Tambara Vol30 Iss2 December2013

A MULTIDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL
ISSN 0117-6323 Volume 30, Issue No.2 (2013)
The Shortchange in ‘Building’ Concept:

An Ethical Reading of Space and Agency in Urban Development
Anthonette C. Mendoza
HIV/AIDS Women and Spirituality

D.J. Margaret
Anaerobic Digestion of Blackwater

with Various Co-Substrates in Eudiometer Scale
Ana Karenina Pahimalan-Pera
Filipino Parental Involvement and Children’s Educational Performance

Sampson Lee Blair
Reflections on a Storm
Daniel J. McNamara, SJ
TAMBARA
A M U LT I D I S C I P L I N A RY J O U R N A L
Editorial Board
RENANTE D. PILAPIL
Editor-in-Chief
M. ISABEL S. ACTUB
CHRISTINE S. DIAZ
HEIDI K. GLORIA
Associate Editors
Board of Reviewers
ALBERT E. ALEJO, SJ, Ateneo de Zamboanga University, Philippines

AGNES T. ARANAS, Ateneo de Davao University, Philippines
KARL M. GASPAR, CSsR, St. Alphonsus Theological Mission and Institute, Philippines
PILAR RAMOS-JIMENEZ, Philippine NGO Council on Population, Health, and Welfare, Inc.
RUBEN C. MENDOZA, Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines
JESUS DEOGRACIAS Z. PRINCIPE, Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines
ISAIAS E. SEALZA, Xavier University, Philippines
International Advisory Board
PATRICIO N. ABINALES, University of Hawaii-Manoa, USA

SAMPSON LEE BLAIR, State University of New York at Buffalo, USA
SHEILA ROYO-MAXWELL, Michigan State University, USA
AGUSTIN MARTIN G. RODRIGUEZ, Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines
Tambara is a bi-annual peer-reviewed journal of the Ateneo de Davao University released every June and
December. It aims to provide a forum for a vibrant and informed public discourse on various pertinent
issues—theoretical and practical—affecting Mindanao and beyond among established as well as aspiring
scholars. It publishes original articles, editorials, and review essays in the areas of humanities, social
sciences, philosophy, theology, natural sciences, mathematics, engineering, business, and governance.
Replies to articles are also welcome.
Statements and opinions expressed in the articles and reviews are the authors’ own and do not necessarily
reflect the opinion of the editors, the University, or the Society of Jesus.
© 2013 by Ateneo de Davao University. All rights reserved. ISSN 0117-6323.

A MULTIDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL
Contents
1-3 Editor’s Preface
5-19 The Shortchange in ‘Building’ Concept:

An Ethical Reading of Space and Agency in Urban Development
21-34 HIV/AIDS Women and Spirituality

D.J. Margaret
35-47 Anaerobic Digestion of Blackwater

with Various Co-Substrates in Eudiometer Scale
Ana Karenina Pahimalan-Pera
49-72 Filipino Parental Involvement and

Children’s Educational Performance
Sampson Lee Blair
73-76 Jesuit Notes

77-93 Book Reviews and Previews
95-96 Contributors
Editor’s Preface
T
he editorial board of Tambara is pleased to share to its readers the good
news that the Philippines’ Commission on Higher Education (CHED)
has officially accredited Tambara as a Category B journal for the period
2012-2014. Credit goes to the previous editorial board led by Dr. Gail Tan-
Ilagan, along with her associate editors Dr. Pamela Del Rosario-Castrillo and
Dr. Patricio Abinales, who took the bold step in the application of Tambara
for CHED Journal Accreditation. They prepared all the required documents
and submitted them personally to CHED main office in Quezon City. The
evaluation of the application was quite tedious and took a very long process.
When the current editorial board received the results of the initial review of the
submitted documents, it promptly complied with the comments as required
by CHED. These included redesigning Tambara’s look to make it more
scientific and resubmitting the updated curriculum vitae (CV) of its current
editorial board members, both of which are important components of the final
evaluation of the accreditation.
The Category B accreditation is proof that Tambara is one of the better
academic or scholarly journals in the Philippines. However, the challenge
still remains. While the Category B accreditation is indeed a feat that
the Ateneo de Davao University academic community can be proud of, a
higher category—Category A to be exact—must be aimed. Only when this
is achieved that Tambara can truly be considered as a top journal in the
country. Of course, the question on the extent to which Tambara is being
TAMBARA 30, No.2 (2013): 1-3 —1— © 2013 Ateneo de Davao University
Tambara 30 (December 2013)
read by researchers and academicians is another thing. That concern can

probably be addressed by making Tambara more accessible online.
The bigger and more ambitious step would be to apply for international
indexing in the Web of Science (ISI) or Scopus. In this age of globalization
where the boundaries of knowledge have been significantly broadened,
the internationalization of universities—which the Ateneo de Davao is
beginning to take seriously—has become the rule rather than the exception:
Internationalization of universities does not only mean attracting more students
from abroad but more importantly making universities instruments through
which “local” knowledge can be shared to the global academic community.
To meaningfully attain this goal requires universities to put out academic
journals with an international profile. Tambara takes up the challenge.
Yes, of course, these are all big plans and they cannot be materialized
overnight. A lot of work obviously is also needed. Yet, if other academic
journals in the Philippines (and in Mindanao) can do it, why cannot we?
Meanwhile, Tambara has a new set of International Advisory Board
composed of experts namely, Dr. Patricio Abinales (University of Hawaii
at Manoa, USA), Dr. Sampson Lee Blair (State University of New York at
Buffalo, USA), Dr. Sheila Royo Maxwell (Michigan State University, USA),
and Dr. Agustin Martin Rodriguez (Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines).
Although the list is still tentative, these experts will help in setting the overall
direction of Tambara, particularly in the choice of themes in its forthcoming
issues as well as in the selection of articles to be published in the journal.
They will also assist in the call for and the review of research articles submitted to
Tambara. The creation of an International Advisory Board is part of Tambara’s
steps toward internationalization.
The current issue of Tambara is made up of four research articles.
Anthonette C. Mendoza undertakes an ethical analysis on the concept of
urban development heavily anchored in building infrastructures, creating
more industries, job opportunities, among other things, that ironically
displace and marginalize peoples and societies. D.J. Margaret explores the
role of spirituality in the care of women who have HIV/AIDS. Although
the article takes as its case study the experience of women in India where
—2—
Editor’s Preface
the author comes from, the issue of HIV/AIDS is quite important in the
context of Davao City, Philippines since the Davao Region has one of the
highest incidences of HIV/AIDS in the country, according to a study by the
Department of Health (DOH).
Ana Karenina Pahimalan-Pera evaluates the suitability of blackwater
as a substrate for anaerobic digestion, a biochemical technology capable
of converting organic materials into biogas. This article contributes to the
current efforts to find renewable sources of energy in the hope of creating a
green world. Sampson Lee Blair explores the role of parental involvement in
children’s academic performance by using a sample of parents from the island
of Mindanao. The social capital paradigm has been used in the analysis of
the results. Aside from these four research articles, Tambara’s current issue
also consists of the regular sections, namely: (1) Jesuit Notes where Daniel J.
McNamara, SJ reflects on Super Typhoon Yolanda that hit central Philippines
in November 2013, and (2) Book Reviews which also includes two previews of
books due to be released in 2014.
—3—
—4—
The Shortchange in ‘Building’ Concept:
An Ethical Reading of Space and Agency
in Urban Development
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium
abstract. The reference to development especially in two-thirds of the world to

date remains attached to increasing infrastructures, industry, job opportunities,
among other things, claiming to serve the economic concerns of the people. This
prevalent notion naturally carries with it the attendant troubles of displacement,
overcrowding, blight and criminality. This scale of weight between gains and losses
triggers ethical questioning. This is so not only because of the inequalities in the
sharing of burdens and gains among the people but more importantly because of
the need to answer the basic question of what can truly serve the flourishing and
development of peoples and societies. The ‘spatial’ inequalities, especially observable
in conventional urban development approaches, speak of marginalization rather
than of participation. The paper argues that a sensitive and ethical approach to space
could serve as corrective to the above. Through a critical reading of the concept of
space in forging agency and an appeal to solidarity, the paper hopes to contribute to
the dialogue on what makes for authentic development.
keywords: Development, urban development, space, agency, solidarity
Introduction
T
he inculcated notion of development is that of a cyclic picture: A
bustling commercial city where everything and anything can be
settled, people have jobs, families have food, children can go to
school so they can—in turn—have jobs, provide for their own families
and send their own children to school (Ortega y Gasset 1957, 33)1. This
cyclic image of ‘development’ forms part of the consumerist (consuming)
TAMBARA 30, No.2 (2013): 5-19 —5— © 2013 Ateneo de Davao University
vision. As such, it has the unsurprising brunt of exclusion and injustice. The
greater majority of people are left unable to reach even the first phase of
the cycle. Whatever impedes the cycle to continue are seen as forces against
development. ‘Evaluative’ attempts propelled by the prevalent system blame
the uncompromising character of culture (for example, bahala na or the let-
be ethos, ipasa Diyos or “let-God-be,” bayanihan or acts of solidarity at all
times, among others), rather than the problematic content of development.
As succinctly discussed by a Filipino sociologist Randolf David, the focus
has always been on how the indigenous values fail to meet the demands of
growth, or how they deter the possibility for an efficient management, that
is, how they are opposed to the logic of market and perpetuating divisive and
feudal hierarchies. David (2001, 90) observes:
Development itself never offers any explanation; it is its own justification.
Its super-valuation has meant that its processes and outcomes would remain
largely unexamined. It is culture, on the other hand, that must ever explain
itself before the tribunal of development.
This reality still echoes the large residuals of technocrats’ perspective on
modernization extant in the 1960s, whereby local cultural forms are perceived
as nothing but a wasteful and undesirable event that should be discouraged.
The undermining of cultural integrity is an even greater monster to deal
with than economic injustice. This is because it blocks the realization of
“the constitutively human task of determining for ourselves the meanings by
which we will live our lives and shape our world” (Lovett 1998, 171).
The hesitance toward urban development is actually reflective of the
diverging understanding of the notion of development. Des Gasper’s (2004,
28-31) seminal exploratory perspective plots the four major usages of
development in development studies literature. Firstly, development refers
to change, more specifically, structural or qualitative change. Such nuancing
of development not only implies economic growth but also structural
change. Secondly, development is understood as action for intervention
aimed at improvement. This transitive usage is problematic since it conveys
a ‘we develop you’ approach, that is, a unilateral stance that sidesteps
—6—
Mendoza – The Shortchange in Building Concept
inclusion, participation and heterogeneity. Thirdly, development is equated

with positive change, a movement which may not necessarily be a major
change but simply an arrival at a good state. Although this is an evaluative
nuancing and in some regard may prove to be helpful, the problem with
regard to who makes the assessment of such improvement is a significant
and difficult, yet, necessary concern for the inquiry. However, because such
a notion of development aims to probe into the formation of people’s mind,
the commonalities in their chosen ends and the means taken up for self-
determination, it at least considers the most important but often marginalized
subject in the development process: The people. Fourthly, development is
understood as instrumental in facilitating and enabling improvement. This
allusion to an increase of capacities and capabilities for further improvement
or development hints at not only an autonomous agency that participates in a
particular development process but also an enabling agency that participates
in determining what makes for development.
The latter two usages of development can make a good intellectual case for
real development. This is because they provide an allowance for an evaluative
perspective which focuses on the basic regard to people and their common
conceptions of what makes for their good and the concern for engendering
continuing possibilities for further flourishing. However, the first two former
usages remain to be part of the context for a fuller understanding of the
development process and are necessary for achieving some corrective strategic
recommendations.
Drawing from the above, the paper argues that an ongoing inductive,
dialogical approach to development is onerous if we are ever to escape the trap
of conventional ideology that seeks to transform societies through governing
development blueprints. And, as June O’Connor (2002, 161) argues, “(t)he
facts are that after forty to fifty years of supposed ‘development,’ the state of
global affairs is dismal of the majority of people.”
This paper will proceed in three parts. First, an exposition of a divergent
picture of urban development in Cebu City, Philippines will be made.
Second, an ethical reading of the germane value of space in fostering agency
—7—
in development will be presented. And third, by way of conclusion, an appeal

to solidarity as frame of action for real development will be raised.
Probing Development
Some three years back with Cebu City in mind, an appeal was made
toward the updating of ‘obsolete’ urban development plans operative in the
Philippines (Yap 2010). In the news article, a Filipino architect Felino Palafox,
Jr. pointed to the need for the government and private sectors to change their
perception of what is a good community. He said that there is a need for
“(a)n integrated concept that will allow people perhaps to live upstairs and
work, shop and do other things downstairs. The problem is that we planned
our cities by looking at wrong model cities. Too Hollywood. It’s time we
change this.” Palafox posited a more metropolitan view of development: “[A]
more integrated vertical property development that would encourage a more
walkable, bikable and livable community…it would also mean development
that transcends turfs” as “an integrated development plan should take into
consideration the developments of all other cities beside yours.” He insisted
that “high-rise buildings can be designed not just to consume energy but to
produce it or making it less dependent on non-renewable resources of energy.”
He argued for the greater sustainability of high-rise buildings compared to
individual homes, alluding to their higher adaptability to climate change
effects such as floods. The news appeal ended with: “Designs should also
take careful account to striking a good balance between the natural, already
existing, and built environment.” The above accounts for the most recent
urban planning perspective in the Philippines, or at least, the one that is
likely to receive financial investment from private housing developers and the
national and local governments in key cities in the country.
However, the urban poor sector is literally set at the tail-end in such
planning measures. They are relocated at the margins where access to jobs
and basic resources like water, electricity, health and sanitation facilities are
scarce, if not absent. A 2006 statistics shows that there were 58,000 urban
—8—
poor families in Cebu City (Pareja 2010). With an average size of 4.84
members per household, that would be equivalent to approximately 280,720
people. The urban poor represent approximately 35 percent of the 2007
population of 798,809. The rate is prior to the adjustment of 1.46 percent
population growth per year.2 The 38,000 of the 58,000 families availed of
the city and national government housing programs (7,000 families were
directed to seven relocation sites) while the 20,000 families remaining have
no formal residence and some 2,500 families live in riverbanks and creeks
(Pareja 2010). Apart from being far from the city proper, majority of the
relocation sites are in steep hilly areas (some even about 30-45 degrees slope
from the mainland), making house construction difficult and costly for the
beneficiaries. From the relocation site in barangay Budlaan, the residents will
have to spend 10 percent of their minimum wage of PhP 200 for a ride to
reach the city proper where jobs are found.
In these disparate pictures within the same sprawling city, the ethical
issue lies not only in the exclusivity of concern, reach, and enjoyment of the
“integral community” referred to by Palafox, but also in the dislodgement
and uprooting of people, particularly the urban poor, forcing them off their
local living communities.3 Further and even more problematic is the fact that
such a strategic dislodgement is erroneously referred to as development.
There is no attempt here to jettison the merits of the proposal that aims
for a changed perspective about what makes a good community. The point
instead is that such a shift in the notion of development can only be truly
meritorious and useful when it employs inductive, inclusive, and dialogical
reasoning. Denis Goulet highlights how development could not be equated
merely with schemes of growth, modernization or even structural change. He
says that “development itself must be critically subjected to the value tests of
justice, human enhancement, spiritual liberation and reciprocal relations”
(Goulet 1988, 158). When it fails to meet the above requirements, it runs
the risk of becoming anything else but development. Thus, serious appraisal
and more sensitive policy interventions need to be in place.
—9—
The Germane Value of Space in Agency and Urban Development
The concern for the value-tests enumerated above brings to the fore
the need to assure the establishment of minimum levels of participation
in the development process. The spatial inequalities, especially observable
in conventional urban development approaches, speak of marginalization
rather than of participation. I argue that a more sensitive approach to space
could serve as corrective to the above.
On space
Jeremy Foster contends for an attentive regard to the importance of the

space of the “in-between” to urban process. The sensitivity to spaces opens
the realm of relationality to its possibility and fulfillment. Foster (2000, 1)
clarifies this dynamic:
Conventionally, the open spaces of the city are equated with the public realm,
the spaces where democracy is nurtured; historically, it is probably more
accurate to see them as the space where power is deployed and contested.
They are where the values of those who created the city are morphologically
and often permanently inscribed. But, because this residual morphology
shapes how residents live in, experience and identify with the city, the
spatial arrangements of a previous order also produces and reproduces urban
practices, identities and values. The particular equilibrium between scripted
and spontaneous practices specific to any urban society are latent not only
in its buildings, streets, and formal public spaces but also its infrastructures,
interstitial spaces and peripheries.
He further stresses the transformational potentials4 present in the latter
kinds of spaces due to their instrumental capacities for “re-generating and
organizing dynamic relations” (Foster 2009, 2). Following Foster’s argument
therefore, it can be inferred that the conscientious regard to the politics of
space operative in the public, interstitial and peripheries can help dissipate the
tension of mistrust brought forth by invasive procedures in prevalent modes
of reordering cities in development when the value of each of these spaces is
recognized. Hence, an imported idea of what constitutes “good community”
would be a betrayal of this primary insight. Any structural change within
— 10 —
the city, be it physical or organizational, has to bear the brunt of constant

inquiry into the meanings that sustain the community and draw insights for
any development from within their value system.
In the article “On the worlding of African cities” Abdoumaliq Simone
considers the challenge to local communities of the globalized urban
world. The danger of local spaces to be closed upon themselves has to be
addressed especially since the conventional “grassroot” idea that the key to
development is in well-bounded communities remains. Working on the
merit of such assertion, Simone sees as an inevitable challenge the insertion
and effective survival of such communities within the globalized urban
world. He argues that “the enclosure and sustenance of coherent local spaces
increasingly depends on the capacity to secure effective individual and
corporate engagements with the wild range of networks and flows that make
up translocal domains” (Simone 2001, 37). The consistent effort to cross and
interact with various scales and spaces creates communities and not enclaves
and ghettos. Such an exchange also provides for a stronger, more communal
basis for societies since the needed ethos for actual transformation cannot
be that of mere tolerance and/or live-and-let-live. Within these exchanges
arise the possibility for critical reexamination of closely-held values which
escape the ethos of tolerance because what is aimed at is a “harmonious”
blend between one’s traditional belief and others’, and in most cases, modern
rationality (Goulet 1980, 485).
Simone (2001, 36-38) further stresses the need for a series of practices
and institutions that can foster “local stability, interaction and cohesiveness”
as well as partnership with larger scales, to which he refers to as ‘worlding’
from below. It is the cooperative endeavor within the local, national and
international spheres which provides for the basis of the policy creation for
new “formal” economies which are non-manipulative.
The allocation and treatment of the physical spaces is reflective of the
operative governing socioeconomic framework especially in the cities. The
insights enumerated above namely: 1) The basic recognition and valuing of
spaces toward dynamic and enriching relationality; 2) the need for continuing
engagement with the different domains that escapes the corrosive effects of
— 11 —
division; and 3) the forging of new frameworks and institutions of relations,

both economic and political, are crucial for the conditioning of agency. They
stand as enabling constants for a just development. The failure to consider
the above then could only ensure the divergent effect, or an inescapable
downward slope.
The conditioning of agency and urban development
As “space is produced by and reproduces social relations” (Costa Vargas

