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Dik Bakker and Martin Haspelmath (Eds.)
Languages Across Boundaries
Languages
Across Boundaries
Studies in Memory of Anna Siewierska
Edited by
Dik Bakker and Martin Haspelmath
ISBN 978-3-11-033103-5
e-ISBN 978-3-11-033112-7
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress.
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutschen Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available in the internet http://dnb.dnb.de.
© 2013 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Cover image: Stacey McDonald, AsspocketProductions.etsy.com
Portrait Anna Siewierska (p. vii): Z. Chomeniuk, Gdynia
Typesetting: Frank Benno Junghanns, Berlin
Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen
♾ Printed on acid-free paper
Printed in Germany
www.degruyter.com
Preface
On Tuesday 19 July 2011, Anna and I finished a co-authored article on suppletion

in person forms. It was the 19th article we had written together; we were not to
know that it would be the last. A few days later, we flew to Hong Kong in order
to attend the 9th Conference of the Association for Linguistic Typology (ALT), of
which Anna was president at the time. During earlier discussions by the ALT
board, Anna had managed to convince her colleagues that the 2011 conference
should be held in Asia rather than in Europe or the Americas, and preferably
in China. She saw the enormous potential for the ALT in that part of the world,
especially after a very successful trip we had made to universities in Beijing,
Xi’an and Shanghai two years earlier. After the conference, we left Hong Kong for
Hanoi and set out on a tour of Vietnam, a country that Anna had long wanted to
visit. Towards the end of our holiday, on 6 August 2011, near the town of Dalat, a
truck that was overtaking in the opposite direction ran into our minibus, hitting
the exact part of the vehicle where Anna was sitting. She died in my arms, on the
way to the hospital, just 55 years young, taking with her all that she still had to
give to the world, as a linguist, a teacher and a wonderful human being.
On 27 April 2012, the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in
Leipzig, where Anna had been a visiting scholar on several occasions over the
previous decade, organized a one-day memorial workshop for her. The work-
shop brought together many of the most prominent figures in the field of lin-
guistic typology and functional linguistics, who came to pay tribute to Anna, to
her work, her role in linguistics and above all to her. As a further tribute, it was
proposed to put together a joint special issue of Folia Linguistica and Linguistic
Typology, the respective journals of the Societas Linguistica Europaea (SLE) and
the ALT, two organizations of which Anna had been the president and an active
member, and in nearly every of whose conferences she had loyally participated
over the previous twenty years. However, De Gruyter Mouton, the publisher of
both journals, suggested that it would be a better idea to compile a book and
to distribute it to the combined membership of SLE and ALT, which together
numbers around 1400 linguists from around 75 countries all over the globe.
The result is in your hands. This book contains thirteen chapters (co-)
authored by nineteen leading scholars in the field – Anna’s peers, many of
whom she also counted as personal friends. She first met most of them at meet-
ings of the European Science Foundation’s eurotyp project (1990–1995) or at the
biennial conferences of the ALT, which were the natural sequel to it. Johan van
der Auwera chaired a eurotyp group, as did Anna, and both were part of the
eurotyp core group. Bernard Comrie was an advisory member of this group and
vi Preface
later regularly invited Anna over to the Max Planck Institute in Leipzig. Marianne
Mithun was Anna’s predecessor as president of the ALT and Johanna Nichols her
successor, while Christian Lehmann took over from Anna as president of the
SLE. Balthasar Bickel, Martin Haspelmath and Volker Gast organized Syntax of
the World’s Languages conferences in 2004 and 2008, while Anna organized the
2006 conference in Lancaster. Grev Corbett and (during his Manchester years)
Bill Croft were her closest typological colleagues in England. Through Bill, Anna
met Sonia Cristofaro, with whom she shared many a conference, many a lin-
guistic discussion and many a chat over the years, both on professional occa-
sions and privately. Andrej Malchukov she met several times at the Max Planck
Institute in Leipzig; with him she co-organized an SLE workshop and co-edited
a book on impersonal constructions. Andrej Kibrik was encouraged by Anna to
write a book proposal for the Oxford typology series, which resulted in his mono-
graph Reference in Discourse. Giorgo Iemmolo was invited by Anna for a stay
at Lancaster University. Alena Witzlack-Makarevich worked with Anna, Giorgio
and Balthasar on the Referential Hierarchies in Morphosyntax project (RHIM,
2009–2012). Denis Creissels invited Anna to Lyon.
Together, these colleagues and friends have written the chapters of this
book, which discuss some of Anna’s favourite topics in linguistics: typologi-
cal hierarchies, ditransitives and above all, since her seminal 2004 book on
the subject, person forms and person marking. I am extremely grateful to these
colleagues, who constitute, in my view, the cream of linguistic typologists, and
whose names will probably never be found together again as contributors to a
single volume. The book also contains the article that Anna and I finished before
we left on that fateful journey, as well as a comprehensive bibliography of her
work. So she is also very much present here herself.
I am also very grateful to De Gruyter Mouton, and above all to our friends
in their linguistics section in Berlin. It was they who suggested the idea for the
book and took care of its production, generously contributing to the expenses
involved. I would also like to express my gratitude to the boards of both the SLE
and the ALT, who immediately agreed to cover the remaining costs, thus making
it possible to distribute the book among the linguistic community on an unparal-
leled scale.
Finally, I am greatly indebted to my co-editor Martin Haspelmath, without
whom the book would not have been what I hope it is now. I first met Martin in
1987 when he was still an MA student. This was at the 14th International Congress
of Linguists, in what was then East Berlin. It was at the same conference that I
first met Anna.
Borders meant little to Anna. She was born in Poland, in Gdynia, but for long
periods, she lived and worked in other countries: Australia, the Netherlands and
viii Preface
England. Her real world was that of languages, which cannot be stopped by
borders. May this volume find its way to bookshelves and libraries all over the
planet, to linguists of all lands, and so help to perpetuate her memory, her work
and her dreams.
Dik Bakker
Contents
Preface v
Contributors xi
Bibliography of Anna Siewierska xii
Matthew Baerman and Greville G. Corbett

Person by other means 1
Balthasar Bickel, Giorgio Iemmolo, Taras Zakharko,

and Alena Witzlack-Makarevich
Patterns of alignment in verb agreement 15
Bernard Comrie
Human themes in Spanish ditransitive constructions 37
Denis Creissels
The generic use of the second person singular pronoun in Mandinka 53
Sonia Cristofaro
The referential hierarchy: reviewing the evidence in diachronic
perspective 69
William Croft
Agreement as anaphora, anaphora as coreference 95
Volker Gast and Johan van der Auwera

Towards a distributional typology of human impersonal pronouns,
based on data from European languages 119
Beate Hampe and Christian Lehmann

Partial coreference 159
Martin Haspelmath
Argument indexing: a conceptual framework for the syntactic status
of bound person forms 197
Andrej A. Kibrik
Peculiarities and origins of the Russian referential system 227
x Contents
Andrej L. Malchukov
Alignment preferences in basic and derived ditransitives 263
Marianne Mithun
Prosody and independence: free and bound person marking 291
Johanna Nichols
The origin and evolution of case-suppletive pronouns:
Eurasian evidence 313
Anna Siewierska and Dik Bakker

Suppletion in person forms: the role of iconicity and frequency 347
Index 397
Contributors
Matthew Baerman Giorgio Iemmolo

University of Surrey University of Zürich
[email protected] [email protected]
Dik Bakker Andrej A. Kibrik

Universities of Amsterdam & Lancaster Institute of Linguistics RAN
[email protected] and Lomonosov Moscow State University
[email protected]
Balthasar Bickel
University of Zürich Christian Lehmann
[email protected] University of Erfurt
[email protected]
Bernard Comrie
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Andrej L. Malchukov
Anthropology Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary
[email protected] Anthropology
[email protected]
Greville G. Corbett
University of Surrey Marianne Mithun
[email protected] University of California, Santa Barbara
[email protected]
Denis Creissels
University of Lyon Johanna Nichols
[email protected] University of California, Berkeley
[email protected]
Sonia Cristofaro
University of Pavia Anna Siewierska
[email protected] University of Lancaster
William Croft Johan van der Auwera

University of New Mexico University of Antwerp
Volker Gast Alena Witzlack-Makarevich

