The Inscribed-Cross Churches in Göreme

THE INSCRIBED-CROSS CHURCHES IN GREME
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
OF
MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY
BY
MELTEM ARI
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS
IN
THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY OF ARCHITECTURE
JUNE 2004
Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences
___________________________
Prof. Dr. Sencer AYATA
Director
I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of
Master of Arts.
_________________________
Prof. Dr. Suna GVEN
Head of Department
This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.
__________________________
Prof. Dr. Suna GVEN
Supervisor
Examining Committee Members:
Prof. Dr. mr BAKIRER
_________________________
Prof. Dr. Suna GVEN
_________________________
Dr. Ufuk SERN
________________________
I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and
presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare
that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all
material and results that are not original to this work.
Date: June 18th, 2004
Signature:
ABSTRACT

ARI, Meltem
M. A., Department of History of Architecture
Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Suna GVEN
June 2004, 127 pages
This thesis reviews the general characteristics of rock-cut churches with an

inscribed-cross plan in Greme. These churches, namely Chapel 17, St. Barbara,
arkl, Karanlk, Elmal, Chapel 25, Chapel 32, Kllar, Bezirhane and Yusuf
Ko, date from the ninth to the eleventh century of the Middle Byzantine period.
Firstly, this study aims to identify the general features of these churches. It also
attempts to examine their liturgical planning. While doing so, architectural
developments in the inscribed-cross churches in Byzantine stanbul will also be
used for comparison, in order to highlight provincial characteristics in the
inscribed-cross churches of Greme.
Keywords: Middle Byzantine Period, Church Architecture, Greme, Inscribedcross plan
iii
GREMEDEK KAPALI HA PLANLI KLSELER
ARI, Meltem
Yksek Lisans, Mimarlk Tarihi Blm
Tez Yneticisi: Prof. Dr. Suna GVEN
Haziran 2004, 127 sayfa
Bu tez Gremede bulunan kapal ha plana sahip kaya kiliselerinin mimari

zelliklerini incelemektedir. Bu kiliseler, Chapel 17, St. Barbara, arkl, Karanlk,
Elmal, Chapel 25, Chapel 32, Kllar, Bezirhane and Yusuf Kotur ve 9-11 yzyl
Orta Bizans dnemine tarihlenmektedir. Bu alma ncelikle bu kiliselerin genel
zelliklerini belirlemeyi amalamaktadr. Ayrca, alma bu kiliselerin ayinsel
planlarn
incelemektedir.
Ayinsel
planlar
incelenirken,
yerel
zelliklerini
belirleyebilmek iin, Bizans stanbulunda bulunan kapal ha planl kiliselerin

mimari geliimleri karlatrma iin kullanlacaktr.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Orta Bizans Dnemi, Kilise Mimarl, Greme, Kapal Ha

Plan
iv
To my mother, for her endless love and support
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
There are a number of people who made this thesis possible. Firstly, I wish to
express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Dr. Suna Gven, for her
guidance, advice and insight throughout the research. I was very lucky to be one
of her students and I will always remember her encouragement during the
research.
I am also indebted to Prof. Dr. mr Bakrer and Dr. Ufuk Serin who gave me
much of their valuable time especially during the final phase of this work.
I especially thank my mother, Serap Ar. My mother was always with me during
the course of this project, as she has been throughout my life.
I would also like to thank my friends Selen and Esra. They were always with me
whenever or wherever I needed. I especially thank Didem and Murat to whom I
cannot express my debt and gratitude in a few words. They were always with me
especially during the hardest phase of this work. I thank Nimet for her trust and
moral boost. And I am also most grateful to Pelin for the plans she has prepared
for me. At last, I want to thank Nevzat, whose support diminished the pessimistic
moment of this work. I could do nothing without his love and support.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................... iii

Z.......................................................................................................................... iv
DEDICATION.......................................................................................................... v
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ........................................................................................ vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS........................................................................................ vii
LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................ ix
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................1
1.1 Terminology...................................................................................................3
1.2 Methodology..................................................................................................4
2. HISTORY OF BYZANTINE CAPPADOCIA ........................................................7
3. THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE INSCRIBED-CROSS CHURCH
TYPE ....................................................................................................................17
3.1 Type ............................................................................................................18
3.2 Origin...........................................................................................................21
3.3 Development ...............................................................................................25
4. THE INSCRIBED-CROSS CHURCHES IN GREME .....................................32
4.1 Chapel 17 (Kzlar Church)...........................................................................33
4.2 Chapel 19 (Elmal Church) ..........................................................................35
4.3 Chapel 20 (St. Barbara Church) ..................................................................37
4.4 Chapel 22 (arkl Church)..........................................................................38
4.5 Chapel 23 (Karanlk Church) .......................................................................41
4.6 Chapel 25 ....................................................................................................44
4.7 Chapel 29 (Kllar Church) .........................................................................46
vii
4.8 Chapel 32 ....................................................................................................48

4.9 Yusuf Ko Church .......................................................................................49
4.10 Bezirhane Church......................................................................................51
5. THE LITURGICAL PLANNING OF INSCRIBED-CROSS CHURCHES IN
GREME..............................................................................................................55
5.1 Sanctuary ....................................................................................................56
5.1.1 Liturgical planning of sanctuaries in the churches of Constantinople ...57
5.1.2 Function of Cappadocian Sanctuaries..................................................58
5.2 Naos ............................................................................................................61
5.2.1 Prothesis Niche ....................................................................................62
5.2.2 Water Basin ..........................................................................................64
5.2.3 Seating Places......................................................................................65
5.2.4 Function of the Cappadocian naos .......................................................66
5.3 Entrances ....................................................................................................67
5.3.1 Porch ....................................................................................................68
5.3.2 Narthex .................................................................................................69
5.3.3 Function of Cappadocian entrances .....................................................71
5.4 Ceilings........................................................................................................72
5.5 Burial Places ...............................................................................................75
6. PATRONAGE ...................................................................................................79
7. CONCLUSION..................................................................................................83
FIGURES..............................................................................................................91
BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................110
APPENDICES ....................................................................................................116
A. LIST OF THE BYZANTINE EMPERORS....................................................116
B. THE LIST OF INSCRIBED-CROSS CHURCHES IN CAPPADOCIA .........122
C. CHURCH OF COLUMNS IN KIZILUKUR ................................................124
D. GLOSSARY ................................................................................................126
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE
1. The region of Cappadocia............................................................................92
Source: Restle 1967
2. General view of the standing pinnacles........................................................92
Photograph: Meltem Ar
3. a- One-aisle basilica (Chapel 9, Greme)....................................................93
Source: Restle 1967, xii
b- Two-aisle basilica (Chapel 11, Greme)......................................................93
Source: Restle 1967, xiii
c- Three-aisle basilica (Chapel 6, Greme).....................................................93
Source: Restle 1967, viii
d- Cruciform church (Chapel 6a, Greme)......................................................93
Source: Restle 1967, ix
e- Inscribed-cross church (Church A Church, Soanldere)............................93
Source: Kostof 1989, 139
4. East Roman Empire in 406..........................................................................94
Source: McEvedy 2004, 11
5. Byzantine Empire, from the seventh to the ninth century............................94
Source: Anastos 1966, 69
6. Byzantine Empire in 1025............................................................................95
Source: Hussey 1966, 193
7. Byzantine Empire in 1092............................................................................95
Source: McEvedy 2004, 61
8. Inscribed-cross plan.....................................................................................96
Source: Korat 2003, 147
9. Plan of Nea Ecclasia Church........................................................................96
Source: Ousterhout 1998, 120
10. Plan of the monastery of Constantine Lips.................................................96
ix
Source: Krautheimer 1986, 358

11. Plan of Myrelaion Church............................................................................97
Source: Mathews 1976, 210
12. Plan of St. s Peter and Mark Church...........................................................97
Source: Mathews 1976, 16
13. The location of inscribed-cross churches in Greme Valley........................98
Source: Giovannini 1971
14. Plan of Elmal Church..................................................................................98
Source: Restle 1967, xviii
15. The vaulting system of Elmal Church.........................................................98
16. Main apse of Elmal Church.........................................................................99
17. Right-side apse of Elmal Church.................................................................99
18. Central dome of Elmal Church....................................................................99
19. Sketch plan of St. Barbara Church.............................................................100
Plan: Pelin Yoncac
20. The main apse and naos and of St. Barbara Church.................................100
21 a & b. Left and right-side apses of St. Barbara Church...............................100
22. Masonry lines on the barrel vaults of St. Barbara Church...........................101
23. One of the strange animals in St. Barbara Church......................................101
24. Plan of arkl Church..................................................................................101
Source: Restle 1967, xxi
25. The vaulting system of arkl Church.........................................................101
26. Main apse of arkl Church........................................................................101
27. Archangel on the subsidiary dome of arkl Church..................................102
28. Faade of Karanlk Monastery.....................................................................102

29. Plan of Karanlk Church...............................................................................102
Source: Restle 1967, xxii
30. The naos and the vaulting system of Karanlk Church................................103
Source: www.cappadociaonline.com/photos/kar15
31. The scene of Last Supper in Karanlk Church.............................................103
Source: www.cappadociaonline.comm/photos/kar5
32. Cross-medallions in the narthex of Chapel 25.............................................103
33. Sketch plan of Chapel 25.............................................................................104
Plan: Pelin Yoncac
34. Columns in Chapel 25..................................................................................104
35. Chancel screen of Chapel 25 (the main apse).............................................104
36. Masonry lines on the barrel vaults of Chapel 25..........................................104
37. Cross-medallions on the walls of Chapel 25................................................104
38. Plan of Kllar Church.................................................................................105
Source: Restle 1967, xxiv
39. Three-dimensional drawing of Kllar Church.............................................105
Source: Akyrek 1998, 275
40. Main apse of Kllar Church........................................................................105
Source: Restle 1967, 251
41. Central dome of Kllar Church...................................................................105
Source: Restle 1967, 252
42. Plan of Yusuf Ko Church............................................................................106
Source: Rodley 1985, 152
43. The naos and the central dome of Yusuf Ko Church..................................106
44. Capital of the column in Yusuf Ko Church..................................................106
45. Faade of Bezirhane Monastery...................................................................106
xi
46 a & b. Plan and section of Bezirhane Church..............................................107

Source: Kostof 1989, 122
47. Bench in the naos of Yusuf Ko Church.....................................................107
48. Bench in Chapel 25....................................................................................108
49. Central dome of Chapel 25.........................................................................108
50. Christ Pantokrator on the central dome of Karanlk Church........................109
Source: www.cappadociaonline.com/photos/kar2
51. Grave pit in Chapel 25.................................................................................109
52. Plan of Church of Columns..........................................................................125
Source: Korat 2003, 189
xii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
For any traveler, traveling from the west or east, the journey to Cappadocia is a
remarkable experience in itself. This extraordinary region in central Anatolia
spreads out along the skirts of Erciyes Da, an extinct volcanic mountain (figure
1). In this region, the most striking feature of the landscape is the vulcanism,
which has created dramatic morphological contrasts and produced a wide range
of features (Andolfato and Zucchi 1971, 51). The volcanic dust and lava which in
the past have covered the land to a depth of hundreds of feet have been eroded
by water and wind to show bare escarpments of white, yellow or pinkish rock from
which, as one goes further, free standing pinnacles, cones and buttresses detach
themselves in increasing numbers (Mainstone 1958, 1). Beyond rgp, Greme
and neighboring valleys, these cones become so numerous that they make the
landscape quite fantastic (figure 2).
In Cappadocia, with regards to these geological features, people carved homes

for themselves by tunneling rather than quarrying and building in the more usual
way. This was partly for the purpose of security and partly out of a desire for
seclusion. Apart from rock-cut dwellings, they carved, countless churches and
chapels away from the towns and villages, long before Cappadocia became
Turkish and Moslem. Especially in Greme region, which has usually been
studied as a religious center rather than a settlement, we see some particularly
spectacular examples of these formations, which date from the ninth to the
eleventh century of the Byzantine period. The protective camouflage of the
exterior of the rock cut churches is in striking contrast to the often rich and varied
carving of the interiors. Many of these carved edifices were painted inside and
were probably used as churches, although the presence of dwellings should not
be underestimated.
From a typological point of view, we can say that some of the most common
architectural types encountered in Greme are basilicas with one, two or three
aisles, and cruciform churches or churches with inscribed-cross plans (figure 3).
Among these architectural types, the one-aisle basilica or single or double ones
were the simplest and most enduring types in the rock cut architecture of
Cappadocia from the close of the early Christian phase to the advent of the Seljuk
Turks (Kostof 1989, 120). The inscribed-cross church plan appeared in
Cappadocia only in the Middle Byzantine period but it became very popular in this
area as it was elsewhere in Byzantium (Teteriatnikov 1996, 50). There are many
churches of this type found in Cappadocia dating from the tenth to the eleventh
century. Greme, where some of the best-preserved inscribed-cross churches are
found, becomes extremely important in the context of showing the complete
development of inscribed-cross church type.
Hence, this study attempts to examine the liturgical planning of the inscribedcross form, highlighting the context of Greme. It aims to identify the general
characteristics of these churches and to search for their architectural origins, and
also to illustrate their development from the ninth to the eleventh century, the final
active period of inscribed-cross churches. This study will also treat the question of
changes in liturgical planning that occurred throughout this period. Owing to its
physical situation close to the eastern border of the Byzantine Empire,
Cappadocian church architecture was connected with architectural and liturgical
developments in both Byzantium and the Christian East. In order to identify their
provincial characteristics, rock-cut churches of this area will therefore be
examined against architectural developments in other areas of the Byzantine
Empire, the capital in particular. At the end of this study, we hope to establish the
evolutionary sequence of these Byzantine structures in relation to contextual
factors.
1.1 Terminology
The term inscribed-cross church is used to define a plan type that includes a
system of nine bays of which the center one is covered by a high dome.
Nevertheless, in many of the studies, a different terminology is used to describe
this same plan type such as quincunx, four-column type, and domed
inscribed-cross or cross-in-square. Among the terms that are used to define the
same church type, however, none of them seems to illustrate this plan type
thoroughly.
In this regard, the term quincunx describes a two-dimensional geometric figure,

which is difficult to relate to the three-dimensional features of a church. It also
refers to a scheme with five objects in a square or rectangle, one in the center
and one in each corner, an arrangement which is descriptive of only a limited

number of the buildings, such as those with a dome in the corner bay.
On the other hand, the four-column type refers to relatively inconsequential

features and may be misleading because examples with two or six columns, as
well as other forms of support also exist. There may be two or six columns, or
piers without changing the architectural configuration. Hence the number of
columns does not appear to be an essential feature of these churches.
Similarly, the term cross-in-square may also be misleading because many of the
churches do not have square plans. Furthermore, cross-in-square fails to take
into account the fact that most of these churches are adapted to their site in plan.
On the other hand, the term domed inscribed-cross would be more accurate, but
is unnecessary because examples without domes are rare.
In this thesis, the rather old-fashioned term inscribed-cross church type will be
used because it is simple and describes distinctive features more effectively than
the other designations. Hence, the writer of this thesis is of the opinion that none
of the other terms that are regularly but confusingly- encountered in the scholarly
literature seem to be as brief and at the same time as correctly and succinctly
descriptive.
1.2 Methodology
As it has been pointed out at the beginning, this studys main intention is to
investigate the evolution of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme. Hence, the
study consists of three main parts: In Chapters 2 and 3, respectively, the

descriptive information will be given in detail about the historical context of
Byzantine Cappadocia first, to be followed by the basic architectural
characteristics of the inscribed-cross type.
In order to provide detailed information about the historical background in

Cappadocia, the thesis will begin with the 4th century, the time of the three
Cappadocian fathers and will be limited by the 11th century, because the latest
painted churches in Greme are dated to this time. In Chapter 3, the origin and
development of the inscribed-cross type will be described with its basic features.
In addition, its evolutionary sequence in Byzantine Istanbul (Constantinople) will
also be partially examined in order to provide a further aspect of comparison. This
examination will help to draw the lines not only of the chronological framework,
but also the special context for this type of church.
Chapter 4 constitutes the second part of the study, in which the ten inscribedcross churches in Greme will be catalogued with their plans, inscriptions and
decoration programmes. All three chapters are structured to construct a logical
background to the other main subject of the study that will be treated in Chapters
5 and 6.
Chapters 5 and 6 belong in the third part of the study. Concerning the liturgical
planning of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme, a variety of details emerge.
Hence, for reasons of convenience, the study will be limited to specific parts of
buildings that have liturgical import, such as sanctuaries, the naos and entrance
compartments. First of all, the sanctuary will be investigated with its liturgical
furnishings. Secondly, the identification of the naos and its furnishings will be
examined as a clue for understanding the use of the naos. Later, the design and
the planning of entrances in inscribed-cross churches will be examined. An
analysis of their planning and function can clarify the understanding of their origin,
their relationship to one another, and their specific use in this area. Following this,
the presence of burial places in the entrance compartments will be examined in
order to show not only their architectural form, but also their liturgical function. In
this regard, it will be shown that the presence of a burial place immediately
changed the nature of the site. Investigations of these aspects of inscribed-cross
churches reveal that they functioned in quite a different way from the great
churches of the capital. And finally, the part on patronage will help to understand
how economic conditions and financial support constitute a key factor in
explaining the high number of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme.
CHAPTER 2
HISTORY OF BYZANTINE CAPPADOCIA
In this chapter, the history of Byzantine Cappadocia will be introduced with the
related and detailed information of Constantinople, the capital. Although the
Byzantine period is known not to have ended until 1453 when the Ottoman
Empire conquered the capital, the time period in the thesis will be limited between
the 4th century, the time of foundation of the new capital-Constantinople, and the
war of Manzikert in the 11th century, that was important in the evolution of
Byzantine Cappadocia.
The significance of the fourth century as a creative period is seen no less in the
administrative and legal system of the Byzantine Empire. This bore to its last
days, despite fundamental reforms carried out by later rulers, the stamp of the
autocratic pattern introduced by Diocletian and remodeling by Constantine. But
the most decisive of all features was Constantines personal designation of the
new capital (Moss 1966, 4). The formation of the East Roman Empire in relation
to the Byzantine Empire began in the fourth century (330). Actually, the East
Roman Empire did not evolve into any other empire than itself yet some of the
characteristic features of the Byzantine Empire began to appear immediately after

