Henrich D., Between Kant and Hegel - Lectures On German Idealism

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BETWEEN KANT AND HEGEL
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Between Kant and Hegel
Lectures on German Idealism
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DIETER HENRICH
Edited by
David S. Pacini
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H A RVA R D U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S
Cambridge, Massachusetts
London, England
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Copyright © 2003 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
First Harvard University Press paperback edition, 2008
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Henrich, Dieter, 1927–

Between Kant and Hegel : lectures on German idealism / Dieter Henrich;
edited by David S. Pacini.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
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ISBN 978-0-674-00773-4 (cloth : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-0-674-02737-4 (pbk.)
1. Idealism, German. I. Pacini, David S. II. Title.
B2849.I3 H46 2002

193–dc21 2002017198
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Contents
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Contents
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Foreword: Remembrance through Disenchantment
vii
ix
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David S. Pacini
Acknowledgments xliii
Textual Notes and Abbreviations xlv
1 Introduction 1
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I. THE SYSTEMATIC STRUCTURE OF
KANT’S PHILOSOPHY
2 Internal Experience and Philosophical Theory 15
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3 Sensation, Cognition, and the “Riddle of Metaphysics” 29
4 Freedom as the “Keystone” to the Vault of Reason 46
II. KANT’S EARLY CRITICS
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5 The Allure of “Mysticism” 65
6 Jacobi and the “Spinozism of Freedom” 82
7 Jacobi and the Philosophy of Immediacy 96
8 Reinhold and the Systematic Spirit 113
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vi Contents
9 Reinhold and “Elementary Philosophy” 127
10 Schulze and Post-Kantian Skepticism 140
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III. FICHTE
11 The Aenesidemus Review 157
12 “Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy,” I 174
13 “Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy,” II 187
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14 The Science of Knowledge (1794–1795) 202
15 Theories of Imagination and Longing and Their Impact

on Schlegel, Novalis, and Hölderlin 216
16 Foundation and System in The Science of Knowledge 231
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17 The Paradoxical Character of the Self-Relatedness
of Consciousness 246
18 The Turn to Speculative Theology 263
IV. HÖLDERLIN
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19 The Place of Hölderlin’s “Judgment and Being” 279
V. HEGEL
20 The Way to the Fifth Philosophy
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(The Science of Logic) 299
21 The Logic of Negation and Its Application 316
Index 333
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Preface Preface
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Preface
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I delivered these lectures at Harvard University three decades ago. Stanley
Cavell and John Rawls had encouraged me to take a leave of absence in
1973 from my visiting professorship at Columbia University and to teach
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classical German philosophy at Harvard for a semester. In the midst of this
course of lectures, Harvard extended me the invitation to continue teach-
ing as a visiting professor, alternating my time between Heidelberg (and,
subsequently, Munich) and Cambridge. I accepted and taught at Harvard
through 1984, enjoying the opportunity to attend many classes of my dis-
tinguished colleagues—from all of the courses of W. V. O. Quine to some
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work in the proof theory of logic.
From the outset, Rawls and Cavell had expressed the hope that I would
make the classical tradition of philosophy in Germany accessible to Ameri-
can students and scholars. I responded to their request by offering a course
that attempted to uncover the motivations and systematic structure of the
philosophy of Kant and his successors. I also tried to interpret their theo-
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ries and arguments—omitting, for example, their frequently exaggerated
claims—in a way that analytically trained colleagues and students could
take seriously. The reception of the lectures by a surprisingly large audi-
ence of students and colleagues from various departments was strong—in
fact enthusiastic.
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During the course, three among my students, one of whom was David
Pacini, made a transcript of the lectures. They distributed the transcripts
not only to the students who took the course for credit, but also to the se-
nior faculty of the department and to a number of libraries. These tran-
scripts provide the basis for this book. Pacini invested his knowledge,
energy, and care into the editing and annotation of the material, and I
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vii
viii Preface
welcome his Foreword as a profound and perceptive explanation of the