University of Jena University of Zürich
Beate Hampe Taras Zakharko

University of Erfurt University of Zürich
Martin Haspelmath
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary
Anthropology
[email protected]
Bibliography of Anna Siewierska
Monographs
Siewierska, Anna. 1980. The passive: a comparative study. M.A. Thesis, Monash University.
Siewierska, Anna. 1985. Word order and word order rules. Ph.D. dissertation, Monash
University.
Siewierska, Anna. 1984. The passive: a comparative linguistic analysis. London: Croom Helm.
Siewierska, Anna. 1988. Word Order Rules. London: Croom Helm.
Siewierska, Anna. 1991. Functional Grammar. London: Routledge.
Siewierska, Anna. 2004. Person. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Siewierska, Anna. 2008. Ren cheng fan chou = Person. Di 1 ban. (Yu Yan Xue Fan Chou Yan Jiu
Cong Shu). Beijing Shi: Beijing da xue chu ban she.
Edited volumes
Lehmann, Christian & Dik Bakker, Östen Dahl & Anna Siewierska (eds.). 1992. EUROTYP
Guidelines of the Committee on Computation and Standardization. Working Papers of the
European Science Foundation’s EUROTYP Project.
Siewierska, Anna (ed.). 1997. Constituent order in the Languages of Europe (Empirical
Approaches to Language Typology/EUROTYP 20-1). Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
Siewierska, Anna & Jae Jung Song (eds.). 1998. Case, grammar and typology: in honor of Barry
J. Blake. (Typological Studies in Language 38) Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Baker, Paul, Andrew Hardie, Tony McEnery & Anna Siewierska (eds.). 2000. Proceedings of the
Third Discourse Anaphora and Reference Resolution Colloquium (2000). UCREL Technical
Papers Volume 12 Special Issue. Department of Linguistics, Lancaster University.
Siewierska, Anna & Hawkins, John A. (eds.). 2003. Performance principles of word order.
(Working Paper (ESF Eurotype) 2).
Siewierska, Anna & Willem B. Hollmann (eds.). 2007. Ditransitivity. Special issue of Functions of
Language.
Siewierska, Anna (ed.). 2008. Impersonal constructions in grammatical theory. Special Issue of
Transactions of the Philological Society.
Malchukov, Andrej & Anna Siewierska (eds.). 2011. Impersonal constructions: a cross-linguistic
Perspective. (Studies in Language Companion Series, 124). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Articles
1983
Siewierska, Anna. 1983. Another theory of the passive that doesn’t work. Linguistics 21(4).
557–571.
1984
Siewierska, Anna. 1984. Phrasal discontinuity in Polish. Australian Journal of Linguistics 4(1).
57–71.
Siewierska, Anna. 1984. Relational Grammar and exceptions to the passive. Zeszyty Naukowe
Wydzialu Humanistycznego Uniwersytetu Gdanskiego 4. 27–39.
Bibliography of Anna Siewierska xiii
1987
Siewierska, Anna. 1987. Postverbal subject pronouns in Polish in the light of topic continuity
and the topic/focus distinction. In Jan Nuyts & Gerard de Schutter (eds.), Getting the Word
into Line: on word order and functional grammar, 147–161. (Functional Grammar Series 5).
Dordrecht: Foris Publications.
1988
Siewierska, Anna. 1988. Postposed subject pronouns in Polish. Kwartalnik Neofilogiczny 35(3).
315–330.
Siewierska, Anna. 1988. The passive in Slavic. In Mat Shibatani (ed.), Passive and Voice,
243–289. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Siewierska, Anna. 1988. Automatyczne rozumienie jezyka naturalnego w oparciu o analizy
skladniowe (Syntacitic based parsing strategies). Archiwum Computer Studio Kajkowski 2.
3–23.
1990
Siewierska, Anna. 1990. Fronting strategies in English. Zeszyty Naukowe Wydziału Humanistycz
nego Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego 9. 9–29.
Siewierska, Anna. 1990. The source of the dative perspective in Polish pseudo-reflexives. In
Mike Hannay & Elseline Vesters (eds.), Working with Functional Grammar: Descriptive and
Computational Applications, 1–14. Dordrecht: Foris Publications.
1991
Bakker, Dik & Anna Siewierska. 1991. A data base system for language typology. Working
Papers of the European Science Foundation’s EUROTYP Project 2(2). 1–42.
Siewierska, A. 1991. An overview of word order in Slavic languages. Working Papers of the
European Science Foundation’s EUROTYP Project 2(1). 66–99.
1992
Siewierska, Anna. 1992. Layers in FG and GB. Layered Structure and Reference in a Functional
Perspective, 409–432. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Siewierska, Anna. 1992 (1993). Pragmatic functions and the pragmatics of word order in FG: the
case of Polish. Proceedings of the international congress of linguists 15(1). 280–282.
Siewierska, Anna. 1992. Niet-subject-argumenten in Bantu talen: een FG analyse (Non-subject
arguments in Bantu: an FG analysis). Taal en Tekstwetenschap 10(1). 23–42.
Lehmann, Christian, Dik Bakker, Osten Dahl & Anna Siewierska. 1992. EUROTYP Guidelines.
Committee on Computations and Standardization. Working Papers of the European
Science Foundation’s EUROTYP Project.
1993
Bakker, Dik & Anna Siewierska. 1993. A contribution to constituent order explanations. Working
Bakker, Dik & Anna Siewierska. 1993. Computerprogramma’s voor taaltypologie [Computer
programs for language typology]. Gramma/Taal en Tekstwetenschap 2. 235–255.
Siewierska, Anna. 1993. On the interplay of factors in the determination of word order. In Joachim
Jacobs, Arnim von Stechow, Wolfgang Sternefeld & Theo Vennemann (eds.), Syntax: An Inter
national Handbook of Contemporary Research, Vol. 1, 826–846. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
xiv Bibliography of Anna Siewierska
Siewierska, Anna. 1993. On the ordering of subject agreement and tense affixes. Working
Siewierska, Anna. 1993. Semantic functions and theta-roles: convergences and divergences.
Working Papers in Functional Grammar 55. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam.
Siewierska, Anna. 1993. Syntactic weight vs information structure and word order variation in
Polish. Journal of Linguistics 29(2). 233–265.
Siewierska, Anna. 1993. Subject and object order in written Polish: some statistical data. Folia
Linguistica 27(1–2). 147–170.
1994
Siewierska, Anna. 1994. The relationship between affix and main clause constituent order.
In Brigitta Haftka (ed.), Was determiniert Vorstellungsvariation? Studien zu einem
Interaktionsfeld von Grammatik, Pragmatik und Sprachtypologie, 63–76. Opladen: West-
deutscher Verlag.
Siewierska, Anna. 1994. Word order and linearization. In R. E. Asher & J. M. Y. Simpson (eds.),
The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 4993–4999. Oxford: Pergamon.
1995
Siewierska, Anna. 1995. On the coding of grammatical relations. In P. H. Franses, A. de Klein, J.
van Kuppevelt, V. Mamahdou en J. van der Zee (eds.), Van frictie tot wetenschap: Jaarboek
Vereniging van Akademie-onderzoekers, 107–116. KNAW.
1996
Siewierska, Anna & Dik Bakker. 1996. The distribution of subject and object agreement and
word order type. Studies in Language 20(1). 115–161.
Siewierska, Anna. 1996. Word order type and alignment type. Sprachtypologie und Universa-
lienforschung 49(2). 149–176.
1997
Siewierska, Anna. 1997. The formal realization of case and agreement marking: a functional
perspective. In Anne-Marie Simon-Vandenbergen, Kristin Davidse & Dirk Noël (eds.),
Reconnecting language: morphology and syntax in functional perspectives (Current Issues
in Linguistic Theory 154), 181–210. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Siewierska, Anna. 1997. Introduction. In Anna Siewierska (ed.), Constituent order in the
Languages of Europe, 1–18. Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
Siewierska, Anna. 1997. Variation in major constituent order: a global and a European
perspective. In Anna Siewierska (ed.), Constituent order in the Languages of Europe,
475–551. Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
Siewierska, Anna & Ludmila Uhlířová. 1997. An overview of word order in Slavic languages. In
Anna Siewierska (ed.), Constituent order in the Languages of Europe, 105–149. Berlin &
New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
Siewierska, Anna, Jan Rijkhoff & Dik Bakker. 1997. Appendix – 12 word order variables in the
languages of Europe. In Anna Siewierska (ed.), Constituent order in the Languages of
Europe, 783–812. Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
1998
Siewierska, Anna. 1998. From passive to inverse. In Anna Siewierska & Jae Jung Song (eds.),
Case, grammar and typology: in honor of Barry J. Blake, 229–246. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Bibliography of Anna Siewierska xv
Siewierska, Anna. 1998. Languages with and without objects: the Functional Grammar
approach. Languages in Contrast 1(2). 173–190.
Siewierska, Anna. 1998. Polish main clause constituent order and FG pragmatic functions. In
Mike Hannay & A. Machtelt Bolkestein (eds.), Functional Grammar and verbal interaction,
243–266. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Siewierska, Anna. 1998. Nominal and verbal person marking. Linguistic Typology 2(1). 1–53.
1999
Siewierska, Anna. 1999. From anaphoric pronoun to grammatical agreement marker: Why objects
don’t make it. Folia Linguistica 33(1–2). 225–251.
Siewierska, Anna. 1999. Reduced pronominals and argument prominence. In Miriam Butt & Tracy
Holloway (eds.), Proceedings of the LFG 99 Conference, 119–150. Stanford: CSLI Publications.
2000
Siewierska, Anna. 2000. On the origins of the order of agreement and tense markers. Historical
Linguistics 1995: selected papers from the 12th International Conference on Historical
Linguistics, Manchester, August 1995, vol. General Issues and Non-Germanic Languages,
377–392. (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 161). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Siewierska, Anna. 2000. Annotated bibliography of typology. In Annotated Bibliography of
English Studies. Vol 108. Theoretical Linguistics. Amsterdam: Swets and Zeitlinger.
2001
Siewierska, Anna. 2001. Order correlations between free and bound possessors: perspectives
from diachronic change. In Walter Bisang (ed.), Aspects of typology and universals, 133–152.
(Studia Typologica 1). Berlin: Akademie Verlag.
Siewierska, Anna. 2001. On the argument status of cross-referencing forms. In Maria Jesus Pérez
Quintero (ed.), Challenges and developments in functional grammar (Revisita Canaria de
Estudios Ingleses 4). 215–236.
2002
Bakker, Dik & Anna Siewierska. 2002. Adpositions, the lexicon and expression rules. In Ricardo
Mairal Usón & María Jesús Pérez Quintero (eds.), New perspectives on argument structure
in Functional Grammar, 125–178. Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
Siewierska, Anna. 2002. Word order. In Neil J. Smelser & Paul B. Baltes (eds.), International
Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences: Amsterdam/Lausanne/New York/
Oxford/Shannon/Singapore/Tokyo: Elsevier. 16552–16555.
2003
Siewierska, Anna. 2003. Reduced pronominals and argument prominence. In Miriam Butt & Tracy
Holloway (eds.), Nominals: Inside and Out, 119–150. Stanford: CSLI Publications..
Siewierska, Anna. 2003. Person agreement and the determination of alignment. Transactions
of the Philological Society 101(2). 339–370.
2004
Bakker, Dik & Anna Siewierska. 2004. Towards a Speaker model of Functional Grammar.
In J. Lachlan Mackenzie & Maria de los Angeles (eds.), A New Architecture for Functional
Grammar, 325–364. Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
xvi Bibliography of Anna Siewierska
Hengeveld, Kees & Jan Rijkhoff & Anna Siewierska. 2004. Parts-of-speech systems and word
order. Journal of Linguistics 40(3). 527–570.
Siewierska, Anna. 2004. On the discourse basis of person agreement. In Tuija Virtanen (ed.),
Approaches to Cognition through Text and Discourse, 31–46. (Trends in Linguistic Studies
and Monographs 147). Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
2005
Siewierska, Anna & Dik Bakker. 2005. The agreement cross-reference continuum: Person marking
in Functional Grammar. In Casper de Groot & Kees Hengeveld (eds.), Morphosyntactic
expression in Functional Grammar, 203–248. (Functional Grammar Series 27). Berlin &
New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
Siewierska, Anna. 2005. Gender in personal pronouns. In Martin Haspelmath, Matthew S. Dryer,
David Gil, & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World Atlas of Language Structure, 182–185. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Siewierska, Anna. 2005. Alignment of verbal person marking. In Martin Haspelmath, Matthew
S. Dryer, David Gil, & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World Atlas of Language Structure, 406–409.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Siewierska, Anna. 2005. Verbal person marking. In Martin Haspelmath, Matthew S. Dryer, David
Gil, & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World Atlas of Language Structure, 414–417. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Siewierska, Anna. 2005. Third-person zero of verbal person marking. In Martin Haspelmath,
Matthew S. Dryer, David Gil, & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World Atlas of Language Structure,
418–421. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Siewierska, Anna. 2005. Order of person agreement markers. In Martin Haspelmath, Matthew
S. Dryer, David Gil, & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World Atlas of Language Structure, 422–425.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Siewierska, Anna. 2005. Passive constructions. In Martin Haspelmath, Matthew S. Dryer, David
Gil, & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World Atlas of Language Structure, 434–437. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
2006
Hollmann, Willem B. & Anna Siewierska. 2006. Corpora and other methods in the study of
Lancashire dialect. Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 54(1). 21–34.
Siewierska, Anna & Dik Bakker. 2006. Inclusive and exclusive in free and bound person forms.
In Filimonova, Elena (ed.), Clusivity: Typology and case studies of the inclusive-exclusive
distinction, 149–176. (Typological Studies in Language 63). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Siewierska, Anna & Dik Bakker. 2006. Bi-directional vs. uni-directional asymmetries in the
encoding of semantic distinctions in free and bound person forms. In Terttu Nevalainen,
Juhani Klemola & Mikko Laitinen (eds.), Types of variation: diachronic, dialectal and
typological interfaces, 21–52. (Studies in Language Companion Series,76) Amsterdam:
Benjamins.
Siewierska, Anna. 2006. Word order and linearization. In Keith Brown (ed.), Encyclopedia of
Language and Linguistics, 13(2). 642–649. Oxford: Elsevier.
Siewierska, Anna. 2006. Linguistic typology: where functionalism and formalism almost meet.
In Anna Duszak & Urszula Okulska (eds.), Bridges and barriers in metalinguistic discourse,
57–76. Berlin: Peter Lang.
Bibliography of Anna Siewierska xvii
2007
Bakker, Dik & Anna Siewierska. 2007. Another take on the notion Subject. In Mike Hannay & Gerard
J. Steen (eds.), Structural-functional studies in English grammar: in honour of Lachlan
Mackenzie, 141–158. (Studies in Language Companion Series 83). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Bakker, Dik & Anna Siewierska. 2007. The implementation of grammatical functions in Functional
Discourse Grammar. Alfa – Revista de Linguistica 52. 269–292.
Hollmann, Willem B. & Anna Siewierska. 2007. A construction grammar account of possessive
constructions in Lancashire dialect: some advantages and challenges. English Language
and Linguistics 11(2). 407–424.
Siewierska, Anna & Dik Bakker. 2007. Bound person forms in ditransitive clauses revisited.
Functions of Language 14(1). 103–125.
Siewierska, Anna & Willem B. Hollmann. 2007. Introduction. Functions of Language 14(1). 1–7.
Siewierska, Anna & Willem B. Hollmann. 2007. Ditransitive clauses in English with special
reference to Lancashire dialect. In Mike Hannay & Gerard J. Steen (eds.), Structural-functional
studies in English grammar: in honour of Lachlan Mackenzie, 85–104. (Studies in Language
Companion Series 83). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
2008
Siewierska, Anna. 2008. Ways of impersonalizing: pronominal vs. verbal strategies. In María
Ángeles Gómez-González, J. Lachlan Mackenzie & Elsa González Álvarez (eds.), Current
Trends in Contrastive Linguistics, 27–61. (Studies in Funtional and Structural Linguistics
60). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Siewierska, Anna. 2008. Introduction: Impersonalization from a subject‐centred vs. agent‐centred
perspective. Transactions of the Philological Society 106(2). 1–23.
2009
Siewierska, Anna & Dik Bakker. 2009. Case and alternative strategies: word order and agreement
marking. In Andrej Malchukov & Andrew Spencer (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Case,
290–303. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bakker, Dik & Anna Siewierska. 2009. Weighing semantic distinctions in person forms. In
Johannes Helmbrecht, Yoko Nishina, Yong-Min Shin, Stavros Skopeteas & Elisabeth
Verhoeven (eds.), Form and function in language research: papers in honour of Christian
Lehmann, 25–56. (Trends in Linguistics 210). Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.
Siewierska, Anna. 2009. Semantics. In Jonathan Culpeper, Francis Katamba, Paul Kerswill, Ruth
Wodak, and Tony McEnery (eds.), English language: description, variation and context,
186–201. London: Palgrave.
Siewierska, Anna. 2009. Person asymmetries in zero expression and grammatical function. In
Franck Floricic (ed.), Essais de linguistique générale et de typologie linguistique offerts au
Professeur Denis Creissels à l’occasion de ses 65 ans, 425–438. Paris: Presses de L’École
Normale Superieure.
2010
Siewierska, Anna, Jiajin Xu & Richard Xiao. 2010. Bang-le yi ge da mang (offered a big helping
hand): a corpus study of the splittable compounds in spoken and written Chinese.
Language Sciences 32(4). 464–487.
Siewierska, Anna. 2010. From third plural to passive: Incipient, emergent and established passives.
Diachronica 27(1). 73–109.
xviii Bibliography of Anna Siewierska
Siewierska, Anna. 2010. Person forms. In Jae Jung Song (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic
Typology, 322–343. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Siewierska, Anna. 2011. Implicational universals. In Patrick Colm Hogan (ed.), The Cambridge
Encyclopedia of the Language Sciences, 279–281 . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
2011
Hollmann, Willem B. & Anna Siewierska. 2011. The status of frequency, schemas, and identity in
Cognitive Sociolinguistics: A case study on definite article reduction. Cognitive Linguistics
22(1). 25–54.
Siewierska, Anna & Maria Papastathi. 2011. Third person plurals in the languages of Europe:
typological and methodological issues. Linguistics 43(2). 575–610.
Siewierska, Anna. 2011. Overlap and complementarity in reference impersonals: Man-construc-
tions vs. third person plural-impersonals in the languages of Europe. In Andrej Malchukov
& Anna Siewierska (eds.), Impersonal Constructions: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective,
57–90. (Studies in Language Companion Series 124). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Yan, Yi & Anna Siewierska. 2011. Referential impersonal constructions in Mandarin. In Andrej
Malchukov & Anna Siewierska (eds.), Impersonal Constructions: A Cross-Linguistic Perspec
tive, 547–580. (Studies in Language Companion Series 124). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
2012
Siewierska, Anna & Dik Bakker. 2012. Three takes on grammatical relations: a view from the
languages of Europe and North and Central Asia. In Pirkko Suihkonen & Bernard Comrie
(eds.), Argument structure and grammatical relations: a crosslinguistic typology, 295–323.
(Studies in Language Companion Series 126). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
2013
Siewierska, Anna. 2013. Functional and Cognitive Grammars. In Keith Allan (ed.), The Oxford
Handbook of The History of Linguistics, 485–502. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Siewierska, Anna & Dik Bakker. 2013. Passive agents: prototypical vs. canonical passives. In
Greville Corbett et al. (eds.), Canonical morphology and syntax, 151–189. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Ponsford, Dan, Willem Hollmann & Anna Siewierska. 2013. Sources of BET. Functions of Language
20(1). 90–124.
Siewierska, Anna & Dik Bakker. 2013. Suppletion in person forms: the role of iconicity and
frequency. This volume.
Reviews by Anna Siewierska

McCawley, James D. 1989. Adverbs, Vowels and Other Objects of Wonder. Studies in Language
11(2). 479–485.
Givón, T. 1992. Syntax. A Functional Typological Introduction. Forum der Letteren 33(4). 308–311.
Payne, Doris L. 1992. The Pragmatics of Word Order. Typological Dimensions of Verb Initial
Languages. Journal of Linguistics 28. 256–260.
Klaiman, M. H. 1993. Grammatical Voice. Linguistics 31. 398–401.
Nichols, Johanna. 1994. Linguistic Diversity in Space and Time. Linguistics 32. 148–153.
Payne, Doris L. 1995. Pragmatics of Word Order Flexibility. Journal of Linguistics 31. 458–463.
Bibliography of Anna Siewierska xix
É. Kiss, Katalin (ed.). 1998. Discourse Configurational Languages. Journal of Linguistics 34(1).
257–261.
McGregor, William B. 2000. Semiotic Grammar. Functions of Language 7(1). 168–172.
Haspelmath, Martin, Ekkehard König, Wulf Oesterreicher & Wolfgang Raible (eds.). 2004.
Language typology and language universals: an international handbook. Journal of
Linguistics 40(3). 683–687.
Butler, C. S. 2005. Structure and Function – A Guide to three Major Structural-Functional
Theories. 1&2.
Falk, Yehuda N. 2008. Subjects and Universal Grammar. Journal of Linguistics 44(1). 530–534.
Reviews of Anna’s books