Constantinople was founded (figure 4).
Like the Roman Empire, the Byzantine Empire was defined by its capital
(Magdalino 1993, 109). Byzantium, as Constantine1 founded it, resembled in
general appearance those numerous Hellenistic cities of the Asian coast, which
despite temporary setbacks had grown up to prosperity under the Roman peace
(Moss 1966, 6). Constantinople (New Rome) was the place where the emperor
resided, where metropolitan bishops were consecrated, tax officials appointed,
tax-receipts collected, and where people could order the best that money could
buy, from a silver dish to an education. It also was the polis and its importance
only increased as Byzantine society became less Roman in character (Magdalino
1993, 109).
In the fourth century, one of the basic features of the Byzantine Empire that gave
its character throughout its history was Christianity.
In no state, with the possible exception of ancient Egypt, did religion

play a more essential part in determining not only the nature of the
peoples lives but also the course of history than in Byzantine. In no
state did the affairs of the church or the business of the dogmatic
theologian enter so universally into the life and at times also political
events, on the way in which the faith itself developed. Indeed, it was to
a great extent the influence of the locality that was responsible for
making Byzantine Christianity (and with it the faith of the Orthodox
world) distinct from Roman Christianity (and with it the faith of Roman
Catholicism)(Rice 1962, 124).
For the whole list of Byzantine Emperors see Appendix A.
Beginning from this period, the position of the emperor also changed. The
emperor became the ultimate judge and his interpretation of the law was absolute.
Hence in the history of Byzantium, the emperor came to be described as priest
and king. Changes are seen regarding the church also. The church also became
a state church; it was within the state and remained a part of the organization of
the state (Ensslin 1966, 10-11). The Emperor was raised above the Church, a
position that gave him a number of prerogatives. In this regard, he gave his own
judgment on matters of discipline or liturgy and had a predominating influence in
the election of Patriarchs (Herman 1966, 105).
Much of the character of Byzantine religion was determined by the rapidity of the
growth of Christianity in the eastern provinces of Asia Minor during the fourth and
fifth centuries. Especially in Cappadocia, where long centuries of war had caused
major demographic changes, Christianity had deeply influenced the regions
culture even long before Constantine the Great had acknowledged Christianity as
the official religion of the Empire in 313 (Akyrek 1998, 230). And from the early
third century on Cappadocia became a major religious center.
Firstly, it turned into a center where annual synods were held. In addition, Roman
persecution of the Christians gave rise to the concept of martyrdom, which was to
play a major role in the development of Christianity, too. The other important
development in the history of Cappadocia occurred during these years when it
became an influential center for Christian theology: Early Christians persecuted
and killed by the Romans in Cappadocia, such as Hyacinthus, Cyrillus and
Marcirius, Eustratius, Auxentius, the nuns Chreste and Calliste, and the Forty
Martyrs of Sebastia are still remembered by Orthodox Christians (Akyrek 1998,
229). These saints figured widely in theology and Byzantine art, and were revered
9
by the ordinary people. According to Hagios Basileios (St Basil the Great) the
Forty Martyrs of Sebasteia were soldiers killed by the Romans for converting to
Christianity (Akyrek 1998, 232). With respect to these evolutions, it is apparent
that an important cult grew up around these martyrs in Cappadocia which also
inspired many art works in eastern Christendom.
During the fourth and fifth centuries, a series of Christian fathers transmitted to
later Byzantine Christianity the common conceptions of the educated class from
which they came and by so doing gave them an ecclesiastical authority (Mathew
1966, 46-47). During these years, the Cappadocian fathers were of notable
importance in the Eastern Christianity. St Basil of Caesarea (329-79), St Gregory
of Nazianzus (c. 329-c. 390) and St Gregory of Nyssa (c. 335-c. 395), completed
their conventional higher education and were moulded by it. Basil was born at
Caesarea in Cappadocia and studied rhetoric and philosophy at Athens for six
years under the masters Himerius and Prohaeresius. Before he became a monk,
he had taught as a rhetorician at Caesarea. His young brother, Gregory of Nyssa,
was a professional rhetorician also, while their common friend Gregory of
Nazianzus had studied not only at Athens but also at Alexandria and
Constantinople. It may be that both the closeness of their friendship and the unity
of their theological thought have been over-stressed. However, the character of
their contribution to East Christian theology was determined by the fact that they
were trained rhetoricians. Through their rhetorical analysis of the exact meaning
of words they created a theological terminology, which made possible the exact
formulation of the Trinitarian doctrine and provided the setting of the Christological
controversies of the next century. Their use of rhetorical images led to the
development of the Christian conception of theological analogy (Mathew 1966,
48-49).
10
These
three
Cappadocian
fathers,
with
their
works
and
idiosyncratic
characteristics, brought to Byzantine Christianity a cosmic conception of the

nature and the destiny of man and of the purpose and process of the Incarnation.
All of those three men make Cappadocia one of the well-known literary centers
and they exerted great influence far beyond the limits of their nature province of
Cappadocia (Vasiliev 1952, 117).
After the influence of the Cappadocian fathers for over two centuries, in the
seventh century, the Byzantine Empire had to face the incursions of the new
religion, Islam.
The first Arab raid came in 642, and from then on Cappadocia
became the embittered frontier between two rival faiths. Islam now
defined the new East, Byzantium the beleaguered West. The capital,
Constantinople, seemed impregnable by two sieges, stood fast at the
very tip of Christian Europe, and Anatolia became the battleground for
the Western cause (Kostof 1989, 25).
After the successful campaigns against the Arabs, the Byzantine Empire achieved
the re-establishment of its power in there. Neverthless the sporadic attacks of the
Arabs continued to be a serious threat for Byzantium in Asia Minor and
particularly for Cappadocia until well into the eleventh century (figure 5).
As the wars against Arabs continued, the Byzantine Empire underwent a period
Iconoclasm that was formulated as a doctrine. When the Emperors took action
against the use of images in two different periods (726-75, 815-42), they did not
do so in order to increase their prerogatives or to assert the authority of the state
over the Church, as some have maintained, but for the sake of what they thought
11
to be theological propriety, with which they concerned themselves in the exercise

of their formal functions, as understood by Constantine the Great or Justinian, and
in the Byzantine imperial tradition as a whole. Other objectives might become
involved in an Emperors decision to oppose icons or to favor them, but the
decisive factor was of theological origin (Anastos 1966, 62).
Leo III (717-41), who won prestige after winning his Arab wars, was the originator
of Byzantine Iconoclasm. It is now commonly agreed that official iconoclasm as a
matter of imperial policy began in 726 (Anastos 1966, 66). Furthermore, It has
been argued that objections on biblical grounds are insufficient to explain the
iconoclast movement as a whole, and that the Muslims, whom the iconoclasts
hoped to conciliate by launching an attack upon idolatry in fact directly inspired it
(Anastos 1966, 67). With the death of Constantine V, however, the first
iconoclastic period comes to an end.
The second iconoclastic controversy was begun with the rule of Leo V, the
Armenian (813-20) (Mathew 1966, 98). The second period of iconoclasts
advanced no new doctrine and only repeated the principal arguments of their
predecessors. During this period, Asia Minor had its greatest damage from the
achievement of the iconoclasts. The provinces became more insecure and were
often abandoned. In Cappadocia, the situation is no different than elsewhere.
Until the mid-seventh century Cappadocia had served as a fairly secure buffer
region on the empires eastern frontier. Through the eighth and first half of the
ninth century, the iconoclast movement shattered religious and cultural life in
Cappadocia. Construction of churches and fresco painting came to halt and
thousands of monks from the Cappadocian monasteries fled to Italy (Akyrek
12
1998, 229). On the whole, the results of the iconoclastic period were highly
damaging for Cappadocia, and were felt rather deeply.
With the restoration of the images that was celebrated on the first Sunday of Lent
(11 March 843) as the Feast of Orthodoxy, the second iconoclastic period
finished. The iconoclasts did not disappear from the Church until the end of the
ninth century, but they were never strong enough to secure a revival of the
dogmatic decrees of 754 - 815 (Anastos 1966, 104).
After the iconoclastic periods, the empire began to be ruled by Leo VI, the Wise
(886-912), with Alexander as co-emperor. Economically this was an age of
prosperity, while it was outstanding artistically. But it was also saw the beginnings
of a gradual increase in power of the aristocracy, which was eventually to prove
the ruin of the state (Rice 1962, 56). The earliest signs of such important
developments and changes are the appearance of a group of eastern military
families who would come to dominate Byzantine politics in the tenth century: the
Phokades, the Maleioni, the Argyroi, the Skleroi, the Kourkuai and the Doukai to
name only the leading representatives of a wider phenomenon. These families
were the principal local beneficiaries as the balance of warfare swung in favor of
the Byzantines, both in terms of the tangible benefits of annual inflows of booty
and estates newly secure from enemy raids, and the more intangible but equally
important advantages of the growing confidence and sense of identity among the
inhabitants of the frontier zone (Whittow 1996, 337).
The new world that these families occupied can be illustrated by looking at
Cappadocia, the heartland of the related Phokas and Maleinos clans. By the ninth
and the early tenth century, the military aristocracy gained more power. A small
13
number of powerful families holding great tracts of land began to provide a

significant part of the Byzantine army (Rodley 1985, 4). These years were the
wealthiest times in the history of Cappadocia. As it will be seen in the following
chapters, most of the churches were built during this time.
Throughout most of this period, monks dominated the church hierarchy. The
monks influence became stronger as they formed larger communities (Treadgold
1997, 555). This was no different in the province of Cappadocia. Monks took a
leading role not only in determining theology but also in shaping the general view
of Christian life in there.
The half-century that followed, covered by the reign of Basil II (976-1025), was
one of the most prosperous in Byzantine history (Rice 1962, 59) (figure 6). In
1025, the emperors power was so great that few neighboring powers would risk
antagonizing it. In fact the most of those that were Christian looked up to it
(Treadgold 1997, 542). The years between the death of Basil II in 1025 and the
accession of Alexius I Comnenus in 10812 were at once fruitful and disastrous. In
this regard, while historiography, poetry, spirituality and religious life, painting and
architecture flourished, imperial authority dwindled. Similarly, reduction in military
defenses to some extent is observed while considerable incentive was given to
separatism. It thus proved impossible to take any effective stand against rising
With the beginning of Comnenus reign, toward the middle of the eleventh century the
real and the final break between Rome and Byzantium occurred. Relations between Rome
and Byzantium had long been strained, because they were both struggling for influence in
Southern Italy. But this was insufficient to cause a schism. Ultimately, what brought it
about was the arrogance and ambition of two men opposed to all concessions: a papal
legate, Cardinal Humbert and a patriarch of Constantinople, Michael Cerularius. The
latter, authoritarian and brutal, was unafraid of promoting a personal policy at variance
with the one being followed toward the West by Constantine IX For more detail see
Lemerle (1964, 98-100).
14
forces on every front. Particularly threatening were the Seljuks to the East, the
Balkan principalities and the Pechenegs and other Turkic raiders to the North, and
the Normans to the West, while added complications were to arise from the
crusading movement led by a reinvigorated Papacy and Latin barons moved by
secular ambition as well as Christian devotion (Hussey 1966, 193). One of the
most striking contrasts between the Empire of this period and the middle
Byzantine state was the observed weakening of the central authority, and the
loosing of its links with the periphery (Hussey 1966, 240).
Once the last of the Macedonian dynasty was gone, the elements of discord
seemed unchained, and the double scourge of civil war and foreign invasion
began to afflict the empire (Owan 1892, 249). In these years, the Seljuk Turks
forced Cappadocia for a long time. After the decisive battle of Manzikert (1071),
which was a turning point in the history of Asia Minor, Cappadocia was defeated
by Seljuk Turks. After this battle, Byzantines would not have the province again.
It was probably in the spring of 1073 when the young ruler of the East, Isaac
Comnenus, who was the nephew of the last emperor of the same name, led a
small army to drive the Turks from Cappadocia. Russell of Baillievl, leader of the
Norman mercenaries since Crispins death, accompanied him (Treadgold 1997,
606). Yet he was not to be successful in gaining the region again (figure 7).
After 70 years, between 1143-1180, there was an attempt to reconstruct the

Anatolian provinces of the empire. Whereas recovery in the European provinces
began fairly quickly after the restoration of political control, in Anatolia it was
delayed because of the need to create a new frontier with the Turks who had
occupied central Anatolia (Angold 1997, 289).
15
In sum, after Constantine the Great had declared Byzantium as the eastern
capital in 330, the period of the Byzantine in Cappadocia began. By the fourth
century, the Cappadocian Fathers affected the culture of the region and gave a
new shape with their theological thoughts. By the end of the sixth and the seventh
centuries, the conflict between the Arabs and Byzantium caused confrontations in
Cappadocia. The Arabs were the first threat for the region of Cappadocia, which
continued with breaks until well into the eleventh century. Through the eighth and
first half of the ninth century the iconoclast activity caused great problems and
made the region more inhabited. Relative peace was restored in the second half
of the ninth century and lasted until 1071. The overthrow of the iconoclasts with
the help of the Cappadocian monasteries, which defended their icons with fierce
desperation, played its part in maintaining peace. From the second half of the
ninth century until 1071 Byzantine Cappadocia enjoyed a golden age, and most of
the churches and frescoes of the region date from this period.
16
CHAPTER 3
THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE INSCRIBEDCROSS CHURCH TYPE
The Byzantine style of architecture in the Middle Ages shows a remarkable unity.
Throughout this long period, building forms from older times were transformed or
newly created ones shaped the Middle Byzantine architecture (Grabar 1966, 328).
During these years, military architecture remained unchanged. On the other hand,
domestic architecture continued to use age-old traditions. While the military and
domestic architecture seemed relatively unchanged in the Middle Byzantine
period, church planning became highly established and evolved. Between the
ninth and the twelfth centuries the proportions of the buildings progressively
changed, and certain details of construction and decoration became modified.
Around the middle of the ninth century, in general the church plans prior to
Justinian disappeared from the architectural centers of the Empire. New types,
widely differing among each other in plan; replace their places yet closely related
in stylistic concept (Krautheimer 1986, 335,344). Among these types, the
inscribed-cross was the most widely spread Middle Byzantine church plan.
The inscribed-cross church dominated Byzantine ecclesiastical construction for

several centuries, and appear to have had profound influence on Western
17
medieval architecture. After the aisled basilica, it was the most prominent church
type. However, the most important aspect of this plan type is to know when the
first inscribed-cross church was conceived and how it became the most prominent
type. In this respect, the present chapter will deal with some of the important
features of this plan type. First of all, the defining characteristics of the plan type
will be outlined. Then, its origins and the possible evolution of the inscribed-cross
church type will be discussed with its simple and fully developed examples both
from Constantinople and Asia Minor. This background will provide a base for
understanding the examples of this plan type in Greme, which will be treated the
Chapter 4.
3.1 Type
The features of the inscribed-cross church are complex, but easily

grasped when examined from inside the building (figure 8). Its
perimeter walls (without the narthex) usually contain a simple
rectangular space, the longer axis oriented east-west, with one or
more exedral apses projecting to the east. The vaulting solution gives
the church its distinctive form and most prominent characteristics3
(Buchwald 1999, 303).
At the center, a dome is supported and elevated by a drum, which rests upon four
pendentives and four-barrel vaults. The pendentives provide the transition
between the drum and the barrel vaults, which are disposed in the form of a cross
with the dome at its center. The barrel vaults have approximately the same
diameter as the dome, and continue in the four primary directions to the perimeter
walls of the church.
According to Buchwald, in the geometry of the inscribed-cross church, all three axial
directions and the secondary diagonals are emphasised, carefully balanced, but not
equated. The vertical is emphasised by the drum and dome; the longitudinal by the vault
of the nave and the apse; the lateral by the vaults of the cross arms. All axial directions,
including the diagonals, are fused in the four columns under the dome; they accent the
vertical in their upright forms, emphasise the longitudinal by framing the apse when seen
18
According to Buchwald (1999, 309), architectural space (and space in general)

may be described in terms of the directional awareness of the standing human
body, which is reducible to three major axes passing through it: The vertical, the
longitudinal and the lateral. The vertical axis reflects the human body in upright
position; the longitudinal reflects the direction of binocular vision when looking
forward; the lateral is at right angles to the vertical and longitudinal.
The eastern barrel vault is closed at the east by the exedral vault of the major
apse. The barrel vaults are carried by arches supported at one end, underneath
the dome, by capitals or imposts on columns or, rarely, on piers. The four corner
spaces between the barrel vaults and the exterior walls are covered either by
smaller, lower barrel, groined or domical vaults or, more rarely, by domes on
pendentives, occasionally with drums (Buchwald 1999, 303).
The geometry of these churches is clear, simple, and immediately apparent.

Among its symbolic geometric elements, such as the dome and the cross are
clear and distinguishing features of the architecture. The dome is usually a
hemisphere, the conch of the apse a quarter sphere, the drum a cylinder; barrel
vaults and the walls of the apse are half cylinders; groined vaults are two half
cylinders which intersect at right angles. Pendentives are derived from the
geometry of the hemisphere. They are usually cut away horizontally at the top and
vertically in each cardinal direction. Arches are narrow half cylinders. Sometimes,
domes or other vaults were built in an elliptical form.
There are several varieties of the inscribed-cross church:
from the entrance, and define lateral and diagonal directions when seen from the centre of
the building. (1999, 309)
19
1. The two-column variety: The dome is supported by two columns (or piers) on
the west, and on the antae of the apse on the east. Thus, the apse follows directly
on the eastern arm of the cross, which forms part of the bema. This type prevails
in Greece (Hamilton 1933, 22).
2. The four-column variety: Four columns or piers support the dome. There are
also two more varieties:
A. An additional bay is intercalated between the eastern arm and the apse.
There are corresponding bays before the side-apses. The eastern arm is
thus outside the bema. This solution prevails in Constantinople (Hamilton
1933, 23).
B. In this variety, there is no additional bay. This type is common in Sicily and
Serbia (Hamilton 1933, 24).
The forms of the inscribed-cross church are inseparable from the monumental
images, which go together with the architecture that reflected in space the
symbolism and the hierarchy of Byzantine religious, social and political structures
in space. The inscribed-cross church amalgamated geometric and earlier
architectural forms in a complex, yet immediately comprehensible and completely
harmonious composition. As such, the type found almost universal recognition
within the empire for several centuries and was, apparently, used for all purposes
by all levels of society (Buchwald 1999, 29).
Stylistically equally monumental paintings and mosaics became

integral parts of the buildings. The mutual adaptation between
architecture and monumental painting became inseparable. The
iconographic plane is at the same time the surface of the architecture.
This remains visually unbroken, thereby creating a unique, completely
balanced and harmonious relationship between architecture and
painting (Buchwald 1999, 8).
20
The images were displayed by necessity as requirements of Middle Byzantine

theology. The geometric details of church building, with the representations were
the common ground for meeting these requirements. In this respect, the images
and their hierarchical relationships were most realistically displayed and best
understood at the architectural scale of the inscribed-cross church building. It is
more important that the configuration of the architecture, connected with the
images, represents the physical realization of the theological system in a form,
which could hardly have been stated in a different way. The entire unit i.e. the
architecture together with the images, required greater attention than the sum of
the parts. With its monumental decoration the inscribed-cross church is far more
than a place of worship. It is an image and symbolic statement concerning the
fundamental doctrines and beliefs of Middle Byzantine civilization.
Hence, the design of the inscribed-cross church reflects great ingenuity and
inventiveness. This plan type, together with its integral figural decoration, was one
of the primary achievements of Byzantine architecture and of Byzantine
civilization. Moreover, it dominated Byzantine church construction probably from
the 9th century to the 12th.
3.2 Origin
An origin of this plan either in the Byzantine provinces or beyond the borders of
the Empire has been frequently suggested (Krautheimer 1986, 341). In this
respect, the origin of the inscribed-cross church type has always confused
scholars and there are different views on this subject. Many suggest that
21
inscribed-cross churches might be understood as reflections of earlier building

