The 2014 Census data (taken March 30 - April 10) for Rakhine State:

State/Region Total Male Female

Rakhine 3,188,963 1,529,606 1,659,357
Rakhine 2,098,963 992,906 1,106,057
(enumerated)
Rakhine (not 1,090,000 536,700 553,300
enumerated)

Note: The numbers in blue provide estimates of people who were not
enumerated in the census. The numbers in italic provide figures on the
enumerated and the estimated population.

http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/sources/census/wphc/Myanmar/MM
R-2014-08-28-provres.pdf

Who were not counted in Rakhine state as shown by blue? The figures
roughly correspond to an estimated over a million people in Rakhine state
who were referred to as Rohingyas in some media. Their citizenship could
not be verified at that time.

In comparison, in 1931 Census, Arakanese (Rakhine people) accounted for

64%, Indians 22% and Arakan Mahomedans 6%. Since grouping categories
and identification of the populations were different for different Census years
under different governments, mango to mango comparison is not possible,
and care should be taken in interpreting the data.

34
In 1931 during the colonial period, the ratio of Arakanese to Arakan
Mahomedans was approximately 11:1, although ratio of Arakanese to all
ကုလား ka1-la2 (either Indian or Indian looking) was approximately 2:1.

From the 1983 Census, the ratio of 1,461,041 non-Muslims to 584,518

Muslims out of 2,045,559 was 2.5:1. By the time of this census, it would
have been impossible to separate out the small percentage of original Arakan
Mahomedans blood (whose ancestors in 1784 called themselves Rooinga in
1801 Francis Buchanan's account) from descendents of a large numbers of
migrants from Chittagong to Maungdaw and Buthidaung reported in 1931
British census. Since the descendants of both groups spoke Bengali dialects,
they were all Bengali race from the Burmese government standpoint. It is
also reasonable to assume that there were inter-marriages between the two
groups of similar culture, language, and religious background over the course
of several decades.

During the 2014 Census, a large percentage of population living in Rakhine

state could not provide proof of citizenship and not enumerated. 2,098,963
(enumerated) to 1,090,000 (not enumerated) means the ratio was 1.92:1. It
could not be determined from the 2014 census data alone if Myanmar
attracted new arrivals from Bangladesh after 1983. Overseas "Rohingyas"
population including those born outside Myanmar was estimated to be more
than a million in 2014.

A typical Rohingya family has four or five surviving children but the
numbers up to twenty eight have been recorded in rare cases.[3]
[100] According to David Price of Harvard University, Rohingyas have 37%
more children between 0 and 9 years old than Myanmar's national average.[3]

— Wikipedia —
35
1950's and early 60's

1950s saw the beginning of armed groups called Mujahids and resurgence of
the word "Rohingya". Online Rohingya website Rohingya Vision posted a
page in history on January 27-28, 1961 when Prime Minister U Nu visited
ဘူးသီးတောင် Buthitaung and မောင်းတော Maungdaw. It highlights a
newspaper clipping in Burmese language that used the word ရိုဟင်ဂျာ
(Rohingya).

http://www.rvisiontv.com/rohingyas-welcomed-pm-u-nu/

36
Who are the Mujahids?

Mujahid (Arabic: ‫ )مجاهد‬is a singular form of Mujahideen (Arabic: ‫)المجاهدين‬.

It means the one who is engaged in jihad (Arabic:‫اد‬ff‫)جه‬, an Islamic term
referring to the religious duty of Muslims to maintain and spread the religion.