philosophical motivations behind my long-standing attempt to transform
the post-Kantian movement into an acceptable contemporary philosophi-
cal perspective. I am most grateful to him, as I am to Lindsay Waters,
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whose interest in publishing this lecture course never waivered.
As is doubtless evident, the lectures represent the state of my knowledge
and understanding of the post-Kantian movement in the early 1970s. By
that time I had already published widely on this movement and could rely
on a number of unpublished sources I had discovered. Naturally enough,
my understanding of the process post-Kantian philosophy underwent con-
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tinued to develop in the ensuing decades as I encountered new materials. A
new project, entitled the “Jena Program,” enabled me to continue my re-
search with the support of a number of agencies and foundations. Owing
to progress in the status of research and in my own understanding, I have
been able to develop my own philosophical position. Pacini and I thought
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it preferable to include only some of the results of this program and of my
more recent philosophical publications in the footnotes to these lectures.
Hence, the text of this volume largely represents the lectures as they were
given in 1973.
Dieter Henrich
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Foreword Foreword
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Foreword: Remembrance
through Disenchantment
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DAV ID S. PACIN I
The subject of this book is the transition from Kant’s transcendental phi-
losophy to Hegel’s idealism, and most narrowly, the different conceptions
of the subject that emerged during this era. These are the hallmarks, but by
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no means the limits, of the work that German philosopher Dieter Henrich
has undertaken over the past half-century. In 1973, while still professor of
philosophy at Heidelberg, Henrich traveled to Harvard University’s Emer-
son Hall to present the findings of his research, including interpretations
of what were then newly discovered manuscripts dating from the period
of classical German philosophy (1781–1844). The course of lectures he
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offered there forms the basis of this book. Apart from scholars special-
izing in this philosophical period, Henrich was then little known to the
English-speaking world. But within these specialist circles, he had already
established a reputation for path-breaking scholarship on Kant, Fichte,
Hölderlin, and Hegel, particularly with his paper on the problems of self-
consciousness.1
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The presence of an interpreter of the intricacies of German idealism
1. Among the early writings of Dieter Henrich, the following are especially notable for
their continuing influence: “The Proof Structure of Kant’s Transcendental Deduction,” Re-
view of Metaphysics, 22 (1969): 640–659 [republished in Kant on Pure Reason, ed. R. C. S.
Walker (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), pp. 66–81]; “Fichtes ursprüngliche
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Einsicht,” in Subjektivität und Metaphysik. Festschrift für Wolfgang Cramer, ed. Dieter
Henrich and Hans Wagner (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1966); English: FOI;
“Hölderlin über Urteil und Sein. Eine Studie zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Idealismus,”
Hölderlin-Jahrbuch, 14 (1965–1966): 73–96; English: HJB; “Formen der Negation in Hegels
Logik,” Hegel-Jahrbuch 1974 (Köln, 1975): 245–256. For his paper on the problems of self-
consciousness, see D. Henrich, “Selbstbewusstsein. Kritische Einleitung in eine Theorie,” in
Hermeneutik und Dialektik. Aufsätze [Hans-Georg Gadamer zum 70. Geburtstag], ed. Rüdiger
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ix
x Foreword
in the Harvard philosophy department in the early 1970s was a notable