types.
According to Grabar (1972, 166-167, 199-200, 202), for example, the inscribedcross plan derives from the ancient imperial mausolea and heroa. In this view,
the antique mausoleum yields various examples also incorporating cruciform and
inscribed-cross arrangements, which evoke the forms of later Christian martyria
and churches. With its centrally planned form and the circular domed structure
arrangement, it could have reflected the plan types of cruciform and also
inscribed-cross. Consequently, the inscribed-cross church of the Middle Byzantine
period has its antecedents in the ancient Christian martyria, which adopted the
pagan mausolea to Christian use.4
The other hypothesis for the origin of the inscribed-cross plan is derived from
Iranian architecture, either by way of Armenia5, or directly from Sassanian fire
temples (Krautheimer 1986, 341). The building represented on the bronze salver
in the State Museum in Berlin supports the hypothesis that the Sassanian fire
temple was a square domed building surrounded by a vaulted corridor with four
corner domes. The square sanctuary which houses the fire altar is covered by a
dome on squinches, and the arches and vaults carry and transfer the thrust of the
dome to the exterior walls (Slner 1998, 27). As seen in this example, the main
features of the fire temples i.e. the barrel vaults at the side of the corridor, the
squinches occupying the corner spaces, the entrance portico and the dome on
For more detail about the importance of antique mausolea in the evolution of the
inscribed-cross plan see Slner (1998, 10-14).
5
The fire temples are also connected with the Armenian churches, which have a central
domed unit instead of the Syrian basilica style. It has even been claimed that the church of
Bagaran built about 630 represents a Persian fire temple turned into a church and a fire
temple did exist at Bagaran. Therefore, there might have been a relation between the fire
temples and church design in Armenia (Reuther 1964, 557-58).
22
squinches over the square cella all correspond to features of the inscribed-cross
church (Slner 1998, 27). However, the resemblances to Iranian building are but
superficial. The so-called cross arms of the fire temples are part of an
ambulatory covered by longitudinal barrel-vaults. Furthermore, the dates of the
fire temples are rather vague (Krautheimer 1986, 341-342). On the other hand,
Mango finds this kind of origin quite fantastic. He believes that the Byzantine
architects who, toward the end of the eighth or the beginning of the ninth century,
introduced the inscribed-cross plan had never heard of these fire temples.
Besides, the idea was very simple and based entirely on structural elements
deeply rooted in the Byzantine tradition (Mango 1978, 96).
The two other hypotheses about the origin of the inscribed-cross church are
rooted on cross-domed churches and the transept basilica. According to
Buchwald, the first inscribed-cross church could well have been inspired by cross
domed basilicas, which have some familiar features and are more similar than the
other earlier churches. The earliest cross-domed basilica was probably built in the
6th century, before the first inscribed-cross churches, and certainly long before
inscribed-cross churches became common (Buchwald 1999, 30).
St. Sophia must also have inspired churches built on the inscribed-cross scheme
directly or indirectly. The domes of the latter, however rise on high drums,
providing a more vertical emphasis. Their major lateral arches are even wider
than in cross domed basilicas, and are clearly the arms of a cross, and the piers
supporting the major arches have been elegantly organized and reduced, usually
to four columns or piers (Buchwald 1999, 45-46).
23
The strongest similarity between cross-domed basilicas and inscribedcross churches is the central location of their domes, which are
supported by four pendentives and four barrel vaults. The differences
between them are also apparent. Firstly, the lack of the ingenious four
column solution underneath the dome in crosses domed basilicas;
secondly, the limited width of the lateral barrel vaults in crosses
domed basilicas, which are not clearly legible as the arms of a cross
and the lack of full flanking aisles and galleries in inscribed-cross
churches (Buchwald 1999, 26).
The other view is based on the domed transept basilica. Scholars investigating
the origin of the inscribed-cross church type in the development of the basilica,
put the oriental basilica into the picture earlier (Dalton 1925, 91). According to this
theory, the inscribed-cross model would have been born following the addition of
a dome to the vaulted nave of the basilica (Slner 1998, 61). In the inscribedcross church type, the individual of the basilica, such as side aisles, arcades, and
clerestory windows, are eliminated or reduced until the original form cannot be
recognized any longer. In an entirely new conception, the major barrel vaults
which support the more or less centrally located dome are extended and designed
to clearly and visually express a symbolically and structurally coherent cruciform
both on the interior and the exterior (Buchwald 1999, 224).
According to Krautheimer (1986, 342), especially the last two views are not
satisfactory to explain the origin of the inscribed-cross church successfully. In this
regard, both depend on vague resemblance in plan and disregard essential
differences in size and proportion.
Consequently, it can be seen that no series of buildings, which steadily develop to

the full and mature solution, can be demonstrated. On the other hand, the
Byzantine architect, who invented the inscribed-cross scheme, was able to
24
visualize the form based upon previous buildings. It seems reasonable to suppose
that the inscribed-cross scheme is a harmonious amalgamation. It has some
features of basilican, domed or cruciform churches while it also has some of the
features of the early Christian, Armenian and Iranian architecture. In the
inscribed-cross church, these building types, each sanctified by time and common
in the Early Byzantine period were integrated into a single complex.
3.3 Development
The origins of this type remain in dispute, both as to its antecedents and the time
and place of its first appearance. General consensus lists the Nea, consecrated in
881, as the first known inscribed-cross church in Constantinople (Krautheimer
1986, 341; Mango 1978, 108-109; Ousterhout 1998, 118-119). The Nea Ecclesia,
which is also known as The New Church, The New Imperial Church, The New
Great Church or The Great New Church, is considered to be the earliest
inscribed-cross church in Constantinople. It was built during the period of the
emperor Basil I (figure 9).
Five domes covered the building. An atrium preceded the western part of the
church where there was a narthex. The gynaceum occupied the left side of the
church, which was the northern aisle. There were barrel vaulted porticoes to the
north and south which extended beyond to the enclose a long courtyard which
reached to the polo ground of the palace (Slner 1998, 85).
Although the Nea Ecclesia was thought to be the first example of the inscribed
church type, this is less than certain according to many scholars. The comments
on this issue are generally based on two points: First, the possibility of earlier
25
examples means that the construction time may be before 881 and suggests
problems about the actual plan, whether inscribed-cross or cross-domed.
According to Slobodan Curcic (1980, 11-12), there is no specific information on

the spatial articulation of the Nea, which could lead to the conclusion that it was
actually an inscribed-cross church. The general idea about the church is that the
church had five domes. For that reason, he thinks that it could have been a crossdomed type where the corner spaces between the arms of the cross would have
been packed by four additional chapels.
The other idea about the plan type of Nea Ecclesia comes from Buchwald. He
believes that not only the Nea Ecclesia, but also the other earliest example of the
inscribed-cross churches such as the Monastery of Constantine Lips and the
Myrelaion Church, which are both in Constantinople and datable to the early 10th
century, are probably not the earliest of their kind. Several buildings survive, some
only as ruins, which cannot be dated by documentary evidence, but which may be
earlier (Buchwald 1999, 27-28).
Hence, Buchwald prefers to use three criteria that are particularly useful in
identifying inscribed-cross churches which may have been built before the 10th
century: Firstly, parts of the church, for instance the spaces flanking the major
apse, do not match standard solutions of the 10th 11th centuries, but rather, those
of earlier buildings. Secondly, outer surfaces are unarticulated without the lowerlevel arcades and other features typical of most Byzantine churches from the 10th
century onwards. And finally, the exterior masonry is stratified in alternating layers
of brick and ashlar. Using these three criteria, Buchwald groups the church of St.
John in Istanbul that is usually assigned to the 11-12th centuries, with the
26
inscribed-cross church (Fatih Camii) in Tirilye (Zeytinba) on the south shore of

Marmara, the ruin of St. Johns Church of the Pelekete Monastery near Zeytinba
and the ruin of Church H in Side in Pamphylia. In the light of these examples, he
believes that the first inscribed-cross church may have been invented in the late
6th century, and may have been further elaborated in the 7th, 8th or possibly 9th
(Buchwald 1999, 28-30).
In similar way, Krautheimer thinks that the Nea Ecclesia cannot be the first
example of this type. He posites that none of the inscribed-cross churches so far
known in Greece and Balkans are earlier. But the inscribed-cross church (Fatih
Camii) in Tirilye (Zeytinba) has been dated tentatively between 780-813.
Certainly forerunners do exist outside the capital and the core provinces of the
Middle Byzantine Empire. In this respect, as early as the eighth and throughout
the ninth century, the inscribed-cross plan was known in the West: at Germignydes-Prs on the Loire after 800; at S. Satiro in Milan in 868, and apparently at the
same time at S. Miguel at Tarrasa in Spain; finally, as early as the late eighth
century at S. Maria delle Cinque Torri at S. Germano near Cassino (778-97) in an
unvaulted variant with triple arcades supporting the four walls of the center bays
(Krautheimer 1986, 341). With all these examples, the author raises the question
as to whether the type originated in Constantinople long before the Nea Ecclesia
or not.
In the development of the inscribed-cross church type in Byzantine stanbul, the

Nea seems to have had a great influence on the architecture of the capital. In
Constantinople, half a dozen churches are clearly influenced from the Nea. All are
closely linked in plan, style and details, and all date roughly from between 9001200. But few can be identified beyond question with churches known from
27
documents, and thus dated. However, some of the evidence assigns at least two
churches to the first half of the tenth century: the north structure of the Fenari Isa
Camii as the church of the monastery of Constantine Lips (figure 10), the Bodrum
Camii as that of the Myrelaion (figure 11). Both are the representatives of an early
phase of Middle Byzantine Church building.
The church of Myrelaion is preceded by a narthex and ends in three apses. The
two extremities of the narthex are curved in the form of niches. The side bays of
the narthex are covered with groin vaults while the central bay has a dome.
Transverse arches separated the bays. The narthex communicates with the main
church interior by three doors. The naos itself is narrow and tall. Four piers carry
the barrel vaults and the dome. The three apses communicate with each other by
a passage in the chancel. The pastophories are covered by domes and carved
with niches (Slner 1998, 92-93).
The church of Constantine Lips (Fenari Isa Camii) is one of the earliest surviving
examples of the inscribed-cross type in Istanbul.6 Three parts at present compose
the ruin of this church: along the entire front and extending south, an exonarthex
and a parekklesion probably of early-fourteenth-century date; in the middle and
slightly earlier, the Paleologue South Church; and finally, the original Middle
Byzantine North Church. This original core is close to the church of Myrelaion in
plan, style, and detail. It also complements its missing parts. It has three bases
and the remains of four columns that carried the center bay. In the Constantine
Lips, the esonarthex terminates in shallow niches at either end; small lateral bays
flank the apse and its barrel-vaulted forechoir (Krautheimer 1986, 358).
6
Some scholars have rejected this. For instance, Arthur Megaw believes that its
architecture and ornament are the clear evidences that it was constructed in 907 or 908
AD (Megaw 1964, 279).
28
The other inscribed-cross church example is the Church of St S. Peter and Mark
(Atik Mustafa Paa Camii) (figure 12). Its date is generally accepted as the
second half of the 9th century (Mathews 1995, 127-128). In the Church of St S.
Peter and Mark, the arms of the cross and the angle spaces are covered with
barrel vaults. The nave is in the form of a cross with a dome in the center bay.
The western arm of the cross is no longer than the other three. With its general
form, this church is considered to be one of the precursors of the later inscribedcross churches.
After the church of Constantine Lips, the Myrelaion and the church of St S. Peter
and Mark, the inscribed-cross churches continue in Constantinople throughout the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. St Theodosia (Gl Camii) - 1100, St. Theodore
(Kilise Camii) - 1100, the Church of Pantepoptes (Eski maret Camii) - 1081-1087,
the Church of St Mary Diaconissa (Kalenderhane Camii) - 12th century and the
church of Pantokrator (Zeyrek Camii) - 12th century continue or revive the type of
inscribed-cross plan.7 These are the best preserved and the fully developed
inscribed-cross churches in Constantinople.
What is seen in the later structures both from the exterior and the
interior are further refinements; the interplay of blind arcading with
saw-tooth friezes and cornices which decorate the tall drums
supporting small domes with narrow windows intensifying the
perpendicular, lithe appearance of the domes. The use of slender
columns instead of piers, which previously obstructed the interior
buildings, consequently gave freedom and space to the interiors. Also
in this respect the use of four columns is important for the sake of
spacious disposition, and differs greatly from the eastern domes on
squinches where the multiplicity of the supporting elements in such
constructions fill the interior and obstruct the spaces, the great size of
the domes in such buildings notwithstanding. Consequently, this
eastern formula contrasts with the four-point support system of the
7
For the plan of these churches see Mathews (1971; 60,74,129).
29
churches in the capital, where the dome on pendentives is used as a

rule (Slner 1998, 114).
While the inscribed-cross churches emerged and constantly developed in

Constantinople, there are a number of inscribed-cross churches in Asia Minor
which may, perhaps, be attributed to the period before the 9th century either for
historical reasons, or because they appear to be transitional, combining earlier
characteristics with those of the new church type. In Asia Minor, the inscribedcross churches appear to bridge the break between the fully developed inscribedcross churches of Constantinople and earlier developments. It is, of course,
possible that these buildings were constructed not as antecedents to the fully
developed inscribed-cross churches. However, they seem to reflect the designs of
the churches that were in Constantinople or in other provinces.
From the aspect of showing the development of the inscribed-cross type in Asia
Minor, three churches excavated in Side, on the southern coast of Asia Minor
become important. These were probably also designed using the principle of the
inscribed-cross, although there is not sufficient evidence to be certain concerning
the vaulting solutions. In this respect, Church H has rooms flanking the bema
without exedrae; a feature, which would be unusual in fully, developed inscribedcross churches. A relatively early date for the church has therefore been
postulated, and it has been suggested that all of the churches in Side were
constructed before the final destruction of the city, probably in the late 9th century
(Buchwald 1999, 226; Krautheimer 1986, 341).
Similarly, the ninth, tenth and eleventh century middle Byzantine churches were
employed in the cliff chapels, which, from the eighth and ninth centuries, had
30
been followed by monastic congregations from the rock cones in Cappadocia.

With the other obsolete plans, middle Byzantine forms are also used in their
planning, and the inscribed-cross plans are frequent. Many of the churches may
date from the tenth or the eleventh century. But one group, which is in Greme, is
clearly dated to the late-ninth and tenth century and shows a remarkable unity. In
this respect, there are a number of inscribed-cross churches in Greme and this
situation raises the question as to whether the type originated in Constantinople
before the Nea and was transmitted to the provinces, or whether at the time the
Nea was built, the inscribed-cross plan was imported from the provinces into the
capital (Krautheimer 1986, 341).
Having the best-preserved examples of the inscribed-cross type, Greme seems

to play a very important role in the development of the inscribed-cross church
type. The present state of knowledge implies that the role it played may have
been an instrumental one. Moreover, Greme may have had only a minor or an
insignificant place in the construction of major monuments that are in Byzantine
Istanbul. But at the same time, it may become the strong indication to fill the gap
between the simple and the fully developed inscribed-cross churches both in Asia
Minor and particularly those in Constantinople. In this respect, Greme with its
inscribed-cross churches may demonstrate the missing part in the development
sequence of the type in Asia Minor and also Constantinople.
31
CHAPTER 4
The inscribed-cross church with its quite simple structure and ease of construction
emerged as a standard type in the Middle Byzantine Period. It is obvious from the
background, which is provided by Chapter 3, that it is not possible to say whether
it first appeared in the provinces or in the capital. But it may be supposed that it
was the metropolitan use of the form that caused it to become widespread by the
10th century in the provinces.
Although the precise sequence of development remains unknown, in certain parts

of the Cappadocian region of Anatolia, it is clear that by nearly 900, a new system
seems to dominate church architecture completely. In this respect, Greme
stands out. The administrative area known as Greme, in fact, includes two
historical sites: Matiane (Maan, Avclar), a small town known since antiquity; and
Korama (Greme), a neighboring valley initially inhabited and then the site of
monastic establishments from the ninth-tenth to the eleventh centuries. These two
names appear in the Passio Prior of St Hiero, which probably dates from AD 515.8
St Hiero lived in Matiane; he was a winegrower who enlisted in the Roman army, and
was martyred in Matiane. His severed hand was sent to his mother and probably
deposited as a relic in the Basilica of avuin (De Crussol 1993, 7).
32
The existence of Greme could therefore probably be postulated for this early
date (tken 1987, 13).
Greme, which is one of the most important religious centers in Cappadocia, has
the best-preserved examples of inscribed-cross churches. So far, thirty-five
inscribed-cross churches9 have been discovered in Cappadocia.10 What is
important for the purpose of this study is that the inscribed-cross church type and
its highly stylistic religious decoration penetrated into Cappadocia in a number of
ways and had its well-known examples in Greme as early as 900. In Greme,
there are ten inscribed-cross churches, which are easily identifiable and therefore
have an important part in the evolution of this type in Cappadocia. These are
Chapel 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 25, 29, 32, Yusuf Ko and Bezirhane Church (figure
13). In this chapter, all of these churches will be explained in sequence with their
architectural features and decoration programmes.
4.1 Chapel 17 (Kzlar Church)
Among the inscribed-cross churches in Cappadocia, only two can be dated from
their inscriptions: Direkli Church at Ihlara built during the reigns of Basileios II and
Konstantinos VIII, 976-1025 and Chapel 17 in Greme dating from the first half of
the eleventh century (1055) (Akyrek 1998, 278; Kostof 1989, 123). Chapel 17 is
For the whole list of inscribed-cross churches in Cappadocia see Appendix B.

There are also a number of small 11th century chapels on an inscribed-cross plan with
a dome, in which the carefully wrought paintings found elsewhere give place to simple
linear drawings and images of Christ and various saints enclosed in frames like icons. At
present, however, many of them are closed to public.
10
33
situated outside of the Greme Open Air Museum. Today, it is closed to the
visitors because of its highly damaged condition.11
Chapel 17 is an inscribed-cross church with a central dome. A tiny dome is

carried on very wide barrel-vaulted arms and columns (Jerphanion 1930, 488491). There are four thick columns with tapering block capitals. The church shows
capitals with an abacus (tken 1987, 17). The cross-arms are barrel vaulted.
The northeast corner bay has a flat ceiling; the other three are covered by
calottes. Blind niches decorate the walls of the four corner bays. The church has a
rectangular narthex with a barrel vault (Rodley 1985, 182).
Before entering to the naos, there is a rectangular narthex with a barrel vault.
There are three apses. The central one closed by a tall screen, with a central
horseshoe-arched entrance flanked by small horseshoe-arched openings. Above
these, there are two more such openings and above the entrance, a small
horseshoe-arched lunette and a larger lunette open above the top of the screen.
The later apses have narrow chancel slabs (Rodley 1985, 182). Kzlar Church
contains a completely preserved iconostasis decorated with cross reliefs and
polychrome (tken 1995, 18).
In its decoration programme, the linear painting is noteworthy. The columns are
painted red. On the north wall of the north cross arm, there is a picture of Christ
standing and holding the Holy Book in his left hand while giving a blessing with his
right (Restle 1967, 122-123). Apart from the picture of Christ, there are a number
11
I could not see the church for the same reason.
34
of dated graffiti, especially on the front left-hand column. These have been
scratched into the red paint of the column and linear decoration, but they have no
reference to the depiction of Christ. In the invocations the years 1055, 1058,
1065, 1074, and 1129 are mentioned. In the last date the two middle figures are
now unreadable (Jerphanion 1930, 489).
4.2 Chapel 19 (Elmal Church)
Chapel 19 (Elmal Church) is situated in the Greme Open-air Museum. It is one

of the most famous inscribed-cross churches in Greme (figure 14). According to
Jerphanion, the reason for having the name of apple stems from the apple tree,
which happened to be in front of the church (Jerphanion 1930, 484). Elmal
Church is generally categorized within the column group, together with arkl
and Karanlk churches. The cavities through which Elmal Church is now
approached have no original connection with it, so the church is not part of a
refectory. It is dated to the 11th century.
There are four slender columns forming the center bay, with squat tapering block
capitals. Arches spring between the columns, framing the center bay (figure 15).
These frame the corner bays between the columns and wall pilasters. The arches
between the crossing supports make a frame for the vaulting of the center bay.
Behind these arches, the cross arms are domed. All eight secondary bays are
domed.
This church has three apses. The central one is larger than the side apses. A tall
screen with open lunette and a single entrance closed the main apse, as at arkl
Church (figure 16). The lateral apses have keyhole-shaped entrances formed by
35
low chancel slabs (figure 17). The naos entrance which is in the center bay of the
west wall, provides access to the church. However, this is not the original
entrance. In fact, Elmal Church has a rectangular narthex on the north wall of the
church that is closed today.
As mentioned in Chapter 3, the architecture of the inscribed-cross plan scheme
provides a specialized conception that enables holding images in prescribed
relationships to one another and to the celebration of the liturgy. In Chapel 19, the
aristocratic art of 11th century is effectively illustrated.
The arrangement of the subjects and the repertoire of ornament show

high artistic competence. In the representation of certain themes like
the Apostles watching the Ascension the artists verve is expressed in
virtuoso exercises, which look forward to mannerism of the 12th
century (Thierry 1971, 159).
In Elmal Church, the paintings are notable for the skill with which the form and
movement of the figures are adjusted to the surface to be covered in the vaulting,
dome or lunette. This great decorative scheme also seen in the other two
churches i. e. Karanlk and arkl Church is a demonstration of the flourishing
state of the monasticism in Cappadocia in the years preceding the arrival of the
Turks.
The extensive painted programme in Elmal Church consists of various

representations. Christ Pantokrator is on the central dome (figure 18). Minor
domes have the images of archangels. In the main apse, a Deesis (conch) scene
and bishop saints (wall) are represented. While the Virgin and Child are
represented on the north apse; on the south apse, the Archangel Michael is seen.
Different subjects cover the cross arm vaults with independent lunettes and upper
36
wall areas: Nativity, Adoration of the Magi, Baptism, Transfiguration, Raising of