2006, 59), it is in the same way a latent fuel to agency. This is because agency
is a “socio-culturally mediated capacity to act” (Ahearn 2001, 112). Sharon
Hays (1994, 64-65) asserts:
The choices that agents make are always within the realm of structurally
provided possibilities, and are therefore patterned and comprehensible (though
only rarely predicted)…[A]gency in this sense is not a matter of “pure will” or
absolute freedom; instead, it is the individual and collective autonomy made
possible by a solid grounding in the constraining and enabling features of
social structure.
The ordering of urban space, as concocted by the social structure, can
either be an enabling or a constraining factor of people’s capacities and
capabilities. Its impact is neither only caused by the contextual environment
of such specific spaces nor is territorial. Even more radically affecting is the
relational character of the agent with its space.
Simone (1998, 86) adeptly recognizes more things that happen in the
cities than consumption or production alone. There are realities that are
deeply related to the configuring of the ways of life of people. For instance,
the uprooting of people from the inner city of Cebu to the distant relocation
sites poses difficulties. The burden is not only about the distance from work,
security, or the absence of the needed basic daily resources, say, food, water,
electricity, health and sanitation, among other things. The more serious
difficulty points to the detachment of people from their lived relational
matrix of meanings—the known corners and pathways, experiences,
exchanges, taboos, trusts, fears, and communities. The task of recreating
the spatial bedrock of culture is arduous. The same reason explains why
— 12 —
there are incidences where those relocated want to go back to their original
community, or where some others refuse relocation and opt to face and deal
with the insecurities of informal housing in the city rather than be completely
detached from the “known” order.
This relationship with space forms part of the “habitus” which frames
us. Although it is admittedly not the sole conditioning frame of the social
structure, there is no question in its power to effect action. Hays (1994, 62)
explains further, “the girders of the building are our girders, they hold us up,
they protect us from social calamity, and they make human social thought and
action possible.” This is further clarified by the example posited by Joao Costa
Vargas (2006, 60), with the favelas (Brazilian shanty towns) in perspective:
To understand how power differentials determine the social construction of
favelas …is to decipher urban space…We need to focus on the spatial practice
of a society. Since spatial practice implies historically specific social practices,
deciphering space implies recognizing how hegemonic understandings about
the social world (its hierarchies, privileges and exclusions) directly shape
while deriving from conceptions and practices related to urban spaces. Thus,
although the space of the favela is not inherently dominating, it is certainly
part of the way domination is conceptualized, exercised, and contested in and
through time… It is entirely to be expected that the concept and experience
of favela will have historical, social, political and racial meanings that vary
according to who is appropriating them.
It is important to stress that although the habitus carries a great potential
in effecting purposeful action, it is not altogether everything that agency
is. For agency is habituated in a continuum of everyday affairs. A clarifying
nuancing of Hays (1994, 64) follows: “This continuum is influenced by
the depth and durability of the structural form in question, by the level of
power held by those making the choices, and by the larger cultural milieu
in which the choices are made.” Thus, the habitus is not a breeding zone for
stagnant realities but unquestionably holds a potential for transformation, as
it engenders the condition for purposeful action.
The possibilities for ‘purposeful action’ to materialize, or even to be
articulated in words would be greater in the center than in the favelas, or in
— 13 —
the inner city of Cebu than in the outskirts. As Nick Devas (20014, 397)
exemplifies:
In Cebu City, there are a variety of forums (sic) in which citizens, community
organizations and NGOs participate to address particular issues. Yet, as with
any participatory mechanism, there are risks that the loudest voices carry the
day, that the minority views are marginalized and that large sections of the
poor especially the poorest, are effectively excluded.
Taking this example in perspective, the problem is not actually the
complete absence of political space, nor the lack of assertion of the poor of
their cultural meanings and identity as people because they are not, strictly
speaking, isolated from the larger society.
David Hollenbach (2002, 187) opines that the urban poor “do not live
in a parallel universe that never intersects with the world of the middle class.”
They do constantly engage in the interaction with the “main stream” society
all the time. “But,” he continues, “in this interaction, the urban poor are
not full-fledged agents. Whatever agency they have is limited to figuring out
how to cope with social conditions that are the results of decisions made
elsewhere” (Hollenbach 2002, 187).
The marginal reality of space meets up with the peripheral concern for
the well-being of the urban poor sector in the current governing development
scheme. What can reverse such impending double isolation is “a transformed
institutional framework that supports a more equal and reciprocal relationship
with the larger society” (Hollenbach 2002, 187). Akin to Simone’s reference
to “worlding” from below, the conversational axis within and among the
urban spaces has to find sustenance through a renewal and/or creation of
institutional frames which are sensitive to the plights of those who are least
in the urban planning list.
The concern for justice in development could not do without ensuring
that the forms of marginalization are addressed through: 1) Promoting
cultural recognition which takes seriously the identity and self-worth of
people (basic to any human enhancement agenda) as equal members of
society; 2) configuring engines for economic development and commitment
— 14 —
to secure economic rights that deal with the resource for material upkeep
and improvement; 3) fostering social security measures especially in areas
of education, employment, and health; and, 4) ensuring genuine active
involvement in the democratic process, to ascertain that the voices of the
urban poor sector be heard.
These minimum considerations could escape the tendency to be co-opted
by the prevalent systems if their mutually-reinforcing nature is recognized
and respected. However, in aiming for such sensitivity to the needs of all
the others in need, there is an ethical consideration that cannot be missed:
The inclusion of the urban poor in the urban development concerns is the
demand of being together as humans.
Conclusion and Appeal to Solidarity
By way of conclusion, let me reiterate in two points what I have attempted

to put forward in this paper. Firstly, the development discourse especially in
two-thirds of the world has very little following especially among those who
are living the pains of marginalization and poverty. The prevalent concept
of development is probed and is found wanting and shortchanged. The
illustrative example of Cebu City represents the divergent realities within
the same development process. In alluding to the meaning of development
as beyond growth, modernization or even structural change thus needs
to be steadily tested before the requirements of justice, life enhancement,
spiritual liberation and reciprocal relations. Secondly, the concept of space
is relational and, therefore, definitive of people. Simone and Foster allow for
the investigation of the concept in relation to the rootedness of people in
their communal spaces and the radical subjection of the urban poor to the
outskirts while others enjoy the affluence and ease of the inner city. I have
pointed out some of the key insights on space: The basic recognition and
valuing of spaces toward dynamic and enriching relationality; the need for
continuing engagement with the different domains that escape the corrosive
effects of division; and, the forging of new frameworks and institutions of
— 15 —
relations, both economic and political. I have also attempted to show the
crucial role of space to human agency, particularly on how it enables or
constrains people’s action. The uprooting of people from their ‘spaces’ of
meaning necessarily affects their agency in the same manner as the building
of spaces that are foreign to them and detached from their own valuation can
prove to be detrimental rather than beneficial. Any genuine development
cannot be attained without taking into account what is meaningful to people.
Admittedly, there are a lot of other factors to consider and evaluate in
urban development. It is not the goal of this paper to reject the whole idea of
urban development and promote culturalism. But what I have sought to clarify
is how the meanings and self-valuations of people, particularly those who have
been historically denied hearing and are left to the literal margins of decision-
making, cannot be ignored if we aim for real development of societies.
There is a persistent question after every research on the various
development pitfalls—the “What now?” Development is a dynamic reality
with different contours of possibilities. I take here the risk and the urgency
of appealing for solidarity although such an appeal would need a lot of
exploration and unpacking that might require a separate research.
The only ethos that can circumvent the divide is that of solidarity. I hint
at solidarity as the adequate measure to meet the demands of the disparate
realities within the urban development environment. Let me briefly explain
the kind of solidarity that can meet the demands of real development.
The first consideration is that solidarity is about beings-in-relationship,
not simply ties that bind an aggregate number of individuals. It is not just any
relationship, but is mutual, reciprocal and dialogical. It recognizes freedom
and equality through “mutual cooperation, interaction and interdependence”
(Dorr 2000, 146). The conditioning framework of mutual exchange promotes
the virtue of solidarity. Donal Dorr (2000, 146) explains that it is “within the
matrix of experience of solidarity” that the virtue of solidarity is born. (…)
“It inclines one to be sensitive to the needs and feelings of others in the group
and to devote oneself generously to the common welfare.”
— 16 —
The second consideration is that solidarity is a communicative practice, a

dialogical way of life— “in solidarity with all the peoples and communities who
themselves are in the search, striving to articulate their identity in openness to
the demand of justice and love in our world that we are helped to develop our
authentic identity” (Gregson 1998, 139). It is the dialogical way-of-life that
commits people to the public realm, and as long as dialogue is sustained, it
eliminates the possibility of becoming an ideology or political religion (Winter
1989, 101).
And the third consideration is that solidarity is solidarity with and by the
poor. It is the recognition of the inherent power of the poor: Their capacity
to act and transform their situation. Solidarity with the marginalized is not
‘to empower’ the poor as in the dynamics of giving and receiving, but is
rather about allowing them to exercise their stake in the decision-making
process. ‘Allowing’ is not as though their liberation depends on us. To
withhold from them their free exercise of their capacities is to nurture the
prevalent capitalistic illusion of control over history and people. Since it is
an illusion, it is a denial of their possibility for development. There is to be
an openness in recognizing the truth that it is the poor “who hold the key
to a solution for the tensions that characterize our world” (Haers 2007, 7).
Solidarity is, therefore, a challenge to rise to a sense of responsibility with
the concomitant commitment to create, sustain and condition the forging of
more just relations.
The ethical dilemma before us is monstrous especially since the Cebu
case is not an isolated instance but is only representative of what can be
even more complex realities around the globe. There is clearly an inevitable
interdependence that we have to face. As Hollenbach (2002, 77) rightly
pushes to the fore:
In an increasingly interdependent world there is nowhere to hide, nowhere
simply to be left alone. In such a world, the internal connection between
self-determination and democratic social practice means we face the choice of
discovering how to achieve good lives together or accepting the fact that some
people (like very many) will not have good lives at all.
— 17 —
Notes
1
This account is akin to Ortega y Gasset’s articulation of development or the ‘modern culture’
as an “elastic prison which stretches on without ever setting us free.” See Ortega y Gasset, The
revolt of the masses (New York and London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1957), 33.
2
The National Statistics Office (NSO) did not conduct statistics in 2006.
3
And since in the Philippines, the extended family household is culturally observed, it would
also be more likely that the relocations meant separation from extended family members of
the majority.
4
This potential for transformation in relation to space could also find its echo in Dominique
Malaquais’ analysis of the link between the approaches to space and place within the notions
of rank, honor, cleanliness and virtue in the context of Western Cameroon. See Dominique
Malaquais’ “Building in the name of God: Architecture, resistance, and the Christian
faith in the Bamileke highlands of Western Cameroon,” African Studies Association 42,
no. 1 (1999): 61.
References
Ahearn, Laura. 2001. Language and agency. Annual Review of Anthropology 30: 109-137.
David, Randolf. 2001. Reflections on sociology and Philippine society. Quezon City: University
of the Philippines Press.
Devas, Nick. 2001. Does city governance matter for the urban poor? International Planning
Studies 6, no. 4: 393-408.
Dorr, Donal. 2000. Option for the poor re-visited. In Catholic social thought: Twilight or
renaissance, ed. J.S. Boswell, F.P. McHugh and J. Verstraeten. Leuven, Belgium: Peeters/
Leuven University Press.
Gasper, Des. 2004. The ethics of development. Edinburg: Edinburg University Press.
Gasset, Ortega y. 1957. The revolt of the masses. New York and London: W.W. Norton and
Company.
Goulet, Denis. 1980. Development experts: The one-eyed giants. World Development 8: 481-
489.
Goulet, Denis. 1988. Tasks and methods in development ethics. Access 15 November 2013,
from http://kellogg.nd.edu/publications/workingpapers/WPS/106.pdf.
Gregson, Vernon. 1998. The church and our desires: An inquiry into ecumenical criteria. In
Essays in sprituality and theology in honor of Dom Sebastian Moore, ed. William Loewe and
Vernon Gregson. Minnesota: The Liturgical Press.
Haers, Jacques. 2007. The preferential option for the poor in a globalizing world. Leuven:
Center for liberation theologies, faculty of theology, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven.
Hays, Sharon. 1994. Structure and agency and the sticky problem of culture. Sociological
Theory 12, no. 1: 57-72.
Hollenbach, David. 2002. The common good and Christian ethics. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
— 18 —
Lovett, Brendan. 1998. A dragon not for the killing. Christian presence to China. Quezon City:
Claretian Publications.
Malaquais, Dominique. 1999. Building in the name of God: Architecture, resistance, and
the Christian faith in the Bamileke Highlands of Western Cameroon. African Studies
Association 42, no. 1: 49-78.
O’Brien, John, 1994. The new dictionary of Catholic social thought. Collegeville, Minnesota:
Liturgical Press.
O’Connor, June. 2002. “Making a case for the common good in a global economy: The United
Nations human development reports [1990-2001].” Journal of Religious Ethics 30, no. 1:
157-173.
Pareja, Jessica Ann. 2010. Councilor prioritizes for urban poor. The freeman. Access 10
December 2010, from http://www.philstar.com/cebu-news/590469/councilor-prioritizes-
shelter-urban-poor.
Simone, Abdoumaliq. 1998. Urban social fields in Africa. Social Text 56:71-89.
Simone, Abdoumaliq. 2001. On the worlding of African cities. African Studies Association 44,
no. 2:15-41.
Vargas, Joao Costa. 2006. Race and equality in Brazil: Cultural and political dimensions. Latin
American Perspectives 33, no. 4:49-81.
Winter, Gibson. 1989. Community and spiritual transformation: Religion and politics in a
communal age. New York: Crossroad.
Yap, Aileen. 2010. Cebu must update its obsolete urban plans. Inquirer. Access 15 December
2010, from http://globalnation.inquirer.net/cebudailynews/enterprise/view/20100811-286143/
Cebu-must-update-its-obsolete-urban--plans.
— 19 —
— 20 —
Margaret – HIV/AIDS Women and Spirituality
HIV/AIDS Women and Spirituality

D.J. Margaret
University of Madras, India
abstract: The article highlights the care of women living with HIV/AIDS
(WLHA) from a spiritual perspective. It focuses on the types of spiritual care
received by the WLHA from caregivers especially from family members,
health caregivers and faith community. Spiritual care integrates all aspects of
a human being and it is not limited to activities emphasizing religion. It is any
activity that “touches the spirit of another.” Spiritual care promotes connectedness
with self, others, nature and the sacred. The article shows that prayer and trust
in God/Divine are the two aspects of the spiritual support that the WLHA have
acknowledged as having received from the health caregivers. Care for women’s
spiritual needs could, therefore, be considered as an important component of
overall healthcare quality.
keywords: Women, HIV/AIDS, caregivers, spirituality, prayer, God
“I hope for a day when every [c]hurch engages in open dialogue on issues
of sexuality and gender difference. I hope for a day when every synagogue will
mobilize as advocates for a global response to fight AIDS; when every temple will
fully welcome people living with HIV, when every mosque is a place where young
people will learn about the facts of HIV and AIDS. When that will have happen,
I am convinced that nothing will stop our success in the fight against AIDS”
(Piot 2004, 1).
TAMBARA 30, No.1 (2013): 21-34 — 21 — © 2013 Ateneo de Davao University

Introduction
T
oday, the burden of living with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)
and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) epidemic is a great
challenge especially to the poorest—those who lack the power, resources,
and knowledge to control their exposure to infection. The most vulnerable
groups in human society subjected to HIV/AIDS are women and children.
The experiences of discrimination and disempowerment, deprivation and
dispossession, stigma and rejection provide the breeding ground for the spread
of HIV/AIDS among women. Despite increased HIV/AIDS awareness and
medical treatment, the horror surrounding this disease persists. The complexity
of the illness shows that medical care alone is insufficient in coping with this
condition. The nature of this illness, its development and the consequences
require integral care and support.
The need of responding to ever growing multivariate caring context
of women living with HIV/AIDS (WLHA) makes us ask: What is the
significance of the word ‘care’? What is the meaning of spirituality? What
is the spiritual care provided by caregivers especially the family members,
health caregivers and faith community to the WLHA? The reflection on the
spiritual perspective of the care dealt with in this article is mainly based on
a research done on the role of spiritual care of 600 WLHA in various HIV/
AIDS care centres in Chennai, India.
The Significance of “Care”
The word ‘care’ has different meanings, dimensions and values attached
to it. Care is the term frequently used to explicate a number of meanings,
such as affection, love, duty, well-being, responsibility and reciprocity. It
is demonstrated through touch, action, emotion and bodily expression.
Care is fundamental to an individual’s identity as this is expressed in social
relationships. Care can be part of formal, loving, and professional relationships.
It is often based on a relationship, not only within a family context but also
with others outside the family, in a healthcare or social setting. Although in
— 22 —
many ways it seems a vague and ambiguous concept, as a part of everyday

life, often care is taken for granted (Philip 2007, 1).
The nouns caregiver and care-recipient are also loaded with meanings
that entitle the former as powerful and the latter as powerless. As Harington
Meyer, Heard, and Michel (2000, 2) suggest, the word caregiver implies
“a free and willing service based on choice.” According to Judith Philip
(2007, 6), care involves tasks, roles and relationships. It is a disposition as
well as practice. Care may also be reciprocal and interdependent rather than
one-way. Care viewed over a lifetime will be different if it is periodic or
continuous, or if it involves intense periods of time. The concept of care is
also shaped by cultural values.
The concept of care is multifaceted. It includes philosophical, ideological,
political, sociological, economic and spiritual aspects. It is difficult to set
boundaries to care. Care can also be seen as a holistic notion pervading
all human relationships and activities. It is the central part of life, binding
together families, friends and communities. It is embedded in social relations.
It is described as ‘the engine of family life’. In other words, to have concern
for the other would mean to experience a genuine feeling for the same. It is
a kind of movement that touches the fiber of one’s soul in which a person
honestly feels honored and respected (Philip 2007, 16).
Therefore, care is an action undertaken on behalf of the one cared for,
which aims at achieving optimal quality of life for the person through medical,
psychological, social, and spiritual care and support. This care is given by
various agents such as family members, healthcare givers, social workers, and
faith community members throughout the entire course of HIV infection.
Spirituality and Spiritual Care
In this article, the author treats ‘spirituality’ as a conscious relating of

life issues/events to a supernatural reality. This conscious relating refers to
the development of attitudes, moods, visions, motivations which animate
people’s lives and help them to reach out to increasing levels of experiences
— 23 —
of transcendence and freedom. This freedom encompasses all of physical,

emotional, and mental experiences, and establishes relationships to something
beyond (or greater) than oneself.
Spiritual care is a care that focuses on the spiritual dimensions of an
individual. It is not limited to activities/practices emphasizing religion but
is any activity that “touches the spirit of another.” It is a transpersonal care
and a pattern of evolving consciousness that increases levels of experiences of
transcendence and freedom.
Spirituality has become a more and more widespread topic in
contemporary models of healthcare. In fact, in the West more medical
schools teach topics related to spirituality and health, and hospitals
have started to develop spirituality programs to increase the delivery of
compassionate care (Sloan, Bagiella and Powell 1999, 664-667). According
to C.M. Puchalski et al. (2009, 885-904), spirituality could be defined as
“the aspect of humanity that refers to the way individuals seek and express
meaning and purpose, and the way they experience their connectedness to
the moment, to self, to others, to nature and to the significant or sacred.”
The patient’s spirituality and religiosity have been shown to be correlated
with reduced morbidity and mortality, better physical and mental health,
healthier lifestyles, fewer required health services, improved coping skills,
enhanced well-being, reduced stress, and illness prevention (Post, Pulchalski,
and Larson 2000, 578-583; Koenig 2000, 1708). Many of these studies have
been criticized, yet most physicians believe spirituality has a positive effect on
the physical and mental well-being of patients (Sloan et al. 2000, 1913-1916;
Larimore, Parker and Crowther 2002, 69-73). However, illness, especially
terminal illness like cancer and HIV/AIDS, could trigger profound existential
questions for the patient and family, as well as for healthcare professionals.
Questions about why people suffer and die, or why people have to deal with
unbearable stress are raised.
Some studies have shown that spirituality and religious beliefs and
practices have an impact on how people cope with serious illness and mental/
psychological stresses (Koenig, McCullough and Larson 2001). Spirituality
— 24 —
has given people a sense of well-being, improved quality of life, provided