A sizable number of mujahideen were present and concentrated in

the province of Arakan, Burma.[13] There were many Muslim Rebels in
Rakhine State of Burma in 1946—a year after achieving Independence. Mir
Kashem was the leader of the group known as "Mujahids", a group that
consisted primarily of immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. This
particular movement was crushed by the Burmese Army in 1950s. Mir
Kashem himself was assassinated in Cox's Bazar. This movement under
Kashem collapsed after his death and his followers surrendered. When asked
about their race, they called themselves as "Rohingyas".[14]

— Wikipedia —

37
1970's - 1980's

From 1971 to 1973, the Bangladesh Liberation War and its accompanying
genocide saw an exodus of ten million Bengali refugees to neighboring
countries. A large number of refugees settled in northern Rakhine and to a
smaller extent in Chin State. In 1975, Bangladesh Ambassador to Burma,
Khwaja Mohammed Kaiser admitted that there were upward of 500,000
trespassers in Arakan who Burma had some rights to eject and implored the
Burmese authorities not to press the issue during political turmoils in
Bangladesh.[23]

From 1971 to 1978, a number of Rakhine monks and Buddhists staged

hunger strikes in Sittwe to force the government to tackle immigration issues
which they believed to be causing a demographic shift in the region.[63] Ne
Win's government requested UN to repatriate the war refugees and launched
military operations which drove off around 200,000 people to Bangladesh. In
1978, the Bangladesh government protested against the Burmese government
concerning "the expulsion by force of thousands of Burmese Muslim citizens
to Bangladesh." The Burmese government responded that those expelled
were Bangladesh citizens who had resided illegally in Burma. In July 1978,
after intensive negotiations mediated by UN, Ne Win's government agreed to
take back 200,000 refugees who settled in Arakan.[64] In 1982, the Burmese
government enacted the citizenship law and declared the "Bengalis" are
foreigners.[65]

There are widespread beliefs among Rakhine people that significant number
of immigrants arrived even after the 1980s when the border was relatively
unguarded. However, there is no documentation proof for these claims as the
last census was conducted in 1983.[3] Successive Burmese governments have
fortified the border and built up border guard forces.
— Wikipedia —
38
Bangladesh

With a population of 170 million, it is the world's eighth-most populous

country, the fifth-most populous in Asia and the third-most populous Muslim-
majority country . The official Bengali language is the seventh-most spoken
language in the world .

Bengal was absorbed into the Muslim world and ruled by sultans for four
centuries. The first British partition of Bengal in 1905 created the province
of Eastern Bengal and Assam . East Bengal joined the Dominion of Pakistan
and was renamed as East Pakistan in 1955. It was separated from West
Pakistan by 1,400 kilometres (870 mi) of Indian territory.

The Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 resulted in the secession of East

Pakistan as a new republic with a secular multiparty parliamentary
democracy .[16][17][18] A short-lived one party state and several military
coups in 1975 established a presidential government .

Considered a middle power in international affairs and a major developing

country , Bangladesh is listed as one of the Next Eleven. Bangladesh has the
third-largest economy and military in South Asia after India and Pakistan.

Historically renowned for muslin and silk, modern Bangladesh is one of the
world's leading textile producers. Its major trading partners include the
European Union, the United States, Japan and the other nearby nations of
China, Singapore, Malaysia and India.

— Wikipedia —

39
As Political Science Professor Sumit Ganguly at Indiana University
Bloomington, U.S.A. mentioned earlier, the Rohingyas are closely linked
through language, culture, and religion to the dominant Bengali population of
Bangladesh. What was the likelihood of Bangladesh embracing a million
stateless people in 2014 Census?

Here is a full report published by The Straits Times of Singapore on Jul 10,
2014, 7:53 pm SGT

Bangladesh bans marriages for Rohingya Muslim refugees

DHAKA (AFP) - Bangladesh said Thursday it has barred official marriages

between its nationals and Myanmar's Muslim Rohingya refugees, whom it
claims are attempting to wed to gain citizenship.

Law minister Syed Anisul Haque said he has ordered marriage registrars not
to officiate any unions between Bangladeshi nationals and Rohingyas and
also between Rohingyas themselves, thousands of whom have fled to
Bangladesh.

