Elites: History of the Concept

Philipp Korom, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne, Germany
2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Abstract

The term elite was introduced to the vocabulary of the social sciences in the late nineteenth century by Vilfredo Pareto.
Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, and Robert Michels developed classic elite theories in opposition to the Marxist belief that a popular
proletarian regime would yield democratization. A ruling minority, so the basic theorem goes, will always out-organize large
majorities. Contrary to the classics, the social sciences since World War II have mostly treated elites and democracy as
reconcilable. Technical terms such as strategic elites (Keller) were widely used to refer to incumbents of top positions in the
various social sectors. The functionalist or pluralist school of thought departs from the idea of heterogeneity. Critical elite
theory claims that, even in modern democracies, economically based social hierarchies are reproduced, thereby giving rise to
a single dominant class.

Long before the term elites was coined, the concept had been scientists, artists, and artisans of France were taken away: The
used by various thinkers. Already Plato (c. 380360 B.C.E./ nation would become a lifeless corpse . It would immediately
2002) imagined in Republic (book VII) a state ruled by fall into a position of inferiority compared with the nations
philosopher-kings (kings of a hive, better and more perfectly which it now rivals, and would continue to be inferior until
educated than the rest). Platos justication of such a rule is that this loss had been replaced, until it had grown another head
philosophers only have knowledge of what really is, e.g., just or Saint-Simon (1819/1964: 72).
good. That genuine philosophical knowledge is needed for Like Saint-Simon, other leading aristocratic critics of mass
ruling, is the primary thrust of his argument. tendencies did not refer to elites, although their ideas on
Niccol Machiavelli (14691527), an Italian diplomat who large-scale processes of massication were established along
is commonly regarded as a predecessor of the classic elite the juxtaposition of the noble man and the mass man
theories, used the terms nobles, aristocrats, or the great (Ortega y Gasset). The French social psychologist Gustave le
interchangeable to describe societys elite. In The Prince, Bon (18411931) and the Spanish philosopher Jos Ortega y
Machiavelli (1531/2005) makes several recommendations for Gasset (18831955) were both concerned with the crowd/the
acquiring, governing, and preserving principalities in response mass of the mediocre entering elds of decision-making
to the political crisis of Italian city-states, including his own (Le Bon, 1895/1897; Ortega y Gasset, 1929/1957). The era
city-state of Florence: a prince should be both loved and feared; of crowds (Le Bon) was suspected to result in cultural
he needs able advisers; his best fortress is the loyalty of his degradation and deterioration. Human excellence, it was
subjects; and cruelty can be legitimate to maintain order. In ascertained, was only to be found in a few and not the many.
a famous passage, Machiavelli advises the prince to emulate Society itself was seen as aristocratic in its very nature: it can
both the fox and the lion, cleverly outmaneuvering his foes never be the many, the average, the mass, who rule. Mass,
(nd out the Snares) and courageously standing up against then, referred primarily to the quality of human beings and
enemies (fright away the Wolves). In this rst European their numbers rather than to social class. Elites, in contrast to
secular treatise on politics, elites are considered as a threat to the masses, share a superior moral and psychological makeup.
democracy, in the sense that they will bias the actual enacting The term lite rst appears in an encyclopedia published
of laws in their own interest. Machiavelli advises princes to base in France between 1751 and 1772 and edited by Denis
their power on the majority of citizenry rather than on the Diderot (Encyclopdie, ou dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des
wealthy elite. His early ideas on power-checking mechanisms arts et des mtiers). The encyclopedia entry suggests that the
to constrain elites have been taken up in modern democratic word was originally used to describe exquisite, top-of-the-line
theory (MacCormick, 2011). Classical elite theory adopted, products and that its usage was later extended to designate
among other things, not only the lion and fox metaphor, but membership in a superior social group (hommes dlite). The
also the idea that different styles of leadership were related to term was, however, only introduced to the vocabulary of the
the rise and fall of elites as well as the conviction that self- social sciences in the late nineteenth century. A rst broad
ishness is a natural property of the human species. denition of elite in the social sciences is to be found in
Henri de Saint-Simon (17601825), a French utopian Trattato di sociologia generale of 191519 (translated as
socialist, developed his ideas on those at the apex of social A Treatise of General Sociology) by the Italian economist
hierarchy with the French Revolution fresh in mind. He argued Vilfredo Pareto (18481923):
that the landed aristocracy ceased to be the dominant class and
that its place was taken by entrepreneurs, nanciers, and
scholars people whose importance derived from function Let us assume that in every branch of human activity each individual
is given an index which stands as a sign of his capacity, very much the
rather than status. Saint-Simon illustrated this vital point when way grades are given in the various subjects in examinations in
speculating on the loss to society if the best three thousand