Pinkster, Harm. 1987. Review of The Passive. A Comparative Linguistic Analysis. Journal of
Linguistics 23(1). 247.
Gebruers, Rudi. 1994. Anna Siewierska on functional grammar. Functions of Language 1(1).
129–144.
Blake, Barry. 1999. Constituent order in the languages of Europe. Journal of Linguistics 35.
645–650.
Haverkort, Marco. 1999. Constituent order in the languages of Europe. Studies in Language.
23(3). 700–709.
Robinson, S. 2000. Case, typology and grammar: In honor of Barry J Blake. Language 76(2). 468.
Vogel, Petra Maria. 2001. Case, typology and grammar: In honor of Barry J. Blake. Studies in
Language. 25(1). 167–173.
Obituaries
Cornillie, Bert, Ruth Wodak & Johan van der Auwera. 2011. In memoriam Anna Siewierska
(25 December 1955 – 6 August 2011). Folia Linguistica 45(2). 549–554.
Abraham, Werner, Balthasar Bickel, Bernard Comrie & Ekkehard König. 2011. Anna Siewierska
(1955–2011). Studies in Language 4. 737–738.
Blake, Barry J, Willem Hollmann, Nigel Vincent & Anne Wichmann. 2012. Obituary for Anna
Siewierska (1955–2011). Functions of Language 19(1). 2–3.
Forthcoming
Siewierska, Anna. (to appear). Passive agents: Canonical vs. Prototypical Passives. In Greville
Corbett et al. (eds.), Towards a Canonical Typology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Siewierska, Anna. (to appear). Semantics. In J. Culpeper, F. Katamba, P. Kerswill, T. McEnery &
R. Wodak (eds.). London: Palgrave.
Siewierska, Anna. (to appear). The syntagmatic iconicity of person forms: a comparison across
Languages. In W. Kubinski & D. Stachowiak (eds.), Beyond Philology.
Siewierska, Anna. (to appear). Historical and universal-typological linguistics. In Linda R.
Waugh, John E. Joseph and Monique Monville-Burston (eds.), Cambridge History of
Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Matthew Baerman and Greville G. Corbett
Person by other means1
Person by other means
1 Introduction
As Anna Siewierska notes (2004: 8) ‘the universality of person as a grammatical
category is sometimes called into question.’ And indeed, in some languages, an
interesting minority, it is not obvious whether there is a person feature as part
of the morphosyntactic system or not. We find conflicting analyses of individual
languages, and there are instances of intriguingly similar systems being anal-
ysed differently, because of distinct traditions. Cross-linguistically there is a rela-
tively short list of features which are genuinely morphosyntactic; that is, they are
referred to by rules of syntax and by rules of inflectional morphology. Person is
often such a feature, being referred to by rules of agreement, and being relevant
to verbal inflection. Such morphosyntactic features are to be distinguished from
purely morphological features, such as inflectional class, which allow general-
izations across lexemes but which are not accessible to rules of syntax. While
languages in which person is straightforwardly a morphosyntactic feature are
numerous and well-known, we are concerned here with languages where its
expression is bound up with that of another feature, namely gender, so that its
status is far from certain. We consider several such instances, from different lin-
guistic and geographical areas.
Consider first this paradigm, traditionally laid out, of verb agreement forms
from Archi, a Daghestanian language of the Lezgic group.
(1) Gender-number markers for the verb ‘be’ in the present tense in Archi
(Kibrik et al. 1977a: 55, 63)
number
gender singular plural
i (male human) w-i

b-i
ii (female human) d-i
iii (some animates, all insects, some inanimates) b-i

Ø-i
iv (some animates, some inanimates, abstracts) Ø-i
1 The support of the European Research Council (grant ERC-2008-AdG-230268 MORPHOLOGY)

and of the Arts and Humanities Research Council (grant AH/I027193/1 From competing theories
to fieldwork) is gratefully acknowledged.
2 Matthew Baerman and Greville G. Corbett
There are four gender values, glossed with the Roman numerals i-iv, with the
semantic assignments indicated. For some agreement targets the markers may be
prefixal, as in 1), for others infixal, and there are interesting syncretisms. Agree-
ment is always with the absolutive argument but not all verbs show agreement.
Here are examples with a verb which has infixal agreement:2
(2) bošor a<w>χu

man(i)[sg.abs] <i.sg>lie.down.pfv
‘the man lay down’
(3) kɬele a<b>χu

man(i)pl.abs <i/ii.pl> lie.down.pfv
‘the men lay down’ (Marina Chumakina, fieldwork)
Bošor ‘man’ in (2) above belongs to gender i, and it has a suppletive plural, kɬele.
Comparable examples can be given for the other gender values. By and large
gender agreement is simply a matter of matching the gender of the controller.
The traditional paradigm has no mention of person, and in the singular part of
the paradigm, it indeed plays no role, since personal pronouns take the expected
gender-number agreement:
(4) zon d-irχːʷin

1sg.abs ii.sg-work.ipfv
‘I work’ (woman speaking) (Kibrik et al. 1977b: 117)
In (4) we may label the pronoun as first person singular, but there is no evidence
for person on the verb, which is gender ii singular. That is, the verb agrees, in
gender and number, but shows no evidence of person. The same is found with the
second person singular pronoun:
(5) un hanžugur da-qˤa?

2sg.abs what.way ii.sg-come.pfv
‘How did you get here?’ (to a woman) (Kibrik et al. 1977b: 121)
2 For examples (2), (3), (6) and (7) we thank Marina Chumakina and our Archi consultants, espe-
cially Bulbul Musaeva, Zumzum Magomedova and Dzhalil Samedov.
The third person pronouns, singular and plural, have the expected gender and
number agreements (four genders, two numbers). Now consider the first and
second person pronouns in the plural:
(6) nen aχu

1pl.excl.abs [iii/iv.pl]lie.down.pfv
‘We lay down.’
(7) žʷen aχu

2pl.abs [iii/iv.pl]lie.down.pfv
‘You (plural) lay down.’ (Marina Chumakina, fieldwork)
The agreement form is that of the genders iii and iv in the plural. Yet the first and
second person pronouns are used practically always of humans.3 This is indeed
a curious relation between gender and person. One analysis, that of Kibrik et al.
(1977a), treats the pronouns as irregular lexical items; their irregularity is seen in
terms of gender. If this were an isolated pattern it might indeed be best to treat it
as a lexical peculiarity. But rare though it is, it does turn up in other languages in
the world, which suggests that something more systematic is going on. To make
comparison clearer, consider the table in (8a) below, in which the paradigm in
(1) is reconfigured with person agreement information factored in. Recall that in
Archi genders i and ii are for nouns with human referents, genders iii and iv are
for non-humans. In the singular there is only gender agreement (with no indica-
tion of person). In the plural, however, first and second person take the same
form as the non-human genders. Now compare the Archi paradigm (8a) with one
from Ingush (8b). (Archi is from the Daghestanian branch of Nakh-Daghestanian
and Ingush from the Nakh branch.) Though the forms and inventory of genders
are somewhat different, the pattern is essentially the same, with first and second
person plural taking the same agreement form as (one set of) inanimates. (Note
that the names that Nichols uses for the non-human genders are simply based on
their typical agreement forms in the singular and the plural.)
3 Pronouns may be omitted in Archi, and to date we have no evidence that the pronouns of inter-
est, as in (6) and (7), behave any differently from the others in this respect.
(8) a. Archi ‘be.prs’ b. Ingush ‘be.prs’ (Nichols 2011: 143, 431)
singular plural singular plural

i (masc) w-i 1 masc v-y j/j j-y
ii (fem) d-i 2 fem 1
Ø-i j-y
iii b-i iii j/j 2
d-y
iv Ø-i iv b/b b/d
b-y
i (3 masc) b/d d/d
b-i
ii (3 fem) d/d d-y b/b
3 masc b-y
3 fem
Now consider the paradigms in (9) below, from much further afield: (9a) is from
Tucano (Tucanoan, Columbia), and (9b) is from Krongo (Kadugli, Sudan).4 Again we
find first and second person taking the same agreement form as inanimates, though
in these cases it is not restricted to the plural: in Tucano number is not distin-
guished at all for these values, and in Krongo the plural is not sensitive to gender.
(9) a. Tucano ‘do’ (West & Welch 2004: 37) b. Krongo ‘saw’ (Reh 1985: 186)
1 1
2 wee-Ɂe 2 n-àasàlà
3 neut 3 neut k-àasàlà
3 masc wee-mí 3 masc àasàlà

wee-má
3 fem wee-mó 3 fem m-àasàlà
4 Another possible representative of this sort of system is Andoke, a language isolate of Colum-
bia. Witte (1977: 55) gives the paradigm for the word (or part of speech) he terms the copulative, in
which third person arguments show six gender distinctions. First and second person arguments
take the same agreement forms as the third person neuter. However, Landaburu (1979: 112f, 159),
who calls this the assertif, gives a fuller but at the same time rather different picture. The forms
which correspond to those given by Witte are morphologically analyzed as a lexical base plus
suffixed demonstrative pronoun, but in addition he gives forms with the first and second person
(singular and plural) suffixed too, yielding full person agreement. Unfortunately, none of the ex-
amples in Witte’s text would involve first or second person agreement anyway, so it is impossible
to know what to make of this discrepancy.
It seems clear that both gender and person are involved in the paradigms in (8)
and (9), but how can we account for the unusual configuration that they share?
If we take the Nakh-Daghestanian examples as a point of departure, this sug-
gests a fundamental asymmetry between gender and person in these paradigms.
The inflectional markers are primarily gender markers; indeed, in most of the
languages of this family they are exclusively gender markers. From that per-
spective these paradigms are made up of gender markers whose distribution has
been perturbed by values of person. We therefore suggest the following possible
interpretation of the interaction of gender and person in the Nakh-Daghestanian,
Tucano and Krongo paradigms:
–– In each paradigm there are only gender-number forms, but no person forms
as such.
–– In each paradigm there is a default form, which serves for the neuter (or one
of the non-human genders).
–– Gender agreement is restricted to third person arguments in part of the system
(the plural in Archi) or all of the system.
–– First and second person, since they lack gender agreement, take the default
form.
–– Person marking is thus a by-product of this restriction on the distribution of
gender agreement.
–– On this interpretation, the patterns in (8) and (9) are a result of gender agree-
ment being restricted to third person arguments. This mirrors the familiar
restriction of pronominal gender distinctions to third person (Siewierska
2004: 104–105), which is found in these languages as well, so it appears
that this pattern is not entirely arbitrary. On the other hand, it is very rare,
so that the mere fact that we may have a ready explanation at hand is not
enough to show that the pattern itself is more than an accident. A useful next
step, therefore, will be to look at comparative evidence, particularly from
the Tucanoan family. This evidence suggests that the proposal, based on the
restriction of gender agreement, may be on the right track.
2 Tucanoan evidence
The basic elements of the system described above are found through the whole
Tucanoan family, but with numerous subtle and not-so-subtle variants. In some
cases these provide further support for the analysis proposal above. In other
cases, they caution against an overly facile interpretation of the data. Two key
elements of our proposal find support in the Tucanoan languages. First, that a
person-based restriction on gender agreement is a distinct notion from person

agreement. Second, that the characteristic shape of these paradigms is due to the
interplay of forms with gender agreement and an underspecified ‘elsewhere’ form.
Evidence that we can treat apparent person marking as the surface manifes-
tation of a person-based restriction on gender agreement comes particularly from
Orejón (Western Tucanoan, southern branch). Before highlighting the relevant
points, it should be noted that Orejón differs from the languages presented so far,
in that there are only two genders, masculine and feminine, and nouns which
denote inanimates take masculine agreement. With that in mind, consider first
the indicative present-future paradigm in (10a) below. This is in effect the two-
gender analogue of the Tucano paradigm, with gender agreement in the third
person singular, and one form for the rest of the singular. Contrast this with the
corresponding interrogative paradigm in (10b). Each paradigm comprises four
suffixes which, while not identical (two of the four differ slightly), are clearly
morphologically related. But the striking fact is that their distribution is differ-
ent: while in the indicative the gender-agreeing suffixes are restricted to the third
person singular, in the interrogative their range is extended to the second person
singular. This can be seen even more clearly in the past tense paradigms (10c,d),
which have only three forms each: two gender-agreeing forms, and a single form
for the rest. The indicative and interrogative paradigms thus have different con-
figurations of person syncretism, as a consequence, we would contend, of differ-
ing restrictions on gender agreement.
(10) Orejón suffixes (Velie & Velie 1981: 123f)
a. indicative present-future b. interrogative present-future
fem masc fem masc

1sg 1sg -yi
-yi
2sg 2sg
-ko -kɨ
3sg -ko -hɨ 3sg
pl -yo pl -ye
c. indicative past d. interrogative past
fem masc fem masc

pl pl
-de
1sg -bɨ 1sg
2sg 2sg
-go -gɨ
3sg -go -gɨ 3sg
Note, however, that the nature of these restrictions is not entirely clear. It is temp-
ting to see them as morphosyntactic, in the way that the restriction on plural
agreement to animate arguments, also a characteristic of the Tucanoan langua-
ges, surely is. In at least some languages, however, we cannot treat the restriction
as morphosyntactic. Consider Tucano again. Many verbal constructions involve a
nominal form, termed gerundive in the description. The nominal form marks gen-
der-number using suffixes identical to those found on nouns, as in (11) below.5
This gerundive forms a periphrastic construction together with an auxiliary verb
(the verb ‘do’ shown above in (9a)). But while the auxiliary displays the appar-
ent person-based restrictions on gender agreement, the gerundive does not. The
result is a periphrastic construction, such as that shown in (12) below, whose
individual members display different gender agreement patterns. If we treat this
as a single agreement domain, then clearly the gender restriction is morphologi-
cal and not morphosyntactic.
(11) Tucano nominal forms (West & Welch 2004: 37, 81, 85)
a. gerundive ‘wash’ b. comparable suffixes on nouns
singular plural acaweré-gʉ ‘male relative’

masc coe-gʉ acaweré-go ‘female relative’
coe-rã
fem coe-go
acaweré-rã ‘relatives’
neut coe-ro
acá-ro ‘box’
(12) Tucano present progressive paradigm (gerundive + auxiliary) ‘is washing’;

the non‑agreeing default form of the auxiliary is shown in boldface (West
& Welch 2004: 37)
singular plural
1 masc
coe-gʉ wee-Ɂe
2 masc
3 masc coe-gʉ wee-mí
1 fem coe-rã wee-má
coe-go wee-Ɂe
2 fem
3 fem coe-go wee-mó
3 neut coe-ro wee-Ɂe
5 The noun system includes a large number of different singular and plural suffixes, but ge-
rundive inflection is limited to this set of four. Note that inanimate count nouns typically have a
distinct plural form (e.g. acá-ri ‘boxes’), but always take singular agreement.
In most other Eastern Tucanoan languages the auxiliary element is suffixed to

the nominal form; this means that the morphological unity of the construction is
even more apparent, as in the non-past conjectural paradigm of Carapana in (13)
below. Note here that the syncretic auxiliary form is simply zero.
(13) Carapana non-past conjectural ‘work’ (Metzger 2000: 154)
singular plural
1 masc
paa-ʉ
2 masc
3 masc paa-ʉ-mi
1 fem paa-rã
paa-o
2 fem
3 fem paa-o-mo
3 neut paa-ro
The second key element of our proposal is that the non-gender-agreeing form
should be treated as a default form. This of course is an easy way to explain away
forms with an eclectic paradigmatic distribution, but there are some positive indi-
cations. First, if there is any zero exponence in the paradigm, it realizes the non-
gender-agreeing cells. This was already apparent in (13), and can be more clearly
seen in Macuna in (14), also from the Eastern Tucanoan branch, where the first
person/second person/third person neuter form has no suffix.
(14) Macuna present ‘fall’ (Frank, Smothermon & Smothermon 1995: 48)
singular plural
2 kedia
3 neut
3 masc kedia-bĩ
kedia-bã
3 fem kedia-bõ
Still, in spite of what is often assumed, there is no necessary connection between

zero exponence and underspecification. Perhaps more telling then is the evi-
dence from Cubeo (Eastern Tucanoan, as is Tucano). In (15) below, consider first
the middle paradigm (15b), illustrating the so-called class I unmarked evidential
forms. Class I and class II refer to tense-aspect distinctions whose actual inter-
pretation depends on the lexical class (stative/dynamic) of the verb. The shape
of the paradigm is exactly that of the Tucano paradigm shown above in (9a). In
Cubeo, there is a suffix -wɨ found in the first and second person, and the third
person neuter. The other two paradigms (15a) and (15c) have a form ‑awı̃, which
is similar to -wɨ, and which we speculate is related, though the evidence is uncer-
tain.6 On the assumption that -wɨ and ‑awɨ̃ can be equated, the differences in their
distribution are interesting to consider. In the class II paradigm in (15a), the range
of this affix is restricted by dedicated suffixes for first person singular and first
person plural (exclusive), while in the assumed remote past (15c), this suffix is
used throughout. This pattern can be understood if we think of -wɨ/‑awɨ̃ as being
unspecified both for person and gender, and so being used as an ‘elsewhere’ form
just in case no more specific suffix has been assigned.
(15) Cubeo (Chacon 2012: 270, 272f)

a. class II tense-aspect
b. class I tense-aspect c. assumed
remote past
1 masc -ka-kɨ
-ka-rã
1 fem -ka-ko
-wɨ
2
-awɨ̃ -kẽbã-awɨ̃
3 neut
3 masc -ãbe -bi