anomaly. The analytic mindset of the department at that time harbored a
skepticism, deriving in part from G. E. Moore and Bertrand Russell, to-
ward the tradition Henrich was interpreting: their wariness deemed such
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thinking little more than a pastiche of metaphysical phantasmagoria.2 Yet
it was precisely such a skepticism that Henrich sought to address. If he
could convince skeptics of the philosophical value of this material, then he
could convince others of the importance of conversation that might begin
to bridge the divide between the so-called “Anglo-American” and “Conti-
nental” traditions of philosophy.3 By joining insights from the “Anglo-
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American” tradition to his critical, but appreciative, interpretation of Kant
and the post-Kantians, Henrich attempted to demonstrate in his lectures
one way in which these traditions might enter into dialogue. In later years
at Columbia University and Harvard (1975–1984), Henrich undertook a
sustained effort to advance this same aim.
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The climate of the time was largely unreceptive to his solicitations. The
principal reluctance—to the extent that the sentiments of many in Emer-
son Hall were illustrative of the larger outlook of analytic philosophy—
Bubner (Tübingen: Mohr, 1970), pp. 257–284; English: SCIT. In later years, Henrich pur-
sued the theoretical considerations of this essay in an attempt to design a theory of subjec-
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tivity. See Dieter Henrich, Bewusstes Leben. Untersuchungen zum Verhältnis von Subjektivität
und Metaphysik (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 1999).
2. For an account of Russell’s (1872–1970) and Moore’s (1873–1958) break with ideal-
ism, see Peter Hylton, “The Nature of the Proposition and the Revolt against Idealism,” in
Philosophy in History: Essays on the Historiography of Philosophy, ed. Richard Rorty, J. B.
Schneewind, and Quentin Skinner (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); id., Rus-
sell, Idealism, and the Origins of Analytic Philosophy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990).
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3. The terms “Anglo-American” and “Continental” are imprecise, if not misnomers. Al-
though considerable scholarly discussion has surfaced around this topic, the terms none-
theless retain a certain currency. See, for example, Peter Dews, “The Historicization of Ana-
lytical Philosophy,” in The Limits of Disenchantment: Essays on Contemporary European
Philosophy (London: Verso, 1995), pp. 59–76; Michael Dummett, Origins of Analytical Phi-
losophy (London: Duckworth, 1993), pp. 1–4; Richard Rorty, “The Historiography of Philos-
ophy: Four Genres,” in Philosophy in History, pp. 49–75; id., “Introduction,” in Empiricism
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and the Philosophy of Mind, by Wilfrid Sellars (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
1997), pp. 1–12. I have therefore adopted a convention of placing these terms in quotation
marks not only to signal their problematic character, but also to emphasize the deeper point
that the exact nature of the split between the philosophical traditions remains a matter of
dispute.
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Foreword xi
sprang from the general assumption that the philosophical problems of

German idealism, in general, and of subjectivity in particular, were no
longer pertinent.4 More focused opposition arose from those for whom
even the mere hint of these topics caused more chill than Cambridge’s
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winters, and who were bemused that students would endure either of these
elements merely to hear Henrich. So encumbered, Henrich’s hopes for dia-
logue were not substantially realized at that time.
What did materialize, however, were privately circulated but unpub-
lished transcripts of the lectures that students prepared with Henrich’s
consent.5 Even though Henrich had worked largely from memory, his lec-
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tures nevertheless provided detailed accounts of philosophical materials
largely unknown to all save a few. Within his lectures, as well, were the ru-
diments of a philosophical position that would later evolve into what is
now known as the “Heidelberg school.”6 Although word of the existence of
these transcripts would occasionally resurface, eliciting surprise and inter-
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est, even this news seemed to remain within the confines of specialist cir-
cles. In the main, the lecture transcripts had been consigned to the archives
of a few scholarly libraries and were largely forgotten.7
In the three decades since Henrich presented his lectures, patterns of
scholarship have significantly changed. There is now a mounting body of
“Anglo-American” scholarship in the fields of philosophy, literary and cul-
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tural studies, and theology on Kant and the post-Kantians.8 New scholarly
4. To be sure, followers of Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951), particularly those who have