390 International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2nd edition, Volume 7 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03079-8
 Elites: History of the Concept 391

political formula. In a Machiavellian fashion, Mosca thus

school. The highest type of lawyer, for instance, will be given 10. The
emphasized the need for a moral basis to maintain power. He
man who does not get a client will be given 1 reserving zero for the
man who is an out-and-out idiot .. So let us make a class of the was convinced that political change originated from conicts
people who have the highest indices in their branch of activity, and within the elite and not between elite and mass. It is, however,
to that class give the name . of lite. only in his criticism of Marx that Mosca draws a sharp
Pareto (1916/1935: 142223) distinction between the mass and an organized minority, while
for the most part he presents a more subtle depiction in which
he distinguishes between the top governmental leaders and
Pareto himself did not make any further use of this abstract
a lower stratum consisting of high-level civil servants and
concept. However, the idea that what counts are the skills and
others. The latter serves as a bridge between the ruling class
activities that people bring to their work was later taken up by
and the rest of society. Despite a preeminent aristocratic
functionalism, making Pareto their main precursor.
tendency to recruit members from the ruling class itself, parts of
the lower stratum are granted access to positions of power and
amalgamate with the elite (democratic tendency). The most
Classic Elite Theorists enduring social organization is thought to be a mixed
government (partly aristocratic, partly democratic), so that the
The classics in elite theory were erce opponents of Marxism political class does not atrophy or become unstable through
(Bottomore, 1993). First, they criticized it for establishing a lack of continuity. In that way, the efcacy of government
a theory of socioeconomic development upon a single prin- would go hand in hand with a certain measure of account-
ciple, which is the struggle between the unpropertied working ability to the interests of the people as a whole. A stable society
class and the property-owning class. In their view, one has to could only be maintained if all social forces, that is, all major
take a multicausal approach to the study of human history institutional spheres such as religion or education, are repre-
instead of pursuing any deterministic single-track doctrine sented within the uppermost class of society.
(Mosca). Second, they denied that a classless society, as
envisaged by most socialists, could ever be attained by arguing
that minority domination is an inescapable feature of human Pareto: The Governing Lite
life. Third, they challenged the view that primarily economics Instead of ruling class, Vilfredo Pareto (18481923) introduced
and not politics were the determining force in history. the term lite in his 1916 work Trattato di sociologia generale
(translated as A Treatise of General Sociology in 1935), in order
to avoid the Marxist intellectual baggage of the former term. In
Mosca: The Ruling Class
an initial, broad denition, lite encompasses all individuals
Gaetano Mosca (18581941) posits in his work entitled Ele- with the highest ranking in their social activities based on their
menti di scienza politica of 1896 (translated as The Ruling Class in skills and regardless of their moral and social qualities. Pareto,
1939) that social change is determined not by class structure however, does not indicate where he thinks a feasible cutoff
but by the political apparatus and an organized minority in exists for separating the elite from the nonelite. Most likely, he
control of this apparatus. Regardless of the type of political abandons this formal denition because, in reality, a certain
organization, this minority imposes its will on the disorganized ascriptive status, along with wealth and birth, give the less
majority. Moscas argument hinges crucially on the paired skilled an advantage for attaining leading positions. In a more
terms organized and disorganized. He acknowledges that the narrow denition, he subdivides the class of maximum
ruling class in a parliamentary system will normally be divided performers into governing and nongoverning sections, the rst
into two or more competing parties and that the election of which includes all individuals who play directly or indirectly
outcome may have an effect on government policy. It is simply, a noteworthy role at the highest levels of power (Pareto, 1916/
however, that there will always be a discrepancy between de iure 1935: 1423). How the governing elite, which is not necessarily
and de facto authority, or between formal political structure and marked by superior ability, goes about its job, is not specied.
informal political power, whatever democratic mechanisms Like Mosca, Pareto is convinced that all societies are ruled by
may be employed (Femia, 1993). For Mosca (1896/1939: 53), organized minorities, also in parliamentary democracies, and
the key to elite control lies in the minoritys organizational that only the elites are responsible for change, not the masses.
capacity: A hundred men acting uniformly in concert, with Pareto places particular emphasis on psychological charac-
a common understanding, will triumph over a thousand men teristics as the basis of elite rule. Notably, Pareto employs
who are not in accord. He adds, however, that ruling minor- Machiavellis lion and fox typology by applying it not only to
ities are endowed by a certain material, intellectual, or even alternative control strategies but also to changing elite
moral superiority (Mosca, 1896/1939: 53). It is not genetic psychologies. Famously, Pareto theorized that fundamental
heredity that contributes to the superiority of character, but distinctions can be made among the governing elites according
special personal qualities, manners, habits, and wealth, which to the predominate residues, with residues being roughly
are inherited from similarly endowed ancestors. The intergen- speaking nonlogical propensities rooted in peoples basic
erational transfer of wealth and educational privileges espe- aspirations and drives. Within an elite, these are classied as
cially tends to transform the rulers into a hereditary caste. either Class I residues (instincts of combinations) innova-
Despite this hereditary basis of power, the political class tive men skilled in intrigue and possessing cleverness in
does not simply rule by force but always endeavors to justify its negotiation, the foxes in Machiavellis language or Class II
power in the eyes of those being governed by a set of values, the residues (persistence of aggregates) conservative men with
392 Elites: History of the Concept