Lazarus, Entry into Jerusalem, Last Supper, Betrayal, Way of the Cross,
Crucifixion, Entombment, Anastasis, and Ascension. The two Old Testament
subjects are seen on the wall panels i.e. The Hospitality of Abraham and the
Three Hebrews (Rodley 1985, 176).
The decoration programme in Elmal Church is very similar to that in arkl and
Karanlk Church, the other two members of the Column group.
4.3 Chapel 20 (St. Barbara Church)
Chapel 20 (St Barbara Church) is also in Greme Open Air Museum. It has the
same architectural form as arkl Church. It has a shortened inscribed-cross plan
(figure 19). St Barbara is dated fifty years later in the reign of Constantine VIII
and Basil II; the mention of a specific indication would yield 1006 or 1021 (Kostof
1989, 210).
Chapel 20 has seven bay plans, which may be regarded as an incomplete

inscribed-cross plan (figure 20). Two columns support the central bay. Its seven
bays are domed and the cross arms are barrel-vaulted. It has three apses and the
central one is larger than the side ones. Each apse has its own altar. Despite their
damaged condition, all apses are flanked by tall screens (figure 21).
Its lines are more regular than those of arkl Church, and probably not the result
of incomplete cutting. Instead, Chapel 20 was probably a copy of arkl Church
(Epstein 1975, 122). The entrance is lateral.
37
In Greme, there is a group of churches of various architectural types, decorated

with isolated panels of paintings rather than with full programmes. One of these is
Chapel 20.12 In St Barbara, a rich variety of unusual designs have recently been
identified to be Byzantine military standards and scepters (Kostof 1989, 146). The
primary decoration consists of elaborate red-paint ornament. There are masonry
lines in the barrel vaults (figure 22). Triangle and chequer patterns frame arches.
There are also hatching lines and circles below the dome. On the walls, there are
medallions, pillar ornaments, stemmed armed crosses and strange animals
(figure 23).
Several polychrome panels have been painted over this primary scheme: Christ is
installed in the apse; St Barbara is seen on the west arm and two more female
saints are on the north arm. An inscription stretches between these two saints:
Lord help thy servant, Falibon (?), Priest (rest uncertain) and Lord help thy
servant, Leon Marulines. The end of the inscription is uncertain. Jerphanion
suggested, very tentatively priest and foreigner. The traces that remain of the
name are also so fragmentary as to make the restoration Falibon uncertain
(Rodley 1985, 176-177).
4.4 Chapel 22 (arkl Church)
Chapel 22 (arkl Church) is in Greme Open Air Museum. It lies above the
refectory and room 2 (figure 24). arkl Church means the Church of Sandal.
12
These churches are Chapel 10,17 (Kzlar Church), 18, 21, 27 and 28. (Rodley 1985, 25)
38
The name refers to two depressions in the floor; these holy footprints provide the
name of the church (Rodley 1985, 164).13 It also belongs to 11th century.
arkl Church has an adapted inscribed-cross, with only two columns, instead of
four.14 Barrel-vaulted arms support the central dome on the north, south and west
sides. The east arm of the cross has a dome cut into a flat ceiling. The eastern
corner bays are also domed. The domes rise above the rudimentary pendentives.
The existing slender columns with slab capitals are modern replacements (figure
25).
The church has three apses, all of which are horseshoe-shaped in plan; each has
a rock-cut altar and a seat at the south side. The side apses have narrow chancel
slabs, which are substantially complete (figure 26). The iconostasis is in damaged
condition.15 A low bench runs around the naos, along all walls except those of the
west bay and where broken by the church entrance in the north wall.
The unusual form of the church is probably the result of an accident (or error of
judgment) during the excavation, which eliminated the area of rock that should
have been left for the western pair of columns (Epstein 1975, 122). The entrance
13
According to Rodley (1985, 164-165), this obviously cannot be the case. The church is
a cave monument, and was excavated rather than built, so it follows that marks in the floor
must have been a product of excavation. They are depressions left by the masons chisel;
dozens of similar, but rather smaller marks cover the floor. Furthermore, Rodley adds that
the holy footprint is a feature of Islamic tradition; it is probable that marks on the floor
gathered their significance in the post-Byzantine period, from an interpretation supplied by
the local Muslim population.
14
The inscribed-cross churches with two columns instead of four, as seen in St. Barbara
and arkl churches, is unknown in Constantinople. Having two columns at the center,
constructed churches such as St. Eustathias in Meram and St. Ampilochos in Konya,
which is non-exist today, seem to be the nearest paralells to Greme examples in Middle
Anatolia (tken 1987, 33-34; Rodley 1985, 236).
15
Upon seeing the three column churches Elmal, arkl and Karanlk- in 1953, Yorgo
Seferis (2001, 59), says that even during his visit there, their iconostasis was not in good
condition.
39
is in the north cross-arm. This is a requirement of the site because the church was
placed parallel to the faade in order to give the apse an eastern direction (Rodley
1985, 164).
Like Chapel 19, the church has an extensive decoration programme. Christ
Pantokrator appears on the central dome. Below this, six medallions contain the
busts of Archangels. On the pendentives, the figures of the four evangelists are
represented while sitting and writing their gospels. Subsidiary domes also have
the representations of Archangels (figure 27).
A narrative cycle in thirteen scenes begins with the Annunciation on the chancel
screen of the main apse and continues on the barrel vaults and adjacent lunettes:
Nativity, Adoration of the Magi, Baptism, Transfiguration, Raising of Lazarus,
Entry into Jerusalem, Betrayal, Way of the Cross, Crucifixion, Anastasis,
Myrophores, Ascension. One episode of the narrative cycle, the Last Supper, is
painted in the refectory. A single Old Testament scene, the Hospitality of
Abraham, occupies the lunette above the north apse (Rodley 1985, 166).
In the main apse, six bishop saints and the Deesis are depicted. On the north
apse, Virgin and Child; on the south apse, Archangel Michael is represented
(Rodley 1985, 166).16 What is remarkable in the painted decoration in arkl
Church is the representation of Constantine and Helena on the west wall. Here, a
donor panel stands out: It contains a standing figure carrying a cross-staff,
inscribed with the Holy cross. Three donors flank this central figure. Next to the
figure, an inscription proclaims Entreaty of the servant of god, Theognostos. Two
16
For the fully description of the painted programme in Chapel 22 see Jerphanion (1930,
455-73).
40
additional male figures stand to the right of the nimbed figure. An inscription is
seen towards the figures: Entreaty of the servant of God, Leon. And near the
third donor, similar words are discerned once more: Entreaty of the servant of
God, Michael. Unfortunately, the status of these three donors and their
relationship to each other is unclear, for they lack titles (Rodley 1985, 166-167).
4.5 Chapel 23 (Karanlk Church)
Chapel 23 is close to the entrance of the Greme Open air Museum. It is well
known for its elaborate painted decoration. It was also one of the well-known
monasteries in Greme. The name Karanlk-Dark is a later appellation and the
result of the dim atmosphere against which the decoration programme of the
church was seen.
Karanlk Church monastery has a small courtyard with an open-fronted vestibule

along one side. Behind this, there is a refectory with rock-cut furniture and two
rooms. Above the vestibule, there is also a room with four vaulted bays. And
behind, two further rooms stand out. The church is at an upper stage at the east
side of the courtyard, reached by a stairway. It has an inscribed-cross plan, a
narthex and a tomb chamber (figure 28).
There is no doubt that the church and the monastery rooms are a part of a single
phase of excavation. The church is an integral part of the monastery plans, and its
entrance from the courtyard is identical in form to that of the refectory.17 Since
there is no layer of polychrome painting in Karanlk Church earlier than the one
17
The Church and the refectory are in fact the only obvious spaces in the layout of the
monasteries, the latter because of a long table and benches, fashioned from the same
continuous rock as the hall itself (Kostof 1989, 51).
41
described above, it is reasonable to suppose that this decoration was applied

soon after the excavation of the complex. The date of the monastery therefore
depends upon the date assigned to the column-group of churches, of which
Karanlk Church is a member. A date in the mid eleventh century is generally
accepted for this group, based on the style of the paintings, the content of the
programme and its relationship to other datable programmes in Greme valley
(Rodley 1985, 56).
On the east wall of the courtyard, there is an area of undecorated smooth rock.
This faade contains the church entrance, which has the same form as the
refectory. This entrance leads into a short stairway, which makes a right-angle
turn and then opens into the narthex.18 The narthex has a barrel vault on a
roughly north-south axis, rising above a rudimentary cornice. The northern lunette
is decorated with three horseshoe-arched blind niches. Just to the left of the
lunette, an arched window opens to the faade. Also the south lunette has a
decoration of three blind niches. A low bench runs across the south wall, and
above it, there is a horseshoe-arched that leads into a small tomb chamber.
There is also a small arcosolium cut into the west wall of the tomb chamber, with
a grave pit of infant size, but this is roughly cut and is probably secondary
(Rodley 1985, 52).
The rectangular entrance in the east wall of the narthex opens into the naos. This
is of inscribed-cross plan (figure 29). Accordingly, four slender columns with
tapering block capitals carried the central dome. Only one of these columns, the
18
There are many other examples of artificial facades of this kind, just in Chapel 23, in the
Peristrema Valley in the monastery of Yaprakhisar, the Ala Church or Smbll Church
(Cueno 1971, 93).
42
southwest one, remains intact. Arches spring between the columns to frame the
central bay. The eastern cross-arm is also domed while the other three are barrelvaulted. Small arches spring from the columns to wall pilasters framing small
domed corner bays (figure 30). There are also attached columns in each corner of
the naos. A low bench circuits the naos, extending slightly forward of the pilasters.
Four seats are cut into this bench, two flanking the naos entrance in the west wall
and two more flanking the entrance to the main apse.
The church has three apses. The main apse is larger than the lateral ones and
was originally closed by a tall, rock-cut screen, fragments of which remain at each
side (Rodley 1985, 52). There is a rounded rock-cut altar and a seat in the
southwest corner. Each apse has an attached, rounded, rock-cut altar with a
small arched blind niche above it. In the south apse, there is also a small seat in
the southwest corner. An arched opening links the north and central apses.
The painting programme of the church displays a remarkable unity with its
decoration and colors. Above the narthex and naos, a New Testament cycle
begins on the east wall of the narthex, with the Annunciation scene flanking the
entrance to the naos. The cycle continues in the naos, in the barrel vaults of
north, south and west cross-arms, an adjacent wall lunettes: Journey to
Bethlehem, Nativity, Adoration of the Magi, Baptism, Raising of Lazarus,
Transfiguration, Entry into Jerusalem, Last Supper (figure 31), Betrayal,
Crucifixion, Anastasis, Myrophores are the main cycles in its decoration
programme. The cycle finishes in the narthex vault, with a combined Ascension
and Benediction of Apostles (Rodley 1985, 53). According to Kostof (1989, 224),
in the three inscribed-cross churches in Greme Elmal, arkl and Karanlk- the
so-called classical Middle Byzantine solution makes its appearance.
43
The painting programme of Chapel 23 also includes several images of the donors.
Altogether, there are seven such images in the church (almost certainly eight
originally). The four figures shown in the apse and narthex would appear to have
higher status than the tiny figures in the archangel panels. According to Rodley
(1985, 55), there is a link between the donor images and the tomb chamber in the
narthex. This chamber is certainly an original element of the monastery, for the
painting of the narthex south wall acknowledges the tomb chamber entrance.
Between the images of donors, there are also inscriptions, which were translated
by Jerphanion (Jerphanion 1930, 393-400). On the narthex, above the figures,
there is an inscription that means Entreaty of the servant of God, John,
Entalmatikos (left), Entreaty of the servant of God, Ge(nenth)lios (right). In the
Deesis of the main apse, above the two additional figures of donors, is the
inscription: Entreaty of the servant of God, Nikephoros, priest (left), Entreaty of
the servant of God, Bassianos. (right) (Rodley 1985, 54-55). Yet a further
inscription that might have clarified the relationship of the donors and the nature
of their patronage was originally painted in the narthex, above the entrance to the
naos. More probably, this is a dedicatory inscription, the loss of which would
doubtless have irritated the donors as much as it does the historian today (Rodley
1985, 55-56).
4.6 Chapel 25
Chapel 25 is a part of one of the refectory monasteries in Greme Open Air

Museum. Today, it is in damaged condition. The time period for this church is
about 11th century.
44
Chapel 25 has a small faade that is decorated with an upper frieze of seven
small horseshoe-arched blind niches. Below these seven blind arches, there are
three horseshoe-arched niches. The side ones are blind niches and slightly
smaller than the central one. The main entrance is large and horseshoe-arched.
The carved ornament of the faade is decorated with red paint. There are borders
of triangles above the frieze and around the niche arch; and a border with a
chequer pattern outlines the church entrance and flanking bays. The cross
medallions are seen in each blind niche. All of them are colored by red paint.
Behind the faade, there is a well-preserved entrance compartment. A domednarthex originally provided passage through the naos; it also has a bench on the
right. In addition, there are burial-places in its left side. Zigzags, cross-medallions
and red, linear drawings are the main elements of the decoration programme
(figure 32).
Above the inscribed-cross plan of the church (figure 33), the central dome is
carried on four slender columns with tapering block capitals and square bases
(figure 34). Arches framing the corner bays spring from the walls to the columns.
The cross-arms are barrel-vaulted and small domes cover each of the corner
bays. A low bench runs right around the naos and across the east end; it has a
step cut into in front of the entrance to the main apse. A tall screen closes this
man apse with horseshoe-arched central entrance flanked by a pair of small
arched openings with recessed panels below them (figure 35). Above the screen,
there is a large horseshoe-arched open lunette. The apse contains a rock-cut
altar, a seat at the right side and a small niche in the back wall, to the left of the
altar. There are small side apses, closed by low chancel slabs; the south apse
has a rock-cut altar, seat and niche, as does the main apse; the north apse has a
45
niche only. The naos is reached through a small square domed narthex, with blind
niches cut into each wall. The floor contains one grave pit. It has the most
elaborate example of pierced-high iconostasis (tken 1995, 18).19
Decoration of the church consists of red-painted geometric ornament. Zigzag,

triangle and simple borders rim the main lines of the vaulting (arches, domes).
Imitation masonry lines in the barrel vault recall those in St Barbara Church (fig.
36). Cross-medallions are seen in subsidiary domes and on the walls (figure 37).
On the chancel screen, there is a painted entablature of chequer pattern.
4.7 Chapel 29 (Kllar Church)
Chapel 29 (Kllar Church)20 is in Kllar Valley, which is near Greme Open Air
Museum. Chapel 29 has always confused scholars because of its painting
programme. Hence, there are different views about the date of this church.
According to several authors, however, Kllar Church is the earliest inscribedcross church with the Church of Direkli21, which is in Ihlara, in Cappadocia
(Teteriatnikov 1996, 111; Rodley 1994, 140; Kostof 1989, 123).
In defining the date of the church, scholars generally use the decoration
programme of Chapel 29. For instance, Restle (1967, 17-30) draws a stylistic
parallel with the illuminated manuscript of 905, known as the Paris Gregory and
this is the date generally given for Kllar Church. The church is something of a
curiosity in that it has a very long narrative cycle, stylistically and iconographically
19
The others are St Barbara, Katherine, arkl Church and Chapel 27.
During my research in Greme, unfortunately I could not see Chapel 29, because it is
closed to the visitors. Since Yorgo Seferis visited the church with a special permission in
1950 (Seferis 2001, 55), it appears that the church has been closed for many years.
21
For more information about Direkli Church see tken (1990; 25,33,46).
20
46
compatible with Jerphanions archaic group churches, but placed in an inscribedcross church instead of in barrel-vault registers as is usual in churches of this
group. A tenth century date seems highly probable, although not certainly as early
as 905 (Rodley 1985, 43).
Although Kllar Church is not directly associated with the Kllar monastery
complex, the name of Kllar obviously comes from the name of Kllar Valley.
Kllar Church is an inscribed-cross church fronted by small, domed-narthex
(figure 38). It has a different entrance compartment. A rectangular portico with an
oblong room opens to the outside through a single archway. In terms of its
planning, this type of entrance compartment is similar to the narthex. The only
feature fundamentally different is that the entrance provides an access (figure 39).
As in the other inscribed-cross churches, it has three apses of which the main
apse is larger than the side ones (figure 40). In front of the small apses, there are
small subsidiary domed places. Benches are cut along the walls including the
area in front of the three sanctuaries at the eastern end (Teteriatnikov 1996,
111). Four columns support the central dome but the northeast and southwest
columns are completely destroyed. The cross-arms are barrel-vaulted (fig. 41).
The naos has a full painted decoration of high quality, described in detail by
Jerphanion (Jerphanion 1930, 243-53). Christ in Majesty (conch) and Bishop
Saints Leontios, Athanasios, Blaisios, Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzos is
placed on the main apse but others are lost. The scenes of Virgin and Child and
Divine Liturgy on the northern apse are visible today. On the south apse, the
decoration is lost. The cross-arm barrel vaults, lunettes and walls are covered by
narrative cycles: Annunciation, Visitation, Proof of the Virgin, Joseph and Virgin,
47
Joseph and Mary, Nativity, Adoration of the Magi, Dream of Joseph, Flight into
Egypt, Presentation, Angel appearing to John the Baptist, John Meeting Christ,
Baptism, Christ and Zaccheus, Healing the Blind, Raising of Lazarus, Entry into
Jerusalem, Last Supper, Washing the Feet, Betrayal, Christ before Anaias and
Caiaphas, Denial by Peter, Christ before Pilate, Way of the Cross, Crucifixion,
Deposition, Entombment, Myrophores, Anastasis, Benediction of Apostles,
Pentecost and Dormition (Rodley 1985, 43).
4.8 Chapel 32
Chapel 32 is one of the most interesting examples in Greme Valley. It is rather

far from the Greme Open Air Museum and has been closed to visitors for a long
time. Its date may have been the 11th century like the others in the area.
In most studies on either Cappadocia or Greme, there is no detailed information

about Chapel 32. The limited information about it may be found in tken. tken
classifies the church under the cross-in-square churches. According to her, the
church definitely has an inscribed-cross plan. Accordingly, it has nine bays where
asymmetrical arrangements may be observed. The western corner bays are flat
ceilinged, and the east corner bays are domed as in Chapel 29 (tken 1995,
26). There is no information on whether the church had any decoration
programme or not. But there is a list in Giovannini, which includes the Greme
valleys churches. In this list, it is explained that Chapel 32 has a typical 11th
century decoration programme as in the others (Giovannini 1971, 203).
48
4.9 Yusuf Ko Church
In the valley near the village of Avclar (Maan), there is a monastery linked with
the church known as Yusuf Ko Church. The rooms of this monastery are
grouped around the edges of a large cone and may extend into two more cones
to the south. The cavities in this monastery are all carefully cut rooms with flat
ceilings and have no decoration (Rodley 1984, 151).
Thierry attributes the church to the mid-eleventh century, on grounds of style,