pursued the lines of thinking set out by G. Elizabeth M. Anscombe, have addressed issues of
self-reference and self-ascription, but for the most part have conflated issues of self-con-
sciousness with language and its use.
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5. Stephen Dunning, David Pacini, and Camilla Ream prepared the transcriptions and
the initial editing of Henrich’s lectures in 1973.
6. Although in some scholarly circles, the use of the phrase “the Heidelberg school” has
become a convention for speaking of the interests of Dieter Henrich and his students in
problems of self-consciousness, my aim here is to expand this abstracted significance and re-
store it to its rightful context of a legacy of thinking about history, which evolved at Heidel-
berg from the time of Wilhelm Dilthey (ca. 1883) to Henrich (ca. 1989, his 1981 relocation
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to Munich notwithstanding).
7. The philosophy department at Penn State and the comparative literature department
at Yale were notable exceptions to this trend.
8. A representative sampling of this new body of work is listed in the selected bibliogra-
phy at the end of this foreword.
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xii Foreword
editions of the works of principal figures from this period have become
available in English translation, many for the first time.9 In Europe, in-
creased interest in the methodological insights of the “analytic” tradition,
which Henrich has helped foster, is now evident. In 1985, Henrich initiated
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the Jena Project, an extensive program involving numerous scholars in the
reconstruction of the intellectual situation in Jena during 1789–1795. The
initial results of this project have contributed to further reassessments of
this philosophical era.10
Owing in part to these developments, appeals for overcoming “the di-
vide between traditions” have become more a matter of course. Peter
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Dews, Michael Dummet, Manfred Frank, Michael Friedman, Jürgen
Habermas, John McDowell, Hilary Putnam, Richard Rorty, and Ernst
Tugendhat now number among those issuing such invitations.11 A transat-
9. These include the following: Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Science of Knowledge: With the
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First and Second Introductions, [1970], ed. and trans. Peter Heath and John Lachs (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Friedrich Hölderlin, Essays and Letters on Theory,
trans. Thomas Pfau (Albany: SUNY Press, 1988); Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Fichte: Early Philo-
sophical Writings, trans. and ed. Daniel Breazeale (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988); id.,
Foundations of Transcendental Philosophy (Wissenschaftslehre) nova methodo (1796–1799),
ed. and trans. Daniel Breazeale (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988); Immanuel Kant, The
Cambridge Edition of the Works of Immanuel Kant, ed. Paul Guyer and Allen W. Wood,
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13 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992–); Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Intro-
ductions to the Wissenschaftslehre and Other Writings (1797–1800), ed. and trans. Daniel
Breazeale (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1994); Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi, The
Main Philosophical Writings and the Novel Allwill, ed. and trans. George di Giovanni (Mon-
treal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994).
10. Dieter Henrich, Konstellationen. Probleme und Debatten am Ursprung der idealisti-
schen Philosophie (1789–1795) (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1991). See also id., “Hölderlin in
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Jena,” trans. Taylor Carman, in CoR, pp. 90–118. This essay was written exclusively for the
English version (CoR) of D. Henrich, GdA.
11. Peter Dews, The Limits of Disenchantment: Essays on Contemporary European Philos-
ophy (New York: Verso, 1995); Michael Friedman, A Parting of the Ways: Carnap, Cassirer,
and Heidegger (LaSalle: Open Court, 2000); Michael Dummett, Origins of Analytical Philoso-
phy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993); John McDowell, Mind and World
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(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994); Hilary Putnam, The Three-fold Cord:
Mind, Body and World (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999); Manfred Frank, Das
Sagbare und das Unsagbare. Studien zur neuesten französischen Hermeneutik und Texttheorie
(Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1980, 4th ed. 2000); Manfred Frank, Das Sagbare und
das Unsagbare (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1989); English: The Subject and the Text:
Essays on Literary Theory and Philosophy, ed. Andrew Bowie, trans. Helen Atkins (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Jürgen Habermas, Nachmetaphysisches Denken.
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Foreword xiii
lantic research project involving American and European scholars of Ger-

man philosophy is well under way and has begun publishing its work.12
Many of these new endeavors routinely cite Henrich’s findings as standards
of interpretation against which their work must measure. Moreover, an in-
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creasing number of philosophers from the analytic perspective have taken
up or share Henrich’s concerns with the problems of self-consciousness.13
Within this climate, it seems likely that the publication of his “forgotten”
lectures might now enjoy the receptive hearing and prompt the far-ranging
discussion that earlier they did not.
The developments of the past three decades also make it possible to ap-
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preciate the perspicuity of Henrich’s work in a way that none of us who at-
tended his lectures could have grasped. Henrich’s concern with the consti-
tutive role of history in the formation of modes of rationality stands as
both a criticism of and an antidote to certain trends that have achieved
currency in philosophical quarters. His thinking poses an alternative to the
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ahistorical stance earlier “analytic” philosophy held, as is evident from its
reading of past philosophers in strictly contemporary terms, just as it does
to the historicist idea that “paradigm shifts” circumscribe historical think-
ing within the limits of particular discourses. Henrich’s work compels us to
question a primary assumption often underlying such standpoints: the re-
jection of tradition. He is not thereby proposing some grand return to
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“History” or “meta-history.” For Henrich, anything—whether “History” or
Philosophische Aufsätze (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1988); English: Postmetaphysical