strong sentiments of order and discipline, the lions. Just as inexorably concentrated in the higher echelons of bureaucratic
individual atoms form molecules in nature, so, too, did Pareto hierarchies. Psychological forces, such as the oligarchs desire
group individuals upon the basis of common residues for power and the masses psychological need for leadership,
(Marshall, 2007: 33). Pareto specically conceived of residues supplement the resulting estrangement between the leaders
as manifestations of human sentiment. Residues are thus not and the led. Michels puts himself clearly in a Machiavellian
thought of as concrete realities, but as concepts created by the tradition when he writes that the the desire to dominate, for
observer, which implies, for example, that a mans (hidden) good or evil, is universal (Michels, 1911/1999: 206), and he
taste for pork chops does not fall into the analytical category suggests a modied version of Paretos circulation of elites
residues. If, however, a man constructs a theory according to when speaking of the runion des elites (Michels, 1911/1999:
which the Chinese cuisine is superior to the American, Pareto 182): one group of elites does not replace another. Rather, there
would suggest analyzing the (irrational) residues underlying is an ongoing process of power-sharing pacts, with established
this theory (Coser, 1977: 391). elites absorbing and assimilating newcomers.
While politics requires both sets of qualities, Class II Despite the fact that classic elite theorists had not developed
residues tend to weaken over time. One of Paretos key argu- a clear elite concept and most of their arguments were overly
ments is that there is a constant circulation of individuals general and lacking concrete substance, they succeeded in
within the governing elite. Elites decline, degenerate, and die, providing bearings for empirical elite research that became
sometimes at a fast rate, sometimes slowly: It ows on like centered primarily on four major topics: elite proles, elite
a river, never being today what it was yesterday. From time to recruitment, elite change, and elite cohesiveness (Aron, 1960:
time sudden and violent disturbances occur. There is a ood - 272). Mosca, Pareto, and Michels, who regarded themselves as
the river overows its banks. Afterwards, the new governing empirical social scientists rather than social philosophers, were
lite again resumes its slow transformation Pareto (1916/ either ambivalent or outright critical of democratic move-
1935: 1431). History, in Paretos words, is a graveyard of ments: from their standpoint, an elite-dominated democracy,
aristocracies. Typically, new elites seizing power consist of in which career politicians impose themselves on the voters, is
lions who are eventually replaced by more cunning foxes who, the most that is possible (Best and Highley, 2010). The degree
in turn, meet their destiny in the form of new lions, and so on. to which these thinkers discredited themselves by their attitude
Change for Pareto is cyclical, not linear, and it is change that toward fascism differs. Mosca, a member of the Italian Senate,
maintains the equilibrium in a system. took to the oor on different occasions to argue against law
bills endorsed by the fascist leader Benito Mussolini. Pareto, an
engineer who turned to economics later in life, welcomed the
Michels: Political Leaders and the Iron Law of Oligarchy