He said Rohingyas try to use the resulting wedding certificate to gain

Bangladeshi passports and other documents, while Rohingyas who marry
Bangladeshis could automatically qualify for citizenship.

"By registering their marriage in Bangladesh they try to prove that they're
Bangladeshi citizens," he told AFP.

"We've told the marriage registers not to list any marriage of Rohingyas and
also between a Rohingya and a Bangladeshi citizen in Bangladesh."

Law ministry spokesman Abdullah Al Shahin said marriage registrars have

been warned of punitive action if they officiate any such marriages.

40
There are around 300,000 Rohingyas living in Bangladesh's southern coastal
districts bordering Myanmar who have fled alleged persecution in the
Buddhist-majority nation since the 1990s.

Sectarian clashes flared up two years ago in Myanmar's western Rakhine

state, with fighting that has displaced about 140,000 people, mainly stateless
Rohingya Muslims.

Bangladesh recognises only around 28,000 of the refugees in its country, who
are entitled to food, basic housing and other aid provided by the United
Nations.

The rest of the Rohingyas in Bangladesh live in slums set up in cleared

forests and on beaches.

Bangladesh border guards regularly turn back Rohingyas caught trying to

cross the Myanmar border.

Rights groups and charities have criticised Bangladesh's treatment of

Rohingyas, claiming they lack basic healthcare and many are on the verge of
starvation.

http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/south-asia/bangladesh-bans-marriages-for-
rohingya-muslim-refugees

Why is Bangladesh, the homeland of Bengali Muslims, reluctant to take on

more Muslim Rohingya refugees? An obvious answer, it would seem, is
Bangladesh’s own poverty. However, the real explanation is more complex.

— Professor Sumit Ganguly —

41
Identification Cards History

In 1989, prior to 1990 general elections, government had started issuing new
registration cards (pink cards) to Myanmar Citizens to replace the old
identification cards first issued in 1952. The replacement was gradual and not
nationwide. Burma Socialist Programme Party Chairman Ne Win had
already resigned by then. Burma was under the military rule led by General
Saw Maung of State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) following
the events of 8-8-1988 mass demonstrations.

In this election the Rohingyas were not only allowed to vote but also, in their
exercise of franchise, elected four Rohingya members of Parliament. U Chit
Lwin (a) Ebrahim, Mr. Fazal Ahmed, U Kyaw Min (a) Shomshul Anwarul
Haque, and U Tin Maung (a) Nur Ahmed have been elected as members of
the Parliament.

The Rohingyas were not only permitted to vote but also to form their own
political parties during the May 1990 election. Two parties were formed the
Students and Youth League for Mayu Development and the National
Democratic and Human Rights (NDPHR).The NDPHR won all four seats in
Maung Daw and Buthidaung constituencies, and in each constituency votes
for the two parties counted for 80 per cent of the total votes cast.

Although the name of Rohingya was not permitted to use in the party title,
the NDPHR was allowed to produce a booklet in Burmese called ‘Arakan
and the Rohingya people: a short History’ on August 31, 1991. According to
the NDPHR sources, the permission to print this booklet was rescinded two
months later.

42
The NDPHR also fielded candidates in four other constituencies; Kyuk Taw-
1, Minbya-1, Mrauk U -2 and Sittwe -2, and they gained an average of 17 per
cent of the votes while the Government- backed National Unity Party got
only 13 per cent.