-ibã -bã
3 fem -ako -biko
The Cubeo data also illustrate an additional complication to our account. If

we contrast the class II paradigm to the class I paradigm, we see a spreading
of gender agreement from the third person to the first person. Superficially we
might compare this to the behaviour seen above in the interrogative paradigms
in Orejón in (10b), where gender agreement is extended from the third person to
the second, but there is an important difference. In Cubeo there is a bona fide first
person marker -ka, which in turn serves as a host for gender markers, which are in
6 Chacon (2012) equates the forms in (15a) and (15c), while Maxwell & Morse (1999: 43f) in their
description give the form of the assumed remote past as -kebã-wɨ, and explicitly relate its termi-
nal -wɨ with that found in (15c), thus equating (15b) and (15c). Combining these views suggests
that the idea that there is a diachronic relationship between all three is not implausible.
fact distinct from the gender markers found in the third person. The extension of
gender marking to the first person thus seems to depend on the 1st person suffix
-ka, and is not an independent phenomenon.
Thus, not all variant gender-person configurations in the Tucanoan lan-
guages can be attributed to the same factors. A particularly striking deviation is
found in the Wanano (Eastern Tucanoan, northern branch) paradigm shown in
(16a) below, which is practically the mirror image of the Tucano paradigm in (9a):
it has gender agreement only in the first and second person. But judging by the
suffixes, this paradigm has a different origin. The Wanano suffixes correspond
not to the verbal suffixes of Tucano, but to the nominal gerundive suffixes in (11a)
(shown again in 16b)7, which distinguish gender only, not person. The major dif-
ferences in Wanano with respect to Tucano are that (i) the suffix -ro, which is
neuter in many of the other Eastern Tucanonan languages, has been generalized
as a gender-neutral third person singular suffix (paralleling the gender-neutral
use of -ro in the noun system; see Stenzel 2004: 128), and (ii) the plural has a
parallel first/second versus third person split, mirroring the contrast in the noun
system between the plural suffix for higher animates (-na) versus general animate
‑a; see Stenzel (2004: 138).
(16) a. Wanano ‘sell.fut’ (Waltz 1976: 30) b. Tucano gerundive ‘wash’
1 masc
ta-cʉ-hca masc coe-gʉ
2 masc
ta-na-hca coe-rã
1 fem
ta-co-hca fem coe-go
2 fem
3 ta-ro-hca ta-a-hca neut coe-ro
Both the singular and plural forms of Wanano are of particular interest because
they manifest person marking through morphology which originally was uncon-
nected with person distinctions, and they do so through means distinct from that
seen in the other examples in this article.
7 The resemblance between Wanano -co, -cʉ and -ro and Tucano -go, -gʉ and -ro is clear. Wa-
nano -na and Tucano -rã are also likely to be related (Tucano /r/ is actually realized as a nasalized
flap in this environment; Welch & West 1967: 16, 20).
3 Comparing the data

The similarity of the patterning cross-linguistically and its correspondence with
familiar patterns of pronominal gender distribution could suggest that this phe-
nomenon has extra-morphological motivation. We might look for some sort of
syntactic or semantic restriction on gender marking in these languages. However,
it is not at all clear what level it would operate on, and the Tucano evidence pre-
sented in (12) suggests it is after all morphologically stipulated.
In many of the examples given above the only evidence for morphosyntactic
person is the asymmetrical distribution of gender marking. This might be taken
as a reason not to posit a person feature at all. This claim has been made specifi-
cally for Archi (Kibrik et al. 1977a: 55, 63–64). Let us go back to the Archi paradigm
in (1), since the data appear clear-cut and have been discussed in the literature.
Archi has no marker that is unique to person; all the markers in (1) are part of the
gender-number system, and so the claim in Kibrik et al. (1977a), following Kibrik
(1972), appears reasonable. Nevertheless this point of view has been contested;
Chumakina, Kibort & Corbett (2007), following Corbett (1991: 127–128, 272) suggest
that a morphosyntactic feature person is required for Archi. There are two main
arguments. The first is the additional complexity required in the gender system.
Kibrik postulates two extra values of the gender feature to allow for the agreement
of the first and second person pronouns (these take, as we saw, gender i (mascu-
line) or gender ii (feminine) according to the speaker or hearer, and in the plural
they take the form of interest here, equivalent to the non-human plural). Since
these are combinations of gender across the singular-plural divide which are not
otherwise found in the gender system, two additional gender values are required
by Kibrik. However, it is possible if unusual for the personal pronouns to be used
of non-humans, in which case genders iii and iv are found in the singular, which
means that there are two further possible featural specifications for the first and
second person pronouns. In other words, an analysis which avoids postulating a
person feature in Archi proves relatively costly in terms of the gender system. The
stronger argument concerns resolution – the rules determining the agreements
with conjoined noun phrases. If we treat Archi as having a gender feature but
no person feature, the resolution rules need to be complex and are typologically
rather strange. They involve ranking the gender values into a hierarchy which
has no motivation except to allow the necessary reference to the personal pro-
nouns. If we allow a person feature the resolution rules are straightforward and
typologically normal (see Corbett 2012: 239–251 for more detail). Hence, taking
these points into account, it is arguable that the Archi forms given in (1) realize a
morphosyntactic system which includes a person feature, in addition to gender
and number.
There is an interesting comparison in Dargi, another member of the Daghes-

tanian family, as shown in (17).
(17) Akusha Dargi (Daghestanian; van den Berg 1999: 154, 157)8
a. ‘gender’ markers b. intransitive im- c. ‘come’ (imperfect

perfect endings
singular fem masc neut
masc w- 1sg -asi 1sg r-aš-asi w-aš-asi
fem r- 2sg -adi 2sg r-aš-adi w-aš-adi
neut d-, <r>, -r + 3 -i → 3sg r-aš-i w-aš-i

d-aš-i
plural 1pl -eħeri 1pl d-aš-eħeri
1 2pl -adari 2pl d-aš-adari
2 d-, <r>, -r 3pl b-aš-i
neut
3 masc
b-
3 fem
If we look just at (17a), the situation is comparable to that in Archi, except that
Akusha Dargi has three genders rather than four. We might hesitate to propose a
person feature perhaps. On the other hand, the inflections given in (17b) clearly
justify a person feature. When the two are found together, as in (17c), it would
surely be perverse to have a person feature to account for the distribution of the
suffixes but not for that of the prefixes. These data in turn may make us rethink
our view of Archi.
There are indeed difficult issues here. If for Archi we accept a morphosyn-
tactic person feature, we have done so in the absence of any unique form. Now
non-autonomous values of features are well-known. For instance, Zaliznjak (1973:
69–74) discusses values of the case feature which have no unique form, but where
excluding a given value would create odd rules of government (verbs would have
to govern different cases in the singular and plural). Non-autonomous features
are a bigger step; and yet the syntax of Archi does appear to require a morphosyn-
tactic feature person, for which the morphology has no unique form.
8 For simplicity we give paradigms for agreement with a single argument. For the complexity
of the transitive paradigm, where the two markers behave differently, see van den Berg (1999).
4 Conclusion
An obvious but no less important conclusion is that all of these systems need
careful analysis. We should not assume that a person feature comes for free,
merely because it is widespread; we should justify its use for each language.
Equally the lack of a unique person form should not make us immediately jump
to the opposite conclusion.
We have seen instances of a strange pattern, where a default form in the gender
system also serves within the person system. The fact that a similar pattern recurs
in languages very distant both geographically and genealogically suggests that it
is a significant one. There is even a possible explanation for it, based on common
patterns found in personal pronouns. And yet when we compare carefully within
each family the apparently simple pattern becomes less simple, and the analyses
without a person feature become less attractive. The issues are genuinely diffi-
cult, since proposing a non-autonomous feature is normally something we would
wish to avoid. Thus even on the fringe of the person system there remain some
intriguing issues.
Abbreviations
1 first person, 2 second person, 3 third person, abs absolutive, excl exclusive, fem feminine,
ipfv imperfective, masc masculine, neut neuter, pfv perfective, pl plural, prs present, sg
singular.
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Balthasar Bickel, Giorgio Iemmolo, Taras Zakharko,
and Alena Witzlack-Makarevich
Patterns of alignment in verb agreement1
Balthasar
Alena Bickel, Giorgio Iemmolo, Taras Zakharko &
Witzlack-Makarevich
Patterns of alignment in verb agreement
1 Siewierska’s Problem
A highly productive inquiry in typology concerns the alignment of argument roles,
especially the identical vs. different treatment of the three core roles S, A, and P by
the rules of case assignment and agreement marking. With regard to case marking,
determining alignment is straightforward: one can simply check which argumen-
tal NPs are assigned the same case markers. With regard to agreement, the issue
is more complex. Whereas argumental NPs exist independently of case marking,
agreement consist of two components: (i) whether or not it exists (i.e. whether
certain argument features like person, number of gender, show up at all in the verb
morphology), and (ii) if agreement exists, how its markers align roles. In many
cases, the answers to these question are still straightforward and one can easily
observe that the agreement markers of, e.g., Latin show accusative alignment.
However, when expanding the typological scope, one often runs into what
we call here “Siewierska’s Problem”: argument marking in agreement is often
complex and does not allow simple answers. As a matter of fact, the analysis of
an agreement system as being primarily ergative, accusative or neutral heavily
depends on which criteria one employs. As Siewierska (2003) notes in her
seminal article on the determination of the alignment of agreement in ditransi-
tive constructions, in some instances the consideration of different criteria gives
rise to conflicting classifications, i.e. the criteria may not converge in identifying
a unique alignment type. Siewierska (2003: 342) considers the following four cri-
teria that apply to the determination the alignment of agreement:2
1 Earlier versions of this article were presented at the Anna Siewierska Memorial Workshop
in Leipzig, April 27, 2012, and at the conference “Syntax of the World’s Languages IV” in Du-
brovnik, October 1–4, 2012. We thank the audiences for helpful comments and questions. We are
also grateful for very useful comments and suggestions on a first drft by Dik Bakker and Martin
Haspelmath. Author contributions: B.B., G.I. and A.W.-M. conceived and designed the study and
all contributed to the writing. B.B. conducted the statistical analysis. All authors were involved
in discussion and interpretation of the results. G.I. and A.W.-M. contributed to data analysis and
coded agreement data. T.Z. did most of the data extraction and aggregation work. We thank
Lennart Bierkandt and Kevin Bätscher for help in data collection and encoding
2 A further criterion, not considered by Siewierska (2003), concerns the host(s) of agreement
marker(s), i.e. auxiliaries, lexical verbs, etc. We will not consider this criterion here either.
16 Balthasar Bickel, Giorgio Iemmolo, Taras Zakharko & Alena Witzlack-Makarevich
1. Trigger Potential: which argument(s) do and which do not trigger agreement

marking (i.e. does agreement exist at all)?
2. Form: which argument(s) are covered by the markers with the same phono-
logical form?
3. Position: which arguments trigger agreement in the same position relative to
the verbal stem and/or relative to each other (e.g. pre, post, etc.)?
4. Conditions: which arguments trigger agreement under the same condition?
As observed by Siewierska, often these four factors converge in establishing an

overall agreement pattern, as, e.g., in German in (1) below, where all the criteria
listed above give a consistent alignment pattern. In terms of Trigger Potential,
German displays accusative alignment: only S and A trigger agreement. When we
take into consideration the Form and Position criteria, we see that they comply
with the Trigger Potential characterization: with respect to the Form criterion, the
system is consistently accusative, with S and A marked differently from P, since P
is never overtly marked in German verb agreement.3 Likewise, with regard to the
Position criterion, we have again S=A≠P, since agreement is realized by means of
an overt suffix only for S and A.
(1) German
a. Ich schlaf-e.
1sg.nom sleep-1sg.s/a
‘I sleep.’
b. Du schläf-st.
2sg.nom sleep-2sg.s/a
‘You sleep.’
c. Er schläf-t.
3sg.m.nom sleep-3sg.s/a
‘He sleeps.
d. Ich seh-e sie.