advent of fascism, although fascist ideologists did not nd
It is organization which gives birth to the dominion of the much merit in his works (Cirillo, 1983). The sociologist
elected over the electors, of the mandataries over the manda- Michels converted from a revolutionary socialist to a fascist
tors, of the delegates over the delegators. Who says organiza- ideologue and accepted a chair of politics from Mussolinis
tion, says oligarchy. This postulate, spelled out in Robert government. Later defenders of elite theory clearly distanced
Michels 1911 seminal book Political Parties (1911/1999: 365), themselves from the Machiavellians and Michels by primarily
became encapsulated in the thesis of the iron law of oligarchy. arguing that the role of elites is not irremediably opposed to
It essentially posits that democracy contains an oligarchical a substantial degree of democracy.
nucleus because even the most democratically committed
organizations, such as the Social Democratic Parties in Europe
studied by Michels (18761936), become divided into elite Pluralist Elite Theories
fractions who pursue their own interests within the organiza-
Mannheim, Dahrendorf, Dahl, Keller: Functional,
tion by merely exploiting the labor and resources of the average
Strategic Elites
party members. By declaring that the exercise of political power
is an inherently oligarchic enterprise, Michels implicitly After World War II, the social sciences generally shared the basic
assumes that the elite, or rather the oligarchs, are characterized functionalist assumption that modern societies are character-
by what Meisel (1958) called the 3 Cs: group consciousness; ized by structural differentiation and thus focused predomi-
group coherence; and conspiracy, that is, a common will to nantly on the pluralist elite structure, in which the various
action. Structural forces, or more precisely, the technical meritocratic subsystems (the economy, politics, media, etc.)
indispensability of leadership (Michels, 1911/1999: 364), develop their own distinctive status hierarchies, with different
push parties, like any other large-scale organization that has elite positions linked to the apex of power. Elites are thus
moved out of amateurishness, toward oligarchy. A political primarily those with power and resources at their disposal,
party needs to organize its vote, canvass supporters, raise thanks to professional achievement (Khan, 2012). The emer-
contributions, attend to its nancial structure and legal gence of these autonomous elites was perceived as central
standing; all these activities require hard-to-acquire expertise to the foundation of democracy (Etzioni-Halevy, 1990).
and scarce organizing talents that limit the capacity of the Arguably, the most important precursor of pluralist
partys rank and le to challenge elected leaders decisions or to elite theories is the German sociologist Karl Mannheim
replace the leadership, while the leaders recognize a common (18931947). Although Mannheim noted that it was the
interest in steering the organization and maintaining their important contribution of modern democracy that the
position. Due to the 3 Cs, lower level protest is hobbled, achievement principle increasingly becomes the criterion of
conservative loyalists promoted to the party staff, and power social success (Mannheim, 1935/1940: 86), he interpreted,
 Elites: History of the Concept 393