The elections of 1990 were free and fair. It was one of the freest and fairest
that had taken place in this region at that time. But unfortunately, the results
of the elections were not honoured.

http://www.rohingyalanguage.com/2016/08/1990-multi-party-democracy-
general-elections-and-the-rohingyas-enfranchisement.html

White cards were first issued in 1993 under the State Law and Order
Restoration Council. Back at the 2010 election. There were nearly 2.7
million eligible voters in Rakhine State. 750,000 were Bengalis or Rohingya
holding white cards.

http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/opinion/10076-white-cards-the-junta-s-
toxic-legacy.html

Although those who could not be verified as citizens per Burma Citizenship
Law of 1982 were issued "white cards" to replace their original registration
cards instead of "pink cards" issued to the citizens, they retained the right to
form political parties and to become party members. (Ref: Section 4a and 10e
of the Political Parties Registration Law under SLORC military government
signed by Senior General Than Shwe on 8 March 2010.) In the 2010
elections, National Democratic Party for Development (NDPD) won two
seats in Rakhine state parliament out of 17 seats contested. (Ref: myanmar-
now.org) NDPD is a Muslim party for Self-identified Rohingyas like U Khin
Maung Myint. (Ref: Myanmar Times: First shot fired in political rights battle,
3 October 2014)

43
In April 2014, a proposal was made in the parliament to amend this 2010
Political Parties Registration Law which allowed non-citizens to vote, form
political parties, and stand for election to become members of parliament.

In the original draft, white-card holders were able to vote. However,

parliament removed this clause when it approved the bill late last year. The
president then sent it back to parliament, recommending MPs revert back to
allowing white-card holders to vote.

Of course, ethnic Rakhine were angry at the decision and issued a statement
saying they will not accept it. They are submitting the case to the
Constitutional Tribunal.

Those holding these cards are banned from travelling without official
permission. They also require permission to marry and their family planning
has been controlled. That’s why the international community has accused
Myanmar of violating human rights in Rakhine State for many years.

(Ref: Myanmar Times - White card or government political playing card?,

16 February 2015 )

This issue was more complicated by the fact that "white cards" were issued
not only to those who had previously held original identifications, but also
issued to document those previously undocumented Bengali-Rohingya of
Rakhine State, which included those whose parents or grandparents held
original identifications. According to one estimate, 37.7% of those surveyed
during 2014 Census had no form of ID. (Ref: mmtimes.com the last two
paragraph.)

44
2015 Racial and Religious Tensions

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-31421179

45
http://www.rfa.org/english/news/myanmar/authorities-step-up-collection-of-
white-cards-04062015152750.html

46
Myanmar Striking Rohingya From Voter Rolls, Activists
Say

By THOMAS FULLER AUG. 23, 2015

YANGON, Myanmar — As an elected lawmaker and member of Myanmar’s

governing party, U Shwe Maung attended dinners with the president and
made speeches from the floor of Parliament. But this weekend, the country’s
election commission ruled that despite more than four years in office, he was
not a citizen and thus was ineligible to run for re-election in landmark voting
in November.

The election commission says it cannot allow Rohingya to register to vote

because they do not have proof of citizenship. Earlier this year, President
Thein Sein, acting under pressure from Buddhist nationalists, decreed that the
special identity cards held by the Rohingya, known as white cards, would no
longer be valid and that Rohingya would have to undergo a citizenship test in
order to obtain new cards.

Tens of thousands of white cards were surrendered to the government. Other

Rohingya lost all their possessions when they were chased from their homes
by Buddhist mobs in a series of deadly pogroms that began in 2012.

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/24/world/asia/myanmar-lawmaker-u-shwe-
maung-barred-from-re-election-on-citizenship-grounds.html?_r=1

47
20,000 white card holders not allowed to vote

Submitted by mthan on Wed, 06/24/2015 - 16:06

Maungdaw – About 20,000 white card holders are not eligible to vote in 2015
general election in Maungdaw, according to a township election commission.

Among them, about 100 non-ethnics are also included.

The number of voters was over 250,000 in 2010 election as the white card
holders were allowed to vote at that time.

“One ward in Maungdaw has 1,042 voters and ten non-ethnics are included.
We have to tell the commission to check the voter list again whether there are
people who are dead in the voter list or there have been extra people included
in the list. We have to check the non-ethnics who are included in the list
whether they have national registration cards or not. People are not interested
in the announcement of voter list. One or two people came to check the voter
list,” said Maung Ohn, vice chairperson of Arakan National Party in
Maungdaw.