1sg.nom see-1sg.s/a 3sg.f.acc
‘I see her.’
3 Here and in the remainder of the paper, we simplify. We only consider default lexical classes
and do not discuss deviating valency classes such as experiencer verbs. Also see below on this
point.
e. Du sieh-st mich.
2sg.nom see-2sg.s/a 1sg.acc
‘You see me.’
f. Er sieh-t dich.
3sg.m.nom see-3sg.s/a 2sg.acc
‘He sees you.’
However, in many other languages these criteria diverge in defining the align-
ment of agreement, thus giving rise to discrepancies. The situation can be illus-
trated with English: most English verbs in the present indicative are marked with
the suffix -s when the subject is third person singular and are unmarked other-
wise, as in (2):
(2) a. They like sailing.

b. He like-s sailing.
With respect to the Trigger Potential criterion, the English present indicative
agreement system can be characterized as exhibiting accusative alignment.
However, when the distribution of zero versus overt agreement markers is taken
into account (i.e. the Form criterion), S/A is marked differently from P only in the
third person singular, whereas the alignment is neutral (S=A=P) in the rest of the
paradigm, as none of the argument roles triggers an overt agreement marker.
More complex discrepancies arise in systems with multiple markers per argu-
ment. An illustration of such a system comes from the imperfective agreement
paradigm found in Tirmaga (Surmic; Bryant 1999), which has three slots of agree-
ment marking: one prefix and two suffix slots. Table 1 shows the paradigms sepa-
rately for each of the three roles S, A, and P.
Table 1. Agreement paradigms for S, A, and P in the Tirmaga Imperfective aspect
Person pf sf1 sf2 pf sf1 sf2 pf sf1 sf2
1s k- — -i k- — -i — -aɲ —
1pi k- — — k- — — — -ey —
1pe k- — -(G)o k- — -(G)o — -ey —
2s — — -i — — -i — -aɲ —
2p — — -(G)o — — -(G)o — -oŋ —
3s — — — — — — — — —
3p — — -(G)ɛ — — -(G)ɛ — — —
S A P
The application of the criteria to the Tirmaga paradigm provides conflicting

evidence on the alignment pattern. When one considers the Trigger Potential
criterion, the resulting alignment is neutral, since all the three roles S, A, and
P display some kind of agreement marking, at least in part of the system. With
regard to the Position criterion, Tirmaga shows accusative alignment, since S and
A are marked in the prefix (‘pf’) slot and in the second suffix (‘sf2’) slot respec-
tively, as opposed to the markers for P, which occupy the first suffix (‘sf1’) slot.
Under the Form criterion, finally, one considers the phonological shape of indi-
vidual markers and asks which argument roles are marked by identical vs. dis-
tinct markers. The Form criterion does not establish a unique alignment pattern
in the Tirmaga paradigm: the prefix position shows accusative alignment in the
first person (S and A is marked with k- and thus differently from P), whereas other
persons have zero exponence which covers all roles alike, thereby constituting
neutral alignment. In the first suffix slot non-third person argument is accu-
satively aligned due to the suffixes -aɲ, -ey, -oŋ, whereas the absence of overt
markers for the third person arguments establishes neutral alignment. In the
final suffix slot, there is again a number of markers (-i, -(G)o, -(G)ɛ) which estab-
lish the accusative alignment, whereas arguments of those referential categories
which have zero exponents for all three argument roles (i.e. the first person plural
inclusive and the third person singular) align neutrally. The alignment patterns
established on the basis of these three criteria and the observed discrepancies are
summarized in (3).
(3) Tirmaga agreement alignment

a. Trigger Potential: S=A=P
b. Form: S=A≠P, S=A=P
c. Position: S=A≠P
With the exception of Siewierska (2003), discrepancies like these have received
little attention in the typological literature or in the description of individual lan-
guages. This article intends to explore the distribution and influence of such dis-
crepancies in the determination of the alignment in agreement systems, focusing
specifically on discrepancies between alignments in terms of Trigger Potentials
and alignments in terms of Form. We explore two research questions:
1. How frequent and how strong are these discrepancies cross-linguistically?

2. Do these discrepancies have an impact on our generalizations about the dis-
tribution of alignment systems?
We begin by describing the database used for this study and then address these
questions in turn.
2 Data, analysis and coding methods

We surveyed 260 languages and coded their agreement systems for alignment
patterns as part of the AUTOTYP database of grammatical relations.4
Unlike Siewierska (2003), whose focus was on person agreement only, we
also considered instances of gender, number and honorificity agreement. To keep
our dataset manageable in size, however, we treated gender-differentiating agree-
ment markers as if they were just one marker, i.e. we did not track the difference
between for example third person masculine vs. feminine agreement, but simply
third person gender agreement. We considered a particular person-number-gen-
der combination as overtly marked if it is overtly marked for at least one gender.
Also departing from Siewierska, we only looked at grammatical agreement in
the sense of Bickel & Nichols (2007), i.e. we only coded verbal markers of argu-
ment properties that can in principle co-occur with a coreferential noun phrase
in the same clause (regardless of whether this co-occurrence is frequent or rare
in discourse). Grammatical agreement in this sense corresponds to what Siewier-
ska (2004) treats as the union of syntactic and ambiguous agreement. Cliticized
or incorporated pronouns that cannot co-occur with co-referential noun phrases
were not analyzed as instances of agreement.
For coding alignments, we considered only the coding of S, A, and P argument
roles and excluded arguments of ditransitive verbs from our present purview.
S, A, and P are defined by numerical valency and semantic entailment proper-
ties of lexical predicates, following earlier proposals of ours (Bickel & Nichols
2009, Bickel et al. 2010, Bickel 2011a, Witzlack-Makarevich 2011). We furthermore
limited our attention to lexical predicates that qualify as open, default classes of
their language and excluded predicates with non-canonical agreement patterns,
other special behavior, or lexical constraints of any kind.
We analyzed the alignment of agreement systems under the two criteria of (i)
Trigger Potential, i.e. which argument(s) trigger(s) agreement; and (ii) identity of
Morphological Marking, which implies identity of both phonological form and
morphological slot.5 The formulation of the second criterion is similar to Siewi-
erska’s Form and Position criteria but departs from her original proposal in so far
as we took into consideration individual slots in which given phonological forms
appear in the string of morphemes, rather than a binary prefix vs. suffix distinction.
4 The dataset used in this study is available for download at http://www.spw.uzh.ch/autotyp/

available.html
5 An alternative approach would be to take into account just phonological properties, abstract-
ed, if possible, across positions. While possible and interesting, we leave the exploration of this
alternative for another occasion.
The two criteria basically equate the Trigger Potential with syntax and Mor-
phological Marking with morphology, allowing us to frame the question in terms
of possible discrepancies between how argument roles are aligned in agreement
syntax as opposed to agreement morphology. Agreement syntax in this sense
refers to whether or not the verb – or more generally, any predicate complex that
heads a clause – registers features contained in S, A or P and therefore system-
atically interacts with these arguments. If a specific argument does not trigger
agreement at all (e.g., P arguments in German), this means that the verb does not
interact with this argument at all in the syntax. Such questions of verb-argument
interaction are fundamental for the organization of syntax, typically requiring
specific modeling in formal theories.
This conceptualization of Trigger Potentials and Morphological Marking as
two dimensions of agreement does not match traditional grammar, where they
are not kept separate. For data like those from Tirmaga in Table 1, one would
traditionally focus on the form and position of markers and argue that the par-
adigms show (mostly) accusative alignment. The fact that all three arguments
behave alike in triggering agreement would not be considered an interesting fact.
For other languages, however, traditional grammar would focus precisely on
triggering behavior and not consider form and position criteria. For German for
example, one would traditionally say that only S and A arguments trigger agree-
ment; one would not say that German is accusatively aligned because S and A
have overt agreement markers whereas P shows zero markers. Applying different
criteria in Tirmaga and in German is typologically inconsistent, as Siewierska has
noted.
Furthermore, it is essential to keep apart cases (i) where an argument has a
Trigger Potential but the morphology happens to be zero in a specific category
(such as third person singular in Tirmaga) and (ii) where an argument never trig-
gers agreement (like German P arguments). In type (i), the grammar of the verb
has to check for the presence of specific features in all arguments, and as a result,
the verb enters a specific morphosyntactic relationship with all arguments.
The same morphosyntactic relationship does not exist between the verb
morphology and arguments that never trigger verb agreement, i.e. in type (ii). In
other words, there is a fundamental difference between accusative alignment in a
language like Tirmaga and accusative alignment in a language like German, and
this difference can only be captured by following Siewierska’s innovation and
consider Trigger Potentials independently of Morphological Marking.
Trigger Potential is a notion that is uniquely tied to agreement: it is only for
agreement that it makes sense to ask whether there exists a specific syntactic
relationship between the verb and features of a specific set of arguments. There is
no equivalent of this in case assignment: the syntactic relationship that is marked
by case exists independently of case assignment, as argumental NPs always bear

a syntactic relationship to the predicate since they are assigned a semantic role
by it. The relationship is not established by the presence of case morphology,
and so one would not say that P arguments in, say, Thai bear no syntactic rela-
tion to the verb just because there is no case marking. Instead, case morphology
can be said to mark the existing relationship. As a result of this, the absence of
case morphology is equivalent to zero marking and not to the absence of syntac-
tic relationships. Therefore, in contrast to agreement marking, case marking can
be fully determined by considering Morphological Marking; the Trigger Potential
has no role to play here.
When looking at Morphological Marking in agreement, we considered which
roles trigger overt agreement morphology per referential category (i.e. per every
person/number combination) in every relevant morphological slot in the predi-
cate. Consider the data in (4) from the Uto-Aztecan language Pipil:
(4) Pipil (Uto-Aztecan; Campbell 1985)
a. ni-panu
1sg.s/a-pass
‘I pass’
b. ni-mits-ita-k
1sg.s/a-2sg.p-see-pst
‘I saw you’
c. ti-nech-ita-k
2sg.s/a-1sg.p-see-pst
‘You saw me’
d. panu
[3s/a-]pass
‘he passes’
e. ki-neki
[3s/a-]3sg.p-want
‘he wants it’
f. ni-k-neki
1sg.s/a-3sg.p-want
‘I want it’
If we consider the morphological realization of agreement in the first prefix slot

in Pipil, we observe a S=A≠P alignment for the first person singular: there is ni-
‘1sS/A’ for S in (4a) and for A in (4b), but zero exponence for the first person sin-
gular P role in this slot, as (4c) shows; first person singular P is instead marked
in the second slot (-ne in (4c)). The situation is identical for the first person
plural and for the second person. However, when we consider the morphological
marking of the third person within the first prefix slot, we observe that three roles
behave alike (S=A=P), in that none of them shows up with an overt morphological
trace in this slot (be it a dedicated marker or a portemanteau affix, cf. (4d–f)). The
markers in the first prefix slot here only register first person (4f)). This is different
for the second prefix position, filled by mits- in (4b), and ki- in (4e) and (4f). Here
one obtains S=A≠P alignment, since the markers that appear in this slot encode
the P argument, as opposed to S and A, which leave no overt morphological trace
in this slot.
The situation is again different in the suffix position. Here we have neutral
alignment for singular arguments, since this category never results in overt mor-
phology across all persons. For plural arguments, however, there is an opposition
between overt marking of S and A (cf. -t in (5a) and (5b)) vs. no marking for P (5c),
again across all persons:
(5) Pipil (Uto-Aztecan; Campbell 1985)

a. panu-t
[3s/a-]pass-pl.s/a
‘they pass (s)’
b. tech-ita-ke-t
1pl.p-see-pst-pl.s/a
‘they saw us (a)’
c. ni-kin-ita-k
1sg.s/a-3pl.p-see-pst[-pl.p]
‘I saw them (p)’
The example of Pipil also shows that alignment can differ across referential
categories. In the first prefix we get S=A=P for the third person and S=A≠P else-
where; in the suffix slot, we get S=A=P in the singular and S=A≠P in the plural.
The second prefix slot, by contrast, shows consistent S=A≠P alignment for all
referential categories.
In case a language has multiple allomorphs of agreement markers (e.g. con-
ditioned by inflectional classes), we proceeded as follows: morphologically overt
allomorphs were encoded as the same marker for the present purposes. If one
of the allomorphs has zero exponence, we considered the size and productivity
of individual inflectional classes. Only the major pattern of marking – either in
terms of the number of inflectional classes or, where the information is available,
in terms of the class size – was considered. For instance, for Latvian three con-
jugation classes with several subclasses are differentiated. Class II (also referred
to as “long”) and the overwhelming majority of verbs in Class I (called “short”)
have zero exponence for the second person singular present, whereas the verbs
of Class III (“mixed”) use the suffix -i in this context. As the most productive and
numerous class is Class II, the exemplar paradigm selected for Latvian has no
overt marker in the second person singular present (cf. Holst 2001, Mathiassen
1997, Nau 1998).
For easy data entry, we only coded overt markers. The distribution and
semantics of zero exponents was then automatically inferred with the help of an
ancillary database that tracks all referential features that an agreement system is
sensitive to. Thus, in the case of the Pipil first prefix slot, zero exponence of S/A
agreement for third person forms is not explicitly coded in the database, but it
can be inferred from the list of the referential types of Pipil which includes three
persons and two numbers. The same holds for the singular arguments in the
suffix slot.6 Since agreement systems sometimes undergo splits conditioned by
temporal-aspectual properties of the clause (e.g. past vs. non-past, perfective vs.
imperfective) we tracked the effects of these conditions in the database and con-
sidered the affected alignment patterns as individual datapoints. We refer to
these patterns as constituting agreement ‘systems’ within a language in the fol-
lowing. The database thus contains a total of 289 systems from 260 languages.
3 Does it make a difference?

There are many languages where the alignment of Trigger Potentials devi-
ates from the alignment of Morphological Marking. The extent of such dis-
crepancies can be quantified by counting how often Morphological Marking
shows alignment that is identical to the alignment of the Trigger Potential. In
the English present tense, for example, one marker (-s) differs and one marker
(zero) is identical with the alignment of the Trigger Potential (which is S=A≠P),
resulting in an identical alignment proportion of .5 for this system. The histogram
in Figure 1 shows the frequency of identical alignment proportions binned into
ten intervals running from [0,.1] to [.9,1]. The rightmost interval consists almost
completely of systems with no discrepancy at all (111 systems with an identical
6 All data processing, analysis and visualization was done in R (R Development Core Team
2012), with the added packages lattice (Sarkar 2010) and vcd (Meyer et al. 2009).
alignment proportion of 1, compared to 2 systems with a proportion between .9

and 1); the leftmost interval contains 19 systems with no identical alignment at all
and 46 systems with identical alignment proportions greater than 0 and smaller
or equal to .1.
120
100
80
60
40
Number of systems
20
0
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0
Figure 1. Histogram of the proportions of identical alignment between agreement morphology

and trigger potentials in each system (N=289).
In total, almost two thirds (N = 178) of the 289 systems in our database show at
least some kind of discrepancy between alignments in terms of Trigger Potentials
and alignments in terms of Morphological Marking. The histogram furthermore
shows that discrepancies tend to be severe: 43 % (N = 125) show an identical align-
ment value below (or equal to) .5. These findings suggest that Siewierska’s
Problem is a serious one. It is imperative that typologies of alignment in agree-
ment be clear on whether they refer to trigger potential or to agreement morphol-
ogy and apply criteria consistently across languages. The two ways of looking at
alignment differ substantially. While this is an important insight with many prac-
tical consequences for typology’s day-to-day business, the theoretically more
pressing question concerns the source and consequences of such discrepancies
between syntax and morphology. We take up this issue in the following.
4 Sources of the discrepancies