somehow paradoxically, the general public participation as Critical Elite Theory

having a deleterious effect on societal elites. Mannheim feared
Mills, Bourdieu: Power Elite, Field of Power
that the increased size of the elite, the proletarization of the
intelligentsia, as well as inter- and intraelite conicts could Not surprisingly, pluralist elite theories have come under re.
deprive society of the continuity it needs; therefore, he offered In his provocative work The Power Elite (1956), C. Wright Mills
an elitist solution to the threat of negative democratization. (191662), a radical in spirit, argued that American society is
Education should promote unity in the age of massication by controlled by single cohesive elite that constitutes the leader-
instilling a sense of group cohesiveness and a common Welt- ship of three major areas of society: military, business, and
anschauung within future democratically orientated elites. government. These three elites only appear to be separate. Due
Similar to Mannheim, Ralf Dahrendorf (19292009) to the similarity of their social origins, close personal and
contended that there are multiple elites in industrial societies. family relationships, overlapping cliques between the principal
In his theoretical approach, society consists of a plurality of power holders in each sector, and institutional proximity, those
interest groups, which engender a plurality of conicts. Elites in different higher circles conceive of themselves to be, and are
are theorized as quasi-groups (Dahrendorf, 1962: 310) and felt by others to be, the inner circle of the upper social classes
thus as a loose formation of individuals who occupy positions (Mills, 1956: 11). Mills preferred the term power elite over
that have the same role interests. If latent common interests ruling class, because the latter term was judged to be a badly
become conscious goals, then elites can turn into conict loaded phrase as it did not give autonomy to the political order
groups. Originally, Dahrendorf (1962) distinguished between (Mills, 1956: 277). In a Marxist interpretation, the ruling
the prestige upper class, the economic upper class, and the capitalist class not only controls societys wealth but also
ruling class, or power elite. In his later work, however, all three decides on a societys political policy. By contrast, Mills
quasi-groups are classied as elites without any differentiation believed that power has shifted from the owners of the means
(Dahrendorf, 1972: 126136). of production to managers and functionaries of the principal
The American political scientist Robert A. Dahl (1915 institutions of American society, such as high-ranking politi-
2014) moved beyond classical elitism by discrediting any cians. Members of the power elite are consequently dened as
ruling elite model as quasimetaphysical; instead, he supported those in command of the major hierarchies and organizations
that of a polyarchy. For Dahl, social structure was not analo- of modern society, who have the power to make decisions of
gous in shape to a single pyramid, but to a range of pyramids. national and international consequence (Mills, 1956: 4).
He argued that only a careful examination of a series of Moreover, Mills subdivides the American power structure as
concrete decisions could establish the dominance of a specic a whole into three levels: (1) the close-knit power elite, an
group within a nation or community. Consequently, in his alliance between the highest military, corporate, and political
work Who Governs? (Dahl, 1961), he studied three political leaders; (2) the middle level of power, meaning local elites,
issues in New Haven, Connecticut, namely, party nominations members of Congress, judges, pressure groups, and other
for local elective ofces, public education, and urban redevel- organized groups; and (3) the virtually powerless, economi-
opment. Dahl found no signs of a single elite operating behind cally dependent and unorganized masses. In essence, those on
the scenes but rather many lines of cleavage and politicians top issue orders, which obedient administrators at the second
who were responsive to the desires of the citizenry. level transmit to the population at the third level. Nearly all of
Finally, Suzanne Keller (19272010) coined the term Mills assertions on the American power elite have been criti-
strategic elites to refer to multiple, nonintegrated groups with cized as exaggerated or unproven (Dahl, 1958).
power in the diverse arenas of modern society. Her underlying The French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (19302002)
orientation is akin to the structural functionalism of Talcott discards the substantialist notion of ruling class or elite in
Parsons. Strategic elites compromise not only political, favor of the relational concept of eld of power (Bourdieu and
economic, and military leaders, but also moral, cultural, and Wacquant, 1993). The eld of power is the locus of struggle
scientic ones. Whether or not an elite is counted as strategic between agents who already hold dominant positions in their
does not depend on its specic activities but on the scope of its respective social elds, such as art, politics, or the economy. In
activities, that is, on how many members of society it directly this general space, France is the state that particularly but not
impinges upon and in what respects (Keller, 1963/1991: 20). exclusively exercises inuence over the interrelations between
Elites, in this sense, are those with sustained social impact. specic elds because it holds a monopoly on the educational
These strategic elites overwhelmingly act in accordance with eld and thus controls the entry points into all other elds.
the functional requirements of their status (i.e., the political Within Bourdieus theoretical framework of capital forms, the
elite is primarily responsible for deciding the goals to be topological notion of eld of power enables various internal
pursued). Individual achievement and not class background is divisions resulting from struggles over which particular type of
the chief principle for recruitment to strategic elite positions. capital should be recognized as the most important. Drawing
Keller stresses cohesiveness regarding values as the key to the on extensive empirical studies, Bourdieu (1989/1996) creates
effectiveness of strategic elites. Goals may differ, but value in State Nobility a topology of the French educational system,
consensus among elites is theorized as a prerequisite for especially the elitist grandes coles, and relates it to the internal
prosperity. structure of the eld of power. By applying correspondence
The majority of social scientists today endorse pluralist analysis to 84 institutions, he discovers two striking homolo-
theories of elites, with various nuances and variations. gies between both elds. First, the difference between major
Common to all is the argument that power is dispersed rather and minor schools reects contrasts between the haute bour-
than concentrated in the hands of a few. geoisie (industrialists, private sector executives) and the petty
394 Elites: History of the Concept