social support (Burgener 1999, 433-446) and has also affected healthcare
decision-making (Silvestri et al. 2003, 1379-1382).
There are surveys indicating that patients want their doctors and care-
givers to talk with them about their spiritual needs and integrate spirituality
into their treatment procedures (McCord et al. 2004, 356-361).
HIV/AIDS Palliative Care Guidance states that spiritual care addresses
the major life events that cause people to question themselves, their purpose
and their meaning in life. Therefore, the interventions of the caregivers
should be sensitive to the culture, religions, and rituals of the individual and
community, and can include (but are not limited to) the following: Life review
and assessment; counselling related to hopes and fears, meaning and purpose,
guilt and forgiveness; and life-completion tasks (US Global AIDS Coordinator
2006). Spiritual care is defined within the contexts of religious practice, holistic
care, and healing practices. It means incorporating religious practices or beliefs
into the provision of care. Both patients and caregivers describe spiritual care
as interventions that promote connectedness, a sense of feeling known and
understood, as well as a search for finding meaning (Davis 2009).
According to Johanna Olson (2004, 7), spiritual care is to devote
presence, attention and respectful assistance to helping people discern what
is the meaning of life now, in this new environment of destruction and
pain; and how they seek to live out that meaning as the recovery unfolds.
Taylor (2002) has defined spiritual care as an approach used to integrate all
aspects of a human being. According to McSherry (2007), spiritual care is
similar to holistic care where the physical, psychological, social and spiritual
dimensions of an individual are considered as a whole. For V. Carson (1989,
viii) spiritual care is not limited to activities emphasizing religion but is any
activity that “touches the spirit of another.”
Furthermore, spiritual care could be defined as a care or intervention that
promotes connectedness with self, others, nature and to the significant or
sacred, as noted earlier. It is the way or the means through which individuals
become capable of finding meaning and purpose in life. As a result, the
quality of their life and relationships is improved.
— 25 —
With this brief understanding of spiritual care, we shall focus on the types
of spiritual care received by the WLHA from the caregivers especially
from family members, health caregivers and the faith community.
Types of Spiritual Care Received by HIV/AIDS Women
Family members
Many women who become ill with HIV/AIDS will not be able to stay in
hospitals, hospices or other institutions for a variety of reasons. Hence, the
home-based care is to be given and the family members have a responsibility
to take care of them. Home-based care is deﬁned as the provision of health
services by formal or informal caregivers in the home to promote, restore, or
maintain the maximum level of comfort, functioning and health of WLHA,
including care toward a digniﬁed death. It can include preventive, promotive,
therapeutic, rehabilitative, long-term maintenance and palliative care. Home-
based care will also help remove stigma and discrimination.
One aspect of home-based care, largely neglected by most researchers, is
spiritual care and support that are as important as physical care. Religious/
spiritual activities undertaken by the caregivers on behalf of the one cared for
could help boost their morale especially the morale of the persons living with
HIV/AIDS. This kind of spiritual care and support could be best provided
by the family members who are close to those living with HIV/AIDS
(Limanonda 2003, 18). It is often family members that individuals with HIV/
AIDS turn to for help and support, especially when the healthcare system
cannot meet all their needs (D’Cruz 2004, 413-434). Bhassorn Limanonda
says that it is important to understand the introduction of family-based care
into the existing healthcare system. It does not mean totally transferring all
responsibilities or imposing the burden of care to families. Rather, it involves
attempts by the government to create more involvement of the family in the
caring process and to provide moral support for people living with HIV/
AIDS (PLHAs) (Limanonda 2003, 14).
— 26 —
As per the results of this research, there are different aspects of the
spiritual care that the family members provided to the WLHA. Studies
on the influence of religious health intervention, such as the patient’s own
prayers (Wilson et al. 2000, 817-822), other people’s prayers (Masters et al.
2006, 21-26), multireligious healing services related to the hospital (Dann
et al. 2005, 230-235), the importance of participation in faith-related support
groups and psycho-analytic support groups with religious support (Breitbart
2002, 272-280), and conversations with chaplaincy health team members
(Iler 2001, 5-11) have been made.
In healthcare, prayer is increasingly used in approaches to healing. Studies
showed that the use of prayer is related to specific health outcomes and is
acceptable within the medical practice (Duckro and Magaletta 1994, 211-
219; McCullough 1995, 15-29). Prayer was perceived as a helpful, direct-
action coping mechanism and was independent of whether individuals
believed that their lives were controlled by themselves or a powerful other.
The importance of the study was that it emphasized the direct action of
prayer that the individual used as a coping strategy.
With respect to this research, the responses of the research participants
highlight the following as the spiritual support of the family members given
to the WLHA. Majority (65.8 percent) of the respondents interviewed
agreed that making vows and doing pooja and undertaking pilgrimages (64.5
percent) and praying (72.2 percent) for healing of the WLHA are the spiritual
supports that the family members offered to the WLHA. Thus, among the
above four spiritual support provided for by the family members, prayer is
the most valued spiritual support provided to the WLHA. This result can be
substantiated by a paragraph taken from one of the in-depth interviews:
“It’s my mother who taught me to keep prayer as a part of my daily life;”
“It is in the family I learnt to pray daily and I do it much more in difficult times;”
“I have seen some very tough moments in my life; it was my mother’s prayer for me
that got me through those times;”
— 27 —
“I am a Christian, I would like to pray with my family members, but often those
moments of prayer were moments where I could shed a lot of tears silently and once
the prayers were over, I felt relaxed;”
“I consider the loving acts of my mother in giving me medicine and food at the
right time, as acts of God [H]imself working through her. When I am depressed
and become moody she encourages me, too.”
From the description by the participants, it clearly emerges that the
spiritual support given by their family members are, indeed, integral to
their lives. Besides, it is noted that some of the patients strive to make the
care given by their family members as the central part of their lives, while
others try to find balance. However, there is no doubt that the spiritual
support of the family members is clearly an important determinant of the
well-being of WLHA.
Health caregivers
Researchers claim that a relationship is the pivotal point around which

spiritual care needs to be given to terminally ill patients. However, they
have also called attention to a mismatch between patients’ expectations and
understanding when it comes to spirituality, and what medical and family
caregivers offer. There is a need for spiritual care, as many patients report
about insufficient understanding of existential and religious issues when in
contact with healthcare professionals (Manohar 2010).
Physicians also view religion and spirituality as a barrier when it impedes
medical recommendations as a bridge in helping families answer questions
that medicine cannot (Sreeraman 2009). A ‘spirit to spirit’ framework for
spiritual caregiving respects individual personhood. This was achieved in the
way physical care was given by focusing on presence, journeying together,
listening, connecting, creating openings, and engaging in reciprocal sharing.
When the health caregivers of this research were asked what type of spiritual
care was given to the WLHA, they have listed the following.
Studies show that emotional and spiritual needs have a profound effect
on patients’ health outcomes, therefore deserving the attention of healthcare
— 28 —
professionals (Clark, Drain and Malone 2003, 5). Prayer has been classified
as a spiritual treatment modality in the category of mind and body control
by the National Centre for Complementary and Alternative Medicine
(NCCAM) and is frequently used as an intervention in holistic nursing
practice (Dossey, Keegan and Guzzetta 2000). Besides, prayer is the most
universally recognized religious practice (Levin and Taylor 1997, 75-88).
According to Hughes (1997, 318-326), individuals do strongly believe in a
supreme being who is willing to listen to supplications from a pure heart and
may also be inclined to grant favorable outcomes to those who pray.
With regard to the spiritual support of the health caregivers to the WLHA,
the research showed that more than half of the research population agreed
that praying for healing (69.3 percent) and teaching to trust in God/Divine
(57.8 percent) are the two aspects of the spiritual support that the WLHA
have acknowledged as having received from the health caregivers. Actually, a
participant of an in-depth interview spoke about the spiritual support that she
had received from her healthcare provider in the following words:
“My nurse would always talk to me with kindness and enquire of me how I’m
doing; she’s somebody who cares. She teaches me how to manage with illness.
She kindles in me a positive outlook on my life. I know that she is praying for
me and supporting me always.”
Here, too, prayer seemed to be one of the most provided spiritual
supports of the caregivers to the WLHA. Also here, one can find that the care
the WLHA received from the health caregivers is an important spiritual care.
Faith and religious community
Religion is an important part of the daily lives of most people in India.

There were a couple of advocacy efforts at the national and regional level to
increase the involvement of faith leaders and faith-based organizations (FBO)
through conferences and round table discussions (RTDs). The majority of
them address advocacy and HIV prevention with training and sensitization of
religious leaders, awareness generation and working with orphans and other
vulnerable children. The progress report on the Declaration of Commitment
— 29 —
on HIV/AIDS at the United Nations (UN) General Assembly Special Session

on HIV/AIDS held in New Delhi states that there has been a mixed response
from the FBOs (Ungass India Report 2005, 27). On the part of the Hindu
religion, a work entitled HIV/AIDS—The human dimensions: Voices from the
Hindu world is one of the earliest initiatives to look at the human (religious)
dimension of HIV/AIDS (World Conference of Religion and Peace, n.d).
The Catholic Church in India developed the Catholic HIV/AIDS Policy
in 2005 (Catholic Bishops’ Conference in India, 2005). The policy strongly
advocates nondiscrimination, compassion and a proactive role for church-
based organizations in addressing issues around HIV/AIDS with a focus
on care and support services for people living with AIDS. The National
Spiritual Assembly of Baha’i (NSAB) India implemented a comprehensive
adolescent skillbuilding program that includes HIV/AIDS in Delhi (The
Baha’i Community of India and HIV and AIDS Prevention 2009).
The Christian AIDS Network Alliance (CANA) and other FBOs
which had worked on HIV prevention served as a resource center and now
conducted training, advocacy and action research. The National Council of
Churches in India (NCCI) organized programs on HIV/AIDS prevention
and education targeting different audiences, ranging from followers, to
pastors, school children and PLHAs. The Emmanuel Hospitals Association’s
(EHA) work on HIV/AIDS focused its attention on the northeastern states
of India, implementing services to drug addicts, truckers, and sex workers
(National Council of Churches in India 2009).
With regard to Islam, it is said that the Islamic scholars and priests in
the Himalayan State of Kashmir have come at the forefront to combat HIV/
AIDS. Through their sermons, they now build awareness about HIV/AIDS
(Ungass India Report 2005, 25). It is also stated that Mata Amritananthamayi
Math is initiating a hospice for people living with AIDS near Trivandrum,
Kerala. So, too, is the health network of Rama Krishna Mission in Tamil
Nadu (Ungas India Report 2005, 27). Thus, there is a response on the part
of the faith community to combat HIV/AIDS. At this juncture, it must be
pointed out that the research, done in response to the care given by the faith
groups to the WLHA, has come up with the following results.
— 30 —
HIV epidemic is an “exceptional” public health emergency requiring an

“exceptional” response from all sections of society, including that of the faith
communities. While significant progress has been made with the provision of
life-prolonging and life-enhancing combination of antiretroviral therapy to
those who need it, even in low- and middle-income countries, the annual HIV
incidence far outstrips the reduction in HIV-related morbidity and mortality
in such places. The action of FBOs in this field is often misunderstood and
undervalued (Vitillo 2009, 77-84).
An article by Vitillo (2009) attempts to demonstrate the key contributive
response by people of faith to the global HIV pandemic. Independent
evaluations and statistical data regarding the level and quality of faith-based
engagement in this field are presented in order to demonstrate that FBOs are
lending exceptional energy, expertise, and experience in order to achieve the
international commitment to advance universal access to HIV prevention,
treatment, care, and support (Vitillo 2009, 77-84).
However, the WLHA of this research have said that the members of the
faith community do not pay regular visits (74.5 percent) to their families. The
WLHA have been accepted into the community place of worship, prayer and
celebration because their HIV/AIDS status are not known; had their identities
been revealed, probably they would not have been accepted (77.2 percent).
Thus, the responses of the WLHA reveal the inadequate interventions of the
faith community to the spiritual needs of the WLHA.
From all this, the author makes a clear conclusion that the spiritual
support of the faith community to the WLHA is not at all sufficient.
Conclusion
Evidently, there is a link between spiritual needs and spiritual care. The care
that women received from the caregivers, especially from the family members
and the health caregivers, revealed that spiritual care and support are two of the
important aspects of care. However, the research has shown that the response
of the faith/religious community to the care of WLHA is inadequate. This calls
for an undaunted effort on the part of the faith-based community.
— 31 —
This effort will be made possible only if the expression used in South
Africa called ubuntu translated as ‘a universal bond of sharing that connects
all humanity’ becomes true; “You are my sisters and brothers, whether you
consider yourself a Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, Jew, Muslim, or agnostic, man
or woman and we must treat each other as such... We must stand shoulder to
shoulder, heart to heart, in the fight against HIV/AIDS” (The Global Health
Council 2005); if the words of Blessed Teresa of Calcutta: “A person infected
by HIV/AIDS is Jesus among us. How can we say ‘no’ to (h)im!” is taken
seriously; if the vision of Blessed John Paul II (1995): “The battle against
AIDS ought to be everyone’s battle…I…ask pastoral workers to bring to their
brothers and sisters affected by AIDS all possible material, moral and spiritual
comfort. I urgently ask the world’s scientists and political leaders, moved by
the love and respect due to every human person, to use every means available
in order to put an end to this scourge” becomes a reality.
As we have seen earlier, the response to the spiritual needs of the WLHA
could come from different agents such as family members, health caregivers
and members of the faith community. It is pertinent that the family members,
healthcare providers and members of the faith community be cognizant of
the spiritual component of HIV/AIDS and respond to the spiritual needs
of the WLHA. Thus, the response of care for women’s spiritual needs
could, therefore, be considered as an important component of their overall
healthcare quality.
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— 34 —
Pera – Anaerobic Digestion of Blackwater
Anaerobic Digestion of Blackwater

With Various Co-Substrates in
Eudiometer Scale
Ana Karenina Pahimalan–Pera
Universität Stuttgart, Germany
abstract: This paper investigates the anaerobic biodegradability of blackwater and

its suitability for co-digestion in batch digesters (eudiometers) under mesophilic
temperature. Readily available co-substrates such as grease trap waste, concentrated
urine and high strength domestic wastewater which are high-strength organic
substrates were introduced. These substrates were treated in a decentralized reactor
through anaerobic digestion. The biomethane potential of these substrates at different
inoculum to substrate ratios was investigated using 250 mL reactor bottles according
to DIN 38414-8. Biogas production and quality was measured on a regular basis
to determine the extent of the substrate degradation in terms of biogas production,
volatile solids and chemical oxygen demand reductions, methane content and
methanation level. The co-digestion experiments revealed that blackwater is best
co-digested with grease trap waste based on the increased biogas production of 57
percent and the enhanced biogas quality. The co-digestion of blackwater with urine
is only possible up to 10 percent v/v addition due to inhibition by ammonia at
higher urine fractions.
keywords: Anaerobic digestion, blackwater, grease trap waste, urine, high strength
domestic wastewater, energy recovery, biogas, co-digestion
Introduction
I
n countries where a centralized municipal wastewater (WW) treatment
is too expensive to operate, the concept of resource-oriented waste
management is meant to address global sanitation problems as well as the

problems recognized from centralized WW management (Wilderer 2001,

39-54). This concept focuses on the separation of WW flows and organic
waste at the source, that is, household level, and then treating each WW
stream accordingly in decentralized systems for subsequent reuse of water
and nutrients, and recovery of energy.
Anaerobic digestion (AD) is a sustainable process which has gained
popularity in today’s efforts toward sustainable development and renewable
bioenergy production. AD is a biochemical technology that is capable of
converting a wide range of organic materials into biogas, which contains
methane (CH4), a main component of natural gas (Deublein and Steinhauser,
2011), and carbon dioxide (CO2). It is one of the sustainable approaches that
combines waste treatment and recovery of useful by-products, and is even
considered as the core technology for the recovery of energy and nutrient
from source separated domestic WW (Otterpohl 2002, 149-158; Kujawa-
Roeleveld and Zeeman 2006, 115-139).
Although extensive studies have been made recently on the AD of
blackwater (BW), most of them focused on co-digestion with kitchen waste
(Gallagher 2010; Wendland 2008; Lim 2011; and Graaff 2010). Enhanced
biogas production from the co-digestion of municipal sludge and fats, oils and
grease (FOG), have also been reported (Kabouris et al. 2009a, 476-485; 2009b
3701-3705; Loustarinen, Luste and Sillanpaa 2009, 79-85). However, studies
on the co-digestion of BW and readily available substrates such as urine (U),
grease trap waste (GTW) and high strength domestic WW have not yet been
conducted extensively.
This study aims to assess the suitability of BW as a substrate for AD and to
focus on the recovery of energy from the AD of BW. Moreover, the potential
for increasing the gas yield via co-digestion is also investigated. To achieve
this, anaerobic co-digestion batch experiments of BW with co-substrates
such as U, fat and grease from the grease trap, and high strength WW from a
WW treatment facility at different loading rates are also conducted.
— 36 —
Materials and Methods
Collection and preparation of inoculum and substrates
The inoculum used in this study was the mesophilic digested sludge
collected from the digester of the WW treatment facility at the Universität
Stuttgart. The digested sludge was sieved four times and diluted with distilled
water at a ratio of about 1:3. A fine screen sieve was used to ensure homogeneity
and adequate mixing. Prior to addition of substrates, the inoculum was
allowed to react with itself anaerobically at 35 20C for 24 hours.
The substrates used in this study include BW, U, GTW, and high strength
WW. All these substrates were taken from the facilities installed at the Institute
of Sanitary Engineering, Water Quality and Solid Waste Management (ISWA).
The BW, the main substrate, was taken from two water saving toilets, with a flush
volume of 0.5 – 2.5 L/flush. The U samples were collected via grab sampling from
a waterless urinal. The GTW were the fat and grease taken from the surface of
the sand trap of the WW treatment plant. The WW was taken from the inflow
of the WW treatment facility with inflow originating from the nearby residential
area of Büsnau. Both BW and GTW were sieved. However, the latter was further
heated to 70°C to melt and for better mixing and then diluted to achieve a 10 g
organic dry matter (oDM) per kg. Prior to use, the substrates were stored at 40C. A
summary of the characteristics of the inoculum and substrates is listed in Table 1.
table 1: Characterization of the inoculum and substrates

Parameter Unit Inoc BW U GTW WW
COD mg/L 13917-14453 8150-8570 6064-9460 - 990-1460
TS g/kg 15.63-15.83 6.0-8.0 20.7-29.0 9.53-11.2 -
VS % 62-64 61-68 45-48 93-96 -
TKN mg/L - 1060-1970 9180-10600 - -
— 37 —
Experimental Set-Up and Design
The batch digestion tests were carried out based on the German
standard DIN 38414-8 using 250mL reactors at mesophilic temperature
(35°C) for a period of twenty-eight days. The tests were conducted in
Selutec Eudiometers, which are 250 mL flat bottom reaction vessels, with
a 200 mL working volume. A schematic diagram of the experimental setup
is shown in Figure 1.
figure 1: The experimental setup: (A) schematic diagram of a eudiometer unit based on
DIN 38414-8 and (B) the actual experimental setup at a temperature-controlled room.
In each reactor, varying inoculum to substrate ratios (ISRs) were prepared.