Two causes of discrepancies are trivial. First, if a referential type, e.g. third person
singular, is always zero-marked (i.e. in any role) in a particular slot, its alignment
is neutral, while overt markers can be distributed both according to neutral as
well as according to any other alignment pattern. Second, tripartite alignment
(S≠A≠P) is logically possible only with Morphological Marking. Trigger Potentials
can never have this type of alignment: if all roles trigger agreement this leads to
neutral (S=A=P) alignment, no matter how diverse the morphological shapes and
positions may be; if only a subset triggers agreement, this leads to accusative
(S=A≠P), ergative (S=P≠A) or horizontal (S≠A=P) agreement, again regardless of
the morphological structure. This situation can be illustrated with the morphol-
ogy of second person agreement in the Mayan language Ch’orti’:
(6) Ch’orti’ (Mayan; Quizar 1994)

a. i-wayan.
2sg.s-sleep
‘you sleep (s)’
b. a-ira-en.
2sg.a-see-1sg.p
‘you see me (a)’
c. in-ira-et.
1sg.a-see-2sg.p
‘I see you (p)’
In the incompletive aspect there are two dedicated markers for the second person
singular S (6a) and A arguments (6b). The P argument is not marked with a prefix,
but with a suffix instead (6c). Thus, although the individual markers are different
for the three argument roles S, A, and P, in terms of Trigger Potential the align-
ment is neutral, since all three argument roles equally trigger agreement.
Excluding all instances of zero exponence and of tripartite alignment in mor-
phology brings down the proportion of systems with at least one discrepancy to
122 (42%) out of 289 systems (from 178 or 62%, cf. above). These remaining dis-
crepancies are empirical observations, and not logically derivable from how align-
ment is defined. In other words, it could well be the case that languages would
tend to favor similar alignments in the morphology as in the syntax, perhaps in
response to iconicity principles. In that case, we would expect, for example, that
neutral alignment in the syntax would tend to go together with neutral alignment
in the morphology, so that we would find neutral markers in most morphological
slots. Systems like this are apparently rare. What comes closest corresponds to
what is sometimes called hierarchical agreement. A case in point is agreement
prefixes in Plains Cree. Here, categories like second person trigger agreement in
all three roles, and these roles receive exactly the same morphological marking
(the prefix ki-):
(7) Plains Cree (Algonquian; Dahlstrom 1991)

a. ki-pimipahtā-n.
2-run-sg.s/a/p
‘you (sg) run (s)’
b. ki-pēhtaw-i-n.
2-hear-2>1-sg.s/a/p
‘you (sg) hear me (a)’
c. ki-pēhtaw-iti-n.
2-hear-1>2-sg.s/a/p
‘I hear you (sg) (pl.p)’
But this seems to be very strongly disfavored worldwide and markers tend to dif-
ferentiate roles, leading thus to discrepancies.
Discrepancies can arise independently in every slot of the agreement mor-
phology and in every referential category: while in Cree, the alignment of the
prefix slot is identical to the alignment of the Trigger Potential for the first and
second person, the suffixes show various discrepancies. Consider, for example,
the distribution of the second person plural suffix -nāwāw in one of the suffix
slots (suffix slot 5):
(8) a. ki-pimipahtā-nāwāw.
2-run-2pl
‘you (pl) run (s)’
b. ki-wāpam-i-nān.
2-hear-2>1-1pl
‘you (pl) see us (a)’
c. ki-wāpam-iti-nāwāw.
2-hear-1>2-2pl
‘I see you (pl) (p)’
Whereas the S and P arguments of this referential type are marked with -nāwāw,
as in (8a) and (8c), the A argument of the same referential type is not marked in
this slot; instead we find a first person suffix -nān (8b). This results in ergative
alignment.7
In general, each agreement category in each slot allows for maximally four
types of how overt morphology can align roles (S=A=P, S=A≠P, S≠A=P, S=P≠A) if
we exclude tripartite alignment (following the reasoning above). Therefore, the
range of logically possible opportunities for discrepancies rises with the number
of agreement categories and agreement slots. For instance, Jero (Opgenort 2005)
has 11 referential categories for the S argument (three person categories, three
number categories and an inclusive vs. exclusive distinction in the first person of
both dual and plural). Each of the marking of the A argument of these 11 types can
be conditioned by the P arguments which again are of these 11 types (e.g. A of the
first person singular when acting on the second person singular P, A of the first
person singular when acting on the second person plural P, etc.). In the same
fashion, the marking of the P argument across all 11 referential types varies with
respect to the A argument and its referential types. To calculate alignment we take
an S argument of a particular referential type and compare it with the A argument
of the same referential type under one of the 11 conditions and with the P argument
of the same referential type under one of the 11 conditions (Witzlack-Makarevich
2011, Witzlack-Makarevich et al. 2011). This results in 113 alignment statements per
agreement slot. Jero has 3 slots relevant for agreement and the number of align-
ment statements for each of them is theoretically 113, that is, 113 × 3 = 3993 align-
ment statements in total. The actual number of alignment statements is, however,
somewhat lower than this amount of combinatorial possibilities, as particular ref-
erential categories or referential category combinations are non-existent or belong
to a different (e.g. reflexive) paradigm. Nevertheless, there is still a very large
space of opportunity for discrepancies, easily extending into several thousands
when there are many categories and a complex system of morphological slots.
Interestingly, languages seem to exploit these possibilities to a substantial
extent: Figure 2 plots the proportion of discrepancies, i.e. alignment statements
that differ between Morphological Marking and Trigger Potential, per system
against the number of category/slot combinations that are distinguished by that
system. The data are limited to nontrivial cases of non-identical alignments,
i.e. following the reasoning above, we consider here only overt morphology
and exclude tripartite alignment.8 The plot suggests that the opportunity space
7 See Witzlack-Makarevich et al. (2011) on deriving basic alignment types from systems with
hierarchical and coargument conditioned systems of alignment.
8 Note that a language like English counts as having 1 agreement category in the non-past (third
person singular), i.e. we counted the number of overtly marked categories, not the number of
feature values in oppositions.
for discrepancies becomes heavily, and often fully, exploited with systems that
contain more than 6 categories (67% discrepancies with 7 categories in 6 systems,
34% with 8 categories in 17 systems, 88% with 9 categories in 8 systems etc.).
Systems with fewer categories tend to show alignments that match the alignment
of agreement trigger potentials either completely (displayed in the graph as thin
horizontal lines at 0% with systems of 1, 2, 4 or 5 categories) or to a large extent
(12.5% discrepancies with 3 categories in 8 systems, 14% with 6 categories in 14
systems).
1.0
0.8
0.6
Proportion discrepancies
0.4
0.2
0.0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 102 103 104
Number of category/slot combinations (plotted on a log10 scale)
Figure 2. Proportion of alignment discrepancies in overt agreement morphology vs. agreement

trigger potentials (y-axis) in correlation with the number of category/slot combinations defined
per agreement system (x-axis, plotted on a log10 scale). Barwidth is proportional to the count of
systems (from the total of N=289) within each given number of category/slot combinations.
It is not immediately clear why languages exploit the opportunity space for dis-
crepancies so strongly. One possibility is that complex morphological systems
may have developed through repeated accretion of freshly grammaticalized
markers, each giving rise to new alignment patterns somewhere in the system.
For example, if a language develops P agreement based on accusatively-marked
pronouns, one expects the morphology to keep the emerging agreement markers
separate and in a different position from older agreement markers. The result
would be neutral alignment in terms of trigger potentials, but S=A≠P alignment
in the morphological structure for this position. This is a plausible scenario and
can be observed, for example, throughout Romance. The question whether this
is a universally valid scenario, however, must be left for detailed research on the
extent to which agreement systems reflect layered grammaticalization of case-
marked pronouns. For now, we conclude that richer paradigms lead to more dis-
crepancies and that 7 categories represent the critical threshold for this.
5 Implications for typological generalizations

Another question that arise from our findings concerns the kinds of alignment
where discrepancies are concentrated. Table 2 gives an overview of the distri-
bution of alignments types in overt Morphological Marking and among Trigger
Potentials, excluding again non-tripartite alignment. The strongest deviation,
alone accounting for 51% of the total χ2-deviation (284.41), comes from the
increased proportion of neutral alignments among agreement Trigger Potentials
(with 41% as compared to 14% in the morphology). While these discrepancies are
not logically necessary, they reflect the widespread pattern in agreement systems
illustrated by the Tirmaga, Pipil and Ch’orti’ examples above: although there is
agreement morphology for all three arguments, the morphology makes distinc-
tions, mostly aligning A with S.
Table 2. Proportion of alignments in overt morphology compared to trigger potentials, exclud-

ing tripartite alignment (N = 289)
S=A=P S=A≠P S=P≠A S≠A=P
Morphological Marking 0.14 0.37 0.21 0.28

Trigger Potential 0.41 0.55 0.03 0.01
The flip side of this is a heavily increased proportion of ergative and S≠A=P align-
ments in Morphological Marking (together 49% vs. 4% in Trigger Potentials). This
could potentially challenge the relatively well-established principle that verb
agreement is strongly biased against S≠A alignment patterns (e.g. Siewierska
2004). Given the discrepancies we noted above, it is possible that such an anti-
ergative bias only holds for relatively simple agreement systems where discrepan-
cies are more limited (cf. Figure 2).
Figure 3 appears to confirm this suspicion since more complex systems (to
the right on the graph) indeed tend to have a lower proportion of S=A(=P) align-
ments, i.e. more S≠A patterns. Decreased S=A(=P) proportions are less common
among simpler systems (to the left of the graph), where the only notable exception
consists of a few radically ergative systems with one single agreement category
(e.g. gender agreement in Nakh-Daghestanian, represented here by 5 systems9).
9 The only other cases in our database are ergative agreement in Nias (Austronesian) and in
Hurrian, and S-only agreement in Tuvaluan (Austronesian), which results in S≠A=P alignment.
1.0
0.8
Proportion of S=A(=P) alignments
0.6
0.4
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 102 103 104
Number of category/slot combinations (plotted on a log10 scale)
Figure 3. Proportion of S=A(=P) alignments in overt agreement morphology (y-axis) in correlation

with the number of category/slot combinations defined per agreement system (x-axis, plotted on
a log10 scale). Barwidth is proportional to the count of systems (from the total of N=289) within
each given number of category/slot combinations.
However, as shown by the thin bar widths on the righthand side of Figure 3,
more complex systems are much rarer than simpler systems (at least in our data-
base, but we believe this to be fairly representative of worldwide distributions).
Also, they tend to be concentrated only in a few families: in our database of 289
systems, there are only 4 families (Algonquian, Nilotic, Tacanan and the Kiranti
group of Sino-Tibetan) and the family-level isolate Ainu which contain at least
one system that is complex in the sense that it contains at least 60 category/slot
combinations.10 When one surveys the proportions of S=A(=P) alignments in
these systems (see the Appendix for a complete list), one notices that they hardly
ever fall below 50%. This reflects a general trend, also found in families with
members showing moderate complexity: Table 3 lists the mean proportions of
S=A(=P) (and if applicable, standard deviations) for all families where this mean
is below 1. There are only seven further families that have mean proportions of
S=A(=P) below or equal 0.5, i.e. families that show a possible trend favoring erga-
tive alignments. Nakh-Daghestanian and Algonquian are the only families in
the table where this trend is relatively compact and suggestive of a family-wide
feature. The other families in Table 3with mean proportions below or equal 0.5
either show large standard deviations (Mayan, Macro-Ge) or are represented only
by single members (Hurrian, Zuni, Muskogean).
10 60 is a reasonable threshold for calling a system ‘complex’ because there is a natural gap in
Figure 3 between systems up to 30 and systems with more than 60 categories/slot combinations.
Another random document with
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structures:—
Adult. Larva.
Name. Host. Name. Host.
Tænia saginata Man Cysticercus bovis Cattle.
Tænia solium Man Cysticercus cellulosæ Swine and man.
Cattle, sheep, and
Tænia marginata Dogs Cysticercus tenuicollis
swine.
Tænia cœnurus Dogs Cœnurus cerebralis Cattle and sheep.
Tænia Echinococcus Cattle, sheep, swine,
Dogs
echinococcus polymorphus man, etc.
CYSTICERCUS DISEASE OF THE PIG.
This disease of the pig is due to Cysticercus cellulosæ, the cystic

form of the Tænia solium or Tænia armata of man. As a disease of
the pig it has been recognised from the most ancient times, and is
stated to be the cause of Moses and Mohammed having prohibited
the consumption of pork by their disciples. In the Middle Ages it
formed the subject of legislation. It was, however, only when the
investigations of Van Beneden and Kuchenmeister had completed
those of the zoologists of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
that the evolution of tæniæ became well known and the importance
of the cystic phase clearly established.
Fig. 30.—A piece of pork heavily
infected with pork measles
(Cysticercus cellulosæ), natural
size. (Stiles, Report U.S.A.
Bureau of Agriculture, 1901.)
Fig. 31.—An isolated pork-measle bladder-
worm (Cysticercus cellulosæ), with extended
head, greatly enlarged. (Stiles, Report U.S.A.
Causation. The cause of cysticercus disease in the pig may be

summed up in one phrase—viz., ingestion of eggs or embryos of
Tænia solium.
Young animals alone seem to contract the disease. After the age of
eight to ten months they appear almost entirely proof against it.
It is very rare in animals reared in confinement, but is relatively
common in those roaming at liberty; because they are much more
likely to discover human excrement and the embryos of tænia. The
eggs having been swallowed, the six-hooked embryos are set at
liberty in the intestine, perforate the tissues, enter the vessels, and
are carried by the blood into all parts of the body. Those alone
develop well which reach the interstitial and intermuscular
connective tissue. The others in the viscera usually disappear. Their
presence in the depths of the muscles produces slight general
disturbance and signs of local irritation, due to the development of
the cyst itself. At the end of a month the little vesicle is large enough
to be visible to the naked eye; in forty to forty-five days it is as large
as a mustard seed, and in two months as a grain of barley. Its
commonest seats are the abdominal muscles, muscular portions of
the diaphragm, the psoas, tongue, heart, the muscles of mastication,
intercostal and cervical muscles, the adductors of the hind legs, and
the pectorals.
Symptoms. The symptoms of invasion are so
little marked as usually to pass undetected.
Occasionally, when large quantities have been
ingested, signs of enteritis may occur, but these
are generally ascribed to some entirely different
cause. In some cases there is difficulty in moving,
and the grunt may be altered.
Certain authors declare that the thorax is
depressed between the front limbs, but this
symptom is of no particular value, and is also
common to osseous cachexia and rachitis.
Paralysis of the tongue and of the lower jaw is of
greater importance. In exceptional cases, where
the cysticerci are very numerous and penetrate
the brain, signs of encephalitis, vertigo, and
turning sickness (gid, sturdy) may be produced.
These signs, however, disappear, and the
cysticerci undergo atrophy. Interference with
movement may give rise to suspicion when the
toes of the fore and hind limbs are dragged along
the ground, and thus become worn. This
peculiarity is due to the presence of cysts in the Fig. 32.—Several
muscles of the limbs, but it occurs in an almost portions of an
identical form in osseous cachexia. adult pork-
One symptom alone is pathognomonic, and it measle
appears only at a very late stage—viz., the tapeworm
presence of cysts under the thin mucous (Tænia solium),
natural size.
membranes which are accessible to examination, (Stiles, Report
such as those of the tongue and eye. U.S.A. Bureau of
Visual examination then reveals beneath these Agriculture,
mucous membranes the presence of little 1901.)
Fig. 33.—Large (a) and small (b) hooks of pork-measle tapeworm