bourgeoisie (business owners, technicians, school teachers). Table 1 Different Meanings of the Elite Concept
Second, the animosity between the more academic schools
(such as the cole normale suprieure) and schools explicitly Criterion
of distinction Source of power Domain
established to train its students to assume power positions
(such as the cole des hautes etudes commerciales) reproduces Ortega Intellectual No power Society
a ssure within the dominant class that separates the cultural excellence
from the economic bourgeoisie. Mosca Excellence Number of Society
In general, Bourdieu identies the grandes coles not only organizations
as power institutions of the elite, but also as fortresses of Pareto Efciency Force Society
isolation, which are just as difcult to leave as to enter. He and consent
Michels Position Monopoly Complex
shows that the social and family factors dictate not only the
within the in the use of organizations
choice of more or less esteemed educational institutions, but
organization organizational
also how the criteria of university examiners reect the values means
of the dominant classes. From an analysis of a survey of Pluralists Possession of Various Society
winners of a national high school academic competition high degree resources
(Concours Gnral) and other sources, Bourdieu nds that of resources
these gate keepers in elite institutions rely on vague contrasts Mills Social status and Monopoly over Society
(brilliant versus dull, gifted versus motivated) that systemat- position within every source of
ically discriminate against lower class pupils and thus institutions power in society
contribute to the reproduction of class inequalities via the Bourdieu Social status Transformation Society
and exclusive of cultural
educational system.
educational capital into
degrees economic capital

Synopsis Note: Partly based on Zannoni, Paolo, 1978. The concept of elite. European Journal
of Political Research 19, 130.
The concept of elites has a long and checkered history. Initially,
it was used to describe the rule of a minority over the majority a given resource. These elites are accountable to public scrutiny
of the population. Associated with it were usually rather vague and open to people from all social strata. Mills concept of the
meanings as fewness and excellence. Precursors of classic elite power elite differs from the prevailing pluralist vision on elites
theory like Ortega (1929/1957) used dichotomies such as because it implies that few upper class people are essentially
noble man versus mass man to refer to the few of noble spirit able to control very different societal sectors. Bourdieu also
who place great demand upon themselves in the pursuit of stands apart because he posits that the dominant class is able to
excellence, on the one side, and the many ordinary men who maintain its traditional claim to key leadership positions in
are not concerned about individuality and consider themselves society. His work on the French state nobility shows that the
equal to everyone else, on the other. The category of mass is acquisition of exclusive educational degrees opens the door to
not socioeconomic and class based; it is primarily intellectual top positions in companies for the few who are already in
excellence that marks the elite. Mosca gives the concept privileged social positions and discriminates against the many
a different twist by introducing the term ruling class, which who are less privileged.
essentially refers to an organized minority who monopolizes All elite concepts, although different, have some similari-
the decision-making power in society. He imagined the ties. Each concept deals with the criteria of distinction and the
members of the ruling class as leaders of excellence who could sources of power of the elites. Table 1 offers a systematic
promote the moral and material interests of a society. Pareto overview of these rather hidden commonalities.
dened elites as persons with the highest capacities in their
eld. These elites have to be efcient to stay at the top, that is, See also: Bourdieu, Pierre (19302002); Elites: Sociological
they must make optimal use of scarce resources to best benet Aspects; Field Theory; Functionalism, History of; Mannheim,
society. Such efciency demands different styles of governing Karl (18931947); Mills, Charles Wright (191662); Pareto,
that range from adaptive politics (elites strong in class I resi- Vilfredo (18481923).
dues) to aggressive and authoritarian measures (elites strong in
class II residues). Finally, Michels was concerned with the
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Relevant Websites
Machiavelli, N., 2005. The Prince. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York (Originally
Published in 1531). http://hyperbourdieu.jku.at/hyperbourdieustart.html A comprehensive, contextual,
MacCormick, J.P., 2011. Machiavellian Democracy. Cambridge University Press, and referential bibliography and mediagraphy of all works and public statements by
Cambridge. Pierre Bourdieu.
Mannheim, K., 1940. Man and Society in the Age of Reconstruction. Harcourt, Brace, http://encyclopedie.uchicago.edu/ Electronic edition of Diderot and dAlemberts
New York (Originally Published in 1935). Enyclopdie.
Marshall, A., 2007. Vilfredo Paretos Sociology: A Framework for Political Psychology. http://www.cwrightmills.org/ The ofcial C. Wright Mills website, maintained by
Ashgate, Aldershot. his son.
Meisel, J.H., 1958. The Myth of the Ruling Class: Gaetano Mosca and the Elite. http://www2.ucsc.edu/whorulesamerica/ A site by G. William Domhoff about how
University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor. power is distributed and wielded in the United States.