To create anaerobic conditions, the headspace of all the reactors was purged
with nitrogen gas for thirty seconds before tightly closing them with rubber
septa and screw caps. Blank reactors containing only the inoculums were
also set up to monitor the biogas production from the inoculum alone. This
is important for the correction of the biogas produced from the substrates
under investigation. Even mixing was ensured using magnetic stirrers
(Thermoscientific Stirrer, Thermo Electron LED GmbH) and were set at 100
percent stirring power and speed of 525 RPM (revolutions per minute). The
batch tests using the different substrates were conducted in triplicates, while
the digested sludge and reference substrate were conducted in duplicates.
— 38 —
Room temperature and pressures were monitored daily for the duration
of the batch experiments to help calculate the biogas production. Final pH
and temperature of the substrate mixtures were also measured to determine
the presence of possible inhibitions.
Physical and Analytical Methods
Chemical analyses
Chemical analyses were carried out before and after the batch assays to
determine the biodegradability and the quality of the WW. The different
analytical methods carried out by the Wastewater Technology Department
laboratory and their corresponding method numbers are listed in Table 2.
Gas analysis
Gas analysis (CH4 and CO2 content measurements) was done at least once
a week or when the gas production was more than 50 mL, whichever came
first. The biogas samples were collected from the headspace of the reactors
prior to releasing the gas using 500 μL gas-tight syringes (Hamilton Gastight
#1750, Bonaduz, Switzerland). For each reactor, three replicates of samples
were taken. The biogas composition, methane and carbon dioxide content,
were then analyzed using an AutoSystem GC gas chromatograph (GC,
PerkinElmer, USA), and run using the software PerkinElmer TotalChrom
Workstation Version 6.3.1.0504 at a run time of three minutes. The GC was
equipped with a flame ionization detector and a capillary column (Agilent
Technology, USA). Nitrogen was used as a carrier gas. The temperatures of
injection inlet, oven, auxiliary and detector were 110 °C, 140 °C, 200 °C
and 200 °C, respectively. The GC was calibrated using analytical grade gas
composed of 40 percent CH4 and 10 percent CO2 (Linde, Germany) and
a test gas was run prior to the first gas measurements to ensure that the
calibration is still valid.
— 39 —
table 2: Summary of analytical methods conducted for important WW quality parameters

Parameter analyzed Method Number BW U GTW WW
Chemical Oxygen Demand, COD DIN 38409–41 X X X
Total Solids, TS DIN 38409–1 X X X
Volatile Solids, VS DIN EN 12879 X X X
Suspended Solids, SS DIN 38409–2–2 X X
Total Kjeldahl Nitrogen, TKN DIN EN 25663 X X
Ammonium Nitrogen, NH4-N DIN 38406–5 X X X
Total Phosphorus, PTot DIN 38414–12, X X
DIN EN ISO 6878
Phosphate Phosphorus, PO4-3-P DIN EN ISO 6878 X X
Temperature DIN 39404–4 X X
pH DIN 38404–5 X X X
Results and Discussion
Anaerobic digestion of BW
Biogas production. The BW was anaerobically digested at four different

ISRs. The cumulative biogas production curve is shown in Figure 2(a). The
highest biogas production was achieved at A4 with 334 NmL and ISR of
52. At increasing substrate availability (decreasing ISR value), the biogas
production was observed to be increasing.
— 40 —
figure 2: Biogas production from (a) BW, (b) BW+U, (c) BW+GTW, and (d) BW+WW,
versus digestion time at various inoculum to substrate ratios (ISRs)
Biodegradability. A summary of the final pH, volatile solids

(VS) and chemical oxygen demand (COD) reductions, methanation
and average methane content of the produced biogas from the AD of
BW is presented in Table 3. The final neutral pH of the mixtures A1-
A4 (7.16–7.29) indicate that there was no accumulation of acids or
inhibition by ammonia. The COD and VS reduction for the BW assays
is obviously influenced by the ISR, that is, higher removal occurred
with the lower inoculum to substrate ratios. The CH4 content of the
biogas increased at increasing substrate amount until A3 after which it
decreased a little.
— 41 —
table 3: Final pH, % of methanation, % reduction of VS and COD and average methane
content of the biogas produced from the different BW mixtures in the batch assays
ISRa pH Methanationb VS Reduction COD Ave CH4
(%) (%) Reduction content
(%) (%)
A1 707 7.29 45 7.83±0.50 19.79±1.06 31.26±11.14
A2 314 7.24 55 10.47±3.25 30.37±2.28 41.81±4.97
A3 118 7.16 58 13.75±1.34 35.75±2.04 51.88±2.46
A4 52 7.16 51 18.39±2.04 44.31±1.78 50.79±5.25
B1 725 7.31±0.01 36.03 7.13±1.94 14.41±1.06 32.82±9.51
B2 322 7.31±0.02 38.17 8.65±0.98 21.32±2.11 34.54±11.87
B3 121 7.31±0.02 44.09 9.57±0.58 32.76±2.34 46.71±7.04
B4 54 7.35±0.00 43.82 17.82±1.02 42.12±2.44 50.10±11.71
C1 8.2 7.48 29.74 86.08±0.41 - 31.80±7.20
C2 3.6 7.39 33.87 87.29±0.55 - 41.06±5.47
C3 1.4 7.40 42.69 89.54±0.68 - 44.71±7.99
C4 0.6 7.34 61.76 91.02±0.20 - 50.26±9.15
C5 0.58 7.38 68.26 13.34±0.85 - 58.81±25.65
C6 0.53 7.32 33.53 17.48±0.80 - 52.33±16.19
C7 0.48 7.18 14.67 21.16±1.32 - 38.29±13.72
C8 0.43 6.36 8.42 2.91±3.43 - 36.38±4.20
D1 1152 7.44±0.05 19.82 - 15.61±0.74 36.41±9.75
D2 512 7.35±0.02 26.41 - 19.09±3.01 31.58±11.94
D3 192 7.37±0.06 27.66 - 26.05±0.36 33.55±13.00
D4 85.3 7.34±0.02 36.33 - 34.70±0.64 38.53±12.46
D5 53.3 7.43±0.02 40.65 - 31.01±2.00 49.78±18.13
D6 66.1 7.39±0.01 43.60 - 25.53±0.84 51.75±16.11
D7 127.2 7.35±0.01 20.82 - 18.10±0.81 27.43±15.88
D8 413.3 7.33±0.02 11.34 - 7.12±0.87 20.56±8.69
ISR: Inoculum to substrate ratio on a g VS/g COD basis; a For C1-C8 ISR of on a gVS/gVS basis
b
%Methanation for C1-C4 is based on a theoretical SMY of 4.41 mL/g VS, for C5-C8 is based
on a theoretical SMY of 4.87 mL/g VS
— 42 —
Anaerobic co-digestion of BW with other substrates
Biogas production. In the anaerobic co-digestion (ACD) experiments

with BW + U, two sets of experiments were conducted. The B1–B4 had
different inoculum amounts with U added at 10 percent by volume of the
substrate. The B5–B8 had the same inoculum amount but at different BW
to U fractions.
The biogas production (NmL) of B1–B4 is shown in Figure 2(b). After
twenty-eight days of digestion, the biogas produced was found out to be
206, 250, 306, and 356 NmL, respectively. The resulting cumulative curves
indicated normal biogas production, characterized by a steep increase in the
gas production in the first few days of the digestion. A lag of about five days
at the beginning was observed for B4, most probably due to the high substrate
availability but low number of microorganisms that will consume them.
The biogas production from B5-B8, where the inoculum amount remained
constant but at increasing fractions of U of 30 percent, 50 percent, 70
percent and 100 percent, respectively, is also shown in Figure 2(b). It showed
a negative net biogas production for B5-B8, indicating that there is a strong
or complete inhibition (VDI 2006, 48). Strong inhibition by ammonia was
already observed beginning at B5, with a total NH4-N concentration of 708
mg/L, which is significantly lower than what has been reported in literature
of 1,500 to 2,500 mg/L (Velsen 1979, 995-999; Hansen, Angelidaki and
Ahring 1998, 5-12). This inhibition occurred in these experiments at an
earlier stage due to uncontrolled pH, and a faster shift to pH values of 8.20–
8.58 which resulted in the inhibition of the process.
Figure 2(c) illustrates the cumulative biogas production from the ACD of
BW with 10 percent GTW at varying inoculum amounts. The biogas produced
from C1, C2, C3 and C4 are found out to be 58, 102, 237 and 457 NmL.
The C4 produced the highest biogas amount, showing a remarkable increase
in biogas production vs. the amount of biogas produced by BW alone at 334.3
NmL. This increased the biogas production by about 37 percent.
Further ACD experiments of BW and with higher fractions of GTW
showed that at constant inoculum amounts and higher GTW contents, the
— 43 —
biogas produced decreased (Figure 2(c)) from as high as 471 NmL for C5 to
as low as 128 NmL for C8. Based on the figure, there was generally a long lag
observed for C5 of about ten days compared to experiments with BW (A1-A4)
where no lags were observed, indicating an accumulation of long-chain fatty
acids (LCFAs) in the system [15] and suggesting retarded degradation [12].
Inhibition was highest for C8 containing 100 percent GTW in the first eighteen
days, signifying a shock loading of LCFAs in the system (Hanaki, Matsuo and
Nagase 1981, 1591-1610). A higher increased biogas production of about 41
percent was achieved when 30 percent by volume GTW was added to BW (C5).
A decrease in biogas production was observed at higher GTW fractions.
The suitability of high strength domestic WW as a co-substrate for the AD
of BW was also investigated. Biogas production curves for D1–D8, shown in
Figure 2(d), demonstrate a normal biogas production. Comparing the amount
of biogas produced from the AD of BW alone (B4 = 334.33 NmL) to that of
D4-D8, which contained more or less the same amount of inoculum sludge
(VS basis), it was observed that there was a lower production of biogas.
One reason could be the dilution of the available organics as COD. The
domestic WW used in the experiments, although classified as high-strength
WW, had a COD content that is five times lower than that of the COD of
BW, resulting in lower biogas production. The COD concentration of the
substrates in D8 was only 594 mg/L, which is lower than the recommended
COD value of >1,500 - 2,000 mg/L for the production of sufficient methane
(Tschobanoglous, Burton and Stensel 2003).
Biodegradability. After twenty-eight days, the pH, VS and COD

eliminations and percentage (%) of methanation of the eight different
mixtures of BW and U, BW and GTW, and BW and WW were determined
and the results are listed in Table 3. The final pH of the mixtures with 10
percent U (B1–B4) were slightly higher than with BW alone, between 7.31-
7.35. The B5-B8, however, showed a final basic pH ranging from 8.20–8.58,
indicating accumulation of ammonia in the system and confirming that,
indeed, inhibition by ammonia occurred. The final pH appeared to decrease
at increasing GTW fractions (C5-C8), with C8 having a final acidic pH
— 44 —
of 6.36, suggesting that there was an accumulation of acidic fermentation

products, most probably LCFAs. The pH dependence of LCFA degradation
is assumed to be similar to that of acetate conversion so that at pH = 6.3,
50 percent inhibition is reached (Siegrist, Vogt, Garcia-Hera and Gujer
2002, 1113-1123), which somehow confirms the observed inhibition. The
final pH of the mixtures of BW+WW were observed to be in the neutral
range, ranging from 7.33–7.44.
The highest VS reduction was achieved from the experiment with BW
and GTW (C4) at 91.02 percent, while the highest COD reduction was
achieved from the experiment with BW (B4) at 44 percent. A percentage
methanation value of as high as 68 percent was achieved from the ACD of
BW and GTW (C5).
Conclusion and Recommendations
The AD of BW in resource-oriented sanitation concepts has a potential

for recovering energy. The anaerobic batch digestion tests were successfully
applied as a simple, low cost laboratory scale treatability study for BW alone
and BW with U, GTW and WW using digested sludge as the inoculum at
different inoculum to substrate ratios. The anaerobic batch digestion tests
were performed at a temperature of 35°C for twenty-eight days to achieve
complete digestion.
Co-digestion of BW with U was possible only at 10 percent by volume
addition (B1-B4), with the highest biogas production of 292 NmL at ISR
= 54. At higher U additions, the digestion process seems to be completely
inhibited. At 30 percent U addition or higher, where an ammonium
concentration is added starting from 396 mg/L, methane-formation is
completely inhibited by the formation of ammonia. Co-digestion of BW
and U did not enhance the biogas production.
The co-digestion of BW and GTW showed enhanced biogas production,
with the highest increase in production of 57 percent as compared to when
digesting with BW alone. The highest methanation achieved was 68 percent
at an ISR of 0.58.
— 45 —
Co-digestion experiments of BW and high-strength domestic WW

indicated negative synergisms due to the low biogas production as compared
to when digesting BW alone. The highest biogas production was 287 NmL
at ISR=53.3. At increasing domestic WW fractions, signs of inhibitions were
observed, as indicated by low amounts of biogas production and poor biogas
quality. A fraction of 10-30 percent WW by volume can be the optimum,
which can produce biogas with a methane content of 46-52 percent.
Inhibitions were observed especially on the co-digestion experiments of
BW with U and with GTW, which showed that there were also antagonistic
interactions that influenced the methane production. Further studies should
be carried out to investigate the effect of these intermediates on biogas yield
and the digestion performance.
Pre-treatment methods, which can potentially increase biogas production,
could be tested for the BW and its co-substrates.
References
Deublein, Diether and Steinhauser, Angelika. 2011. Biogas from waste and renewable resources,
2nd ed. Weinheim, Germany: Wiley-VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA.
Gallagher, Neil T. 2010. An advanced decentralized wastewater management planning study
and demonstration project for the CSU Foothills Campus (master’s thesis). Colorado State
University: Fort Collins, Colorado. Unpublished.
Graaff, Marthe Sophie de. 2010. Resource recovery from black water (PhD dissertation).
Wageningen University: Wageningen, Netherlands.
Hanaki, Keisuke, Matsuo, Tomonori and Nagase, Michihiko. 1981. Mechanism of
inhibition caused by long-chain fatty acids in anaerobic digestion process. Biotechnology
Bioengineering, 23, no. 7: 1591-1610.
Hansen, Kaare Hvid, Angelidaki, Irini and Ahring, Birgitte Klaer. 1998. Anaerobic digestion
of swine manure: Inhibition by ammonia. Water Research 32: 5-12.
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sludge and fat, oil, and grease. Water Environment Research 81, no. 5: 476–485.
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sludge and FOG. Bioresource Technology 100, no. 15: 3701–3705.
Kujawa-Roeleveld, Katarzyna and Zeeman, Grietje. 2006. Anaerobic treatment in
decentralised and source-separation-based sanitation concepts. Reviews in Environmental
Science and Bio/Technology 5: 115-139.
— 46 —
Lim, Jun Wei. 2011. Anaerobic co-digestion of brown water and food waste for energy
recovery. In World wide workshop for young environmental scientists (WWWYES-2011)-
Urban Waters: Resource or risks. Arcueil: France.
Luostarinen, Sari, Luste, Sami and Sillanpää, Mika. 2009. Increased biogas production at
wastewater treatment plants through co-digestion of sewage sludge with grease trap sludge
from a meat processing plant. Bioresource Technology 100: 79-85.
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to improvement of the overall performance. Water Science Technology 45, no. 3: 149-158.
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sewage sludge digestion. Environmental Science and Technology 36:1113-1123.
Tschobanoglous, George, Burton, Franklin L. and Stensel, David H. 2003. Wastewater
engineering: Treatment and reuse, Metcalf & Eddy, Inc., 4th edn. Revised. New York, USA:
The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
Velsen, A. F. M. van. 1979. Adaption of methanogenic sludge to high ammonia-nitrogen
concentrations. Water Research 13: 995-999.
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Wendland, Claudia. 2008. Anerobic digestion of blackwater and kitchen refuse (PhD dissertation).
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— 47 —
— 48 —
Filipino Parental Involvement and
Children’s Educational Performance
Sampson Lee Blair
State University of New York at Buffalo, USA
abstract: Researchers have long noted that parental involvement can substantially
influence children’s academic performance. There is a paucity of research which has
focused on this relationship in other cultures. Using a sample of parents from the
island of Mindanao, this study examines the nature of parental involvement, and
how it affects the school success of Filipino elementary pupils. Overall, Filipino
parents are shown to be very active in their children’s school activities. The influence
upon children’s performance in school is shown to vary, depending upon the type
of parental involvement. The results are discussed within a social capital paradigm.
keywords: Filipino, parents, Mindanao, education, children, social capital
Introduction
F
ilipino parents place a tremendous value on children (Medina
2001), and go to great lengths to ensure their positive growth. In
the Philippines, parents expect obedience from their children, yet
also provide them with tremendous affection, care, and nurturance (Almirol
1985). Parent-child relationships are often influenced by kapwa, which refers
to the sense of shared identity Filipino family members, but particularly
parents and children, share with one another (Salazar-Clemena 1993).
Simply, Filipino parents have a strong sense of investment in their children,
and actively try to improve them however possible.
Understandably, Filipino parents also have to deal with the economic,
social, and political realities of the Philippines itself. Much of the population
lives in poverty, jobs are difficult to obtain, and the prospects for children’s
futures are often bleak. This is especially the case in Mindanao, the large
southern island within the Philippine archipelago. Although it is rich in

natural resources, it has endured many centuries of political and social
upheaval. Poverty is an ever-present dilemma. As the National Statistical
Coordination Board (NSCB, 2013) recently reported, the percentage of all
families in Mindanao living below the poverty line ranged anywhere from
34.5 percent in Region XI to 52.9 percent within the Autonomous Region in
Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). It is within this context that Filipino children
attempt to achieve success in school, and Filipino parents try their very best
to assist them in those pursuits.
This study examines the nature of Filipino parental involvement, and
how it affects the educational performance of children. Using a social capital
perspective, this examination focuses specifically upon how household and
family characteristics might affect the levels of parental involvement in
children’s education. In order to understand both causes and consequences of
parental involvement, this study also examines the relative effects of parental
involvement on children’s grade performance in school.
Filipino Parent-Child Relationships
Relative to other Asian cultures, the culture of the Philippines is rather

unique, reflective of its long history of occupation and contact with foreign
nations. Spain, during its three centuries of rule, introduced Catholicism,
with which the majority of contemporary Filipinos affiliate themselves.
Given the pro-natalist doctrine of the Catholic church, coupled with the
large agricultural segment of the economy, Filipino families tend to be large.
Although fertility levels have steadily decreased over recent decades, women
in the Philippines still average 3.03 children (World Bank 2011). Indeed,
it is generally considered to be unhealthy for a child to grow up without
siblings (Costello and Casterline 2002). Filipino families are bilineal, and
there is a strong tendency toward economic cooperation among both nuclear
and extended family members (DeVos 1985). The generalized exchange of
support—financial, instrumental, or otherwise—is a normative expectation
among Filipino families (Peterson 1993).
— 50 —
Blair – Filipino Parental Involvement
Childrearing practices may differ, depending upon both the sex of the child
and the sex of the parent. Holmes and Tiefenthaler (1997), in an analysis of
time spent by Filipino parents on childcare, found that mothers provided 90
percent of the total childcare time within the family, with fathers contributing
only 6 percent (older siblings provided the remainder of childcare to younger
siblings). Filipino children typically consider their mothers to be nurturant
and consistent in their expectations, allowing them a fair amount of autonomy
(Paguio et al. 1987). Filipino mothers tend to exercise a minimal amount
of physical punishment, and tend to use scolding, spanking, pinches, and
ear pulling as their usual choices of corporal punishment. Overall, children
tend to regard their fathers as the primary disciplinarian within the family.
Javillonar (1979) reports that Filipino fathers typically intervene only when
their child has committed a serious infraction, and that physical punishment
by their father is more often feared by children (as compared to their fear of
punishment from their mother). Filipino culture also promotes the inclusion
of extended kin in childrearing, and family members such as grandparents,
aunts, uncles, and older cousins instruct a child that her/his behavior reflects
upon the reputation of the entire family (Paguio et al. 1987).
A strong sense of filial obligation and responsibility is common throughout
the Philippines. Children, even at relatively young ages, are expected to
contribute as best as they can to the family (Go 1994). Older children, for
example, are typically expected to tend to the needs of their younger siblings
(Enrile and Agbayani 2007; Go 1994). This is particularly the case for the
eldest daughter in a family, who will retain the honored title of ate (elder sister)
for her entire life. As compared to daughters, sons will often be given more
privileges within the family, while daughters will be given more responsibilities
(Enrile and Agbayani 2007). In conjunction with the cultural expectation
for filial obligation, Filipino parents may sometimes encourage their children
to pursue either more education or a particular career, so that the child can
provide financial support to the parents and the family (Salazar-Clemena
2002). Understandably, such parental influence can have a substantial effect
upon a child’s performance and eventual attainment in school.
— 51 —
The Nature of Education in the Philippines
As a result of the unique history of the Philippines, its educational system

is directly modeled after that of the United States (US). Currently, the system
consists of elementary school, with grades one through six, followed by four
years of high school, and ultimately college, where most degree programs are
available. Schooling is mandatory through the sixth grade, and the Philippine
government, in conjunction with external entities such as the World Bank
(WB), United Nations (UN), and foreign governments, has made great
efforts to provide elementary education to all children (see Tan et al. 1997).
Elementary schools throughout the Philippines are often subjected to a
variety of challenges, ranging from overcrowded classrooms, under-staffed
faculty, and a lack of adequate resources (Peterson 1991). In rural schools,
electricity is often lacking. Families, in turn, are often strained to provide
adequate support (for example, school supplies, uniforms, among others),
yet Filipino parents across all social class levels typically regard education as
essential to their children’s success, and are willing to go to great lengths to
help their children through school (LaRocque 2004). Retention is a major
concern, as many students do not continue past their elementary grades. The
odds of a twelve-year-old being enrolled in school are only about one-half
of those of a nine-year-old (Maligalig et al. 2010). Substantial numbers of
pupils do not make the transition from elementary school to high school.
There is also a clear distinction between the school experiences of females,
as compared to males. Girls are approximately 1.5 times more likely to attend
school than are boys (Maligalig et al. 2010), and females tend to have about
1.5 more years of schooling, as compared to boys (Arguillas and Williams
2010). In many instances, children drop out of school in order to work and
provide financial/instrumental assistance to their families (Guerro 1993).
Sons, in particular, will drop out of school in order to find employment
(DeGraff and Bilsborrow 2003).
Previous studies have suggested that this differential pattern of
educational attainment for females and males results from the filial obligation
present within Filipino families. In many instances, daughters may be given
— 52 —
preferential support (that is, financial) by parents, as it is believed that