Thinking: Philosophical Essays, trans. William M. Hohengarten (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT
Press, 1992); Ernst Tugendhat, Selbstbewusstsein und Selbstbestimmung (Frankfurt am Main:
Suhrkamp, 1979); English: Self-Consciousness and Self-Determination, trans. Peter Stern
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(Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1986).
12. Karl Ameriks and Dieter Sturma, eds., The Modern Subject: Conceptions of the Self in
Classical German Philosophy (Albany: SUNY Press, 1995); David Klemm and Günter Zöller,
eds., Figuring the Self: Subject, Absolute, and Others (Albany: SUNY Press, 1997).
13. See the essays of Roderick M. Chisholm, Arthur C. Danto, Donald Davidson, Michael
Dummet, Paul Guyer, Colin McGinn, John Perry, Hilary Putnam, and Ernest Sosa in the
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Henrich Festschrift, Philosophie in synthetischer Absicht, ed. Marcelo Stamm (Stuttgart:
Klett-Cotta, 1998). See also Hector-Neri Castañeda, The Phenomeno-Logic of the I: Essays on
Self-consciousness, ed. Tomis Kapitan and James G. Hart (Indianapolis: Indiana University
Press, 1999); Thomas Nagel, Mortal Questions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1979); Sidney Shoemaker, The First Person Perspective and Other Essays (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1996); and Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the
Modern Identity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989).
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xiv Foreword
some other meta-term—that purports to be possessed of an immanent

meaning, and to unfold according to a single principle, is suspect. At the
same time, he is equally wary of postmodern pronouncements that “His-
tory” or “modernity” has ended and lies in wait of a decent burial. What is
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missing in all of these perspectives, according to Henrich, is an account of
the genesis and formation of the actual issues that constitute philosophical
modernism. Such an accounting is inseparable from the archival research
that goes into the work of responsible history. Equally absent from the per-
spectives Henrich criticizes is a clear accounting for the genesis and forma-
tion of their authors’ own distinctive motives. Such motives not only drive
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these authors’ theorizing, but also become inscribed as presuppositions of
the problems philosophical modernism pursued.14
Though Henrich views these perspectives as distinct, he also sees them
as located within a constellation of related problems, in part because he
discerns on their fringes the specter of Martin Heidegger’s philosophical
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problematic—one revivified by Jacques Derrida and Richard Rorty, among
others. Heidegger claimed that the development of Western rationality
consists in the “forgetfulness of Being,” which culminates in strategies
of domination by the modern subject. In his view, modern metaphysics
both stands in a direct line with Greek metaphysics (as the continuation of
its potentialities of relating to Being) and distances itself from it through
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the notion of the “worldview” (Weltanschauung). Heidegger interprets the
modern metaphysical worldview as the objectivization of the subject’s self-
assertion, one that no longer grasps the truth of Being. By linking modern
metaphysical notions of the self, worldview (as objectified self-assertion),
and will to power in a single constellation, Heidegger can contend that our
distance from, and forgetfulness of, Being has led to self-assertion in the
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form of a confused struggle to gain world domination. Thus he insists on
the surpassing of metaphysics in favor of the question of Being: “Why are
there beings at all and why not rather Nothing?”15
14. D. Henrich, ATS, p. 114; English: OTS, p. 36.
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15. Martin Heidegger (1889–1976), “Was ist Metaphysik?” [1929], in Gesamtausgabe, vol.
IX, ed. Friedrich-Wilhelm von Hermann (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1976),
p. 122; English: “What is Metaphysics?” trans. David Farrell Krell, in Martin Heidegger: Ba-
sic Writings, ed. David Farrell Krell (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), p. 112. Although
Heidegger views Leibniz’s question as standing at the borders of metaphysics, he also claims
that it nonetheless remains metaphysical. Hence for Heidegger, Leibniz’s question falls short
of arriving at an appropriate understanding of ‘Nothing’ as a horizon of Seyn.
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Foreword xv
Although Henrich judges Heidegger’s account as the only consistent al-