“We issued the voter list since June 21. However people who are holding
temporary registration cards are not included in the list. If there is an error,
we can correct as it is only the initial announcement,” said Maung Ohn Kyi,
chairperson of the township election commission.

http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/national-news/11828-president-signs-
amendment-to-party-registration-law.html

48
Green Cards
By mid June 2015, U Thein Sein government had collected about 390,000
"white cards" as part of the process to verify citizenship. Among them were
more than 300,000 Bengali-Rohingyas out of estimated 800,000 people
nationwide holding white cards. In the meantime, white card holders were
given temporary light-blue "Green cards" as receipts with identification
number, name of the holder, gender, date of birth, place of birth, marital
status and father’s name with visible identification marks in Burmese and
English. Valid for two years and renewable, Green card holders were eligible
for citizenship application in accordance with 1982 Citizenship Law.

http://www.rfa.org/english/news/myanmar/officials-issue-green-cards-to-
muslims-in-rakhine-state-06152015145915.htm

http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/national-news/15082-new-green-cards-
meet-resistance.html

49
As of mid June 2016, new NLD government continued with handing out
those "Green cards", but not without complaint.

The cards being given out during the simultaneous census do not include race
or religion in a bid to avoid controversial terminology and inflaming
sectarian conflict. The cards include an identification number, the name of
the holder, the name of the holder’s father, and the holder’s gender, date of
birth and marital status.

But the intention of avoiding conflict by skipping over race has already
backfired. Radio Free Asia reported that a village in Ponnagyun refused the
cards and would not provide information to immigration officials, citing the
inability to self-identify as Rohingya.

http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/national-news/20746-pilot-census-lays-
groundwork-for-citizenship-verification-in-rakhine.html

50
Race and Religion Protection Laws

http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/national-news/21218-new-govt-to-
defend-race-and-religion-laws-at-un-meeting.html

51
Anti-immigrant sentiments in other parts of the world

Survival instinct and perceived threat of people who are of different skin
color, culture and or way of life is not uncommon in other parts of the world.

In the U.S., there was an outrage by Asian American community when New
York Times deputy Metro editor Michael Luo and his family were yelled at
by a woman: "Go back to China."

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/11/nyregion/go-back-to-china-readers-
respond-to-racist-insults-shouted-at-a-new-york-times-editor.html

In France, there was a controversy banning of burkinis as a beach wear in

more than 30 French towns. Burkini is not a new French design which was
causing indecent public exposure as one might expect. It covers the whole
body except for the face, hands, and feet and worn mostly by Muslim
women. French Court reversed the ban in August 2016, which followed less
than a year after the events of November 2015 Paris Attacks.

http://edition.cnn.com/2016/08/26/europe/france-burkini-ban-court-ruling

52
In Britain, 48% of the people cited immigration as the reason for voting in
favor of Brexit (leaving Eureopean Union). To quote Wikipedia:

Inflows of EU nationals migrating to the UK stood at 268,000 in 2014, up

from 201,000 in 2013. EU inflows were mainly flat for the 1991-2003 period,
averaging close to 61,000 per year.

According to The Economist, areas that saw increases of over 200% in

foreign born population between 2001 and 2014 saw a majority of voters
back leave in 94% of cases. The Economist concluded 'High numbers of
migrants don’t bother Britons; high rates of change do.'