iconography, epigraphy and programme (Thierry 1974, 198). For the same
reason, a date in the first half of the eleventh century is proposed for the
monastery as a whole. However, it may be slightly earlier than the Greme
development (Rodley 1984, 183).
Yusuf Ko Church lies on the west side of the cone. It is fronted by a recessed
faade decorated with three horseshoe-arched blind niches, of which only traces
remain. The rock at the front of the church has been eroded considerably so that
the entrance today is about two meters above the present ground level. An
arcosolium is cut into the rock at the right of the entrance.
The church has an irregular form whereby a doubled inscribed-cross plan with two
domes at the center is surrounded by ten bays (figure 42). Its six cross-arms are
barrel-vaulted and the corner bays have flat ceilings (figure 43). The arches of the
twin center bays spring from the walls. Apses open from each of the two eastern
bays opposite the domes; but combine to form a single irregular recess. Today,
the columns are not extant except for their bases and capitals (figure 44). There
are no chancel screens, however the apse walls are damaged and there may
49
originally have been low slabs. A horseshoe-arched blind niche is cut in the east
wall of the northeast bay but the walls are otherwise undecorated.
The church has a fully decorated programme22 that has been described by
Rodley. The Deesis and the Virgin and child are seen on the south and north
apse, respectively. Bishop saints Gregory the Theologian, Basil, John
Chrysostom are represented on the wall of the northern apse. The four
Archangels (two in each dome) are seen on the domes. Luke and Matthew (east
vault), Peter and Paul (lunette), Mark and Andrew, John, Simon and Bartholomew
(west vault) are represented on the barrel vaults and lunettes. Mishael (one of the
three Hebrews), deacon, male saint and Prokopios with the donor is placed on the
walls, reading left to right. On the west wall, the representations of Constantine
and Helena have survived with the military saints (Rodley 1984, 193-206). Thus,
the programme consists of apostles in the vaults of south part of the church,
martyrs in the barrel vaults of the north part, a number of military saints in the
northwest corner bay. The only narrative image on the north wall is the
Annunciation, and the three Hebrews the only Old Testament subject (Rodley
1984, 156).
The decoration programme of the church also includes three donor figures. The
first one is in the Annunciation panel, above the head of the small male figure. It is
inscribed with Entreaty of the servant The second one is in the Prokopios
panel. Again, there is a small figure to the left of the saint kneels and grips the
saints foot. And the last figure stands in the Demetrios panel. Here, the name of
22
For the new approaches about the painting programme of Yusuf Ko Church see Lvy
(1998, 913-917).
50
the donor is inscribed: Entreaty of the servant of God, Theodoros (Rodley 1984,
156).
4.10 Bezirhane Church
The monastery known as Bezirhane is in Avclar (Maan). The complex has a

large basilical hall opening off a barrel-vaulted vestibule; the latter decorated with
a series of large horseshoe-arched blind niches (figure 45). The front of the
complex is lost. The complex was used as an oil press after the Byzantine period.
The name bezirhane derives from this use.
The date of the monastery is unknown. Its church may date the whole monastery.
The inscribed-cross plan, as we know, supplies a general Middle Byzantine
bracket. Therefore, the date of eleventh century be proposed for the paintings of
the church and hence for the monastery as a whole.
The church is placed at the east side of the complex (figure 46). It was once
entered by means of an opening in the east wall of the vestibule but this area is
blocked by rough masonry today. The original entrance to the naos is in the
center bay of the west wall, placed slightly off-center, towards the south. This is a
rectangular entrance with an arched window. According to Jerphanions plan, the
church has a small rectangular narthex with a decoration of blind arcading. This is
inaccessible since both its entrances are blocked (Jerphanion 1930, 502).
The church has an inscribed-cross plan. The cross arms are barrel-vaulted.
These arms spring from a plain cornice, which circuits the naos. Four-square
piers are very simple. Two-step slab capitals carry a tall central dome. Four
51
corbels project from the rim of the dome. Arches spring from the piers to the walls
and they meet shallow pilasters, and then frame small corner bays. Each corner
bay has a barrel vault on an east west axis.
The main apse is slightly horseshoe-shaped and there are signs of low chancel
slabs at its openings. There are two arched blind niches in the apse wall. The first
one is at the north side and the other one is at the back. There is no sign of an
altar. The side apses are apparently smaller than the main apse and are slightly
horseshoe-shaped. There are no marks for the chancel slabs or altars.
This church has a painting programme also. In the naos, a red and white chequer
pattern outlines the arches while there is red hatching around the rim of the dome.
A red masonry pattern decorates the arches springing from the west wall to the
crossing piers. There are also a series of polychrome panels on the piers and on
the pilasters flanking the apse. The panels are rectangular, extending across the
faces of the piers. Each bears a standing figure with a name inscribed to left and
right of the head. The palette includes red, green, blue, and yellow, brown, black
and white. There is no trace of painting in the apses (Rodley 1984, 30-31).
Overall it appears that the inscribed-cross churches are the dominant type in 11th
century Greme. In this regard, the churches are uniform in plan but vary in detail.
The naos generally consists of a nine-bay square. Central domes tend to be
rather small, often with their sides rising steeply to meet a shallow cap.
Rudimentary pendentives are often cut in the triangular spaces left in the corners
of the center bay ceiling. The cross arms are generally barrel-vaulted and the
corner bays are frequently domed. The center-bays are usually columns. Capitals
52
are always simple, usually slabs or tapering blocks. All of them have three apses
and the central one is larger than the side ones.
Apart from the architectural details, many of these churches have a complete
decoration programme. Sometimes pictorial style and iconography traveled
without architecture, and sometimes the reverse happened. Particularly, the three
column churches Elmal, Karanlk and arkl provide the best-preserved
examples of this type in Greme; not only having similar painting, but also parallel
architectural qualities.
The choice of using the inscribed-cross plan certainly continued in Cappadocia

until the twelfth century. The other inscribed-cross churches, which are close to
the area of Greme, also have the same overall architectural features. These
churches suggest that they are probably contemporary with the churches
described above and therefore likely to be associated with the monastic
development seen in the Open-Air Museum area today. One of these inscribedcross churches is in Kzlukur between Greme and avuin. It has most of the
same features of inscribed-cross church with some additional places, which are
hardly seen in Greme examples.23
In general, the identification of basic architectural features in the churches and

liturgical patterns in this Byzantine province shows that the inscribed-cross
churches in Greme have features common with those of in Constantinople.
Particularly, in almost every detail, the liturgy was an important factor, and it
maintained its characteristics through architectural design. Conversely, in many
23
For more detail about this church see Appendix C.
53
cases, the church plans show different approaches in terms of applying the
capitals plan type. These changes affect not only the general view of the
inscribed-cross church, but also the function of it. Therefore, the following chapter
will attempt to elucidate these differences in the liturgical church planning of
inscribed-cross churches in Greme.
54
CHAPTER 5
THE LITURGICAL PLANNING OF INSCRIBED-CROSS

CHURCHES IN GREME
The inscribed-cross churches in Greme are highly revealing examples that not
only have a typical Middle Byzantine architectural plan, but that also show the
changes in liturgical planning of churches, which occurred throughout this period.
Regarding church planning, the inscribed-cross church architecture in Greme
appears to share some of the characteristics with the capital. However, this area
presents a different liturgical pattern, which can be explained by the necessities of
the area and that were the outcome of the local social-economic factors.
Furthermore, the arrangement and setting of liturgical planning and also the
furnishings in the church created a more specific use of the form. Hence, it may
be said that the function affected and reshaped these churches.
Concentrating on changes in Greme churches, this chapter will deal with the
functional differentiation of the inscribed-cross churches in the context of liturgical
needs. The sanctuary, which was the center of the liturgical drama; the naos,
55
which was a kind of gathering place for the clergy and laity; the narthex that was
the entrance section of the church; as well as burial places and the domes and
their characteristics, will be analyzed against the fully developed inscribed-cross
churches in Constantinople.
5.1 Sanctuary
The sanctuary is one of the most important parts in the Byzantine church. It is the
place where the main part of the liturgy was executed, hence it was the place for
clergymen. Its design and elements reflect the specific requirements of the
ceremony. In this regard, it has a crucial position in the design of the church.
A fully developed Byzantine church has generally three apses: In the center, there
is a large apse with a bema or presbytery. On the right, there is a secondary kind
of apse of the prothesis, where the sacrament was prepared. And on the left, the
apse of the diakonikon is placed. The sacred vessels were kept in there. Three
apses can usually be recognized from the east wall of the church. But the two
lateral apses are sporadically sunk in the wall, and only the central apse can be
shown from the outside of the church.
As a rule the apses are circular within and polygonal, it is rare to find
them circular on both the interior and the exterior. An octagonal plan,
in which three sides of the octagon appear, sometimes with short
returns to the wall, is the most common; but in later churches
polygons with more sides are used, especially for the central apse,
and these are often very irregularly set out. Some of the churches of
Constantinople show five and seven sides (Van Millingen 1974, 11).
The surviving evidence of the inscribed-cross churches in Constantinople
becomes important to delineate the common features of the sanctuary.
Significantly, for understanding the evolution and changes of sanctuary planning
56
in Greme, Constantinopolitan churches seem to be the ones with continuous

sequence throughout the Middle Byzantine period.
5.1.1 Liturgical planning of sanctuaries in the churches of Constantinople
With the appearance and the development of the inscribed-cross churches, the
Middle Byzantine Constantinople shows a clear picture of the multiple sanctuary
arrangement at the eastern end of churches. The remarkable growth of richness
and the variety of planning in these churches suggest a new trend in the design of
the sanctuary. In this regard, many of the Middle Byzantine churches in
Constantinople provide a good example of a sanctuary with three apses and the
liturgical furnishing of the side rooms near the central sanctuary.
In most Middle Byzantine churches, the sanctuary is both more

complex and more intimate than it was during the sixth century or
earlier. Apart from being divided into three parts, each area terminated
in a semicircular apse. The central area was called the bema, and its
main feature was the altar, often topped by a canopy. Within the curve
of the apse, there was sometimes a bench for the clergy to sit, but the
stepped synthronon had been abandoned; the number of
concelebrating clergy was apparently reduced. The elimination of the
bishops throne may reflect the decline in spontaneous preaching,
which was replaced by readings. To the left, or north, of the bema was
the prothesis, where the communion was prepared and where the
Eucharistic vessels were stored. To the south was the diakonikon,
which housed liturgical vestments and sacred texts. These were
actually functional extensions of the bema. Architecturally the three
spaces were similar; they were interconnected, and normally all three
opened into the main worship space as well. Visually the sanctuary
was cut off by a templon or iconostasis, which gradually became more
opaque visually as the sacred nature of the liturgy was emphasized. In
later centuries this screen held the major icons of the church
(Ousterhout 1998, 92).
57
From the examination of the Middle Byzantine churches in Constantinople, it is

clear that their sanctuary furnishing underwent a significant change during the
middle Byzantine period. The three-apse arrangement at the eastern end of the
church was commonly used in church planning. In this regard,
three chambers were placed side by side and the synthronon was
omitted. But one feature in both periods of Constantinopolitan church
architecture remains consistent: an apse plus an additional bema
space. This is also characteristic of the sanctuary arrangement in
Greece. It is the particular pattern, which makes the liturgical
sanctuary arrangements in Greece and Constantinople today totally
different from those of Cappadocia. The difference in the sanctuary
planning in Constantinople and Cappadocia imply a different pattern in
the performance of the liturgy in both places (Teteriatnikov 1996, 67).
These three-apse arrangements in the sanctuary are seen in almost every Middle
Byzantine church in Constantinople. For instance, in the church of Myrelaion, the
three apses are placed at the eastern end of the church as usual. In this
arrangement, the three apses communicate with each other by passages in the
chancel. The apse of the sanctuary is three sided (figure 11). Thus it seems
reasonable to suggest that the sanctuary arrangement in Constantinopolitan
churches followed a kind of standard pattern which continued throughout the
Middle Byzantine period.
5.1.2 Function of Cappadocian Sanctuaries
In Cappadocian church architecture, there is variety of planning as has already

been shown: one, two or three aisle basilicas, cross and inscribed-cross plans. All
of these church types, however, utilized similar architectural models for their
sanctuaries. The essential pattern of the Cappadocian sanctuary is well illustrated
58
by the single nave church. In Cappadocia, the sanctuary of this type of church is
horseshoe-shaped and completely furnished for the act of the liturgy.
Apart from the single-nave churches, there are also several types of multiple
sanctuary arrangements that can be identified in Cappadocian rock-cut church
architecture. The inscribed-cross churches in Greme demonstrate this kind of
sanctuary planning. In this type, the eastern end of the church was altered to
accommodate the local multi-sanctuary design. For instance, Kllar Church
already shows that instead of pastophoria rooms, as in the churches of
Constantinople, there are three apses similarly designed and furnished for the
liturgy with altars. Although the altar of the central apse is now destroyed, those in
the lateral apses are in situ. The prothesis niche is set in the eastern part of the
north wall and might have served all three sanctuaries. Corresponding to the plan,
the central apse facing the central nave is larger than the side ones, and thus, as
in most Cappadocian churches, it served as the main sanctuary (Teteriatnikov
1996, 50).
In the other inscribed-cross churches a similar arrangement was applied. In

Chapel 19 (Elmal Church) (figure 14) and Chapel 25 (figure 33), like the others,
have the three apses and each one is furnished with altars. Generally all of the
inscribed-cross churches in Greme demonstrate this kind of sanctuary planning.
The arrangement of sanctuary planning in the inscribed-cross churches indicates

local trends in terms of both architectural design and function. One is the horseshaped apse. It is usually furnished as a sanctuary and served as a single bema.
This apse-sanctuary concept makes inscribed-cross church planning totally
different from that of Constantinople, where the apse was the eastern end of the
59
sanctuary. The other distinguishing feature is the location of the prothesis niche
outside the bema. The location of the prothesis niche outside the bema finds no
parallel in the churches of Constantinople or elsewhere in Byzantium. In the
majority of Byzantine churches the prothesis niche is found in the sanctuary itself.
According to Teteriatnikov (1996, 68), the change in the design of the sanctuary
belongs to the Cappadocian understanding of Byzantine liturgy. In general, the
Byzantine liturgy consists of two parts: The Liturgy of the Catechumens, in which
the liturgy began with reading the litany and the second part, the Liturgy of the
Faithful, in which the final part of the Eucharist was performed. During this
procession, after the preparation of bread and wine, these gifts were carried to the
altar and since these actions no longer took place outside of the church, but
rather in a special table, there is a special prothesis room near the sanctuary.
Thus, the process of the gifts started in the prothesis room and then continued in
the naos for the faithful, and finally continued to the central altar. Therefore, the
procession made a semicircular progression from one sanctuary to another. This
outline of the prothesis rite might be realized in churches with multiple
sanctuaries.24
In conclusion, it appears that the sanctuaries of the inscribed-cross churches in

Greme had an architectural development, which seems to be rather independent
of Constantinople in their planning. The horseshoe-shaped apse-bema was used
consistently in the churches of this provincial area and it had a local origin and
continuous development from the early throughout the Middle Byzantine period.
Some elements of the sanctuary furnishings, however, such as altars, presbyters
24
For more detail about the changes in Byzantine Liturgy see Mathews (1982, 125-138).
60
seats and sanctuary screens find their parallels in Constantinople and elsewhere
in Byzantium, arguing for a similar custom of having several sanctuaries in a
church (Teteriatnikov 1996, 78). The Cappadocian sanctuary pattern suggests a
somewhat different outline for the liturgical procession of the transformation of the
gifts. Instead of a separate prothesis room, a prothesis niche is found in very few
examples to the north of the altar inside the apse. It seems to us that the
sanctuary planning of inscribed-cross churches in Greme was rearranged by
Cappadocian architects according to their own liturgical and architectural
traditions.
5.2 Naos
The naos is the place for both clergy and laity. The various ceremonial rites take
place in the naos. In there, all the prayers witness the liturgy and attend the burial
and memorial services. For these reasons, the naos is a fundamental place for
understanding the performance of the liturgy. In general, the function of the naos
in the Byzantine architecture is a complex question concerning the archeological
and literary evidences. Although there are various studies, which have been
undertaken especially on churches of Constantinople, more research is still
required. This is because only a few of them survive. Therefore, the knowledge
about the features and the function of the naos is especially restricted. In this
regard, concerning the Cappadocian naos, the research on its function is more
complicated than the Constantinopolitan ones.
In Greme, many of the inscribed-cross churches still have their original naos
section and its furnishings. Among its furnishings, the prothesis niche, the water
basin and the seating places still exist in these churches and can give information
61
about the local naos function. Hence, the use of liturgical furnishing will be
examined together with the function of the naos.
5.2.1 Prothesis Niche
The prothesis is the room, which is attached to or enclosed with in the church.
The prothesis room and the niche serve for the preparation and storage of the
species of the Eucharist. According to Teteriatnikov (1996, 94), the prothesis
niche has also another function in the church due to its location. After entering the
church, the prayers had to stop near the prothesis niche in order to make an
offering. In that sense, it was an important stopping point before the start of the
liturgy.
The prothesis niche in the inscribed-cross churches in Greme is usually in the

shape of a semicircle. It is generally placed in the eastern part of the north wall. In
many of the churches, it is close to the sanctuary. This kind of arrangement
provides an easy visibility for the faithful when the clergy proceeded with the
offerings (Teteriatnikov 1996, 82).
Apart from the location of the prothesis niche, its decoration is the other important
aspect, which provides information about its significance in the church. The
decoration of the prothesis niche is the part of the general church decoration
programme. According to Teteriatnikov, the selection of specific decorative
themes was relevant to its specific function. The decoration programme in the
62
prothesis nice in general consists of well-known images such as the Cross,