daughters will have a stronger commitment to supporting their parents
as they grow older (Arguillas and Williams 2010). In rural areas of the
Philippines, this belief among parents is even more evident, as parents will
commonly prefer that their sons inherit family property, while, at the same
time, give greater support to their daughters’ educations. Parents may regard
this as a better investment, on the assumption that daughters will be more
likely to perform well in school, obtain a good job, and provide support to
their parents (Medina 2001). Parents are often motivated by the desire to see
their children, both sons and daughters, finish school quickly, so that they
can help their families financially (Salazar-Clemena 2002).
Parental Involvement
In general, parental involvement is regarded as the interaction and assistance

which parents provide to their children and to their children’s schools in order
to somehow enhance or benefit their children’s success in the classroom. Hill et
al. (2004) posit that parental involvement pertains to such activities as parents
volunteer work at school, communication and discussions with teachers and
school administrators, assisting with homework, discussions about school
and future aspirations with their children, and the quality of parent-teacher
relationships (see also Hill and Taylor 2004). Ho and Willms (1996) argue that
parental involvement contains four distinct elements: 1) Home discussions,
2) home supervision, 3) school communication, and 4) school participation.
However, Epstein (1992) suggests that parental involvement encompasses six
forms: 1) Parent behavior which creates a positive home learning environment,
2) parent-school communications, 3) parent assistance and volunteerism at
school, 4) parent-school communications about home learning activities, 5)
parental involvement in the decision-making processes within the school, and
6) parental access to educational resources in the larger community. According
to Epstein (1992), these different forms of parental involvement can vary,
depending upon the household, parents, school, and community characteristics
of the child. While characteristics such as the parents’ educational attainment or
— 53 —
household income might affect the nature and extent of parental involvement,
it is also necessary to recognize that social and cultural factors can impact such
involvement (Berthelsen and Walker 2008).
Researchers have often proposed that parental involvement is best
understood through the perspective of social capital theory (Parcel et al. 2010).
Coleman (1988) suggests that social capital is inherent within the relationships
inside and outside the family, as those relationships affect various outcomes for
the family and its individual members. The relationships which parents have
with their children, as well as those which parents have with teachers, school
administrators, librarians, or any non-family member who can affect the
academic outcomes of their children are a form of social capital. Social capital,
however, is often based primarily within the family, and the family is the major
context in which such capital affects the school performance and attainment
of the youth (Furstenberg 2005). Family capital, then, is regarded as providing
children with a sense of identity and a common purpose, both within their
family and also within the culture in which they live (Furstenberg 2005). The
involvement of parents in their children’s education interjects elements of both
social capital and family capital, and will have a substantial effect upon the
development of children and their success in school (Gofen 2009). Among
Filipino parents, assistance given to children in their school endeavors is very
much regarded as an investment, not only in their children, but also in the
subsequent financial stability of the family itself.
McNeal (1999) argues that parental involvement is more complex, and
posits that there are three particular elements of social capital which should be
considered: 1) Form, 2) norms of obligation and reciprocity, and 3) resources.
The element of form can be seen in the dyadic relationships between parents
and children, between parents and teachers, between children and teachers,
and so forth. Within the parent-child relationship, the element of obligation
and reciprocity is present within all cultures, as children are expected to obey
their parents, and parents are likewise expected (per societal norms) to take
care of their children’s needs to the best of their abilities (Hildebrand et
al. 2000). Finally, parents can provide their children with a wide range of
resources—personal, financial, time, and so forth—and the application and
— 54 —
effectiveness of these resources is dependent upon the parents’ social skills

and abilities. This, McNeal (1999) posits, is the most crucial form of capital
which parental involvement represents, as parents are able to give time,
support, and energy toward the socialization experiences of their children, and
thereby enhance their growth and well-being (see Kim and Schneider 2005).
The social capital paradigm necessarily posits that the resources provided by
parents are finite, and having larger numbers of children (as is the case in
Mindanao) may result in each individual child being able to obtain fewer
resources (Sun and Li 2009). While such attributes as parental educational
attainment and household income are associated with children’s academic
performance, there is consensus that the involvement of parents in school
activities, maintaining contact with school faculty and administrators, and
discussing and assisting children with school assignments, can all increase the
chances of children’s success in school (Sandefur et al. 2006).
There is substantial evidence to support the contention that greater
parental involvement benefits children’s academic performance (Eccles and
Harold 1996; Englund et al. 2004; Epstein and Sanders 2002). Parental
contributions, in terms of time spent with children, time spent interacting
with teachers and school administrators, and assisting the school through
volunteerism, have all been shown to enhance children’s academic success
(Kim 2002). Even the frequency of parent-child discussions about school issues
(for example, homework, teacher-student relations, among others) have been
shown to significantly affect children’s academic performance (Jeynes 2005).
Fan (2001) also posits that parental involvement can have a long-lasting
effect upon children’s performance, and can positively influence eventual
levels of educational attainment. Among students who may be performing
poorly, Hara (1998) argues that higher levels of parental involvement can
bring about substantial improvement over time. Although such influence can
vary by the age and grade level of the child, previous studies have suggested
that parental involvement may have its greatest impact among elementary
school children (Singh et al. 1995).
— 55 —
Data and Measures
Participants in this study were recruited from nine elementary schools in

Region X during the summer of 2010. A cluster sampling approach was used,
and 730 questionnaires were sent out to children in grades five and six in the
participating schools. At each school, surveys were distributed to the pupils,
who were instructed to take the sealed envelopes containing the surveys home
to their parent(s). Each of the questionnaires contained explicit instructions
that only one parent in the home completes the survey. The survey was provided
to participants in both Visayan and English, so as to avoid any dilemmas in
regard to language. The questions in the survey focused on family structure and
background, socioeconomic characteristics, and the nature of support given
by the family which might affect children’s academic performance. Of the 730
questionnaires distributed, 692 were returned. In total, 500 were completed by
the mother (72.3 percent of the total). Statistical comparisons of mothers’ and
fathers’ responses did not yield significant differences. In regard to residence,
427 of the respondents lived in an urban area, while 265 lived in a rural area.
The participants’ children totalling 377 attended public schools, while 315
attended private schools. The Philippines’ Department of Education (DepEd),
along with the regional superintendent of public schools and individual school
principals, provided approval for the study to be conducted.
In order to measure children’s educational performance, parents were asked
to describe their child’s grades. The coding for this measure was: 1) Less than
D’s (below 60s), 2) mostly D’s (60s), 3) C’s and D’s (60s and 70s), 4) mostly
C’s (70s), 5) B’s and C’s (70s and 80s), 6) mostly B’s (80s), 7) A’s and B’s (80s
and 90s), and 8) mostly A’s (90s). In order to ascertain the familial context, a
variety of household and parental characteristics were included in the study. The
educational attainment of each parent (when two were present) was taken, and
the highest was included as a measure of parental educational attainment (coded
as 1=6th grade or less, 2=beyond 6th grade, but did not complete high school,
3=high school graduate, 4=attended college, but did not finish degree, 5=college
graduate, 6=graduate or professional degree). The total income of the household
was measured, in Philippine pesos, as: 1) Less than 25,000, 2) 25,001 to 50,000,
— 56 —
3) 50,001 to 100,000, 4) 100,001 to 150,000, 5) 150,001 to 200,000, 6)

200,001 to 250,000, 7) 250,001 to 300,000, 8) 300,001 to 350,000, 9) 350,001
to 400,000, 10) 400,001 and above. In order to measure religiosity, parents were
asked how often they attended religious services (coded as 1=rarely, 2=a few times
per year, 3=once per month, 4=two or three times per month, 5=once or more
per week). In addition, parents were asked how many specific languages were
used in the home. From this question, a dichotomous measure was created to
indicate whether English was spoken in the home (1=yes, 0=no). Parents were
also asked whether their child had access to a computer at their school (coded
as 1=yes, 0=no). Finally, the total number of children in the home, and the sex
of their child in the 5th or 6th grade (the focal child of the study) were included.
In order to assess parental involvement, six different measures, each of
which captured a separate dimension of parental involvement, were included.
Parents were asked how often they talked with their child about their plans
for high school, their plans after high school, and about their current grades.
The responses to these items were combined into a single measure, but
maintained the original scale of: 1=not at all, 2=rarely, 3=occasionally, and
4=regularly (the reliability of this scaled item was high, with a Cronbach’s
alpha of 0.84). Parents were also asked whether they had rules in the home for
their child about their grade average, homework, and chores (each response
was coded as 1=yes, 0=no). The three items were then combined into a single
measure (rules about schoolwork and home), with a range from 0 to 3 (this
scaled item had a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.88). Parents were asked whether, over
the past year, they had attended a festival with their child, taken their child to
a museum, or taken their child to the public library. These three items were
combined in a single measure (each response was coded as 1=yes, 0=no), with a
range from 0 to 3 (with a resulting Cronbach’s alpha of 0.87). Parents were also
asked about their involvement in various school activities. Specifically, parents
were asked whether they participated in the parent-teacher association (PTA)
of their child’s school, whether they had assisted in fund-raising activities, or
whether they had volunteered at their child’s school. These three items were
combined in a single measure (each response was coded as 1=yes, 0=no), with
a range from 0 to 3 (with a resulting Cronbach’s alpha of 0.83). Parents were
— 57 —
asked how often they helped their child with their homework (with responses
ranging from 1=not at all, 2=rarely, 3=occasionally, to 4=regularly). Finally,
parents were asked how much total time they spent with their child in the
previous week. Responses to this measure were: 1=none, 2=1 to 4 hours, 3=5
to 9 hours, 4=10 to 14 hours, 5=15 to 19 hours, 6=20 to 24 hours, 7=25 to 29
hours, 8=30 to 34 hours, 9=35 to 39 hours, and 10=40 or more hours.
Results
Table 1 presents the mean levels of household and parental characteristics.

As shown, the average level of parental educational attainment was high, with
the typical parent having graduated from high school. Slightly better than
half (55 percent) of the mothers within the sample were employed outside the
home, which is equivalent with contemporary female labor participation rates
in Mindanao. The average household income was in the 100,001 to 150,000
(Philippine pesos) range at the time of the survey. This is consistent with the
average family income in Region X, which as Php142,000 in 2010 (NSCB,
2010; see also World Bank 2011). As is often the case within the Philippines,
the average household income among families in this sample suggests that they
frequently found themselves struggling to afford basic necessities.
table 1. Mean Levels of Household and Parental Characteristics

Mean SD
Parental educational attainment 4.88 1.15
Employed mother 0.55 0.49
Household income 4.19 3.01
Number of children 3.29 1.99
Religiosity 4.71 1.64
English spoken in home 0.11 0.32
Child has access to computer 0.52 0.50
Sex of child (Female = 1) 0.56 0.49
N = 692 Note: Sample is limited to parents of 5th and 6th grade pupils
— 58 —
The average number of children was 3.29 for households included in

the sample, which is again consistent with population characteristics of the
region (NSCB, 2010). In regard to language within the family, only about
11 percent of respondents reported that they spoke English in their homes.
Within the Philippine educational system, most classroom instructions, from
the first grade through the university level, are offered in English. As such,
English is commonly spoken throughout the country (although this is more
often the case within cities, as compared to distant rural areas). Within the
family home, however, it would appear that the native dialect (there are over
a hundred individual dialects spoken in the Philippines) is more commonly
used. Understandably, having English spoken in both the school and home
environments might have consequences to children’s educational performance.
In regard to children’s access to computers, approximately half (52
percent) have access to a computer at their school. Given the fiscal difficulties
encountered by most schools in Mindanao, it is actually quite impressive
that so many schoolchildren are able to avail of a computer. In many schools
though, children’s access to a computer may be limited due to the actual
number of machines. Finally, there were slightly more females (56 percent)
included, as compared to the number of male children.
Table 2 presents the mean levels of parental involvement, as well as the
children’s grade averages. As shown, parents reported a fairly high frequency
of talking with their child about school and their future plans. The reported
level suggests that parents have such discussions with their child on a
relatively regular basis. Within the framework of family capital, such direct
contact does imply that children will have a great likelihood of academic
success. Parents also reported having a somewhat high number of rules which
were maintained in the home regarding their child’s grades, homework,
and performance of chores. This seems to suggest that Filipino parents
are quite active in maintaining boundaries for their children’s behavior,
and for maintaining regular contact with their children about their school
performance and future goals.
— 59 —
table 2. Mean Levels of Parental Involvement and Children’s Grades

Mean SD
Talk about school and plans 3.24 0.79
Rules about schoolwork and home 2.53 0.79
Attendance at events together 1.41 0.96
Volunteer (school support) 1.97 1.03
Help with homework 3.16 0.90
Total weekly time with children 4.25 2.94
Children’s grade average 6.72 0.82
N = 692 Note: Sample is limited to parents of 5th and 6th grade pupils
Parents in the sample reported a low frequency of attendance at events

together with their children. This measure assessed how often the parents and
children attended festivals, visited museums, and went to the public library
together. Within the northern region of Mindanao, travel to such activities
can often be difficult, both financially, as well as logistically, for many families.
The availability of activities, such as festivals, may be limited, particularly for
families who reside in rural areas. In addition, the availability of museums and
libraries might present similar dilemmas, as they may not be readily available in
some areas. Within the city of Cagayan de Oro, for example, there are several
museums and a public library, but such facilities are not found in the more rural
communities beyond the city. In regard to parent-school contact, Filipino parents
do report a high level of volunteer service at their children’s schools. In addition,
parents also reported a rather high rate of assisting their children with their
homework. Together, these two (volunteering at the child’s school and assisting
with homework) again present an image of fairly actively involved parents. This
extent of parental involvement suggests that parents in this sample would likely
be well aware of their children’s school performance. Overall, parents reported
spending an average of approximately ten to fourteen hours per week with their
children. Finally, in terms of the children’s school performance, parents reported
that their children, on average, were receiving ‘Bs’ in school.
Table 3 presents the ordinary least squares regression models of the various
forms of parental involvement. All of the models are significant, and yield some
— 60 —
rather intriguing effects. In regard to parents talking with their children about
school and future plans, higher levels of parental educational attainment are shown
to be significantly associated with such discussions. This is quite understandable,
as parents with higher levels of educational attainment may be more sensitive to
their children’s academic progress, and may have greater concerns about their
success. Higher levels of household income are also associated with a greater
frequency of discussions about school and future plans (beta = .140). In addition,
higher levels of religious service attendance are associated with higher rates of
discussions between parents and their children about school and future plans.
Within Filipino culture, it is very much the norm that families should attend
religious services together, so the greater frequency of service attendance may
help to increase the opportunities for parents to discuss such matters with their
children. Interestingly, the number of children in the home does not yield a
significant association with this form of parental involvement.
table 3. OLS Regression Models of Parental Involvement

Talk about Rules about Attend- Volunteer Help with Total
school and schoolwork ance at (school homework weekly
plans and home events support) time
together
Parental educational .082* .051 .092** .051 .014 .038
attainment (.056) (.035) (.077) (.046) (.011) (.096)
Employed mother .011 -.003 .100*** .005 .026 -.011
(.018) (-.005) (.194) (.010) (.046) (-.065)
Household income .140*** .094** .121*** .003 .160*** .237***
(.037) (.025) (.039) (.001) (.048) (.231)
Number of children .039 .047 .038 .057 -.034 .043
(.072) (.039) (.008) (.053) (.026) (.076)
Religiosity .150*** .080** .014 .085** .047 .043
(.072) (.039) (.008) (.053) (.026) (.076)
English spoken in .053 .044 .103*** -.010 .053 .145***
home (.133) (.112) (.312) (-.034) (.151) (1.344)
Child has access to .058 -.013 .034 -.161*** -.161*** .058
computer (.091) (-.020) (.065) (-.331) (.004) (.339)
Sex of child (Female .044 .099*** .043 .056 .039 -.005
= 1) (.070) (.158) (.083) (.116) (.071) (-.028)
R-square .080 .032 .075 .041 .044 .133
F 7.427*** 2.848*** 6.921*** 3.628*** 3.905*** 13.145***
— 61 —
In the second model, a higher level of household income is shown to

be positively associated with the number of rules imposed by parents about
schoolwork and performing chores at home (beta = .094). Here, it is quite
conceivable that lower-income households are less concerned with rules
about school performance, as their priorities are centered on providing for the
family’s immediate needs (for example, having sufficient food and shelter).
Interestingly, religiosity again yields a positive association, suggesting that
higher rates of religious service attendance may result in more parental rules
concerning school performance and chores at home. It is entirely possible
that the more conservative nature of religion in the Philippines may directly
affect the quality of parenting, and particularly in regard to parental control
and supervision. In addition, it appears that daughters are significantly more
likely to have such rules imposed on them, as compared to sons. Given the
decidedly patriarchal nature of gender roles within Filipino culture, this
finding is to be expected.
In the model of parent-child attendance at events together, approximately
7.5 percent of the variance was explained by the independent measures.
Once again, a higher level of parental educational attainment was associated
with a higher level of attendance at community events. Interestingly, when
mothers were employed outside the home, greater attendance at such events
was also shown (beta = .100). Since some of the events, such as festivals or
trips to museums, might incur financial costs, a higher level of household
income might be needed in order to afford attendance at such events. In
this regard, household income again yielded a positive association (beta =
.121), underscoring the importance of family financial ability. Speaking
English in the home was similarly shown to be positively associated with
event attendance. Of course, is it quite possible that English language usage
at home may be intercorrelated with parental educational attainment, and
may therefore be influencing this finding.
The model of parental volunteerism at their child’s school shows that
higher rates of religious service attendance are significantly associated with
higher rates of volunteerism. As shown in the preceding models, higher
rates of religiosity were also associated with more parent-child discussions
— 62 —
about school and future plans, as well as with the number of rules about
schoolwork and chores at home. Greater religiosity, on the part of the parents,
may very well be linked with a stronger parental desire to be involved in
their children’s school experiences. Interestingly though, when children have
access to computers at their school, this is associated with lower rates of
parental involvement, given that the availability of computers at the school
may indicate that the school has a strong financial foundation, and may
therefore not need nor invite much parental involvement (particularly in
terms of fund-raising for the school).
Oddly, the model of parental help with children’s homework yields only
one significant association: Higher levels of household income are associated
with higher rates of parental assistance with homework. This finding may
imply that parents with higher incomes have greater time availability (that
is, to spend with their children). For example, a parent with a professional
career (say, physician) may be able to self-determine how much time he/she
spends at work, and may therefore be able to direct more time and attention
to the needs of his/her child. Having a higher family income may also be
related to the types of educational resources (for example, books, calculators,
computers) with which the parent can assist their children.
Finally, the model of parents’ total weekly time spent with their children
shows that higher levels of household income are, once more, associated
with greater levels of parental involvement (beta = .237). It is also worth
noting that when English is spoken in the home, greater amounts of
parental time are accorded to their children. Clearly, the models of parental
involvement suggest that the various household and parental characteristics
do significantly affect the amount and nature of support provided by parents
to their children. How, though, do those forms of parental involvement affect
children’s educational performance?
Table 4 presents the ordinary least squares models of Filipino children’s
grade performance, as affected by household and parental characteristics,
and the various forms of parental involvement. As shown, all of the models
are significant, and each explains a strong relationship among the variance
(ranging from 8.1 percent to 18.4 percent). Model 1 presents the household
— 63 —
and parental characteristics, with no other independent measures. Higher

levels of parental educational attainment are significantly associated with
higher grades among schoolchildren (beta = .107). This is consistent with
family capital explanations of children’s school performance, as higher levels
of parental educational attainment can be beneficial to children’s academic
success in both direct (for example, lending assistance with homework) and
indirect manners (for example, providing a role model for children). However,
when greater numbers of children are present in the home, the parents’ reports
of children’s grades are lower (beta = -.120). This finding seems to clearly
suggest that larger numbers of children in the home represent a deleterious
effect upon individual children’s academic success. Each additional child
may reduce the amount of time, energy, and financial support which parents
can provide any one given child in the family. Finally, daughters appear to
perform much better than sons (beta = .282). This difference by the sex of
the child is evident throughout all grade levels in the Philippines, and is
consistent with previous literature which has shown that Filipinas tend to
perform better in school and go farther in their academic careers than their
male counterparts.
Model 2 presents the coefficients from the parental involvement
measures on children’s grade performance. Overall, the measures of parental
involvement yield a substantial amount of significant influence. Parent-child
discussions about schoolwork and future plans are shown to be positively
associated with children’s grade performance (beta = .133). Likewise, when
parents exert more rules about schoolwork and home chores, children’s
grades tend to be significantly higher. As well, parental volunteerism has a
significantly positive association with children’s grades in school (beta = .154),
as does the total amount of weekly time spent by parents with their children
(beta = .083). Together, these forms of parental involvement seem to clearly
support the contention of family capital perspectives, as each of these types
of parental involvement benefit children’s school success. Oddly, the amount
of help provided by parents with children’s homework is actually shown to be
negatively associated with children’s grades (beta = -.099). In this case, it may
— 64 —
simply reflect the fact that parents are likely to exert more assistance when
their children are performing poorly. This may not necessarily imply that
parental assistance yields a negative effect, but, rather, that parental assistance
is provided when needed by the child (that is, a likely issue of causality).
table 4. OLS Regression Models of Filipino Children’s Grade Performance