ternative to ahistorical or historical-developmental perspectives, he none-
theless detects in it a “critical rejection of civilization.”16 Heidegger’s pro-
gram cannot account for “world-historical lines of development having
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equal right and nevertheless being able to meet in a process amounting to
more than a global loss in the essenceless (Wesenlose).”17 Henrich’s judg-
ment stems, in part, from his assessment that Heidegger collapses the twin
principles of modern philosophical thinking—self-preservation and self-
consciousness—into Baconian self-assertion.18 Heidegger’s historiography,
rooted in a questionable conception of fate and destiny, thus shows itself
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to be driven by a programmatic agenda. Such an agenda, in the words
of Richard Rorty, is “self-justificatory,” inasmuch as Heidegger deploys the
Baconian condensation to legitimate his own critique of modern Western
rationality.19
Henrich maintains that the twin principles of modern philosophical
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thinking issue not merely in a will to power, but also in an awareness of our
dependence on unfathomable conditions not subject to our control. For
this reason, a variety of perspectives arise in modern thought that move
beyond Baconian self-assertion toward other ways in which the modern
subject confirms its being. Some of these focus on the subject’s sense of be-
ing “at home” in a totality that is much like it (Leibniz and Hegel), some
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on the undemonstrable conditions on which the subject is dependent
(Schulze and Jacobi), and others on the subject as an epiphenomenon of a
more fundamental life process (Marx, Nietzsche, and Freud).20 In light of
these varying responses, Henrich’s aim should come as no surprise: he
wants to provide the philosophical basis for a perspective that respects
what is to be learned from the Heideggerian critique of modern Western
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rationality, but that ultimately extends beyond it. He seeks a basis that,
above all, resists ahistorical, historicist, or programmatic-historical perils.
In what follows, I propose to offer some explanatory remarks about
Henrich’s historiography that will simultaneously throw light on the Hei-
delberg school of interpretation. I will then offer a brief sketch of the intel-
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18. D. Henrich, GmP, pp. 115–116; English: BSMP, pp. 14–15.
19. Richard Rorty, “The Historiography of Philosophy: Four Genres,” in Philosophy in
History, p. 61.
20. D. Henrich, GmP, pp. 116–117; English: BSMP, pp. 15–16.
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xvi Foreword
lectual framework within which he interprets classical German philosophy.

Finally, I will suggest that Henrich’s interpretation of recollective thinking
as remembrance provides a helpful challenge to Heidegger’s interpreta-
tion—one that might also apply to certain trends in current philosophical
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and theological thinking.
Historiography
Toward the end of his lectures, Henrich proposed a title change. Originally
called “From Kant to Hegel,” he now urged that they be called “Between
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Kant and Hegel.” This shift reflected his conviction that the alternatives
that emerged during the period of classical German philosophy remain
open prospects for current exploration. He holds no brief with any story
that announces in advance a steady progression “from Kant to Hegel.”21
Despite declarations from nineteenth- and twentieth-century thinkers who
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tell such stories and claim that they have “solved” problems left unan-
swered by their predecessors, Henrich remains convinced that these esti-
mates are overblown. Further work within these perspectives is not only
possible but also necessary, albeit from methodological approaches that
differ from those of their originators.
This commitment to the viability of further exploration rests on a sec-
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ond conviction: historical artifacts—literary fragments, correspondence,
manuscripts, and other archival records—teach us that a linear or stage-
developmental interpretation of the relation among philosophical perspec-
tives cannot do justice to their actual evolution.22 Neither the developmen-
tal scheme nor its variant, the “paradigm” or “discourse” typology of his-
torical interpretation, is structured to take into account the full range of
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historical artifacts. As a result, such schemes remain fragmented or incom-
plete. For Henrich, evidence garnered from these artifacts—as, for exam-
ple, from some of Reinhold’s neglected papers—is necessary because it in-
troduces different interpretations of the relationships among theoretical
perspectives. Further, it reopens the question of the ongoing viability of
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heretofore dominant philosophical stances.
In Henrich’s view, artifacts body forth everyday attempts to give “form”
to certain questions that life has urged on us. Prominent among them are
21. The stair-step theory is as true of Hegel’s own account of how classical German
philosophy culminated in his own work as it is of Richard Kroner, Von Kant bis Hegel
(Tübingen: Mohr, 1961).
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Foreword xvii
our interests in self-preservation, in our relation to others, and in our rela-