Christ25, Virgin Mary26, saints, and bishops or selected other scenes.
Among the decorative elements in the prothesis niche, the Cross is one of the
major images in the painting programme. Generally, it is painted in red. This is no
different in the inscribed-cross churches in Greme. On the other hand, in some
of the examples the image of cross in the prothesis niche is integrated into the
figurative programme as in St. Barbara Church (figure 21).
In the decoration of the prothesis niche, it may be seen that certain subjects are
chosen for their symbolic significance to the performance of the prothesis niche.
One of these is the scene of Anastasis. The scene of Anastasis represents the
meaning of the feast of Easter, which is the focus of the liturgical year. This scene
was widely used in rock-cut churches of Cappadocia (Teteriatnikov 1996, 91). It
can also be found in the prothesis niche of Kllar Church (Teteriatnikov 1996,
92).
According to Walter (1982, 235), the chosen subjects for the decoration of the
prothesis niche are purposely restricted. He believes that the explanation for the
selection of these images is found in the Eucharist rite. When the holy bread was
25
The image of Christ was the major element in the decoration of the prothesis niche. It
was found only in the Middle Byzantine churches. Most of the images of Christ are found
in the Middle Byzantine Cappadocian churches with its various examples such as in
Ylanl Church in Ihlara (11th c.) and Sakl Church in Greme (11th c.). Despite its varieties,
no image of Christ can be seen in the prothesis niche of the inscribed-cross churches in
Greme.
26
A number of the images of Virgin Mary can be found in the prothesis niches of
Cappadocia such as in Karaba Church in Soanl or New Tokal Church in Greme. As
in the example of Christ, there is no representation of Virgin Mary in the prothesis niche of
inscribed-cross churches in Greme.
63
prepared for the Eucharist, a small part of it was only put for Christ, Virgin Mary
and for the saints and bishops. In that sense, it is not a surprise to be faced with
no other images.
To sum up, it seems reasonable that the location and particularly the decoration
programme of the prothesis niche are used to express particular messages in the
function of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme.
5.2.2 Water Basin
The water basin in the rock-cut churches of Cappadocia also appears in the
church naos. The water basins are generally found in two parts of the church: In
the western part of the church or in the eastern part of the south wall
(Teteriatnikov 1996, 95). Generally their shapes are rock-cut and curved like a
vessel or a round basin, which is carved into the bottom of a rock-cut niche. Many
of the water basins, including round ones, are the imitation of the real vessels and
generally do not have any decoration programme (Teteriatnikov 1996, 96).
The water basins are rarely found in the inscribed-cross churches of Greme,.
Instead they are carved into the walls and small in size. Their shape and
decoration vary in each case. One of the examples is in Greme in Chapel 17.
The water basin in Chapel 17 appears as part of the wall. Being a part of the wall,
it is elevated to a height convenient for reaching by hands (Teteriatnikov 1996,
98-99).
Apart from Chapel 17, none of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme seem to
have a water basin.
64
5.2.3 Seating Places
The rock-cut seating places can be seen in almost all of the inscribed-cross
churches in Greme. There are two types of seats in this section. The first one is
a bench and the other one is the individual seat. Both types are integrated into the
plan of the church.
Rock-cut benches appear as the earliest and most widely used seating in
churches, owing to their simplicity of design and use (Teteriatnikov 1996, 109).
This kind of bench is easy to carve from the wall and it can be adapted to any
church plan. Their sizes are very narrow, generally ranging from 35 to 40 cm in
width, and 50-60 cm in height.
In the inscribed-cross churches of Greme, benches with this architectural type

follow a similar arrangement. The arrangement is simple and depends on the plan
type, particularly the length of the wall. Benches are arranged around the walls. In
the earliest inscribed-cross church, Kllar has benches that were cut along the
walls including the area in front of the three sanctuaries at the eastern end
(Teteriatnikov 1996, 111). This kind of arrangement can be seen in St. Barbara,
Chapel 17, Karanlk, Yusuf Ko (figure 47) and arkl Churches.
Apart from the benches, there are a great number of churches in Greme, which
were furnished with individual seats. The presence of these individual seats
suggests that they were intended for a certain number of people who attended
worship in the service of each church. Like benches, their arrangement is also
dependent on the existence of a continuous length of the church walls. There
65
were several variations in the placement of this type of seating (Teteriatnikov

1996, 113).
The types of individual seating are also varied. In the inscribed-cross churches,
variations of the individual seat, which is near the sanctuary, can be seen. These
individual rock-cut seats are usually found on both sides of the apse. For
instance, in Karanlk Church, the rectangular seats are carved in front of the
sanctuary. This church has also two more seats, which were added near the
western wall on both sides of the entrance. The individual rock-cut seats in the
inscribed-cross churches near the bema, in each case, cannot be reserved only
for ordinary monks. They were probably be used for the bishops seat, and
particularly during the ceremony for the consecration of bishops (Teteriatnikov
1996, 122).
Examining the seating places in the inscribed-cross churches, it is notable that the
clergy were assigned to seats on both sides of the church. It seems that these
seats were reserved for numbers of the clergy. These examples point out that the
clergy was placed closer to the sanctuary. The laity, then, probably had their
place following the clergy and monks. Finally, being closer to the entrance,
women were separated from men due to the limited space of the naos.
5.2.4 Function of the Cappadocian naos
With its known components, the function of the naos in Cappadocia with respect
of the inscribed-cross churches of Greme, can practically give a rather complete
picture of its use. First of all, having a single-door opening into the nave in the
inscribed-cross churches of Greme is different from that of Constantinopolitan
66
churches, which usually had the multi-door arrangement.27 In Greme, the single
access to the naos implies that the clergy and monks, then laymen and then laity
(including women and children) proceeded into the nave, respectively.
(Teteriatnikov 1996, 124) This reveals a difference in the social classification
between Greme and Constantinople.
After investigating the naos, it is understood that not only the type, but also the
furnishing of the naos affected the location of the faithful. It was different from the
Constantinopolitan churches. Placed closer to the sanctuary, the prothesis niche
meant that the clergy needed to be nearer. Whereby they were the closest to the
sanctuary. The monks and laymen occupied the space behind the naos. This
appears to be a general rule in Byzantine churches (Teteriatnikov 1996, 125).
In the case of Greme, the material evidence is rather limited. Because of this, it
is still hard to give a complete picture about the function of the naos in this area.
In dealing with the prothesis niches, seating places and water basins; it becomes
obvious that the form of liturgical furnishing presents evidence for the evolutionary
planning of the naos and the particular church rites associated with them.
5.3 Entrances
The entrance compartment is a distinctive feature in Byzantine architecture. It is

the place that allows access to the naos. Especially in the Early Byzantine liturgy,
the celebration begins with the First Entrance. And then the ceremony of the
27
For the use of the multi-door arrangement in the Constantinopolitan churches see
Mathews (1971; 13,14,21,35, 55,64,71,81).
67
Entrance opens the liturgy that was also a ceremony of great importance
(Mathews 1977, 138).
In Cappadocia, the entrance thus becomes a distinctive feature, which generally

shows a variety in planning and design. There are two types of entrance
compartments in Cappadocia: the narthex and porch. These architectural units
seem to reflect architectural planning and the liturgical rites of Cappadocians. This
situation is no different in Greme where many of the inscribed-cross churches
have a narthex or porch. In that sense, both kinds of entrance will be examined in
terms of understanding the function and role in the development of the inscribedcross plan type in Greme.
5.3.1 Porch
The porch is a kind of hall which neighbors the naos or in some cases the
narthex. It directly opened to the outside. As it has been pointed out at the
beginning of the thesis, some of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme are
closed to the visitors due to erosion. For the same reason, a great number of
them also do not have their original entrances. Unfortunately, many churches in
this area have also lost their porches. The only surviving examples come from the
Middle Byzantine times that show sufficient number of porch compartment.
In spite of a variety of vaulting systems in Greme churches, the rectangular entry

with a doorway seems one of the most stable porch types in Greme. In the
church of Kllar (figure 38), arkl (figure 24) and Bezirhane, the similar
arrangement of porch is seen. In these churches, the porch is located on the north
side of the church. These have a rectangular portico with a rectangular room that
68
opened to the outside. At first sight, this looks similar to the narthex with its
planning but the difference between them is that the porch provides an access
(Teteriatnikov 1996, 133).
It is significant that the architectural unit of the porch was used throughout the
Middle Byzantine period in Greme (Teteriatnikov 1996, 143), where a variety of
the porch types may be observed. The rectangular barrel-vaulted porch version,
as in the church of Kllar and arkl, seems to come from local tradition. What is
remarkable in this situation is to see that the Cappadocians did not restrict
themselves with one or two kind of types. They also invented new types of
porches.
5.3.2 Narthex
In general, the narthex compartment is not frequently used in Cappadocian

architecture. Its frequent use can be seen during the Middle Byzantine period
(Teteriatnikov 1996, 144), particularly in Greme. In the churches of
Constantinople, the placement of the narthex on the west side of the naos is
standard. But in Greme, these sections can be seen on the north, west or south
side of the churches.
The narthex in the inscribed-cross churches in Greme becomes one of the

prominent parts of the architecture. Its size and form vary according to the church
naos. Although its entrance is lateral, the original access was provided by a
rectangular narthex in Elmal Church. It was larger in size. The similar narthex
arrangement is seen on the north-south side of the Karanlk Church (figure 29). It
has a barrel-vault and a rectangular entrance that opens to the naos.
69
The other example of a rectangular narthex is in Chapel 17 which has a

rectangular narthex with a transverse barrel vault. In this chapel, there is a water
basin in the northwest corner of the narthex. The presence of water basins in
these narthexes suggests that the holy water was placed in these areas for use
by the faithful (Teteriatnikov 1996, 154). Apart from its vaulting system, to see
some of the furnishing elements in the design of narthex is important. It is rarely
found but it gives different intentions regarding the function of the narthex.
The variations of narthex are not only seen in their arrangement but also in their
planning. There is also a different form of narthex unlike rectangular barrelvaulted ones. The first kind of narthex, which seems to be a new solution, is the
domed-narthex (Teteriatnikov 1996, 150). The earliest domed-narthex is found in
Kllar Church, where there is only one dome in the narthex, that covers a space
between the entrance to the narthex and the entrance to the naos. Architecturally
and visually, the dome in the narthex emphasized the importance of the place
between the two entrances. Unfortunately, in Kllar Church only the eastern
portion of dome still stands (Teteriatnikov 1996, 150). A parallel arrangement is
also seen in Chapel 25. The dome in the narthex is covered with red-painted
decoration as in the naos. Apart from its dome section, there is also a burial place
on the north wall (which will be examined in the following chapter) and opposite to
the burial place; there is a bench (figure 48). This bench is carved from rock and
hence it may indicate that the narthex here could have a different function.
To sum up, the narthex or porch part in the inscribed-cross churches of Greme
suggests that they were usually used as porches. Aside from some of the
features, these units generally share the similar planning and orientation. The
70
presence or absence of some of the changes like domes, do not seem to express
any specific meaning.
5.3.3 Function of Cappadocian entrances
Establishing the specific function of the entrance compartments in Cappadocia is

rather difficult to trace in the naos. Because many of them are destroyed and the
few surviving examples can give only limited information with their planning and
decoration. In general, however, the narthex and the porch have their own
characteristics. Whether it is a narthex or porch, from the aspect of aesthetic
values, the striking feature of the facade is the rich organization. As in the case of
Chapel 25, Karanlk or Bezirhane Church, the decorative faade consists of
barrel-vaulted or horseshoe-shaped blind niches and arches. These elements
also constitute the part of the entrance vestibule and they give the notion of the
architectural language of the carver-architect.
Besides the decorative characteristics of the entrances, these units also serve
practical purposes. In this regard, considering the topographical and climatic
qualities of the region, there was a need for protection during the cold and hot or
even rainy days. In this respect, the entrance compartments are also the result of
the necessity for sheltering (Teteriatnikov 1996, 155).
In some of the examples, the decorative character of the faade continues inside
of the entrance unit. Generally, the symbolic representation was the preferred
one. In this regard, one of the most widely used images is the cross and Virgin
Mary. According to Teteriatnikov (1996, 163), what seems to distinguish the
71
Cappadocian usage of entrance is to see only the one door access. This one-door
arrangement indicates the different position of the women and the children during
the liturgical ceremony. Similar to the situation in the naos, after the clergy and
monks, the women and children must have followed. With regard to the size of the
porches or narthexes, it seems too doubtful that during the cold or rainy weathers
they would probably stand outside of the porch or narthexes.
As a conclusion, the entrances in the inscribed-cross churches of Greme

demonstrate the variety of porch or narthex types. This feature suggests that
there was not a standard type for the size or plan of these units. The single door
usage seems to reflect the tradition in the area. Because, according to surviving
Byzantine monastic rules, the entrance by women was prohibited in male
monasteries (Teteriatnikov 1996, 163). Apart from this special organization, the
functional and liturgical aspects of the porch and narthex appear to resemble
those in Constantinople as well.
5.4 Ceilings
In Chapter 3, it has been shown that the central and the highest feature of an
inscribed-cross church is the dome. The simplest version is a dome over a crossshaped ground plan. In addition, the dome is an important part of the church not
only architecturally, but also visually and symbolically (Mathews 1998, 109).
Comparing the dome section of inscribed-cross churches both in Constantinople
and Greme, there are some differences from the aspect of architectural detail.
These differences seem to be the outcome of this rural area.
72
In the inscribed-cross churches in Constantinople, the dome was normally raised

on a drum, to allow the windows around its base, which helped to focus on the
natural light at the center of the church (Ousterhout 1998, 96). In addition, the
dome also provided a vertical emphasis as well. In spite of their non-structural
aspect, the same system was applied in the inscribed-cross churches in Greme.
Although the proportions are squat, both the central and corner bays as well as
the cross arms were covered by domes. This application is not possible in a
constructed building, but easy in a cave (Krautheimer 1986, 398).
Some of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme offer another solution, which

was also impossible to achieve in a masonry building. For instance in Kllar and
Kzlar Church, a shallow dome was integrated into a flat-roofed ceiling or barrelvault (tken 1995, 17). On the other hand, the connecting elements were copied
from brick architecture such as the dome on pendentives or on formed triangles
as in the Chapel 25 (figure 49). These triangles are also used to connect to the
flat roof or barrel vaults as in the case of Elmal, Karanlk and St Barbara Church.
Generally the arms of the cross form are covered by barrel or cross vaults. But in
Elmal, Kzlar and arkl Churches, these are vaulted by domes. As a result, the
nine-domed interior is created.
Consequently, the dome is the principal component of the design of the inscribedcross church. Carried on four columns, partitioned into sections of three, five or
nine, the dome becomes the focus of the entire design. But establishing the
symbolic meaning of this form is somewhat more difficult. In the Middle Byzantine
church decoration, the image of Christ called Pantokrator was placed within the
dome. Being at the highest point of the naos, the Pantokrator was also at the top
of the decorative programme. What is important in the context of this thesis is to
73
understand how the viewer regarded this image, after entering the church even in
the rock-cut church.
Demus, in dealing with this problem, turned from the iconographic method to a
formal examination of the figure. In this regard, he proposed that the Pantokrator
image in the dome is an abbreviation of the Ascension subject, which dominated
pre-iconoclast illustrations. He argued that this new image fitted better in the
spatial system of the Middle Byzantine church (Demus 1976, 19-22).
However, the more significant question to ask is what this image involves in terms
of understanding both the image and the architectural space to which it belongs in
Greme. In many of the inscribed-cross churches, the image of Christ is seen in
the central dome as in Elmal, arkl and Karanlk Church. Sometimes the
inscriptions that were placed with the Pantokrator can be revealing. In this regard,
in the Karanlk Church, one encounters a unique Pantokrator imagery where in
the central dome, the image is encircled by the verse (figure 50): God looks down
from heaven upon the sons of men to see if there are any that are wise, that seek
after God. Psalm 53.2 (Mathews 1995, 209).
This psalm is about the ignorance and darkness of evildoers (Mathews 1995,
209). There is a Pantokrator imagery in a second dome, which is before placed
the sanctuary. In this dome, Christ opens his book to show the text: I am the light
of the world; he who follows me will not walk in darkness, but will have the light of
life (Mathews 1995, 210).
With this imagery, being in the dome, the Christ Pantokrator becomes the
Illuminator who leads his followers to the way of light. In the case of inscribed-
74
cross churches in Greme, the function of the dome with this image in terms of
liturgical planning is not different from this context.
Apart from the Pantokrator Christ, the image of the cross is the other figure that
can be seen in the dome. In Chapel 25 and St Barbara, the red-painted cross
encircled the central dome. Unlike the image of Christ Pantokrator, it can be seen
not only in domes, but also in the other parts of the church. On the other hand, the
function of this image is not different from the Pantokrator.
The dome creats a very special kind of space and it defines a magical
atmosphere in which one encounters the divine. In Middle Byzantine church
architecture, it is generally accepted that the depiction of subjects, which were
thought to be in heaven such as the Pantokrator in domes, involves the
symbolism of the dome of heaven (Buchwald 1999, 16). It is still uncertain
whether it has that kind of symbolism or not, but the domes in Greme, which are
covered with the image of Christ or with the sacred images, have a direct
symbolism related to the form of the church. Although the domes in the inscribedcross churches in Greme are unnecessary for architectural stability, their
iconographic function does not appear to be different from those in
Constantinople.
5.5 Burial Places
The last aspect, which needs to be examined in the liturgical planning of the
inscribed-cross churches, involves the burial places. Several of these churches
have burials in their architectural arrangement. Unfortunately, some of the burial
75
sites have been destroyed or damaged by people. All these reasons limit a
comprehensive study and only a small group of churches can provide useful
information with their architectural details.
In the inscribed-cross churches, the burials are generally placed in the churches
of narthexes. Although the design of the narthexes varies, their burial
arrangements and functions are similar. In Greme, the surviving examples of
burials are in Chapel 25 and Karanlk Church. In Karanlk Church, there is a small
tomb chamber that is attached to the narthex of the church (figure 29). This tomb
chamber may have been derived from Roman tombs (Teteriatnikov 1996, 171).
The floor of the chamber is higher than the narthex floor. It has three grave pits.
Furthermore, there is an arcosolium that cuts into the west wall of the tomb
chamber.
The other burial place is in the narthex of Chapel 25. At the back of the faade,
there is a domed-narthex compartment. It originally contained a single grave pit
opposite to the bench (figure 51). The common feature for the two burials in
Chapel 25 and Karanlk Church is that both are rather small and narrow to allow
the proper placement of a body.
The use of narthex for burials in these churches suggests that the arrangement of
the burial sites is conscious and not accidental. Since there was a considerable
choice in their planning, the presence of this part indicates that liturgical services
may have been held. These graves also imply that some sort of commemorative
services took place within this particular area.
76
The use of narthex for burials in Middle Byzantine Cappadocian churches

demonstrates a parallelism with those of Constantinople. However, the
Cappadocian narthexes are distinguished by the greater density and variety of
their burials (Teteriatnikov 1996, 173). For instance, the thirteenth century typicon
for the monastery of Constantine Lips in Constantinople makes it apparent that
the Empress Theodora intended to place her own grave and those of her family in
a variety of spots in the narthex and nave of the church (Teteriatnikov 1996, 178).
While Constantinopolitan examples suggest a similar arrangement in terms of

burial sites, the presence of these places in the narthex recalls the other
examples from outside of Anatolia. For instance, in some of the churches of
Cyprus, the grave pits are located in the narthex of the church.28
Beside their importance for architectural history or liturgical practice, the study of
burials may also provide a better understanding of the role of monks and the laity
in the church communities of Cappadocia. Observations on graves reveal that
these areas may have belonged to donors, monks, clergy, laymen or their
families. This kind of evidence points to the significance of both monks and laity in
local communities.
Despite its rarity, the analysis of burial sites in the inscribed-cross churches in
Greme indicates that burial places were a part of daily liturgical life. In this
regard, the narthexes were important as places providing a special spot where
commemorative functions were intended. The burials for the donors, monks,
clergy, and laymen or of their families seemed to plan the choice of selecting a
28
Prof. Suna Gven informs me about the presence of burial places in the narthex of
some of Cypriot churches.
77
burial place. It is this particular selection that provided an important aspect for the
development of liturgical planning of the church.
78
CHAPTER 6
PATRONAGE
The economic conditions and financial implications of patronage appear to have