(Tænia solium). × 280. (After Leuckart.)
greyish-white, semi-transparent grains the size of a grain of barley,

or even larger. Unfortunately, in an animal so difficult to handle as
the pig, this visual examination is decidedly troublesome, and is
usually replaced by palpation. In many instances the disease does
not attract attention during the patient’s life, and is only discovered
on slaughter in consequence of the lesions by which it is
characterised.
Diagnosis. As the characteristic lesions of cysticercus disease are
to be found in the depths of the muscular and connective tissues, and
as the external symptoms may be regarded as of doubtful
significance, the diagnosis can only be confirmed during life by
manual examination of the tongue. This examination of the tongue
has been practised since the earliest times. Aristophanes even speaks
of it, and in the Middle Ages it was performed under sworn
guarantees. The regulations concerning the inspection of meat have
finally led to the suppression of this calling.
In this method of examining the tongue, the operator commences
by throwing the animal on its side, usually on the right side, and
Fig. 34.—Mature sexual segments of pork-measle tapeworm
(Tænia solium), showing the divided ovary on the pore side. cp,
Cirrus pouch; gp, genital pore; n, nerve; ov, ovary; t, testicles; tc,
transverse canal; ut, uterus; v, vagina; vc, ventral canal; vd, vas
deferens; vg, vitellogene gland. × 10. (After Leuckart.)
holding it in this position by placing his left knee on its neck. He then
passes a thick stick between the jaws and behind the tusks, opens the
mouth obliquely, raising the upper jaw by manipulating the stick.
Finally he fixes one end of this last by placing his foot upon it, and
holds the other extremity by slipping it under his left arm. In this
position he is able to grasp the free end of the tongue and by digital
palpation to examine the tongue itself, the gums, the free portions of
the frænum linguæ, etc.
Fig. 35.—Gravid segment of pork-measle tapeworm (Tænia solium),
showing the lateral branches of the uterus enlarged. (Stiles, Report U.S.A.
If he discovers cysts, the diagnosis is confirmed, but failure to do

so by no means disposes of the possibility of infection. Railliet
declares that about one animal in four or five shows no cysts beneath
the tongue, and, moreover, fraud is possible in this connection, it
being quite possible to prick the little cysts with a needle so that the
liquid contents escape, and examination gives no positive result. For
these reasons intra-vitam examination alone is now discounted, and
the chief reliance is placed on post-mortem search.
Prognosis. The prognosis is very grave, not on account of danger
to the lives of the infected, but because infected meat may be offered
for human consumption. Should such meat, in an insufficiently
cooked condition, be eaten by man, its ingestion is followed by the
development of Tænia solium. If cooking were always perfect it
would destroy the cysticerci, but the uncertainty in this respect
should prevent such meat being consumed. The cysticerci are killed
at a temperature of 125° to 130° Fahr.
Fig. 36.—Eggs of pork-measle tapeworm (Tænia solium): a, with

primitive vitelline membrane; b, without primitive vitelline
membrane, but with striated embryophore. × 450. (After Leuckart.)
Lesions. The lesions are represented by cysts alone—i.e., by semi-

transparent bladders, each of which contains a scolex or head armed
with four suckers and a double crown of hooks. The little bladders
are most commonly found in the muscles, lodged in the
interfascicular tissue, which they slightly irritate.
The number present varies extremely, depending on the intensity
of infestation and the number of eggs swallowed. Whilst in some
cases difficult to discover, in others they are so numerous that the
tissues appear strewn with them.
They are commonest in the muscles of the tongue, neck, and
shoulders, in the intercostal and psoas muscles, and in those of the
quarter.
The viscera—viz., the liver, kidneys, heart, lungs, etc.—are less
commonly infested, and in these organs the cysts degenerate very
rapidly. In animals which have been infested for a long time, the
cysts may even have undergone caseo-calcareous degeneration, the
liquid being absorbed and the lesions presenting the appearance of
little oblong firm nodules.
On cutting through masses of muscle the
vesicles protrude from between the bundles.
In young animals, infestation with
cysticerci causes wasting and ill-health;
subsequently the patients improve in
appearance, later on fatten, and gain
marketable condition.
Of the carcases examined in Prussian
slaughter-houses between 1876–82, one in
every 305 was found infested; between
1885–93, one in every 537.
Treatment. There is no curative
treatment. Only preventive measures are of
value. These are confined to rendering it
impossible for animals to ingest eggs of the
Tænia solium.
Cysticercus disease is rare in the north,
centre, and east of France, and in districts
where animals are reared in confinement. It
is commoner where pigs are at liberty, such
as Limousin, Auvergne, and Perigord. It is
frequent in North Germany, where the Fig. 37.—Half of hog,
custom of eating half-cooked meat showing the portions
contributes to the propagation of Tænia most likely to
solium. It is also frequent it Italy. become infested with
pork measles. (After
Ostertag.)
Fig. 38.—Cysticercus cellulosæ in pork. c,
Cysts; v, fibrous tissue capsule which forms
around the cyst.
BEEF MEASLES.
Causation. The disease of beef measles is due to the penetration

into the connective and muscular tissues of embryos of the Tænia
saginata, or unarmed tænia of man.
This disease, unlike that of the pig, has only been recognised
within comparatively recent times, and only after Weisse’s
experiments (St. Petersburg, 1841) on feeding with raw flesh was
attention drawn to it, although as early as 1782 the Tænia saginata
had been described by Goëze.
Measles in the ox is rarely seen in France, but is common in North
and East Africa. Alix has found it in Tunis, Dupuys and Monod in
Senegal, and it is common in the south of Algeria. The disease is due
simply to oxen swallowing eggs or embryos of the unarmed tænia, a
fact which explains the frequency of the disease in places where the
inhabitants are of nomad habits, and consequently disregard the
most elementary rules of public and general hygiene.
Fig. 39.—Anatomy of the Cysticercus cellulosæ (after Robin). A,

Cyst; B, scolex with hooks; C, hooks; D, magnified fragment of
cyst.
Furthermore, cattle in the Sahara, in Senegal and in the Indies,

have a very marked habit of eating ordure, and as no attempts are
made to prevent it, the risk to these animals is greatly increased.
As in the pig, the embryos which reach the stomach and intestine
penetrate into the circulatory system, and are thereby distributed
throughout the entire organism.
The development
of the cysticercus is
complete in forty
days, and if
swallowed by man in
infected meat after
this period it again
gives rise to the
Tænia saginata.
The age of the
animals seems of
less importance than
in the case of the pig,
for Ostertag and
Morot have seen
cases of beef measles
in animals of ten
years old.
Symptoms. The
symptoms are still
less marked than in
Fig. 40.—Section of a beef tongue heavily the pig, and in
infested with beef measles, natural size ordinary cases of
(Stiles, Annual Report U.S.A. Bureau of infection always
Agriculture, 1901). escape observation.
Stiles, however, gives
the following
account of a case experimentally infected:—
Fig. 41.—Several portions of an adult beef-measle tapeworm (Tænia saginata)
from man, showing the head on the anterior end and the gradual increase in size of
the segments, natural size. (Stiles, Annual Report U.S.A. Bureau of Agriculture,
1901.)
“Symptoms. Four days after feeding segments of T. saginata to a

healthy three-months-old calf, the patient showed a higher
temperature (the normal temperature was 39·2° C.). The calf ate but
little on that day, showed an accelerated pulse, swollen belly, staring
coat, and upon pressure on the sides showed signs of pain. The next
day the animal was more lively, ate a little, and for nine days later did
not show any special symptoms except pain on pressure of the
abdominal walls, and a slight fever. Nine days after the infection the
temperature was 40·7° C., pulse 86, respiration 22; the calf laid
down most of the time, lost its appetite almost entirely, and groaned
considerably. When driven it showed a stiff gait and evident pain in
the side. The fever increased gradually, and with it the feebleness
and low-spiritedness of the calf, which now retained a recumbent
position most of the time, being scarcely able to rise without aid, and
eating only mash with ground corn. Diarrhœa commenced, the
temperature fell gradually, and on the twenty-third day the animal
died. The temperature had fallen to 38·2° C. During the last few days
the calf was unable to rise; in fact, it could scarcely raise its head to
lick the mash placed before it. Pulse was reduced by ten beats. On the
last day the heart-beats were very much slower, yet firm, and could
be plainly felt. Several days before death the breathing was laboured,
and on the last day there was extreme dyspnœa.”
Diagnosis. In forming a diagnosis we meet with the same
difficulty as in the case of the pig. It is always easy to examine the
tongue; but when visible
lesions are absent diagnosis
in the case of the ox remains
doubtful and problematical
even more than in the pig.
In the carcase, diagnosis
is much easier. The cysts are
sought for, as in the pig, by
making sections of muscle,
those usually selected being
the pterygoid, cervical,
cardiac, and psoas muscles,
and those of the quarters.
Prognosis. The
prognosis is grave, not
indeed for the infected
animals, which seem little
injured by the parasite, but
for human beings, who run
the risk of contracting
Tænia inermis by eating
Fig. 42.—Apex, dorsal, and lateral insufficiently-cooked meat.
views of the head of beef-measle A temperature of 115° to
tapeworm (Tænia saginata), showing 120° Fahr. destroys the
a depression in the centre of the apex. cysticerci, but in roast meats
× 17. (Stiles, Report U.S.A. Bureau of the central temperature of
Agriculture, 1901.) the mass always remains
below this figure.
Salting for fifteen to
twenty days destroys the vitality of the parasite.
Lesions. The lesions are confined to the presence of the cyst and
of two little zones of chronic inflammation immediately surrounding
it. Unless heavily infested the subjects fatten just as well as others.
The vesicles are semi-transparent, ³⁄₁₆ inch to ¼ inch in length,
slightly ovoid in form, and contain a tænia head with four suckers,
but without hooks.
In seven to eight months the cysts undergo degeneration, the
liquid is absorbed, and calcium salts are deposited throughout the
mass. The lesions which remain have, in the ox, the appearance of
interstitial disseminated tuberculosis.
There is no curative treatment. The infested animal recovers
spontaneously with the lapse of time, for the cysticerci undergo
degenerative processes, but the flesh of such animals is of little
commercial value.
From a preventive standpoint we can only hope to improve
matters by a gradual and progressive change in social and public
hygienic conditions.
Fig. 43.—Sexually mature segment of beef-measle tapeworm (Tænia
saginata). c.p., Cirrus pouch with cirrhus; d.c., dorsal canal; g.p., genital
pore; n., lateral longitudinal nerves; ov., ovary; sg., shell gland; t.,
testicles; ut., median uterine stem, enlarged (in part after Leuckart); v.,
vagina; v.c., ventral canal, connected by transverse canal; tc., vd., vas
deferens; vg., vitellogene gland.
When the life of the nomad shall have been entirely replaced by
that of the highly-civilised European and private hygienic
precautions have rendered it impossible for animals to obtain access
to segments or eggs of the Tænia saginata, beef measles will
disappear.
At present, in the countries where the disease is common, one
experiences a feeling of astonishment that it is not far more frequent;
for experiment has shown that a person infected with one unarmed
tapeworm expels with the fæces an average of four hundred
proglottides per month, each proglottis or segment of the worm
containing about 30,000 eggs, each of which is capable of developing
into a tapeworm.
Beef measles is rather common in Germany, but rare in France,
Switzerland, and Italy.
TRICHINIASIS—TRICHINOSIS.
Trichinosis is a disease caused by the entrance into the body of the

Trichina spiralis. This parasite is swallowed in the larval form, and
undergoes sexual changes in the intestine, at first producing
intestinal trichinosis, which represents the first phase in the
development of the disease.
The trichinæ breed rapidly. The embryos penetrate into or are
directly deposited in the blood-vessels, which convey them to all
parts of the body, thus setting up the second phase of the disease,
known as muscular trichinosis.
Trichinosis as a disease has long been
recognised. Peacock in 1828 and J. Hilton
in 1832 mentioned the existence of the
cysts of trichinæ; Owen in 1835 gave the
name of Trichina spiralis to the parasites
contained in the cysts. Trichinosis being
common in Germany at that time, Virchow
and Leuckart undertook its investigation,
but mistook other nematodes of the
intestine for the Trichina spiralis. In 1847
Leydy recognised that trichinosis occurred
in American pigs.
In 1860 Zenker found muscular and
intestinal trichinosis on post-mortem
examination of a girl who had been
suspected of suffering from typhoid fever,
and a carefully conducted inquiry revealed
the fact that this girl had some time
previously eaten a quantity of raw ham.
Virchow and Leuckart returned to their
Fig. 44.—Gravid investigations, and the life history of the
segment of beef-measle parasite soon became definitely known.
tapeworm (Tænia Causation. Trichinosis is capable of
saginata), showing attacking all mammifers without
lateral branches of the exception, from a man to a mouse; and
uterus, enlarged. most animals which can be made the
(Stiles, Annual Report subjects of experiment contract the disease
U.S.A. Bureau of in varying degrees.
Agriculture, 1901.) The intestinal form is seen in birds, but
Fig. 45.—Egg of beef-measle tapeworm (Tænia saginata), with thick

egg-shell (embryophore), containing the six-hooked embryo
(oncosphere), enlarged. (After Leuckart.)
the muscles do not become infested by the embryos.

Cold-blooded animals are proof against the disease.
After the ingestion of meat containing cysts of the parasite, the
processes of gastric and intestinal digestion set the larvæ at liberty.
These larvæ become sexual at the end of four to five days, and the
females, which are usually twice as numerous as the males, begin
laying eggs from the sixth day, continuing for a month to six weeks.
Each female lays approximately from 10,000 to 15,000 eggs. The
embryos perforate the intestinal walls,
pass into the circulation, and are hurried
into all parts of the system. This period of
infestation constitutes the first phase of
the disease.
Askanazy, in 1896, suggested that it was
not the embryos which perforated the
intestinal walls and thus reached the
blood-vessels, but the fertilised female
trichinæ themselves, which entered the
terminal chyle vessels and laid their eggs
directly within them.
This observation is of great interest, for
it contradicts the view held by Leuckart
and proves that treatment is useless even
in the first phase.
The males are about ¹⁄₁₆ inch in length,
the females ⅛ inch to ⁵⁄₃₂ inch, and are
ovoviviparous.
Symptoms. The symptoms lack
precise character, even when the disease is
known to be developing, and moreover Fig. 46.—Male trichina
they have only been carefully observed in from the intestine.
experimental cases. As soon as the laying (Colin.)
period begins, signs of intestinal
disturbance may be observed, possibly due to embryos perforating
the intestinal walls (if we accept Leuckart’s view), or, according to
Askanazy, to adult females penetrating the chyle vessels and
disturbing intestinal absorption.
These symptoms are only appreciable in cases of “massive”
infestation. If slight, the disturbance passes unperceived. In severe
cases the symptoms consist of diarrhœa, loss of appetite, grinding of
the teeth, abdominal pain in the form of dull colic, and sometimes
irritation of the peritoneum. The embryos carried by the circulation
then escape into the tissues and, like the cysticerci, become encysted,
preferably in the muscles, in the interfascicular connective tissue
towards the ends of the bundles. Each (asexual) parasite plays the
part of a foreign body, causing infiltration of serum and exudation of
leucocytes in its neighbourhood, and soon becoming encysted in the
interior of a little ovoid space surrounded by a fibro-fatty wall. Fat
granules accumulate at each end of the cyst.
Fig. 47.—Free larval trichina. (Colin.)