53
Timeline of the "R" Word in History

6th - 7th century Chittagong (present day Bangladesh) was under the
rule of Vesali (ဝေသာလီ Waithali) kingdom of
Arakan.
1430 -1785 Mrauk-U was the last capital of Rakhine Kings.
1538 Arakanese Kingdom of Mrauk U regained control of
Chittagong until its conquest by the Mughals.
1801 Francis Buchanan mentioned Mohammedans in
Arakan who called themselves Rooinga.
1824- 1826 The First Anglo-Burmese War.
1871-1872 The first comprehensive census of British India.
1931 British Census shows that Arakan Mahomedans made
up of 6 per cent in Arakan, but the word Rohingya did
not appear in any of the censuses since 1871 to 1931
which were held every ten years. There were large
numbers of Bengali speaking new immigrants from
Chittagong and other parts of British India.
1950s Beginning of armed groups called Mujahids and
resurgence of the word Rohingya.
1952 Government started issuing Registration Cards.
January 27-28, 1961 Prime Minister U Nu visited ဘူးသီးတောင် Buthitaung
and မောင်းတော Maungdaw. Possibility of the usage
ရိုဟင်ဂျာ (Rohingya) in the Burmese newspaper.

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1971 to 1973 Bangladesh Liberation War resulted in exodus of ten
million Bengali refugees to neighboring countries.
Birth of Bangladesh was followed by several
military coups.
1975 Bangladesh Ambassador to Burma, Khwaja
Mohammed Kaiser admitted that there were upward
of 500,000 trespassers in Arakan .
1977 Ne Win's government drove off around 200,000
people from Burma to Bangladesh.
1978 Ne Win's government agreed to take back 200,000
refugees who settled in Arakan.
1989 New registration cards / Scrutiny cards / Pink cards
were first issued to the Burmese Citizens.
1990 Self-identified as Rohingyas voted in elections. Four
elected as members of Parliament.
1993 White cards were first issued to those who could not
be verified as Citizens.
2010 White card holders were allowed to vote in
elections. Self-identified Rohingyas won 2 seats in
Rakhine state parliament out of 17 seats contested.
2012 The word "Rohingya" first got international attention
after the Racial Riots. Some accounts gave 140,000
displaced people while some estimated 90,000.[12]
[13] About 2,528 houses were burned, and of those,
1,336 belonged to Rohingyas and 1,192 belonged to
Rakhines.[14]

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2014 Estimated 1,090,000 people in Rakhine State were
not enumerated in the Nationwide Census taken
from March 30 to April 10.

Parliament debated on allowing white card holders

to vote in the General Elections to be held the
following year.
2015 White cards were revoked after protests. Citizenship
verifications were in process. White card collection
and issuing of "Green cards" as receipts started in
mid June. Race and Religion were not identified in
the Green cards to avoid controversy.
2016 As of mid June, new NLD government continues
with issuing of "Green cards". Some refused the
cards citing the inability to self-identify as
Rohingya.

Events following the border post attack in which

nine Myanmar police were killed had raised the
conflicts in the region to a new level not seen since
2012.

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Witnessing History in the Making

The Forbidden "R" word in Myanmar is history in the making, and as such it
could not be completed. We don't know how the story will end, or if there
will ever be an ending. But, by being better informed about the past from
several different perspectives, we may have a better chance for a better future
by making better choices.

U Razak, was a Muslim cabinet minister in Aung San's pre-independence

interim government. He was the chairman of Burma Muslim Congress. His
mother was a Burmese Buddhist woman, and father was an Indian police
inspector of Islam faith. His brothers and sisters freely chose to be Buddhists.
History would have been different today if Bogyoke Aung San, U Razak and
other cabinet members were not assassinated back in the gloomy morning of
19 July 1947. It could have been a different history where sons and daughters
of Islam and Buddhist faiths walking hands in hands together, like brothers
and sisters, building a better future in unison — a possible future in the past
that could have been present today. That present never came.

But they did not die in vain. They have shown us the benchmark of what was
possible — that Buddhists and Muslims could live in harmony. Now, it's time
for the daughter to lead the country to what is possible. သတ္တိ Thut Ti1
"Courage" is the word that she often uses. Only time will tell if she will
leave a present for future generations.

Posted on the language section of asiapeartravels.com for free online study of

Myanmar language, history, and culture.

28 October 2016

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