been considerable in the shaping of the numerous rock-cut churches in Greme.
Understandably, the construction of a church or a large monastery, as well as the
provision of the painted decorations, requires a great deal of wealth. Additionally,
the liturgical planning of these churches incorporated the specific requirements of
their patrons. Therefore, the importance of patronage as a major economic
resource for monastic foundations is a key factor to understand the incredible
churches and monasteries in this Byzantine province. In that sense, this chapter
will examine how these economic conditions, together with the social and
economic conditions, affected the size, decoration and also the liturgical planning
of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme.
The economic background of the laity from the ninth to the eleventh century
depended upon several basic administrative, political and social economic
tendencies that emerged in Byzantium after Iconoclasm. Since it has been
notable from the seventh ninth century onwards, the rise of the provincial nobility
79
during the time of the Middle Byzantine period had its effect on the architecture of
aristocratic establishment. In Cappadocia, the same condition may be observed.
The sponsored by the aristocratic families gained more authority and thus shaped
tendencies in this provincial area. Particularly in the eleventh century, the
monasteries multiplied and grew larger. Most new churches were painted and
some of these paintings point to a comparison with those in Constantinople.
At this time, Cappadocia also had a powerful family, called Phokas. The Phokas
family was the most powerful and renowned family of Cappadocia. Their period
appears to have been between the middle of the ninth and the beginning of the
eleventh centuries. The Phokas patronage in Cappadocia and for some churches
in Greme seems enough to explain the financial backing for the high quality
iconographical programmes as in the New Church of Tokal (Thierry 1995, 9).
However, although the Phokas was the most powerful family in Cappadocia, there
is no direct evidence that this family was also responsible for the establishment of
some of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme. Concerning these churches,
some information about their patronage is generally based on painted inscriptions
or donor images. Further observation of the dedicatory inscriptions and donor
portraits show that monks and clergymen frequently appeared with laity. For
instance, there is a picture of Priest and Bassianos, Nikephoros in the conch of
the central apse of Karanlk Church (Jerphanion 1925, 398). In the narthex of
Karanlk Church, the portrait of John the Entalmatikos, who was a minor official or
agent of the Patriarchate, is represented. In addition, six other persons are also
represented. Chief among the latter is John, while the others are Genethlios and
four young people. These young people may have been the members of the
Priests family or that of a community (Rodley 1984, 251).
80
As the painted programme in Karanlk Church indicates, the tenth and eleventh
centuries were the period of greatest activity among clerical patrons. This period
is usually characterized as a time of the highest artistic production. Good
examples of aristocratic Byzantine works and the portraits of the donors display
their social ranks i.e. a priest and the owner of the local aristocracy. For example,
in the church of arkl, there is a donor panel on the west wall of the bay. This
donor panel is part of a full painted programme of high quality. In this church, the
three donors were clearly represented. These donors were probably the founders
of this complex. The important feature for both in the case of Karanlk and arkl
Churches is to see the social representations of the donors, although the
inscriptions rarely contain information about this. On the other hand, the rich
clothes of these donors give evidence of their aristocratic origin, such as John in
the Karanlk Church and Theognostos in arkl Church (tken 1995, 19).
In the other church, Yusuf Ko, the decoration programme includes three donor
figures. Similar to those in arkl Church, these donor images, Theodoros and
two others, are again part of a full programme. These donor images, which were
integrated into the high-quality painting programme of these inscribed-cross
churches, reveal the local familys power as usual. With this example, it has to be
understood that the clear distinction between the painted churches such as
Elmal, Karanlk or arkl Church and others depended on the wealth of the local
families to a very large extent.
In this regard, it seems that local families supported most church foundations.
Hence, the relationship between the laity and the monks and clergy was generally
based on economic and social factors. Living near monastic communities, the
laity had close contacts with the local clergy and monks. Family events, births and
81
deaths had to be celebrated in the churches and monasteries. By giving money

for his own church foundation or simply to the monastic community, the supporter
of the church gained recognation and prestige.
In every period, architecture has never been isolated from the social, political and
economic conditions. In the inscribed-cross churches of Greme too, the social
structures of the patrons and the society cannot be placed aside from the study of
liturgical planning. It was obviously the local people who provided an active
influence during the significant growth of church architecture.
In this regard, the presence of inscriptions, personal invocations, and burial sites
of the clergy, monks, and laity points to the complexity of the social structure of
local communities. It is clear that local families and individual donors supported
these churches. Not only the size of monastic communities, but also the
arrangement of the inscribed-cross churches were often dependent on economic
factors. For instance, the sanctuary arrangements, apart from the factor of the
regions specific needs, which in some cases included two or three altars, were
also dependent on the requirements of a particular community. The same can be
applied to the arrangements of burial sites. The study of the social structure of
local communities, then, is very closely connected with understanding the
liturgical planning of the sanctuaries, naos, narthexes and porches, as well as the
burial places. Thus it was the local clergy, monks and laity who shaped the
projects of church construction. All these point to the fact that the laity participated
in the social, spiritual and economic life of the church. Monasticism in this region
gained considerable support from these local wealthy families.
82
CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION
The distinctive characteristics of the geographical setting and the unique facilities
it has offered for human habitation make Cappadocia one of the most interesting
settlements in Anatolia. Many of the structures hewn from the heart of the rock
have survived and still preserve the natural features of the region. Thus,
geological circumstances have made Cappadocia a kind of open-air museum with
material remains from the prehistoric periods continuously to the present.
Among these well-preserved monastic establishments, hermitages and rock-cut

churches and dwellings are seen all over Cappadocia. Greme, which seems to
develop immediately after the iconoclastic movement, has some spectacular
examples of these structures, which generally date to the Byzantine period. There
are numerous churches and chapels in Greme dating from the second half of the
ninth and the first half of the tenth century. These churches and chapels are
generally decorated with painting and carved architectural features. Although
different plan types are used, the inscribed-cross church appears to be a widely
used one throughout the Middle Byzantine period.
83
The inscribed-cross church plan emerges in Greme only in the Middle Byzantine
period. There are many churches and chapels of this type found there. During the
11th century, in particular, a number of these inscribed-cross churches appear with
decorations. In Greme, the inscribed-cross church generally follows a similar
arrangement, but varies in details. For instance, the variety of two, four and six
columned churches can be seen. The two columned churches like arkl and St.
Barbara are generally regarded as incomplete inscribed-cross churches. These
have only two columns to support the central dome. Similar to this, Yusuf Ko
Church, which has a doubled inscribed-cross plan with two central domes, differs
from those which have four columns instead of six. The other inscribed-cross
churches like Chapel 17, Elmal Church, Karanlk Church, Kllar Church, Chapel
25, Chapel 32 and Bezirhane Church in Greme have four columns at the center
of the naos as usual.
Our study reveals that apart from the variations in the plan scheme in Greme,
there are also different applications in the design of narthex, naos and the
furnishings which belong to the different part of the churches. These noteworthy
treatments help to highlight the unusual and also special design of inscribed-cross
churches in Greme.
In general, it may be said that all these inscribed-cross churches have three
apses, of which the central one is generally larger than the side ones. Only in
Karanlk Church, there is an opening between the main and the north apses. In all
cases the apses open from the three eastern bays of the nine-bay inscribedcross. Additionally, in every church, each apse has also its own altar.
84
In the naos, the cross arms are usually barrel-vaulted as in the churches of
Bezirhane, Yusuf Ko, Kllar and Kzlar. In some cases, arches spring between
the crossing supports that make a border for the vaulting of the center bay.
Behind these arches, the cross arms may be barrel-vaulted as in the churches of
St. Barbara and Karanlk Church or domed like in Elmal Church.
In these inscribed-cross churches, the corner bays are commonly domed as seen
in Karanlk, arkl, Elmal, Kzlar, St. Barbara Churches and Chapel 25. Other
treatments include a flat ceiling as seen in Yusuf Ko Church and barrel vaults
like in Bezirhane. While the corner bays show differences, the central bay
supports are usually columns. In Karanlk, Elmal, arkl, St. Barbara churches
and also in Chapel 25, these columns are slender, while in Kzlar Church the
columns are heavy. The supports are piers only in Bezirhane Church. And the
capitals are usually slabs as in the churches of Bezirhane, Elmal and arkl
Church. In some cases, tapering blocks can be seen as in Karanlk Church and
Chapel 25.
The other feature in these churches is the chancel screen, which appears to be a
common feature in the great majority of the inscribed-cross churches. However,
there are variations in this feature, too. Firstly, the low slab becomes a main part
in some of the inscribed-cross churches. For example, a pair of low slabs that
flank the central apse entrance is found in Bezirhane Church. The other variation
is the tall screen. Tall screens with a central entrance, flanked by lateral openings,
are present in Karanlk, arkl, Elmal, St. Barbara, Kzlar Church and in Chapel
25. Having the tall screen, it seems reasonable that the appearance of it in these
churches is quite unique in design. Because, in most cave churches, the apse
85
entrances are too narrow for a full screen with entablature and columns to be cut
successfully.
Concerning the inscribed-cross churches, three of them have long been grouped
together. These are Karanlk, arkl and Elmal Church. This sub-grouping is
primarily caused due to the similarity in their paintings. Their architecture also
makes them a closely linked group, having common features such as the tall
screen, domed corner bays, slender columns and center bay arches, although
arkl Church has only one center-bay arch. Since two other churches share
these kinds of features; firstly the earliest inscribed-cross church, Kllar, which is
also notable for the high quality of its painting, and St. Barbara and Chapel 25
may be added this sub-grouping. Although the dates of these churches vary
between the ninth to the eleventh century, the common features in their planning
and painting make them closely linked with each other. With the addition of the
latter, the new expanded sub-grouping of Greme churches can display the line of
beginning and the evolution of the inscribed-cross churches better than the
previous one.
Apart from the common architectural features of the inscribed-cross churches in

Greme, the liturgical use of these churches also makes them unique. In this
respect, the various components of furnishings and paintings give a further
definition to the interior of the church. The richness and complexity of church
planning in this area stems from private, social and economic factors. The
requirement for multiple sanctuary arrangement of furnishings in the naos, the
design of entrance compartments and the burial places closely relied on these
same factors.
86
A number of characteristics in the inscribed-cross churches in Greme also reveal

the local trends in terms of both architectural design and function. For instance, in
their sanctuary design, the horse-shaped apse is quite unique. It is usually
furnished as a sanctuary and served as a single bema. This apse-sanctuary
concept in Greme makes these churches totally different from those in
Constantinople.
The other distinguishing feature in these churches is the function of the prothesis
and diakonikon rooms, which normally border the sanctuary of Byzantine
churches. No inscribed-cross churches in Greme present any evidence for the
existence of such rooms. The design of the sanctuary in these churches raises
the question concerning the functional use of the side rooms near the central
sanctuary in Constantinopolitan churches. In Greme, instead of separate ones,
the side apses are used also for the prothesis and the diakonikon room. This
usage implies that in spite of certain changes in the design of the sanctuary, the
liturgical practice continues in its basic essentials.
The planning of the naos is one other feature, which makes these inscribed-cross
churches different from those in Constantinople, in which the prothesis niche is
commonly found in the sanctuary itself. In particular, liturgical furnishings such as
the water basin or the seating places seem to affect the movement of the faithful.
The presence of individual seats or benches in the naos of these churches
provides the strong evidence for a tradition of using them during the ceremonies.
In dealing with prothesis niches, benches or water basins, it becomes apparent
that the presence of these elements presents the evidence for their function.
87
Concerning the design of the naos, the single access to it points to the fact that
various ranks of clergy, monks and the laity had to enter through one and the
same door; and that all had to wait in one undivided space in the naos.
Furthermore, the presence of the prothesis niche, which is close to the sanctuary
as in the church of Karanlk, suggests that the clergy were placed closer to the
sanctuary. The laity probably had their place following the monks. Since the
space of the naos was limited, these people might have stood closer to the
entrance of the church. Accordingly, this spatial restriction in the naos of the
church would require a different treatment of some basic rules of more typical
Byzantine churches. As a result, the function of the naos in these inscribed-cross
churches
has
certain
distinction
in
their
planning
compared
with
Constantinopolitan churches.
The entrance compartment is the other distinguishing feature in the liturgical

planning of the inscribed-cross churches in Greme. The entrance schemes in
these churches seem to be arranged more freely than the inscribed-cross
churches in Constantinople. But the overall function remains the same as in
Constantinople, which means that both of them provide access to the naos and
also prepare the people for the main liturgy. Both the elaboration of the porch and
narthex can be observed in these churches. Particularly, the presence of the
burial places of the clergy, monks or the laity in the entrances obviously affects
the functional use. The existence of these burial sites at such a strategic location
points to the fact that the clergy, monks or the laity were required to be in the
proximity of daily commemorative prayers and services. This phenomenon adds a
new function to the entrance of the naos. It is this particular choice that provided
an important impetus for the development of liturgical planning.
88
All these features above, in fact, depend on two main factors: the requirements of
the region and most importantly the actual preference of the local society. It is
clear that the local families and the individual donors supported these churches so
that the size and the arrangement of the compartments in these churches heavily
depended on their economic means. Obviously it was the local clergy, monks or
laity who determined the projects of church construction. Regarding the church
planning and the decoration, it is not a surprise to be faced with widely differing
levels of accomplishment in the quality of painting or the application of new parts
in the design of the churches.
In general, it may be said that the inscribed-cross church type in the Middle
Byzantine period has a specific and symbolic meaning both with its decoration
and plan. For that reason, it may be supposed that the inscribed-cross church and
its decoration function together. And the form, in its every sense, seems to have a
certain sanctity. This may be an explanation for its consistent usage throughout
the middle Byzantine period. This also can be a reasonable answer for questions
such as why a certain plan type was used in Greme, where the churches were
carved from rock. Although the province was far removed from the developments
of the empire, it is understood that it was not totally isolated from the central policy
or even from Constantinopolitan style. Because, being carved rather than built,
Cappadocians could take any form of church. Moreover, the structural elements
like columns and domes were unnecessary for stability. But the form was sacred.
In some cases, like in the church of St. Barbara, the artist painted the vaults to
look as if they were constructed of blocks of stone. This also supports the idea
89
that Cappadocians wanted to have their churches look like original as much as
possible.29
In conclusion, the specific characteristics of the inscribed-cross churches in

Greme do present a liturgical pattern that can be recognized as Cappadocian.
The technical circumstances of building in this region compelled the architect to
develop a novel approach and create carved structures, thus, imitating
architectural features free from their original structural function. Concerning these
Greme churches in the general development of the inscribed-cross churches in
Anatolia, the examples here offer a highly revealing scheme developed under its
own circumstances.
29
See Gven (2004) for further information on the creation of sacred space in
Cappadocian rock-cut churches in general.
90
FIGURES
91
Figure 1 The Region Of Cappadocia
Figure 2 General View Of The Standing Pinnacles
92
Figure 3a One-aisle Basilica

(Chapel 9, Greme)
Figure 3b Two-aisle Basilica

(Chapel 11, Greme)
Figure 3c Three-aisle Basilica

(Chapel 6, Greme)
Figure 3d Cruciform Church

(Chapel 6a, Greme)
Figure 3e Inscribed-cross Church

(Church A, Soanldere)
93
Figure 4 East Roman Empire In 406
Figure 5 Byzantine Empire, From The Seventh To The Ninth Century
94
Figure 6 Byzantine Empire In 1025
Figure 7 Byzantine Empire In 1092
95
Figure 8 Inscribed-cross Plan
Figure 9 Plan Of Nea Ecclesia Church
Figure 10 Plan Of The Monastery Of Constantine Lips
96
Figure 11 Plan Of Myrelaion Church
Figure 12 Plan Of St S. Peter And Mark Church
97
Figure 13 The Location Of Inscribed-cross Chuches In Greme Valley

(According To Their Chapel Numbers)
Figure 14 Plan Of Elmal Church
Figure 15 The Vaulting System Of Elmal

Church
98
Figure 16 Main Apse Of Elmal Church
Figure 17 Right-side Apse Of Elmal Church
Figure 18 Central Dome Of Elmal Church
99
Figure 19 Sketch Plan Of St. Barbara Church
Figure 20 The Main Apse And Naos Of St. Barbara Church
Figure 21 a & b Left And Right-side Apses Of St. Barbara Church
100
Figure 22 Masonry Lines In The Barrel

Vaults Of St. Barbara Church
Figure 23 One Of The Strange Animals In

St. Barbara Church
Figure 24 Plan Of arkl Church
Figure 25 The Vaulting System Of arkl Church
101
Figure 26 Main Apse Of arkl

Church
Figure 27 Archangel On The Subsidiary Dome In arkl Church
Figure 28 Facade Of Karanlk Monastery
Figure 29 Plan Of Karanlk Church
102
Figure 30 The Naos And The Vaulting System Of Karanlk Church
Figure 31 The Scene Of Last Supper In

Karanlk Church
Figure 32 Cross Medallions In The

Narthex Of Chapel 25
103
Figure 33 Sketch Plan Of Chapel 25
Figure 34 Columns In Chapel 25
Figure 35 Chancel Screen Of Chapel 25

(The Main Apse)
Figure 36 Masonary Lines In The

Barrel Vaults Of Chapel 25
Figure 37 Cross Medallions On The

Walls Of Chapel 25
104
Figure 38 Plan Of Kllar Church
Figure 40 Main Apse Of Kllar Church
Figure 39 Three-dimensional Drawing Of

Kllar Church
Figure 41 Central Dome Of Kllar Church
105
Figure 42 Plan Of Yusuf Ko Church Figure 43 The Naos And The Central Domes Of
Yusuf Ko Church
Figure 44 Capital Of The Column In Yusuf Ko Church
Figure 45 Facade Of Bezirhane Monastery
106
Figure 46 a & b Plan And Section Of Bezirhane Church
Figure 47 Bench In The Naos Of

Yusuf Ko Church
107
Figure 48 Bench In Chapel 25
Figure 49 Central Dome Of Chapel 25
108
Figure 50 Christ Pantokrator On The Central Dome Of

Karanlk Church
Figure 51 Grave Pit In Chapel 25
109
BIBLIOGRAPHY
AKYREK, E., 1998, Fourth to Eleventh Centuries: Byzantine Cappadocia in

Cappadocia, Ed. by Metin Szen. stanbul: Ayhan ahenk Foundation, pp. 226395.
ANASTOS, M.V., 1966, Iconoclasm and Imperial Rule 717-842. in The
Cambridge Medieval History - Volume IV, Ed. by J.M. Hussey. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, pp. 61-103.
ANDOLFATO, U. & ZUCCHI, F., 1971, The Physical Setting in Arts of
Cappadocia, Ed. by Luciano Giovannini. Geneva: Nagel Publishing, pp. 51-84.
ANGOLD, M., 1997, The Byzantine Empire, 1025-1204. London: Longman.
BUCHWALD, H., 1999, Form, style and meaning in Byzantine church
architecture. Brookfield: Ashgate.
CRUSSOL, N.T., 1995, The Historical and Archaeological Heritage of Greme in
The Safeguard of the Rock-Hewn Churches in Greme -Proceedings of an
International Seminar, rgp, Cappadocia, Turkey. 5 -10 September 1993.Rome: ICCROM. pp. 7-14.
CUNEO, P., 1971, The Architecture in Arts of Cappadocia, Ed. by Luciano
Giovannini. Geneva: Nagel Publishing, pp. 85-120.
CURCIC, S., 1980, Architectural Reconsideration of the Nea Ekklesia in
Abstracts of Papers, Sixth Annual Byzantine Studies Conference, Oberlin College
and The College of Wooster, Oberlin-Ohio, pp. 11-12.
DALTON, O. M., 1925, East Christian Art - A Survey of Monuments. Oxford:
Clarendon.
110
DEMUS, O., 1976, Byzantine mosaic decoration: aspects of monumental art in

Byzantium. New York: Caratzas Brothers.
ENSSLIN W., 1966, The Government and Administration of the Byzantine
Empire in The Cambridge Medieval History - Volume V, Ed. by J.M. Hussey.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 1-55.
EPSTEIN, A. W., 1975, Rock-cut Chapels in Greme Valley, Cappadocia: The
Ylanl Group and the Column Churches in Cahiers Archologiques, 24, pp. 115135.
GIOVANNINI, L., 1971, Arts of Cappadocia. Geneva: Nagel Publishing.
GRABAR, A., 1966, Byzantine Architecture and Art in The Cambridge Medieval
History - Volume V, Ed. by J.M. Hussey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
pp. 307-355.
GRABAR, A., 1972, Martyrium. Recherches Sur la Culte des Reliques et lart
Chrtien Antique. 1er volume. London: Variorum Reprints.
GVEN, S., 2004, Kapadokyada Zaman, Mekan ve Kltr in II. MustafaPaa
Kltr ve Sanat Festivali Sempozyum Bildirileri, 18 Mays 2003. pp. 71-89.
HAMILTON, J. A., 1933, Byzantine Architecture and Decoration. London:
Batsford.
HERMAN, E., 1966, The Secular Church in The Cambridge Medieval History Volume V, Ed. by J.M. Hussey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 105133.
HUSSEY, J. M., 1966, The Later Macedonians, The Comneni and The Angeli
1025-1204 in The Cambridge Medieval History - Volume IV, Ed. by J.M. Hussey.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 193-249.
JERPHANION, G., 1925, Une nouvelle province de l'art Byzantin: les eglises
rupestres de Cappadoce. v. 1. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner.
JERPHANION, G., 1930, Une nouvelle province de l'art Byzantin: les eglises
rupestres de Cappadoce. v. 2. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner.
111
KORAT, G., 2003, Ta Kapdan Takapya Kapadokya. stanbul: letiim