Fig. 48.—Trichinæ
encysted in the muscular
tissue. (Colin.)
Fig. 49.—Old
(degenerated)
trichina cyst.
(Colin.)
The parasite, which at first appeared straight, soon assumes a bent

form, then that of a figure “6,” then of a figure “3,” and preserves a
latent vitality throughout the entire period of encystment. These
cysts are of very small dimensions, invisible to the naked eye, and
their discovery necessitates the use of the microscope. They are
about ¹⁄₆₄th inch in length and ¹⁄₁₂₀th inch in width. Very frequently
two or three cysts may be found arranged in line, presenting the
appearance of beads on a string: more rarely two parasites may be
found in one cyst; exceptionally, as many as six or seven. The
appearance of “beads on a string” is due to the fact that the parasites
follow the interfascicular capillaries.
In animals which are kept for a long time and fattened the cyst
walls undergo fatty infiltration. The change is commonest in pigs. In
the same way calcareous infiltration sometimes occurs, but only
when the parasites have lost their vitality. This calcareous
degeneration consists in the deposit of carbonate and phosphate of
lime in the walls of the cyst; it never begins before the seventh or
eighth month after infestation, and is sometimes much longer
delayed.
No man or animal ever becomes infested except by the ingestion of
meat or drink containing larval trichinæ. The pig and small rodents
are most frequently attacked. Man contracts trichinosis by eating
insufficiently cooked infected pork. The fact that small rodents,
particularly rats, eat the bodies of their kind explains the persistence
of trichinosis in certain regions. Pigs roaming at large, and thus
liable to find and eat the dead bodies of such rodents, may contract
trichinosis in this way or from eating ordure.
For some weeks after the larvæ have penetrated the muscular
tissues the animals show stiffness of the limbs, difficulty in moving,
and in mastication, etc., but these troubles disappear in a short time.
The above facts explain why trichinosis in the pig is almost
unknown in France, Italy, and Spain. It is commoner in Germany
and in certain States of Europe, such as Holland and Russia,
although investigations had previously shown that in Paris about 7
per cent. of the sewer rats were sufferers from trichinosis and that in
Germany the percentage rose as high as 15 to 20. In Chicago and
Cincinnati, U.S.A., the proportion of rats suffering from trichinosis
has been as high as 50 to 70 per cent., and as in some of the
Northern States pigs were bred in complete freedom, it follows that
at one time very large numbers of American pigs must have suffered
from trichinosis.
In consequence of sanitary precautions this proportion has since
greatly diminished.
Diagnosis. During the animal’s life diagnosis is a difficult matter,
though, on the other hand, simple microscopic examination of
suspected meat is sufficient at once to settle the question. In dealing
with the living animal, however, it is necessary, as in examining
suspected meat, to obtain a fragment of muscle in order to submit it
to microscopic examination. This fragment can be obtained by the
method known as “harpoonage,”—a trocar provided with a cutting
hook, or a trocar the canula of which has a sharp-edged opening near
its end, being thrust into the muscle. On removing the trocar the
elasticity of the tissues causes a fragment to project into the opening
in the canula, and on withdrawing the latter a fragment sufficient for
examination is obtained. One may proceed in the same way by
harpoonage when examining large masses of suspected meat the
surface of which reveals no lesion.
The specimen having been obtained, a few fragments of the
muscular fasciculi are crushed between two glasses and examined
with a low power.
The trichinæ will be found towards the ends of the muscle near the
region of the tendons; few or none exist in the fat. These parasites
are most readily discovered in the diaphragm, in the muscles of the
shoulders and quarters, and in the psoas muscles.
Prognosis. The prognosis is relatively favourable so long as
infestation is only moderate. But it is very grave from the point of
view of public hygiene, on account of the possibility of persons
becoming infected by eating the diseased meat.
Treatment. There is no curative treatment. Formerly it was
believed that, provided the condition were early diagnosed, the
intestinal form might possibly be cured by administering purgatives
and vermifuges so as to prevent the embryos penetrating the system.
After Askanazy’s discoveries this view had to be abandoned, and
the practitioner is necessarily powerless in dealing with the muscular
form. Time alone effects improvement and a relative cure by causing
caseo-calcareous degeneration of the cysts. With a prophylactic
object, every precaution should be taken to prevent the possibility of
pigs being contaminated. This question particularly interests
America, because of the extreme prevalency of pig trichinosis there.
From the point of view of public hygiene all infected meat should
be seized and destroyed, despite the fact that perfect cooking
destroys the vitality of the parasites, which perish at 120° Fahr.
Ordinary salting but slightly affects their vitality, which explains
why from time to time the importation of meat has to be prohibited
and why meat should always be scrupulously inspected.
CHAPTER V.
RHEUMATISM.
In bovine pathology the term “Rheumatism” is applied to a

number of different morbid conditions, the sole connection between
which is that they seriously affect the organs of locomotion. This
reason may perhaps be accepted as sufficient for including the study
of rheumatism amongst diseases affecting locomotion.
The disease is of considerable importance, and for this reason the
study of rheumatism itself necessarily precedes the description of
pseudo-rheumatism, secondary rheumatism, or infectious
rheumatism in young and adult animals.
ARTICULAR RHEUMATISM.
Acute rheumatism has a clearly marked predilection for the

articulations. Sometimes the great serous membranes are
simultaneously affected (pleura, pericardium, endocardium), but
only in very exceptional circumstances are they primarily attacked.
That form of rheumatism known as visceral is as a general rule
secondary in comparison with articular rheumatism. Several joints
and tendon sheaths may be attacked at the same time. Under such
circumstances rheumatism may be defined as a febrile disease,
probably of an infectious nature, revealing itself by simple or
multiple inflammation of joints and the tissues surrounding them,
and capable of becoming complicated with inflammation of the
pleura, pericardium, endocardium, meninges of the brain, etc.
Causation. All authors agree in recognising the influence of
heredity, of wet and cold, of sudden changes in temperature,
draughts in the stable, prolonged exposure to low temperatures, or
the chilling of animals saturated with perspiration. These are and
cannot be otherwise than occasional causes; but the determining
cause remains at present unknown.
In human pathology it has been proved beyond dispute that a
certain relationship exists between arthritism, or the “uric acid
diathesis,” and rheumatism. This fact is so well recognised that
doctors have said that rheumatism was to arthritism what scrofula is
to tuberculosis. That, however, does not advance our knowledge of
the question in the smallest degree, and it may simply be that
arthritism represents one of the principal favouring conditions in the
development of rheumatism.
In domestic animals the uric acid diathesis is little known, renal
lithiasis is no more a rarity than gravel; but at the present time no
one appears clearly to have established the relationship between
these diseases and the development of rheumatism. What, however,
we must all admit is that rheumatism exhibits all the phases of
development of a rapidly progressive infectious disease.
Numerous attempts have been made by doctors during the last few
years to discover the presence of a microscopic agent and to
demonstrate its pathological characteristics. Several microbes have
been described, but one is forced to confess that the results have
until now been very contradictory and uncertain; and yet there is
little room to doubt that the disease is of an infectious character.
Symptoms. The symptoms are generally well defined and well
developed. The onset is sudden; an animal which one day before
appeared perfectly well is attacked in one or several joints. Usually
the upper joints of the limb are involved—the shoulder, elbow, knee,
haunch, stifle, hock.
Nevertheless, invasion is probably not as sudden as it appears to
be, and, as in the human species, the subject begins by feeling erratic
pains, which, however, pass unnoticed. The animal moves with
difficulty, as though it were suffering from laminitis, and has pain
when placing weight on the limb, while the joint attacked soon shows
a swelling which extends to the tendon sheaths and the neighbouring
serous bursæ. The local temperature is higher than that of
surrounding parts, sensibility becomes very marked, and pain
attends the slightest pressure on, or even movement of, the affected
joint. Intense lameness follows, which may even at first give rise to
the suspicion of fracture. The animals remain lying for long periods,
groan from time to time, and suffer great pain when rising.
In some cases the local manifestations appear to be transferred
from one joint to another.
These local symptoms are accompanied by high fever. The
temperature rises to 105° or 106° Fahr., the pulse to 80 or 90, and
the breathing is enormously accelerated if the patients are forced to
move.
Loss of appetite is very marked. Rumination may be suspended,
and these grave symptoms are accompanied by constipation, rapid
wasting, cessation or marked diminution of the milk supply, decrease
in the quantity of urine passed, etc.
A few days after the onset, visceral complications may occur,
though fortunately such complications are far from being constant.
Auscultation and percussion sometimes reveal the lesions of
pleurisy, endocarditis, pericarditis, etc.
The development of articular rheumatism varies greatly, and may
occasionally continue for weeks or months, the condition of one joint
improving only to be followed by inflammation of another.
The visceral lesions rarely disappear completely, and it is not
uncommon to note symptoms of chronic valvular endocarditis.
Relapses are somewhat frequent, and the disease may continue in a
chronic form after the acute symptoms have disappeared.
Lesions. The joint itself is not alone affected. All the tissues
surrounding it are congested, swollen and painful, particularly the
sheaths and insertions of the tendons. Within the inflamed synovial
capsules of the joints an increased quantity of turbid synovia
accumulates, distending the joint and producing a condition of
hydrarthrosis.
In animals slaughtered during the course of the disease one finds
congestive infiltration of the limbs.
The temperature of the parts near the affected joints is higher than
that of neighbouring regions. Sensibility is much more acute, and the
slightest external pressure gives rise to pain.
In favourable cases the joint may appear scarcely injured. The
principal symptoms are those of pain. In old-standing cases certain
permanent changes may occur, such as thickening and hardening of
the wall of the synovial capsule, fibrous infiltration of the tissues
around the joint, or even diffuse and irregular calcareous infiltration.
Cases of false or true anchylosis are rare, the animals usually being
slaughtered before such conditions can develop.
Complications. The commonest complications are endocarditis
and pericarditis. Valvular endocarditis localised in the auriculo-
ventricular valves is revealed by a systolic sound, and by tumultuous
or irregular beating of the heart when the animals are forced to
move. Pericarditis, which seems rare in bovine animals, is much
commoner in sheep. This pericarditis, however, produces none of the
external signs of pericarditis due to a foreign body. Like tuberculous
pericarditis, it is only accompanied by a trifling amount of exudate,
and is recognised by increased cardiac dulness and diminution in the
cardiac sounds on auscultation.
Simple pleurisy associated with pericarditis is frequent in sheep,
but unknown or little known in the ox.
If in animals other visceral complications occur, affecting the
peritoneum, meninges of the brain or intestines, they are at present
little recognised.
Diagnosis. Articular rheumatism can only be confused with
osseous cachexia or laminitis. Osseous cachexia, however, possesses
symptoms peculiar to itself, and generally extends to an entire
district, whilst rheumatism appears in an isolated form. Again, the
arthritis peculiar to osseous cachexia most commonly affects the
joints of the extremities (fetlock and phalanges). The disease may be
differentiated from laminitis by simply manipulating the joints,
which are painful in rheumatism but not in laminitis, and by
percussing the claws, which are painful in laminitis but not in
rheumatism, and by noting the character of the gait.
Prognosis. The prognosis is grave, as in all acute diseases which
are capable of assuming a protracted chronic form. It is also
necessary to take into account the loss of condition, the possibility of
relapse, and the complications due to prolonged decubitus.
Treatment. The first indication is to place the patients in a nearly
constant temperature, to supply bedding generously, and to arrange
for the animal being undisturbed. Among drugs salicylate of soda
gives the best results if administered in sufficient doses—6 to 7
drams per day for oxen or cows of medium size, 45 to 75 grains for
sheep.
Diuretics, like bicarbonate of soda, nitrate of potash and hay tea or
infusion of couch grass, pellitory, etc., also give good results.
The joints attacked may be blistered, but it is often preferable to
use mild ointments, containing camphor or belladonna, because, as
soon as pain diminishes, moderate massage of the affected parts,
which favours rapid absorption of the effusions, can then at once be
resorted to. The diet should consist of easily digested food and of
lukewarm hay tea, etc. When the animals are suffering from kidney
disease in any form salicylate of soda is contra-indicated.
Antipyrin may also be of service in doses of 45 to 75 grains for
bovines and 15 grains for sheep. Preparations of methyl salicylate can
only be used for animals of value.
MUSCULAR RHEUMATISM.
Muscular rheumatism is due to causes similar to those of articular

rheumatism. The symptoms, moreover, often occur simultaneously,
or may alternate with the articular manifestations, with which they
are seldom entirely unconnected.
Moist cold seems to be the predetermining cause, whether it acts
indirectly on the nerve trunks or affects the capillary circulation in
the muscles, through the medium of the vaso-motor supply. The
results are revealed by the development of neuralgia, neuritis or
interstitial myositis; and these diseases, by producing more or less
intense pain, cause difficulty in movement or distinct lameness.
Attempts have been made to explain the development of these
lesions by ascribing a certain action to the uric acid (which is said to
be in excess in the body), and to the lactic acid, which accumulates in
the muscular tissue after fatigue or over-exertion, and may
occasionally produce temporary myositis. Up to the present time, no
satisfactory proof has been furnished enabling us to identify the
myositis of rheumatism with the myositis of over-exertion, which,
moreover, appears to differ from it in essential particulars.
Symptoms. Muscular rheumatism is often ill-recognised in
veterinary medicine, and closer observation would appear to suggest

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i (male human) w-i

iii (some animates, all insects, some inanimates) b-i

1 The support of the European Research Council (grant ERC-2008-AdG-230268 MORPHOLOGY)

(2) bošor a<w>χu

(3) kɬele a<b>χu

(4) zon d-irχːʷin

(5) un hanžugur da-qˤa?

(6) nen aχu

(7) žʷen aχu

(8) a. Archi ‘be.prs’ b. Ingush ‘be.prs’ (Nichols 2011: 143, 431)

singular plural singular plural

singular plural singular plural

3 neut 3 neut k-àasàlà

3 masc wee-mí 3 masc àasàlà

person-based restriction on gender agreement is a distinct notion from person

(10) Orejón suffixes (Velie & Velie 1981: 123f)

a. indicative present-future b. interrogative present-future

fem masc fem masc

c. indicative past d. interrogative past

fem masc fem masc

a. gerundive ‘wash’ b. comparable suffixes on nouns

singular plural acaweré-gʉ ‘male relative’

(12) Tucano present progressive paradigm (gerundive + auxiliary) ‘is washing’;

In most other Eastern Tucanoan languages the auxiliary element is suffixed to

(13) Carapana non-past conjectural ‘work’ (Metzger 2000: 154)

Still, in spite of what is often assumed, there is no necessary connection between

(15) Cubeo (Chacon 2012: 270, 272f)

3 masc -ãbe -bi

The Cubeo data also illustrate an additional complication to our account. If

(16) a. Wanano ‘sell.fut’ (Waltz 1976: 30) b. Tucano gerundive ‘wash’

singular plural singular plural