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Parental educational attainment .107*** .084**
(.076) (.060)
Employed mother -.002 -.000
(-.003) (-.001)
Household income .026 .008
(.007) (.002)
Number of children -.120*** -.139***
(-.049) (-.057)
Religiosity .051 .016
(.026) (.008)
English spoken in home .047 .039
(.123) (.100)
Child has access to computer .057 .078**
(.094) (.127)
Sex of child (Female = 1) .282*** .264***
(.465) (.435)
Talk about school and plans .133*** .115***
(.138) (.120)
Rules about schoolwork and home .093** .073*
(.096) (.075)
Attendance at events together .026 .002
(.022) (.002)
Volunteer (school support) .154*** .180***
(.123) (.143)
Help with homework -.099** -.111***
(-.090) (-.101)
Total weekly time with children .083** .049
(.023) (.104)
R-square .119 .081 .184
F 11.571*** 10.061*** 10.919***
N = 692; Significance Levels: *** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p < .10
Note: Sample is limited to parents of 5th and 6th grade pupils; unstandardized coefficients
shown in parentheses
— 65 —
In model 3, all of the household and parental characteristics are included

together with the parental involvement measures, so as to assess their effects
while simultaneously controlling for the influence of all measures. This
model explains 18.4 percent of the variance in children’s grade performance,
suggesting that these combined characteristics are, indeed, very influential
in regard to children’s success in school. Once again, parental educational
attainment is shown to be positively associated with children’s grade
performance (beta = .084). However, having more children in the home is
again shown to be negatively associated with school grades (beta = -.139).
Hence, the higher fertility rates found throughout the northern region of
Mindanao may be detracting from individual children’s success in school.
Children who have access to computers at school are shown to have higher
grades (beta = .078), as well. Consistent with the findings shown in model
1, the full model shows that daughters are much more likely to perform
well in school, as compared to sons. Overall, the household and parental
characteristics remain significant factors in predicting children’s grade
performance within the full model.
In regards to the parental involvement measures, parent-child discussions
about school and future plans again yield a positive association with grade
performance (beta = .115). This finding seems to clearly suggest that the
direct involvement of parents, particularly in regards to communicating with
their child, has a beneficial impact upon children’s school performance. In
addition, when parents maintain rules about schoolwork and home chores,
children tend to perform better in the classroom. Parental volunteerism is
also shown to be positively associated with children’s grades (beta = .180),
thereby implying that the parent-school bond is also quite meaningful in
predicting the academic success of children. Interestingly, parental assistance
with homework is again shown to yield a negative association with grade
performance, but this particular effect is in keeping with the associations
shown in model 2. Overall, the results of the full model support the contention
that parental involvement, in its various forms, is a major influence in the
academic success of Filipino schoolchildren.
— 66 —
Conclusions and Discussion
This study was initiated with the goal of examining the nature and
consequences of parental involvement in children’s school performance.
Although researchers have previously addressed this topic, few have examined
this relationship within the context of a developing country. Utilizing a social
capital perspective, this study proposed that the various forms of family
capital, in regard to both direct and indirect parental involvement, as well as
the financial and structural elements of the family, can have a substantive effect
upon children’s academic performance. The social, political, and economic
contexts within a developing country do make family capital much more
meaningful in the lives of children, as parents, particularly impoverished
parents, will take investments in their children’s futures and the opportunity
to improve their lives quite seriously (Gofen 2009).
The prevailing poverty in Mindanao undoubtedly affects every facet of
family life there. Coupled with the long history of political and social strife,
it would seem that parents there face insurmountable challenges in raising
their children. However, the results of these analyses suggest that Filipino
parents are, nonetheless, quite active in the educational lives of their children.
Parents engaged their children in conversations about their schoolwork and
future plans at a fairly high frequency. Consistent with the cultural norm of
relatively strict obedience within the family, Filipino parents were shown to
maintain a high level of rules for their children, suggesting that children are
expected to adhere to their parents’ expectations. Parents were also shown
to spend a great deal of time with their children each week. This is quite
remarkable, given that the paid labor roles of many Filipino workers make it
difficult for them to spend large amounts of time at home with their families.
Even in terms of providing volunteer support at their children’s schools, the
parents were quite active. Simply, there is little question that Filipino parents
are striving very hard to ensure the educational success of their children.
The social capital paradigm used in this study posits that parental
involvement, when provided, should yield educational benefits for the
children. Based upon the findings shown herein, a substantial amount of
— 67 —
support for this contention was provided. Even after controlling for the
various household and parental characteristics, the measures of parental
involvement were shown to significantly affect children’s school success, and
in very meaningful and tangible ways at that. Although the direct support of
parents (for example, discussing school issues with their children) served to
increase children’s school performance, it was also evident that indirect forms
of parental involvement, such as volunteering at their child’s school, was
equally, if not more, influential in affecting children’s grade averages. These
patterns of parental involvement influencing children’s school performance
are even more impressive, given that family income had no significant effect
upon children’s grades. Considering the relative poverty of many Filipino
families, it appears that parental involvement represents a very salient means
of improving children’s chances of both academic success, and improvement
in their lives.
Family capital, as a form of social capital, is proposed to represent the
various means by which parents and other family members can effectively
‘invest’ in the lives of children. Within Filipino culture, the sense of filial
responsibility is very strong, and children, from very early ages, are continually
taught that they will, one day, be obligated to provide assistance to their
families and eventually to take care of their parents. As noted previously,
researchers have suggested that filial obligations among Filipino families
may be somewhat gendered, such that parents feel more secure in investing
in their daughters’ educations, given that they, rather than sons, are more
likely to study hard, finish their degrees, and obtain a good-paying job which
will allow them to help support their family financially. Daughters in this
sample outperformed sons in regards to school performance, and parents
were more likely to apply rules and limitations to daughters. While these data
are somewhat limited to the sample region, it does, nonetheless, appear that
Filipino parents may be investing more in their daughters’ educational success,
and that this tendency may be motivated by filial obligations within Filipino
cultures. This is likely to have substantial implications for both educational
— 68 —
and occupational attainment, as well as for patterns of intergenerational

support within Filipino families.
The findings of this study must be considered in conjunction with its
limitations. In regard to the sample, the participants are drawn exclusively
from Region X. Certainly, the region, as well as its population, does have
certain unique features which could make broader generalizations about
Filipino families, in general, somewhat inapplicable. In addition, the self-
report questionnaires could provide the basis for potential bias. Particularly
in regard to reports of children’s school performance, some parents may
exaggerate the performance of their child. Equally, they may overestimate
how actively involved they are in their children’s lives, and provide more
‘socially expected’ responses. Finally, the roles of parents and the general
nature of parenting can vary substantially from one population to another. In
Mindanao, as is the case for much of the Philippines, there is a considerable
amount of cultural diversity. Even within Region X, there may be substantial
differences among communities and ethnic groups in terms of how they
define appropriate roles for fathers and mothers. Together, these limitations
do signal the need to interpret the findings carefully, but they also indicate
ways in which future research on parental involvement could be improved.
Ultimately, the difficulties encountered by many families in Mindanao
(for example, poverty, political turmoil, among others) make the extent of
parental involvement shown in these analyses even more impressive. Given
the complex nature of family structures and roles within Filipino culture,
there is clearly a need for additional study of how parental involvement affects
children’s educational performance. Indeed, Filipino culture emphasizes the
concept of bayanihan, which promotes a strong sense of community identity
and social responsibility to assist others. Future studies should perhaps
examine how, more precisely, non-familial influences may be affecting
children’s academic success in the Philippines.
— 69 —
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— 72 —
Jesuit Notes
Ateneo de Davao University, Philippines
T
yphoon Yolanda struck the Philippines in November 2013 . For the
island of Leyte, the fact of a tropical cyclone was not news. This part
of the country is quite familiar with tropical storms. Yet this storm was
different. Not only was it with a strength never before seen in the whole world,
but it also followed a path which caught the island peoples off guard. Once
the storm with its over 300 km/hr gusts has passed south of the principal city
of Tacloban, the stage was set for disaster. The winds now were not from the
east and, in that sense, manageable as familiar but they now roared in from the
south. This meant they brought with them storm surges, huge waves several
meters in height and with a volume of water commensurate with that height.
In short, devastation to all the shoreline structures and people along the coast.
But this was a principal element of the city of Tacloban. All was blown away,
drowned by the storm. The city was obliterated.
Was this avoidable? Are we to point the finger at mismanagement or
unreadiness or failure of governance? Or should we take this as an “act of
God” and look for meaning there?
For my part, I prefer to avoid the finger pointing and would rather
suggest that we look at the big picture. The first scene in this picture is that
of a world’s climate no longer consonant with the pre-twenty-first century
scenario with regard to weather. Our climate has more energy now than in
the 100 years previously experienced. The atmosphere hold more energy than
ever before in human history. Hence, the potential for different weather is
with us now.

This new atmosphere is due to the warming gases the industrialized

or modern countries of the world have generated by their steps toward
“modernization.” Since there is only one atmosphere, this new energy in turn
has generated new weather not any longer familiar to the planet’s inhabitants.
We are told there will be more storms and larger storms. Yolanda thus is but
the fulfillment of the prophecy.
Should we have been prepared therefore? Did we not have a warning?
Again, to answer we must make some distinctions. The major
unpreparedness was due, I feel, to the lack of familiarity with a category five
storm. The Visayas area is very familiar with tropical cyclones. They are visited
by many, over a dozen in times past and more recently closer to twenty per
year. Thus, they are familiar with an “ordinary” storm. By ordinary I mean
the rain, the winds and the turbulent sea waters. But a category five storm
required some deep understanding. Let me explain.
The Manila Observatory since 1999, under a grant from United States
Agency for International Development (USAID), took up the question of
climate change for the country. The work required developing several areas of
expertise. Thus were born the Geomatics Division of the Manila Observatory
(MO) and the regional Climate Change Division. Along with these, the local
Atmospheric and Instrumentation Division became more focused so as to
assist in the work of climate change studies.
All of these divisions required capacity building in the area of staff and
hardware so as to adequately make a contribution to what was happening
and could happen to the country due to climate change. A key component
in this work was the link of the MO scientists with the Physics Department
of Ateneo de Manila University (ADMU). Because of this link, the scientists
working at MO had a stable or tenured position at the university and a
research locus for their scientific interest. This capacity building developed
over many years with young Bachelor of Science graduates in Physics often
coming to MO divisions looking for research opportunities. Many of them
stayed on and eventually became key players in the Climate Change agenda
of the MO.
— 74 —
McNamara – Reflections on a Storm
However, it should be pointed out that two very important contributors

to the MO Climate Change thrust did not follow this development model.
These two fully formed scientists came from other institutions not in the
ADMU campus. Dr. Anglo and Dr. Estoque came from higher learning
institutions precisely because they were looking for opportunities to do
research in this area of meteorology. Their contribution has been most
valuable as both are well versed in tropical cyclone research.
Let us look at a wider, bigger vision in this matter of climate change,
tropical cyclones and the Philippines. The fact of climate change is slowly
gaining ground in the popular mind and these storms, such as Yolanda, have
been predicted for some time. The added energy in the atmosphere—global
warming—has been in the popular press for some time. It is this energy
which fuels the newer, stronger tropical cyclone phenomena.
Such awareness should allow us to be ready and prepared at the local
level. We need not simply sit back and accept. Our God-given intelligence
would demand that we make use of the knowledge we have about such
weather phenomena and be prepared. Such preparation I have in mind is
not just at the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council
(NDRRMC) or its namesake in each municipality and city but something
more creative, even at the Provincial level. The idea here is to realize that we
need not wait passively for disaster to occur but can be proactive in preparing
to deal with its impact. With the help of science, we can act so as to be better
ready for the tropical cyclone which we know is coming but “we know not
the time nor the hour,” so to speak.
This temporal dimension of preparedness is but one of the factors that
disaster management must attend to. Any hazard has three parameters which
need to be forecasted for effective prevention. We need to know when it will
happen, where it will happen and how strong or large will the hazard be.
These three parameters allow for effective management of the hazard and so
a first attempt at risk management. Science can do fairly well at answering
the questions raised when it comes to tropical cyclones. Modern satellite
tracking of storms system and the world wide web allow for quite reasonable
— 75 —
estimates of where and when a storm will happen. Even the magnitude can
be narrowed down using similar methods.
But let me comment a bit more on this last parameter. The strength of
a tropical cyclone comes from the energy it receives from the warm ocean
waters. Thus, it can change its strength simply by encountering in its travel
throughout the tropical ocean patches of warmer water. This then is one of the
reasons for the unpreparedness in the case of Yolanda and its predecessor in
southern Mindanao, Pablo of December 2012. In both cases an appreciation
of this fact of sea surface temperature and storm strength understanding
would have made a large difference for the communities.
A final note. My plea for a more scientific awareness in the community
where tropical storms are potential hazards is partially being answered today.
Here in southern Philippines, the Ateneo de Davao University (ADDU)
has an institute called Tropical Institute for Climate Studies (TropICS)
which is engaged in such education of communities. The institute both
researches tropical meteorology generally, and the environment of the
island of Mindanao more particularly. Through its outreach programs and
academic research, it wants to bring science more effectively to the hazards
posed by the new weather.
— 76 —
Book Reviews & Previews
Stock, Kathleen, ed. 2010. Philosophers on music: Experience, meaning, and

work. New York: Oxford University Press. 260 pages.
Classical music has always been, and will always be, fascinating for me. Its
arresting and striking power by virtue of its richness and depth is unparalleled.
As a mother, classical music is my constant partner to aid in the intellectual
development of my child. As a music-lover, its refined and excellent standard
is my inspiration in creating music. And as a lover of wisdom, the mysterious
source of its power and beauty eternally enthralls me. It is in this background
that I pursued to find a book that could at least satisfactorily fill my hunger, for
complete satiation, I surmise, is never viable.
A thought-provoking book edited by Kathleen Stock, Philosophers on music,
offers a caucus of philosophers woven together by the love of music. It was during the
conference on ‘Aesthetics from an Analytic Point of View,’ which she co-organized
with one of the contributors in this volume, that the concept of coming up with a
book took place. In fact, three of the contributions (those of Paul Boghossian, Julian
Dodd and Michael Morris) are versions of papers delivered at that conference. The
purpose of the editor for coming up with this tome to bring the leading thinkers
on music in the analytic tradition to present some of the best current works on an
exciting research field engaged by aestheticians, musicologists, music practitioners,
metaphysicians and philosophers of language.
This work is like fine tapestry, as leading philosophers in music bring in
their rich and colorful ideas to presenting us with a myriad, yet, intricately
interconnected masterpieces to fulfill what the editor believed to be an analytical
thinker’s “urge to keep things tidy” having a suspicion that music poses a challenge
of not being “easily tidied away.” With that task in mind, philosophers deal with
issues and problems in music on specific terrains: The first part is on Musical
Ontology, then Musical Expression, followed by Musical Meaning and finally
New Issues in music.

The first part covers a metaphysical problem in music: What makes music
music? What sort of thing is a musical work? In what category should a musical
piece fall? Will performance, writing a score, reproduction, versions, or even mere
inspiration in the head of the composer be the norm for a musical work to be
called music? Here, Stock acknowledges music’s vicissitudes expressing that “there
are some puzzling features which make musical work’s ontological categorization
less than straightforward.” The first answer is found in Julian Dodd’s ‘Sounds,
Instruments, and Works of Music.’ As a proponent of a norm-type view whose
tokens are sound sequence-events, he defends sonicism. He claims that one work is
identical to another if and only if the two are sonically indistinguishable. Hence, his
answer to the issue at hand will be that sonic properties are the only kind of property
normative for a musical work, rejecting ‘performance-means essentialism’ that
claims the necessity of a particular instrumentation to a work’s identity. He argues
that the composer’s specification of the instrumentation is only contingent on the
availability of a particular instrument at the time the musical piece was made. Thus,
the essential character of the musical work does not lie on limiting oneself solely on
the use of a specific instrumentation by the composer but on the production of the
same timbral-sound which the composer intends his music is supposed to be heard.
However, Michael Morris’ second contribution to Musical Ontology launches a
powerful attack on this type theory. In his work ‘Doing Justice to Musical Works,’
he challenges the meaningfulness of musical work under the type theory, arguing
that: (1) If the type theory argues that works of art are merely “discovered” and not
created, then the composer merely “articulates” a musical work leaving nothing to be
understood, hence, musical works cannot be essentially meaningful; (2) if musical
works are types the tokens of which are performances, it becomes an imperative for
a composer to “create” the work since performances urge its listeners to discover
and understand the meaning of an original work being heard. How could meaning
be discovered then by the listener when the composer himself cannot find meaning
in his own work? He posits that a musical work should essentially be meaningful.
The listener can give justice to it by discovering and understanding its meaning. I
am quite ambivalent on this point of Morris. My counter-position is based upon
the theme of the film August Rush, asserting that music is everywhere and all we
have to do is to discover it. It strengthens the type-token view that we are never
the creator of music; we are more of the discoverer, the spectator, and the audience.
Will this make music devoid of meaning? Well, the movie offered a striking
conclusion, “Music is God’s little reminder that there’s something else besides us
in this universe, a harmonic connection between all living beings, everywhere, even
the stars.” As for me, if there be any meaning at all in music, then let its meaning be
that of transcendental communion with the Divine and with everything that there
is. Morris may argue otherwise, but what is noteworthy in his work is that, in the
— 78 —
Book Reviews and Previews
face of ontological puzzlement, he stresses that the right response is “not to attempt
to remove the puzzlement but to keep their peculiarity alive.” This is analogous to
the task of the philosopher of music and that of the musical performer: That is,
“the philosopher is required to do justice to the nature of musical works, just as the
performer is required to do justice to the piece she is playing.”
The third ontological issue is one in which I myself am particularly interested
in: The question of musical versions. How can we distinguish an original musical
work from its musical versions? After several alterations from its seeming completion,
how can we say it is still the original work? In Stephen Davies’ paper, ‘Versions of
Musical Works and Literary Translation’ he claims that, in many cases, we should
categorize a musical work. It is true that certain elements of composition succeed its
completion, not distinct from that work completed earlier, but as a ‘version’ of it. A
work version, as proposed by Davies here, is produced wherever features of the work,
which otherwise would be constitutive of its identity as such, are intentionally and
‘moderately’ altered, either by the author or, in the case of works the composition
of which is unfinished or ambiguous, by someone else. I would say the meaning of
“moderation” here has to be further clarified, since what could be ‘moderate’ for
some might already be an essential alteration for others. And yet, I still sense that
the quest for a clear and absolute demarcation line on a highly intricate and rich
reality, such as a music piece and the question of its completion, may be difficult, if
not impossible.
The second part, I believe appeals not only to philosophers, musicians or
aestheticians, but to all others who feel the arresting power of music: Everyone,
who, in a way, can say that they possess a deep connection of some sort with
music as they hear it. They include, but not limited to, the brokenhearted, hearing
the music as sad; the thrill-seekers, hearing the music as haunting; and the opera
lovers, enchanted by their musical experiences. So what is really meant when we
attribute expressive or emotional properties to music, such as hearing the music
as ‘sad,’ ‘haunting,’ or ‘enchanting’? This, broadly speaking, is the problem with
which contributors of Musical Expression attempt to address. Derek Matravers in
‘Expression in Music’ advocates a ‘dispositional’ theory, in which music is heard as
sad if it tends to induce in the listener some non-cognitive feeling(s) associated with
a typical reaction to the expression of sadness. He advocates that the experience
of music is phenomenological—when one listens appropriately, one will have an
experience of music in a certain emotional way. This can only be understood when
we go back to the original experience and take off from there. Also contributing
his thoughts on this matter is Paul Boghossian. In his paper ‘Explaining Musical
Experience,’ he emphasizes that what we are after here is not a mere causal
explanation of this fact, rather, an explanation of why it is rational for us to respond
— 79 —
in such a way. He credits this to expressive meaning of music coming from sound
properties such as pitch, harmony, melody, rhythm and so on that enable the listener
to hear emotions in music. This phenomenon, he claims, can only be accessible
to varying degrees depending on the listener’s musical aptitude. Aaron Ridley, on
the other hand, defends a counter-position. In his work ‘Persona Sometimes Grata:
On the Appreciation of Expressive Music’ he argues that the experience of expressive
music may involve the imaginative postulation of a musical persona in the relevant
emotional state. He argues that sometimes it is necessary to have full appreciation
of a particular piece of expressive music, allowing one to experience depth in his
musical experience. If music is heard as the expression of a persona, he purports,
the musical piece takes centerstage, allowing a release of its arresting power that
technical properties of music cannot afford.
The third part focuses on “Musical Meaning,” addressing questions on the
relation of metaphor and irony to music. The former is covered in the work of
Jenefer Robinson’s “Can Music Function as a Metaphor of Emotional Life?” as well
as in “The Structure of Irony and How it Functions in Music” by a joint project
of Eddy Zemach and Tamara Balter. On the issue of the possibility of music
as a metaphor of emotional life, Robinson categorically answers in the negative
claiming that, strictly speaking, metaphor is not one of music’s functions. Although
potentially music can metaphorically exemplify expressive qualities (covering
emotional and non-emotional qualities such as ‘weighty,’ ‘watery,’ ‘sunny’ and the
like), owing to extra-musical aspects of the world via certain expressive aspects
possessed by music. The issue of irony, moreover, presents an equally challenging
relation of music given that irony essentially is a projection of a possible situation
against which reality may be compared. Irony can, in conjecture, be accomplished
in music, the same way that it exists in words. It is interesting that they argue that
situational irony, dramatic irony, parody, romantic and general irony are present
in certain pieces of classical music.
The last part covers “New Issues” on music with the works of Gordon Graham
on “Music and Electro-sonic Art” and “Thoughts on Rhythm” by Roger Scruton.
The first problem dwells on the questionable character of electro-sonic art whether
or not it can essentially and appropriately be called music. Electro-sonic art
works—digitally produced sequences of atonal sounds (by composers such as
Lutowlawski and Varese)—he concludes, are like musical works. However, still
they cannot strictly speaking be called musical works. He supports his position by
saying that this art form does not provide as many opportunities as music does for
active engagement in its production, and hence cannot match music’s value in this
respect. The second contribution of Scruton focuses on the importance of musical
rhythm as a feature of musical experience. He argues that the existence of meter
in a work is not yet the experience of rhythm, purporting a wider view that the
— 80 —
experience of music is an ‘acousmatic’ one (music is heard as governed by a ‘virtual