Yaynlar.
KOSTOF, S., 1989, Caves of God: Cappadocia and its churches. New York:
Oxford University Press.
KRAUTHEIMER, R., 1986, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture. New
Heaven: Yale University Press.
LEMERLE, P., 1964, A History of Byzantium. New York, Walker and Company.
LEVY, C.J., 1998, La Cappadoce Aprs Jerphanion, Les Monuments Byzantins
Des X-XIII Sicles" in La Turquie de Guillaume De Jerphanion (9-10 Mai 1997),
Ed. by Philippe Luisier. Rome : Ecole Franaise de Rome. pp. 889-925.
LOWDEN, J., 1998, Early Christian & Byzantine Art. London: Phaidon.
MAGDALINO, P., 1993, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos 1143-1180.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
MAINSTONE, R., 1958, Notes on the Rock-Cut Churches of Cappadocia.
(unpublished pamphlet).
MANGO, C., 1978, Byzantine Architecture. Milan: Electa Editrice.
MATHEW, G., 1966, The Christian Background in The Cambridge Medieval
History - Volume IV, Ed. by J.M. Hussey. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, pp. 43-61.
MATHEWS, T.F., 1976, The Byzantine Churches of Istanbul: A Topographic
Survey. University Park and London: The Pennsylvania State University Press.
MATHEWS, T.F., 1977, Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and
Liturgy. London: University Park.
MATHEWS, T.F., 1982, Private Liturgy in Byzantine Architecture: Toward a Reappraisal in Cahiers Archologiques, 30, pp. 125-138.
MATHEWS, T.F., 1995, Art and Architecture in Byzantium and Armenia. Great
Britain: Variorum Reprints.
112
MATHEWS, T.F., 1995, Art and Architecture in Byzantium and Armenia

Liturgical and Exegetical Approaches. Hampshire: Variorum.
MATHEWS, T.F., 1998, Byzantium: The art of Byzantium: between antiquity and
the renaissance. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
McEVEDY, C., 2004, Ortaa Tarih Atlas. stanbul: Sabanc niversitesi
Yaynlar.
MEGAW, A.H.S., 1964, The Original Form of the Theotokos Church of
Constantine Lips in Dumbarton Oaks Papers. Vol. 18, pp. 279-98.
MILLINGEN, V.A., 1974, Byzantine Churches in Constantinople. London:
Variorum Reprints.
MOSS L. B., 1966, The Formation of the East Roman Empire, 330-717 in The
Cambridge Medieval History - Volume IV, Ed. by J.M. Hussey. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, pp. 3-43.
NERI, U., 1971, The Early Christians in Cappadocia (1st 6th centuries) in Arts of
Cappadocia, Ed. by Luciano Giovannini. Geneva: Nagel Publishing, pp. 121-129.
OUSTERHOUT, R., 1998, Reconstructing ninth century Constantinople in
Byzantium in the ninth century: dead or alive? -Thirtieth Spring Symposium of
Byzantine Studies-Birmingham, Ed. by Leslie Brubaker, March 1996. Birmingham:
Variorum, pp. 115-130.
OUSTERHOUT, R., 1998, The Holy Space: Architecture and the Liturgy in
Heaven on earth: Art and the Church in Byzantium, Ed. by Linda Safran.
Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, pp. 81-120.
OWAN, C.W.C., 1892, The Story of Byzantine Empire. London: T. Fisher Unwin.
TKEN, Y., 1987, Greme . Ankara: Kltr Bakanl Yaynlar.
TKEN, Y., 1990, Ihlara Vadisi. Ankara: Kltr Bakanl Yaynlar.
TKEN, Y., 1995, The Art-Historical Significance of Rock-Cut Churches in
Greme in Proceedings of an International Seminar rgp, Cappadocia, Turkey,
5-10 September 1993 Rome: ICCROM. pp. 15-26.
113
RESTLE, M., 1967, Byzantine wall painting in Asia Minor. v.1, v.2, Connecticut:
New York Graphic Society.
REUTHER, O., 1964, A Survey of Persian Art From Prehistoric Times to the
Present. Volume 2. London: Oxford University Press.
RICE, D.T., 1962, The Byzantines. London: Thames and Hudson.
RODLEY, L., 1985, Cave Monasteries of Byzantine Cappadocia. New York:
Cambridge University Press.
RODLEY, L., 1994, Byzantine Art and Architecture. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
RUNCIMAN, S., 1966, Byzantine Civilisation. London, Edward Arnold Ltd.
SEFERIS, Y., 2001, Kapadokya Kiliselerinde Gn. stanbul: Yap Kredi
Yaynlar.
SLNER, S., 1998, The origins of the inscribed-cross-churches and the
development of the type in Istanbul. (Unpublished M.A. thesis). Ankara: Middle
East Technical University, Department of History of Architecture.
TETERIATNIKOV, N.B., 1996, The Liturgical Planning of Byzantine Churches in
Cappadocia. Rome: Pontificio Istituto Orientale.
THIERRY, N., 1971, The Rock Churches in Arts of Cappadocia, Ed. by Luciano
Giovannini. Geneva: Nagel Publishing. pp. 129-171.
THIERRY, N., 1974, "Yusuf Ko Kilisesi, Eglise rupestre de Cappadoce" in
Mansele Armaan. Ankara. pp. 193-206.
TREADGOLD, W., 1997, A History of the Byzantine State and Society. California:
Standford University Press.
WALTER, C., 1982, Art and Ritual of the Byzantine Church. London: Variorum
Publications.
114
WHITTOW, M., 1996, The Making of Orthodox Byzantium 600-1025. London:

MacMillan Press.
VASILIEV, A. A., 1952, History of the Byzantine Empire 324-1453. Madison: The
University of Wisconsin Press.
115
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
LIST OF THE BYZANTINE EMPERORS
In this part, the list of Byzantine Emperors is arranged according to the dynasties.
The list will begin with Constantine-I and finish with Constantine XI.30
Constantinian Dynasty
Constantine-I the Great (306 - 337)
Constantius-II (337- 361)
Julian the Apostate (361 - 363)
Jovian (363 -364)
Theodosian Dynasty
Valens (364 - 378)
Theodosius-I the Great (379 - 395)
Arcadius (395 - 408)
30
This list has been adopted from Runciman (1966, 301-305).
116
Theodosius-II (408 - 450)

Marcanius (450 - 457)
Leo-I the Great (457- 474)
Leo-II (474)
Zeno-I Tarasius (474 - 491)
Basiliscus (rival emperor) (475 - 476)
Anastasius-I (491 - 518)
Justinian Dynasty
Justin-I the Great (518 - 527)
Justinian-I the Great (527 - 565)
Justin-II (565 - 578)
Tiberus-II Constantine (578 - 582)
Maurice-I Tiberius (582 - 602)
Phocas the Tyrant (602 610)
Heraclian Dynasty
Heraclius (610 - 641)
Constantine-III Heraclius (641)
Heraclonas Constantine (641)
Constans-II Heraclius Pogonatus (641 - 668)
Constantine-IV (668 - 685)
117
Justinian-II, Rhinotmetus (685 - 695)

Leontius-II (695 - 698)
Tiberus-III Apsimar (698- 705)
Justinian-II, Rhinotmetus (second rule 705 - 711)
Philippicus Bardanes (ruled 711 - 713)
Anastasius-II, Artemius (713 - 715)
Theodosius-III (715- 717)
Isaurian Dynasty
Leo-III the Isaurian (717 - 741)
Constantine-V Copronymus (741)
Artabasdus (rival emperor) (741 - 743)
Constantine-V Copronymus (second rule 743 775)
Leo-IV the Khazar (775 - 780)
Constantine-VI the Blinded (780 - 797)
Irene the Athenian (797 - 802)
Nicephorus-I the general Logothete (802 - 811)
Stauracius (811)
Michael-I Rhangabe (811 - 813)
Leo-V the Armenian (813 - 820)
Amorian (Phrygian) Dynasty
118
Michael-II the Amorian (820 - 829)

Theophilus-II (829 - 842)
Michael-III the Drunkard (842 - 867)
Macedonian Dynasty
Basil-I the Macedonian (867 - 886)
Leo-VI the Wise (886 - 912)
Alexander-III (912 - 913)
Constantine-VII Porphyrogenitus (913 - 959)
Romanus-I Lecapenus (co-emperor) (919 - 944)
Romanus-II Porphyrogenitus (959 - 963)
Nicephorus-II Phocas (963 - 969)
John-I Tzimisces (969 - 976)
Basil-II Bulgaroktonus (the Bulgar-slayer) (976 - 1025)
Constantine-VIII Porphyrogentius (1025 - 1028)
Romanus-III Argyrus (1028 - 1034)
Michael-IV the Paphlagonian (1034 - 1041)
Michael-V Calaphates (the Caulker) (1041 - 1042)
Zoe Porphyrogenita (1028 - 1050)
Constantine-XI Monomachus (1042 - 1055)
Theodora Porphyrogenita (1055 - 1056)
119
Michael-VI Stratioticus (1056 - 1057)

Proto-Comnenan Dynasty
Isaac-I Comnenus (1057 - 1059)
Constantine-X Ducas (1059 - 1067)
Michael-VII Ducas (1067 - 1078)
Romanus-VI Diogenes (co-emperor) (1067 - 1071)
Nicephorus-III Botaniates (1078 - 1081)
Comnenan Dynasty
Alexius-I Comnenus (1081 - 1118)
John-II Comnenus (1118 - 1143)
Manuel-I Comnenus (1143 - 1180)
Alexius-II Comnenus (1180 - 1183)
Andronicus-I Comnenus (1183 - 1185)
Angelan Dynasty
Isaac-II Angelus (1185 - 1195)
Alexius-III Angelus (1195 - 1203)
Alexius-IV Angelus (1203 - 1204)
Isaac-II Angelus (1203 - 1204)
Alexius-V Ducas Murzuphlus (1204)
Lascaran Dynasty (in exile as the Empire of Nicaea)
Theodore-I Lascaris (1204 - 1222)
120
John-III Ducas Vatatzes (1222 - 1254)

Theodore-II Lascaris (1254 - 1258)
John-IV Lascaris (1258 - 1261)
Palaeologan Dynasty
Michael-VIII Palaeologus (1259 - 1282)
Andronicus-II Palaeologus (1282 - 1328)
Andronicus-III Palaeologus (1328 - 1341)
John-V Palaeologus (1341 - 1376)
John-VI Cantacuzenus (co-emperor) (1347 - 1354)
Andronicus-VI Palaeologus (1376 - 1379)
John-V Palaeologus (second rule 1379 - 1391)
John-VII Palaeologus (rival emperor) (1390)
Manuel-II Palaeologus (1391 - 1425)
John-VII Palaeologus (rival emperor) (1399 - 1402)
John-VIII Palaeologus (1425 - 1448)
Constantine-XI Palaeologus (1449 - 1453)
121
APPENDIX B
THE LIST OF INSCRIBED-CROSS CHURCHES IN CAPPADOCIA
PLACE
NAME
DATE
Aksaray
Church 1
11th century
Aksaray rooms no. 3
11th century
Dervi Akn Church
11th century
Square Church
10-11th century
Karanlk Kale Church
9-10th century
Karagedik Church
end of 10th century
Direkli Church
976-1025
Ala Church
11th century
(No name)
10-11th century
Koyunogul Church
11th century
St. Nicholas Church
10-11th century
Tokal Church
11th century
Soanl Han
11th century
Soanldere
Church A
11 th century
Between rgp - Soanl
ahinefendi Church
11th century
Ihlara
Yaprakhisar
Soanl
This list has been prepared based on Kostof (1989), Rodley (1985), Teteriatnikov (1996),
Korat (2003), Giovannini (1971), tken (1987 and 1990).
122
Kubbeli Church
end of 9th century
Canbazl church
10-11th century
Halla Church
late 11th century
Church 1(kek)
10-11th century
Aynal Church
late 11th century
St. Gregorios Church
11th century
St. Anargirios Church
11th century
Selime
Dervi Akn Church
11th century
Mamasun
Ky Ensesi Church
10th century
Kzlukur
Church of Columns
10-11th century
Greme
Chapel 17
1055
Elmal church
11th century
St. Barbara Church
first half of 11th century
arkl Church
11th century
Karanlk Church
mid 11th century
Chapel 25
11th century
Kllar Church
10th century
Chapel 32
11th century
Yusuf Ko Church
11th century
Bezirhane Church
11th century
Ortahisar
rgp
Gzelyurt
123
APPENDIX C
CHURCH OF COLUMNS IN KIZILUKUR
The church of Columns is placed in Kzlukur, which is between Greme and

avuin. It has no inscription panel so that the name of columns caused by
supporting four columns at the center of the church. The date of this church is still
unknown but having an inscribed-cross plan, it indicates the general Middle
Byzantine category. Therefore, the date of tenth or eleventh century can be
proposed for the church.
The church has three apses and the central one is slightly bigger then the side
ones (figure 52). The side apses have keyhole-shaped and formed by low chancel
slabs. And each apse has its own altar. Two steps provide the access to the main
apse. In spite of being damaged, it has a three-portioned entrance.
There are four columns forming the center bay, with squat tapering block capitals.
A high dome covers the central bay. The entire cross arms have barrel vaults.
Only two subsidiary bays, which are in front of the side apses, are domed. In the
naos, each wall has three niches. On the west side of the church, there is a
narthex compartment that provides to access to the naos. However, this narthex
seems to be used not only as an entrance, but also as a meeting hall. At the
124
center, there is a circular hole, which provides to be sit face to face. On the
ceiling, there are ten curved-half columns as a decorative feature (Korat 2003,
189).
Near the narthex compartment, there is a big niche and at the end of this niche,
there is a single grave pit. (Korat 2003, 191) With all of these parts and different
arrangement in its design, the church of Columns seems to be a unique example
among the inscribed-cross churches in Cappadocia. Furthermore, concerning all
of these connected rooms, this church has a communal characteristic in itself.
Except some of the red linear contours, the church has no painting programme.
Figure 52 Plan Of The Church Of Columns
125
APPENDIX D
GLOSSARY
Ambo: It is a type of pulpit in the form of a raised platform in the part of a church.
It is principally used to deliver the biblical readings of the liturgy.
Antae: The projections of the temple walls.
Arcosolium: Arched tomb recess housing a sarcophagus or grave pit.
Bema: The area in a church around the altar. It is often raised one step and
enclosed by a chancel barrier.
Cella: It is the main part of the church including the core and the sanctuary, naos.
Diakonikon: The usual Byzantine church has a main apse flanked by smaller
apses. The space to the right was called the diakonikon, which was used primarily
as a sacristy.
Esonarthex: It is the inner narthex that followed the exonarthex.
Exedrae: A large niche.
Exonarthex: The entrance or portal of a church.
Gynaceum: The part of a church reserved for women. It is usually placed over
the esonarthex.
Heroa: It is a monument, which erected for the memory of a martyr or king.
In compiling the glossary, the major references depend on Krautheimer (1986), Lowden
(1998) and Rodley (1994).
126
Iconostasis: It refers to a tall wooden structure covered with icons that separates
the congregation from the bema of a church.
Martyrium: A shrine or building at a site associated with the life of Christ or with
the life or cult of a saint. It often has a symmetrical plan.
Mausoleum: A mausoleum is a large and impressive tomb, usually constructed
for a deceased leader.
Naos: This part of the Byzantine church is occupied by the congregation and
separated from the bema by a chancel or templon screen.
Narthex: It is an entrance hall that precedes the naos. Narthex usually runs the
full width of the church on its western side.
Pastophoria: these are rooms serving as a diakonikon or prothesis that generally
flank the apse of the church.
Parekklesion: It is a subsidiary chapel, which flanks the church, narthex or both.
Polis: A polis is a city, or a city-state. The word originates from the ancient Greek
city-state, which developed in the Hellenic period and survived with decreasing
influence well into Roman times.
Prothesis: It is the room, attached to left side of the main apse. It served for the
preparation and storage of the species of the Eucharist before Mass.
Synthronon: It is a bench or benches reserved for the clergy. It is arranged either
in a semicircle in the apse or in straight rows on either side of the bema.
Templon: It is a version of the chancel screen in which high marble slabs with
columns supporting an epistyle divided.
127

The Inscribed-Cross Churches in Göreme

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Inscribed-Cross Churches in Göreme

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Inscribed-Cross Churches in Göreme

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

THE INSCRIBED-CROSS CHURCHES IN GREME

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences

Prof. Dr. mr BAKIRER

Prof. Dr. Suna GVEN

Dr. Ufuk SERN

Date: June 18th, 2004

THE INSCRIBED-CROSS CHURCHES IN GREME

M. A., Department of History of Architecture

Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Suna GVEN

June 2004, 127 pages

This thesis reviews the general characteristics of rock-cut churches with an

Keywords: Middle Byzantine Period, Church Architecture, Greme, Inscribedcross plan

GREMEDEK KAPALI HA PLANLI KLSELER

Yksek Lisans, Mimarlk Tarihi Blm

Tez Yneticisi: Prof. Dr. Suna GVEN

Haziran 2004, 127 sayfa

Bu tez Gremede bulunan kapal ha plana sahip kaya kiliselerinin mimari

belirleyebilmek iin, Bizans stanbulunda bulunan kapal ha planl kiliselerin

Anahtar Kelimeler: Orta Bizans Dnemi, Kilise Mimarl, Greme, Kapal Ha

To my mother, for her endless love and support

ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................... iii

4.8 Chapel 32 ....................................................................................................48

Source: Krautheimer 1986, 358

28. Faade of Karanlk Monastery.....................................................................102

46 a & b. Plan and section of Bezirhane Church..............................................107

In Cappadocia, with regards to these geological features, people carved homes

In this regard, the term quincunx describes a two-dimensional geometric figure,

and one in each corner, an arrangement which is descriptive of only a limited

On the other hand, the four-column type refers to relatively inconsequential

study consists of three main parts: In Chapters 2 and 3, respectively, the

In order to provide detailed information about the historical background in

HISTORY OF BYZANTINE CAPPADOCIA

characteristic features of the Byzantine Empire began to appear immediately after

In no state, with the possible exception of ancient Egypt, did religion

For the whole list of Byzantine Emperors see Appendix A.

characteristics, brought to Byzantine Christianity a cosmic conception of the

to be theological propriety, with which they concerned themselves in the exercise

number of powerful families holding great tracts of land began to provide a

After 70 years, between 1143-1180, there was an attempt to reconstruct the

THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE INSCRIBEDCROSS CHURCH TYPE

The inscribed-cross church dominated Byzantine ecclesiastical construction for

The features of the inscribed-cross church are complex, but easily

According to Buchwald (1999, 309), architectural space (and space in general)

The geometry of these churches is clear, simple, and immediately apparent.

Stylistically equally monumental paintings and mosaics became

The images were displayed by necessity as requirements of Middle Byzantine

inscribed-cross churches might be understood as reflections of earlier building

Consequently, it can be seen that no series of buildings, which steadily develop to

According to Slobodan Curcic (1980, 11-12), there is no specific information on

inscribed-cross church (Fatih Camii) in Tirilye (Zeytinba) on the south shore of

In the development of the inscribed-cross church type in Byzantine stanbul, the

For the plan of these churches see Mathews (1971; 60,74,129).

churches in the capital, where the dome on pendentives is used as a

While the inscribed-cross churches emerged and constantly developed in

been followed by monastic congregations from the rock cones in Cappadocia.

Having the best-preserved examples of the inscribed-cross type, Greme seems

THE INSCRIBED-CROSS CHURCHES IN GREME