causality’) leading him to favor internal rhythm over ostinato rhythm (rhythm
generated from factors external to the melodic and harmonic lines). He enriched
his work by adding a striking critique on the prevalence of modern dance music
employing ostinato. For Scruton, ostinato inhibits interaction, encouraging the
individual to become isolated from others, and be ‘lost’ in the music in a morally
detrimental way. Whereas, dance music which generated rhythm from within
guides people on how they should move, thereby facilitating social interaction
and directing their attention toward other people.
I am immensely grateful to have come across such a detailed, highly-
sophisticated, seamless and profound volume on music. It opens a new terrain filled
with discoveries, insights and learnings that I could not have accessed to if it were
not for this book. The task, however, for a reader who is a neophyte like me is to
display immense seriousness and commitment in reading this book. This volume is
permeated with classical and contemporary issues and debates in the field of music,
which an uninformed reader gets exposed for the first time. The ubiquitous use of
highly technical terminologies adds to the difficulty of making reading rewarding.
I am highly indebted to the editor’s Introduction for her effort to make the endeavor
a guided one, making reading and understanding a lot easier and worthwhile.
This remarkable work is a highly recommended reading for scholars and
researchers who wish to have access to a broad and interesting array of breakthrough
ideas from leading thinkers and contributors in this field. It is a “one-stop-shop” of
excellently thought-provoking ideas that can be inspirations for future full-blown
philosophical papers.
After a thorough reading, I suppose this immensely rich reality of music,
although struggled to be “tidied away” by analytical philosophers, will eternally
remain elusive. It is music’s mysterious reality and overflowing plethora of meanings
that maintain/sustain its ontological trademark. Any attempt to fully capture it is
futile. Yet, I cannot deny the radical change in me owing to this volume, and I close
by saying, “I can never listen to classical music the same way ever again.”
Shercy Ramos-Garvida is a faculty member of the Philosophy Department of the Ateneo

de Davao University. She has a master’s degree in Philosophy from the Ateneo de Manila
University.
— 81 —
Malaya III, Jose Eduardo E. 2011. Frontlines of diplomacy: Conversations

with Philippine ambassadors. Mandaluyong City: Anvil Publishing Inc.
283 pages.
Jose Eduardo Malaya is an accomplished Filipino diplomat. He became a career

member of the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) in 1986. He has been part
of various Philippine Missions in San Francisco, Chicago, New York and Brussels.
As of this writing, he is the Head of Mission of the Philippines in Malaysia. As
ambassador of the Philippine Embassy in Kuala Lumpur, he led the organization
to bag the Best Organization Award of 2013 conferred by the DFA. The DFA
recognized the embassy for its outstanding performance and service to the Filipino
people in Malaysia. He has economics and law degrees from the University of the
Philippines in Diliman.
Frontlines of diplomacy is a product of an oral diplomatic history project by the
Foreign Service Institute. In this project, thirty-seven retired and serving ambassadors
and three spouses were interviewed by entry-level Foreign Service Officers. One
of the objectives of this project was to account for the achievements, failures and
disappointments of Filipino diplomats who have served the Philippines with their
lives. It also tries to chronicle important events in the history and development of
Philippine Foreign Policy. The author emphasizes, however, that this book is by no
means a complete historical account of the experiences and situation of the interviewees
but only a part of their experiences given the topic and time constraints.
In the book, one will find various interesting topics including the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regionalism, welfare of Overseas Filipino
Workers (OFWs), regional security and antiterrorism, United Nations (UN)
Security Council and globalization. In an interview, Rodolfo Severino, Jr., discussed
his various experiences as a former Ambassador to Malaysia and as ASEAN’s
Secretary-General. He also shared his views about the challenges and opportunities
that the regional organization faces amidst regional integration. On the other hand,
former Undersecretary for Migrant Workers Affairs, Benjamin Domingo, shared
his personal experiences in dealing with the various issues faced by our modern-
day heroes—the OFWs. He cited the memorable cases of Flor Contemplacion
and Melody Das. Flor Contemplacion was a Filipina who was sentenced to death
for killing the children of her employer. The case strained the bilateral relations
of the Philippines and Singapore during the term of President Fidel Ramos
despite the fact that a number of Filipinos considered her innocent of any crime.
Another interesting interview was with former Ambassador to Indonesia and South
Africa, Leonides T. Caday, who discussed the significance of the Visiting Forces
Agreement (VFA) to the Filipinos, especially in terms of the training of our forces,
— 82 —
and sharing and exchanging of military strategies and tactics. He also states that
the VFA is based on the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States
(US) and the Philippines. As a former representative to the UN in New York,
Mr. Lauro Baja shared his experiences when the Philippines won a non-permanent
seat in the prestigious UN Security Council in 2004. He cited how former UN
Secretary-General and Nobel Peace Prize Winner Kofi Annan recognized the
Philippines after the successful passage of the UN resolution on Iraq.
The book uses an interesting method of presenting the different aspects of the
history and development of Philippine diplomacy. Through the relatively short but
informative interviews, readers will be able to get to know various personalities from
former ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, spouses of ambassadors and other notable
diplomatic officers. Experiences of frustrations and achievements are shared by these
individuals from the moment they decided to join the field of Foreign Service which
afforded them experiences as representatives of the country. One will be amazed at
the responsibilities of these individuals as they represent the Philippines in various
foreign postings and international gatherings. Indeed, their stories highlight how
the DFA has become a department that never sleeps.
It is noticeable though that among the many issues discussed, one important
issue was relatively absent in the different interviews—the issue of climate change.
Though it is understandable that the content of the book is dependent on the contents
of the interview, I still believe climate change could have been an interesting topic
to be discussed by the notable diplomats. Given the magnitude of the discussions
and discourses with regard to climate change in the international community from
ASEAN to the UN, it could have been interesting to know the views and perspective
of diplomats with regard to issues relating to climate change.
Overall, I highly recommend the book to students of International Relations, as
the book highlights and presents various important points about Philippine diplomacy
and foreign policy not found in textbooks. This includes the daily hardships and first-
hand experiences of diplomats in dealing with the different issues. After reading the
book, one will also have a better appreciation of the different pillars of Philippine
Foreign Policy namely, economic security, national security and welfare of Filipinos
abroad, as the diplomats explain the different underlying themes that surround the
pillars. Indeed, it is a book that also hopes to inspire a new generation of Foreign
Service Officers, serving the country in the various diplomatic postings.
Akeem Jade G. Fabila is a faculty member of the International Studies Department of

the Ateneo de Davao University. Currently, he is finishing his master’s degree in Applied
Social Research in the same university. He was a Philippine youth ambassador of the 2013
ASEAN-India Student’s Exchange Programme.
— 83 —
Atega, Gabriel B. 2012. Where is Mazzawa? expanded edition. Davao City:

Midtown Printing Co., Inc. 251 pages.
Where is Mazzawa? tells the tale of Gabriel B. Atega on his quest to find the
real location of Mazzawa—the place where the first mass in the Philippines was
conducted. He wanted to prove that Mazzawa was actually located in Magallanes,
Agusan del Norte, not in Butuan nor Limasawa as widely held.
The book started with the author refuting the decision of the National Historical
Institute (NHI) of the Philippines that the first mass was held in Limasawa, arguing
that the NHI omitted some important pieces of evidence. Some of these included
the accounts that the said mass was done during the Second Stop in Mazzawa, which
according to Antonio Pigafetta was the island where we were and by using coordinates
that pointed to Mazzawa being located in Northeastern Mindanao, particularly
Magallanes, Agusan del Norte. The author used the accounts of key witnesses,
Pigafetta, Francisco Albo and the Genoese pilot (to which the author believed to be
Martino de Jubicibus). He also added pictures to help see the possible sightings of the
Spanish colonizers when they first set in Mazzawa. This type of presentation makes the
author more convincing, and his book more interesting and an easy read.
However, while the maps used help prove the author’s point particularly to
non-map or non-geography enthusiasts, the use of coordinates (such as latitudes,
longitudes, degrees, etc.) makes the book difficult to digest. The author kept
repeating the 9˚40’N coordinates to prove that Mazzawa was actually Magallanes,
Agusan del Norte. He even used maps to plot the coordinates and plot the route of
the Magellan expedition. In addition, the use of Wikipedia as a reference made the
some details of the book a bit unscholarly.
For someone who is interested in a new perspective on where the first mass took
place, this book is highly recommended as it will help open up other possibilities
that might not have been presented by other scholars who took up this piece of
historical puzzle. The idea that Mazzawa could be in Agusan makes Mindanao
history more interesting. The readers, however, should not take what is written in
the book as actual fact without conducting more research, since some of the pieces
of evidence provided in the book have already been refuted by the NHI. The book
tends to be one-sided and therefore should not be considered as the only basis of
understanding the past.
Tetchie Aquino teaches at the History and Political Science Department of Ateneo de
Davao University.
— 84 —
Tabora, Joel E. SJ. 2013. Coming together, moving forward. Davao City:
Ateneo de Davao University Publications Office. 234 pages.
This new tome on the writings of Fr. Joel E. Tabora, SJ, spanning three years
since he assumed office as President of the Ateneo de Davao University (ADDU),
is a much welcomed reading to those wanting to take a broader view of his
philosophical take on a host of interestingly cutting-edge topics, not to mention,
a more thematic presentation of his personal reflections as a Filipino Jesuit priest,
formator, philosopher, scholar, leader, educator, administrator, trailblazer, advocate,
catalyst, visionary and private citizen.
Coming together, moving forward is a compilation of Tabora’s philosophical
ruminations, neatly arranged under distinct themes that provide such a wonderful
tapestry in the various modes of discourse which he zestfully engages, even as he
mindfully pens them using the breadth of his experience in the field of educational
leadership, most especially his engagements in pioneering educational reform in this
region of the Philippines.
Tabora’s prose is distinctly his, and it sometimes pulls the punches, as it were,
at the right moment. It allows one not only to probe deeply into the complexities
and subtleties of the heart of the matter, but also provides his readers the necessary
pause to earnestly reflect on them, as to how they impact on their respective (and
assumed) positions in the great moral and philosophical debate. His prose can be
as complex as weaving hortatory lines, with each word carrying greater weight,
appealing for his readers’ wisdom, practical sense and common humanity. And yet
it also morphs into a few words in a single line inorder to emphasize a punctuated
thought that is loaded with powerfully good intentions—like a cursory ending that
begs never to be taken lightly or forgotten. His writings are peppered with the
sincerity and pizzazz of a visionary who sees things beyond the here and now. Even
when he writes and discourses on some of the more contentious issues of the day,
which may at times appear to be seemingly incendiary, he never fails to ground his
thoughts on age-old principles which bespeak of the universal aspirations toward
the pursuit of social justice, the common good, the search and love of truth, charity,
compassion, a brand of leadership which he banners as sui generis, and a host of
others that characterize the depth of human strivings. This is one writer-philosopher
who wants to be heard, whether in the pulpit, in the sacred halls of the university,
before exalted guests in a cavernous auditorium, or in the virtual world of cyberspace
(as a prolific blogger himself )—because he has something important to say. And he
wants to say it accordingly, as the situation demands: Powerful and gentle, complex
and simple, analytic and matter-of-fact, incisive and earnest, academic-wise and,
mind you, street-wise, as well.
— 85 —
The book is divided into three sections which categorize his writings into
speeches, personal reflections (most of which are culled from a plethora of materials
in his personal blog), and homilies. A lot of these are intended to be read publicly
before an audience, and so these could come across as having a distinctive tonal
quality, as it were, best received when one reads these passages aloud. At any rate,
this intended sectioning is appreciated especially since it affords a Tabora reader
a wider perspective in accounting for his various opinions on some of the more
contemporary discourses amidst the current hoopla and the rumpus of the day. For
what it’s worth, this compilation of writings over a three-year period does present
a glimpse of the movement where the ADDU, under his spirited leadership, is
heading toward. And any reader worth his salt could, more or less, perceive the
greater movement that lies above it—locally, nationally and globally.
In the first section of the book, Tabora takes up the cudgel of facing head-on
the emerging and current issues that laid claim to much of the headlines in the past
three years. His written speeches reverberate the collective concerns which shaped
the landscape of educational reform namely, the K-12, quality assurance, general
education curriculum, among others; the environment, in general, and mining and
climate change, in particular (which, by the way, demand research initiatives and
community engagement support); educational leadership, particularly in bannering
a brand of leadership formation that is sui generis; reproductive health, and the
universal moral discourses leading toward the aspiration for social justice and the
common good. In his discourses on the environment, for instance—especially on the
pitfalls of mining—he takes a prophetically bold position in lambasting state laws
that do not serve public interests, inasmuch as they provided cushion to large-scale
mining companies that benefit from public policies that are highly flawed. He also
takes an acerbic swipe at the country’s lawmakers and leaders who remained myopic
in their reading of the problem on the environment, and whose lack of political will
shows ineptitude in protecting national patrimony. The strength of his prose lies in
his philosophical grounding of the issues on social justice and the common good,
and how they factor into the equation of attaining a just and humane society that
promotes equitable distribution of resources and empowerment of the marginalized.
As the new chief executive of ADDU—and who concurrently holds top positions
in educational associations, both locally, nationally and internationally—he also
advocates for educational reform, not the kind that simply kowtows to the directives
of the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) on the proposed outcomes-based
and typology-based quality assurance (OTBQA), but the kind that truly promotes
academic freedom in search for the truth that aims for social transformation.
— 86 —
In his personal reflections, which take up much of the second section, he does
not spare criticizing the Catholic Church, or at least some of its institutional leaders,
on some of their pronouncements and concrete stance on the highly polarizing
issue of reproduction health vis-à-vis the campaign for endorsing political leaders
in times of elections. Tabora does not take prisoners, as it were, and he calls spade a
spade when he has to. He banners among leaders in government, church and civil
society groups, also in the private sector (especially in the business industry, with
particular mention of SMI-Xstrata), the principles of accountability, transparency,
good governance, shared responsibility, spirituality and leadership, and peace and
interreligious dialogue as gospel truths that must be appropriated well in accordance
with contingent demands.
But over and about the seemingly provocative discourse on mining and
educational reform, lies the charitable and consoling prose of a philosopher-scholar
who is, first and foremost, a Jesuit priest. In the last section of the volume, Tabora
preaches about edifying reflections on such exalted leitmotifs ranging from love,
to loyalty, friendship, gratitude, suffering, Ignatian spirituality, worship, sacrifice,
theophany—matters that are written with such empathy and compassion in the
eloquence that they so right deserved. When Tabora, for instance, speaks about the
theological certainty of a God becoming one of us and among us, of the sanctity
of marriage bonds, of the essence of Valentines’ Day celebration, of the theological
grounding of Mariology, of eschatology and soteriology, of incarnation, of a living
tradition such as the practice of dawn masses and why it hits the right chord among
Filipino Catholics, he leads his readers to embrace the truth about life, and how to
live it fully and faithfully. It is perhaps good, and rightly so, that this volume ends
in this note for it encapsulates why this Jesuit priest—dynamic and indefatigable as
he is—devotes his life’s vocation in serving the Lord’s vineyard in the manner that
he does, considering his giftedness and the multitude of ways in which he uses it.
For all the ripples that this educator-formator has created since he assumed office
at ADDU, and to those among us whose interest in reading his works goes beyond
mere curiosity, I highly recommend this volume. There is more to Tabora’s thoughts
than what one can read in 234 pages, but this tome is an essential companion to
understanding the wider expanse of ADDU’s direction, as a Filipino, Catholic and
Jesuit university, in its next 65 years of existence—under his inspired leadership.
M. Isabel S. Actub is one of the associate editors of Tambara. She teaches leadership in the
MBA/MPA program, and theology in the Theology Department, of the Ateneo de Davao
University. Concurrently, she serves as the coordinator of the Communications and Advocacy
Program of the Arrupe Office of Social Formation.
— 87 —
Pilapil, Renante D. Recognition: Examining identity struggles. Quezon City:

Ateneo de Manila University Press, forthcoming.
Finally, a book on recognition by no less than a friend but most importantly by

a Filipino, an Asian, a person that we would refer to as someone from the Global
South. The importance of emphasizing this is the fact that most experiences of
injustice (what Axel Honneth would refer to as misrecognition) are those that
were experienced by people from the Global South, or those that are usually at
the margins of the global society. It would be important then, and consistent with
the theoretical assertion of Recognition: Examining identity struggles, that discussion
of recognition or justice has to appropriately come from someone who is, if not
only geographically but also ethnically, associated with those at the margins of the
global order. This is not to discount the fact that as an intellectual, the author
must be in the same position as Gayatri Spivak who speaks of the subaltern’s
experience of misrecognition despite being intellectually trained in the institutions
of Western powers. Like Spivak, Pilapil possesses also the authority not only by
way of intellectual training and exposure to established academic institutions, but a
witness of injustice or misrecognition himself from the Philippines, his homeland,
where a struggle for recognition has been waged by Muslim groups for decades. His
personal experience of injustice while studying for a doctorate degree in Europe has
also added a greater weight to his argument.
This book is an important work and is comparable to those published by
scholars on political philosophy, democracy and social justice. The language is
simple yet the theoretical discussion is very substantial as it provides a survey of
the major theoretical influences in the discourse of recognition. The language is
simple but the intricacies and complexities of the theoretical foundations have
been thoroughly and carefully explored without sacrificing its clarity and brevity.
More so, a comparison with the inspiration from Spivak is worth noting. Pilapil’s
political, moral and philosophical reflections are grounded on his experiences and
the contexts where he is situated at—a resident of Mindanao, where the seat of the
Philippine Muslim struggle is located.
This work is a rare exposition of substantial theoretical perspectives on the topic
by a Filipino author. While the title of the book may associate it with the usual
publications on actual experiences or accounts of recognition or misrecognition
that are mostly direct narrations of experiences, or with those that might have
some analytic perspective mostly coming from the social sciences or literature, this
book is primarily a normative analysis of the social and the politics of recognition
(borrowing the words of Charles Taylor).
This is not your usual book on recognition filled with narratives and analysis
from Sociology and/or Political Science. This is primarily a political philosophical
— 88 —
book on recognition. While it is mostly a discussion of philosophical theories on

recognition, as the author proceeds, he was able to start, end and carefully weave in
the entire book examples and contexts by which the theoretical discourses can be
grounded or better understood. The book includes the author’s personal experience
of misrecognition, over and above the Bangsamoro’s, and the long struggle for
recognition, among others. You will see then in the book the careful and sensitive
weaving of both theory and praxis.
More importantly, the author guides us into the various philosophical, moral,
ontological and political perspectives on recognition. The various chapters intend to
explore in depth the complexity as well as the limitations and complementarity of
the various perspectives. It also gives the author an opportunity for his own careful
and faithful albeit critical reading, of these various perspectives.
The first chapter presents two leading theorists of the dominant area in the
discourse on recognition—Multiculturalism: Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka.
The more popular discussion of recognition centers on cultural recognition of
cultural groups or better known as national minorities. While most of the common
discourses, however, are focused on the narratives of these multicultural stories
of recognition and misrecognition, they usually lack theoretical and normative
analysis. Taylor and Kymlicka present two parallel yet opposing views on the topic.
Taylor’s almost communitarian conception of recognition is complemented if not
challenged by the liberal accommodation of Kymlicka. In this chapter, we will see
how the author provides the general character of the book by presenting us with a
careful and faithful reading of the works of both these two theorists on recognition
without sacrificing the critical view. Here, the author points out the limits of both
theorists in their discussions of the topic and provides us with a bigger picture on
the recognition discourse.
The author would bring us further into the depth of the discourse by showing
the tension in both the political and philosophical discourse on recognition. He
explains how the usual practice of affirmative action can be understood by presenting
its limitations. The limits will be further exposed by the challenge posed by James
Tully in his contestation approach, which is almost parallel to the agonistic model
presented by Chantal Mouffe. Yet, consistent with the depth of the author’s analysis,
he shows the limits and possibilities of these discourses.
Some answers to the identified tension will be provided in the chapter on Honneth’s
philosophical anthropology which owes much to the earlier works of Hegel and Mead.
While Honneth’s ontological and moral grounding of recognition in the shaping of
personal identity is prone to the critique on psychologism, it has provided a fitting
foundation for social and political claims for justice and recognition. This has set
as a prelude for the socio-political argument on recognition that will be explored in
the next chapter.
— 89 —
While most of the aforementioned theorists have championed the defense and
arguments for recognition from the perspective of identity politics, the author in his
attempt to provide a bigger picture on the discourse refreshes the discussion with a
fitting caveat. Pilapil reminds his readers that the discourse on recognition cannot fully
depart from the earlier concentration on the discourse on justice that is also anchored
on the economic concerns for equal distribution. Borrowing the insights from Nancy
Fraser, the fifth chapter would focus on an elaborate argument as to how recognition
and redistribution are two sides of the debate that cannot be devolved from each other.
The author ends the discussion by bringing the theoretical discourse to the very
heart of experience in Mindanao. Citing one of the most pressing concerns in the
Philippine sociopolitical arena, he illustrates the intricacies of the debate by citing
the Bangsamoro’s struggle for recognition which includes the cultural, identity and
redistribution claims. It is through this concrete contexts that he is able to clearly
illustrate the assertion of Fraser that recognition and redistribution are two sides of
the discourse interdependent of each other, and that the discourse of recognition
involves the dialectic of theory and praxis.
This book, then, is a must read for those who are starting or yet to begin a deeper
exploration on the area of recognition or social justice. The extensive survey and
position on the discourse of recognition and social justice, the careful and thorough
analyses of the various theoretical grounding including the limits, possibilities, and
complementarities of these various views, can provide us with a good starting point
for deeper exploration on identity struggles.
Ian Clark R. Parcon is a faculty member of the Philosophy Department of the Ateneo
de Davao University. He has a master’s degree in Philosophy from the Ateneo de Manila
University, and in Applied Ethics from the Norwegian University in Science and Technology
(Norway) and Linkoping University (Sweden).
— 90 —
Gloria, Heidi, K. History from below: A view from the Philippine south.
Davao City: Ateneo de Davao University Publications Office, forthcoming.
Dr. Heidi K. Gloria’s new book, History from below: A view from the Philippine south,
takes a bold approach in retelling the history of the Philippines. By placing the focus on
Mindanao and using the perspective of its people as the lens, Gloria upends the ways in
which the development of the nation has been traditionally presented. In so doing, she
presents more organic explanations for the issues which face the country today.
The Philippines of History from below is not merely the product of the beneficence
of the colonial powers in Southeast Asia. Colonialization is, instead, a disruption, an
intrusion into the vibrant way of life of the kingdoms that existed long before. These
are no backwater tribes with inferior cultures but sophisticated states that trade goods,
craft laws, make treaties, command armies, and wage war. Likewise, modern struggles
do not stem merely from colonialism but are deeply intertwined with cultural identity
and long-standing history of Mindanao’s peoples.
History from below is made up of ten chapters beginning with the pre-Hispanic
kingdoms that flourished in the region and ending with the intervention of Islamic
countries in the Mindanao conflict in the late 1970s. Each chapter deals with a
significant period of history of the Philippines. By using Mindanao as the center,
Gloria presents a more coherent narrative of history.
Chapter 1, “The Making of Island Nations,” situates the archipelago that would
become the Philippines within the Malay world. Spread across Southeast Asia as
seafaring clans and island kingdoms, the Malay world provides the framework for
culture and ethnicity and is the basis for relationships which persist to this day. The
chapter explores many foundations for commonality among the peoples: Language, rice
cultivation, maritime traditions, and ancient sprawling Hindu empires, the greatest
being Sri Vijaya and Madjapahit.
Chapter 2, “Earliest Historic Communities,” delves into the kingdoms that
dominated the archipelago before the Spanish colonial period. In the south, these were
Butuan, Ma-yit (Mindoro), Sulu, Jolo, Magindanao, and Sarangani; in the north,
Maynila and Tondo. Using Sung dynasty records of tribute missions from Butuan as a
starting point, the author paints a picture of thriving states with complex relationships
with one another. The second part of the chapter deals with the arrival of Islam, its
effects on the kingdoms, and their dealings with European traders.
Chapter 3, “The Colonial Period, 1565-1898” recounts the early Spanish
expeditions in Mindanao and the rest of the archipelago. Following the path of
Spanish conquest, the book takes a detour into Luzon, in particular, Maynila, Tondo,
Bikol, and the Cordilleras. This diversion is not fruitless, however, as it provides
context and contrast for the events in Mindanao, discussed in the second half of
— 91 —
the chapter. Gloria’s tale of the conquest of Mindanao is a mix of military might,
political manuevering, subterfuge, alliances, and betrayals among the native sultans,
the Spanish, the Portuguese, and the Dutch. All this in what would be known as the
Moro wars. Featured prominently in this chapter is the famous Sultan Kudarat.
Chapter 4, “Colonial Philippines and Its Relations with Asia,” embodies what
truly differentiates History from below from other narratives of Philippine history. The
Philippines portrayed here is not a static colonial entity but an active player in the
politics of Southeast Asia. Spanish adventurers, missionaries, and traders use Manila
as the base of operations for forays into Japan, Cambodia, Macao, and China.
Meanwhile, in the Philippine south, independent kingdoms adapt to the changing
geopolitics, edging to power and prominence through alliances, control of sea lanes
and ports, and the slave trade.
Chapter 5, “The Unchanging Face of the Philippine South,” puts the focus back on
Mindanao. Using first the Moro wars and the slave trade as the backdrop, the chapter
explores the social and political structures in place at the time. This discussion expands
into the modes of government in the Philippine south: the sultanates, the datus, the
baganis, and variations among Islamic and other indigenous communities. Complicating
the mix is the arrival of Christian missionaries, which adds a new locus of culture in the
region. These relations are extended into the present with examples of how they are
embodied in contemporary leadership structures and community customs.
Chapter 6, “The Philippine Revolution of 1896-1901,” begins with a retelling of
the causes of the revolution and the birth of the Malolos Republic. Oft-overlooked
in other texts, the Mindanao and Sulu delegates to the Malolos Congress received
mention in History from below. Moreover, the issue of religion in the formulation
of the constitution gains new context in the acknowledgment of Muslims as
members of the republic. The chapter shines the most, though, in its narrative of the
activities of revolutionary and counter-revolutionary forces in Hispanic settlements
in Mindanao: Skulduggery, espionage, overthrows, sieges, fake battles, and firing
squads. Yet in the midst of that, actions from heroic citizens, too. The chapter ends
with the coming of the Americans.
Chapter 7, “The Moro Wars Against the Americans,” shifts the narrative to
American manueverings in Mindanao. While they consolidated their hold in
Luzon, the Americans approached Mindanao with a facade of accommodation and
appeasement, signing treaties with sultans and datus. Inevitably, conflict unfolds as
the Americans secure their position in the north. Unable to stand against the military
might of the Americans, Moros and lumads express their resistance in other ways, as
in mass peaceful gatherings (like that which led to the massacre of Bud Dajo) and in
the rise of messianic cults (like that of the Tungud movement).
Chapter 8, “The Filipinization of Mindanao,” continues with the American
occupation, now focused on pacification and assimilation of Mindanao in the
— 92 —
larger Philippine polity. The fight shifts to political movements, with attempts at
independence at both ends of the archipelago, but at the same time, the moves
of the nascent Filipino leaders from the north to annex the fertile lands of the
south. Mindanao has become an agricultural colony, attracting settlers from other
parts of the new nation.
Chapter 9, “The Road to Independence,” covers for the most part the
Commonwealth period of the Philippines and its effects on Mindanao. With
armed conflicts largely suppressed and political accommodations in place, power
has consolidated into new configurations. Even as independence of the country is
the aspiration of many, Mindanao undergoes transformation into a true agrarian
center. Economics is the new catchword, but along with it comes peasant unrest. This
chapter also touches on the Japanese presence in Mindanao.
Chapter 10, “Independence and Beyond,” concludes the book in the modern age
of the 20th century. The Philippines achieves the sovereignty that its people sought
for, but in the wake of extreme economic disparity, new problems arise. Peasant
movements become more militant, leading to outright rebellion. In Mindanao, the
rebellion took on a religious color, compounded by political factions, vendettas, and
the Jabidah misadventure. This chapter rounds out the history of Mindanao with the
rise of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the eventual involvement of
international Islamic organizations in mediating the conflict.
The preceding summary provides a view into the organization of the book, but
it doesn’t quite do justice to the narrative woven by the author. History from below is
no mere presentation of a sequence of events to be subjected after-the-fact to some
framework of interpretation. At its core, History from below is the intertwined stories
of a people covering a period of a thousand years.
It is in these stories that “History from Below” comes alive. As stories, they have
heroes—Paduka Batara, Rajah Bongso, Tuan Mashaika, Sarip Kabungsuan, Sultan
Kudarat, Buong Manis, Pangiran Bongsu, and Panglima Hassan, to mention a
few. Their customs and attitudes may be alien, even repulsive, to modern readers. But
in reading their stories, we can come to some understanding of their milieu and their
motivations.
Ultimately, the project of History from below aims toward understanding. By
rewriting history from the viewpoint of Mindanao, Gloria traces a different path of
development that eventually dovetails with the history of the Philippines which until
now has been supplanted in the mainstream texts. By understanding this part of our
story can we come to a glimpse of the integrated whole.
Dominique Gerald M. Cimafranca teaches at the Literature and the Computer Studies
departments of the Ateneo de Davao University, where he currently serves as OIC-director
of the University Publications Office.
— 93 —
— 94 —
Contributors
Anthonette C. Mendoza is a doctoral researcher and a member of the Research Unit

Theological Ethics at the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Katholieke
Universiteit (KU) Leuven (Belgium). Her doctoral research explores both the themes
of solidarity and the common good in development thinking and practice, widely
and differently interpreted in the United Nations’ Human Development (UNHD)
Reports and in the Catholic Social Thought. She has taught at the Institute for
Formation and Religious Studies (IFRS), Quezon City (Philippines). She finished
her Advanced Master and Master in Theology from KU Leuven in 2008 and 2007,
respectively. In 2010, she was accepted in the Summer School on the Capability
Approach with Martha Nussbaum at the University of Tübingen (Germany). As
part of the Dominican Volunteers International (DVI), she spent two years (2004-
2006) in the Peruvian Amazon (Peru) working with indigenous communities.
D.J. Margaret is currently finishing her PhD in Theology at the University of

Madras, Chennai (India). Her research is centered on the role of spiritual beliefs
and practices in the care of women with HIV/AIDS. She has master degrees in
Mathematics from the Annamalai University (2006) and in Theology from Vidya
Jyothi College of Theology, Delhi (2006). Her publications include “Victims of
Globalization,” (Indian Currents 2004), “The Feminized HIV/AIDS Epidemic
and the Response of Care” (Vidya Jyothi Journal of Theological Reflection 77 2013),
“HIV/AIDS and the Philosophy of Health Care,” (Jnanodaya Journal of Philosopy
20 2013), and ‘HIV/AIDS Women and Care: Psycho-Spiritual Perspective,”
(Sacred Perspective Journal of Culture and Religion 3 2013). She is a member of
the congregation of the Salesian Sisters of Don Bosco.
Ana Karenina Pahimalan-Pera is a licensed Chemical Engineer. She has a Bachelor

of Science degree in chemical engineering from the Ateneo de Davao University
(ADDU). In 2012, she obtained her master’s degree in Waste Process Engineering
at the Universität Stuttgart (Germany). Currently, she lives in Stuttgart with her
husband and daughter after spending a couple of years in Tokyo, Japan.

Sampson Lee Blair is a family sociologist at the State University of New York at Buffalo
(USA). He has previously taught at the University of Arizona and the University
of Oklahoma. He finished his PhD in Sociology from the Pennsylvania State
University (1991). The bulk of his research, which focuses on family relationships
and child/adolescent development, has been published in numerous academic
journals and books worldwide. He has extensive experience in journal editing
and review as associate editor of Marriage and Family Review (1998-2002), Social
Justice Research (2002-2006), as well as senior editor of Sociological Inquiry (1997-
2001; 2009-2010 [interim]). Currently, he is the senior editor of Contemporary
Perspectives in Family Research. In 2009, Dr. Blair was given the distinction of the
Chancellors Award for Excellence in Teaching by the State University of New York
(SUNY). The following year, in 2010, he received a Fulbright Scholar Award from
the US Department of State, during which he taught and conducted research at
Xavier University (Ateneo de Cagayan). Dr. Blair is married to a Filipina, Dr.
Marilou Catherine Blair, who is also a sociologist.
Daniel J. McNamara, SJ is currently the dean of the School of Arts and Sciences
of Ateneo de Davao University (ADDU) and the chair of its Department of
Environmental Studies. He has a PhD in Astro-Geophysics from the University of
Colorado in Boulder (USA). He teaches both at the Physics and the Environmental
Science departments of ADDU. Aside from his work as the Science Director of
the Manila Observatory (MO), he is also the lead researcher of the Philippine
MAGDAS (Magnetic Data Acquisition System) Project in collaboration with
the International Center for Space Weather Science and Education of Kyushu
University (Japan). His research interests and publications are mainly centered
on the ionosphere, magnetosphere, and the sun.
— 96 —
Instructions for Authors
1. The Editor invites submissions of manuscripts for consideration as main article,

editorial, or review article. Main articles should normally range from 6,000 to
8,000 words in length, accompanied by an abstract of 100-150 words and five to
six keywords. Book reviews should not normally exceed 1,500 words in length.
2. Manuscripts should be in MS Word file and double-spaced. For house style,

please refer to previous issues of the journal, or alternatively, follow the
Chicago Manual of Style.
3. All submissions are to be subjected to anonymous review by at least two

experts. As such, no references to authors in the manuscript should be made.
The review process will normally take four to six weeks after which authors
will be notified of the Editor’s decision.
4. On a separate sheet, authors should provide: Title of the article, name and
title of the author, institutional affiliation, and email address.
5. Submissions should be sent by email to: [email protected].
6. Upon publication of accepted article, authors will receive a free copy of the
journal’s issue. They can also purchase the same issue at a thirty percent discount.
SUBSCRIPTION RATES PER ISSUE

(Institutional or Individual)
PhP 300 (local)

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All subscriptions and business correspondence should be addressed to:
The Editor
Tambara
Ateneo de Davao University
Jacinto Street, 8016 Davao City
Philippines
Email: [email protected]
TAMBARA
When the balatik appears in the sky, it is time for the yearly sacrifice.
All who are to prepare new fields or are to assist others in such work gather
to take part in the ceremonies honoring the spirits. For three days, the
men abstain from work. No music and dancing are allowed.
With the ending of the period of taboo, the workers go to the fields
and in the center of each, they place a tambara, a white dish containing
betel nut. This is an offering to Eugpamolak Manobo, besought to drive
away evil spirits, keep the workers in good health, allow an abundant
crop, and make the owners rich and happy.
Fay Cooper Cole
This journal has borrowed the Bagobo word tambara to emphasize the
commitment of the Ateneo de Davao University to serve the Ateneo
Community and the larger Mindanao region as a Filipino, Catholic and
Jesuit University.

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A MULTIDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL

ISSN 0117-6323 Volume 30, Issue No.2 (2013)

The Shortchange in ‘Building’ Concept:

HIV/AIDS Women and Spirituality

Anaerobic Digestion of Blackwater

Filipino Parental Involvement and Children’s Educational Performance

ALBERT E. ALEJO, SJ, Ateneo de Zamboanga University, Philippines

International Advisory Board

PATRICIO N. ABINALES, University of Hawaii-Manoa, USA

© 2013 by Ateneo de Davao University. All rights reserved. ISSN 0117-6323.

5-19 The Shortchange in ‘Building’ Concept:

21-34 HIV/AIDS Women and Spirituality

35-47 Anaerobic Digestion of Blackwater

49-72 Filipino Parental Involvement and

73-76 Jesuit Notes

77-93 Book Reviews and Previews

read by researchers and academicians is another thing. That concern can

abstract. The reference to development especially in two-thirds of the world to

inclusion, participation and heterogeneity. Thirdly, development is equated

in development will be presented. And third, by way of conclusion, an appeal

The Germane Value of Space in Agency and Urban Development

Jeremy Foster contends for an attentive regard to the importance of the

the city, be it physical or organizational, has to bear the brunt of constant

division; and 3) the forging of new frameworks and institutions of relations,

The conditioning of agency and urban development

As “space is produced by and reproduces social relations” (Costa Vargas

Conclusion and Appeal to Solidarity

By way of conclusion, let me reiterate in two points what I have attempted

The second consideration is that solidarity is a communicative practice, a

HIV/AIDS Women and Spirituality

TAMBARA 30, No.1 (2013): 21-34 — 21 — © 2013 Ateneo de Davao University

The Significance of “Care”

many ways it seems a vague and ambiguous concept, as a part of everyday

Spirituality and Spiritual Care

In this article, the author treats ‘spirituality’ as a conscious relating of

of transcendence and freedom. This freedom encompasses all of physical,

has given people a sense of well-being, improved quality of life, provided

Types of Spiritual Care Received by HIV/AIDS Women

Researchers claim that a relationship is the pivotal point around which

Faith and religious community

Religion is an important part of the daily lives of most people in India.

on HIV/AIDS at the United Nations (UN) General Assembly Special Session

HIV epidemic is an “exceptional” public health emergency requiring an

Anaerobic Digestion of Blackwater

abstract: This paper investigates the anaerobic biodegradability of blackwater and

TAMBARA 30, No.2 (2013): 35-47 — 35 — © 2013 Ateneo de Davao University

problems recognized from centralized WW management (Wilderer 2001,

Materials and Methods

Collection and preparation of inoculum and substrates

table 1: Characterization of the inoculum and substrates

Experimental Set-Up and Design

In each reactor, varying inoculum to substrate ratios (ISRs) were prepared.

Physical and Analytical Methods

table 2: Summary of analytical methods conducted for important WW quality parameters

Results and Discussion

Biogas production. The BW was anaerobically digested at four different

Biodegradability. A summary of the final pH, volatile solids

Anaerobic co-digestion of BW with other substrates

Biogas production. In the anaerobic co-digestion (ACD) experiments

Biodegradability. After twenty-eight days, the pH, VS and COD