tion to the universe. Artifacts not only embody particular conceptual
forms, but also something of the preconceptual or pretheoretical dimen-
sion of life that first motivates the desire to shape answers to fundamental
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questions. By this Henrich means that all of us, in some elemental way, are
given to philosophical questioning or to the penchant for fashioning spec-
ulative thoughts that integrate life experiences—social and intellectual, re-
lational and theological.23 Historical interpretation at its best keeps in view
both the preconceptual motivations to, and the specific constellations of,
the ‘ordering’ that artifacts embody. Here Henrich appropriates an insight
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from the historian and philosopher Wilhelm Dilthey, whose influence on
the Heidelberg school remains formative: pretheoretical life situations and
their requirements are incommensurate with, or distinct from, the kinds of
rationalities and corresponding theoretical conundrums that we articulate
in response to them. Dilthey urges us both to protect this distinctiveness
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from metaphysical exploitation and to uphold empirical patterns or con-
nections (that endow life experiences with meaning) as candidates for his-
torical scrutiny.
Dilthey’s insight illumines those features of empirical investigation that
work against the encroachments of metaphysical foundationalism. In
Henrich’s estimation, however, Dilthey’s later emphasis on patterns of
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meaning tended to overshadow, if not subsume, the difference between life
situations and the modes of rationality that emerge in the course of inter-
pretation. His reason for this reservation is clear: while the patterns and
connections that endow experience with meaning serve as a “frame of con-
sciousness,” or what Dilthey called a “worldview type,” and as an initial
point of departure for historical interpretation, they also conceal the en-
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abling conditions, inner motivations, and theoretical possibilities that lead
to the development of a new perspective.24 The historical framework
Dilthey proposes lends itself too readily to the dissolving of certain oppo-
23. Dieter Henrich, Fluchtlinien. Philosophische Essays (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,
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1982), p. 7. An English translation of Henrich’s “Selbstbewusstsein und spekulatives
Denken” (Fluchtlinien, pp. 125–181) appears as “Self-Consciousness and Speculative
Thinking” in Figuring the Self: Subject, Absolute, and Others in Classical German Philosophy,
ed. and trans. David E. Klemm and Günter Zöller (Albany: SUNY Press, 1997), pp. 99–133.
See also “Philosophy and the Conflict between Tendencies of Life,” an essay Henrich com-
posed in English, in D. Henrich, Konzepte. Essays zur Philosophie in der Zeit (Frankfurt am
Main: Suhrkamp, 1987), pp. 117–127.
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24. D. Henrich, ÜSS, pp. 125–127.
xviii Foreword
sitional elements crucial for the interpretation of “conflictual” situations,

such as the development of inner motivations. For Henrich, Dilthey’s dis-
covery of the structural and conceptual parallelism between the teachings
of the Stoa and the forms of modern thought is a case in point.25 In
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Dilthey’s accounting, both exhibit a parallel departure from a concept of
nature as a self-sufficient dynamic system and develop into an ethic of self-
knowing activity, which has virtue as its goal. While upending the view
that modernity could trace its origins to Descartes’ assault on Pyrrhonist
skepticism, Dilthey’s analysis nonetheless failed, in Henrich’s view, to pen-
etrate the theoretical potential of the tension between self-consciousness
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and self-preservation. Such tension not only motivated Stoic thought, but
also holds together the original, varied perspectives within which the mod-
ern subject attempts to confirm its being.26
Just as Dilthey’s account overlooked this issue of motivating potential,
so also, in Henrich’s view, do “paradigms,” “discourses,” and “developmen-
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tal approaches.” These frameworks “do not reach, nor do (they) speak
from, that point where transformations in the frame of consciousness oc-
cur.”27 Because paradigm and discourse frameworks are guided by princi-
ples of the theorists’ own devising, they inevitably fail to incorporate the
range of motivating factors at play in the historical formation and inter-
pretation of problems.
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To correct this oversight, Henrich invokes another formative influence
on the Heidelberg school: Max Weber, who radicalized and recast Dilthey’s
insight.28 By claiming that reason emerges from conditions that are not of
its own devising and that it does not fully comprehend, Weber could infer
that reason remains bound to material facts that both limit it and make its
distinctive features possible. He directed this assessment toward method-
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ological considerations within the social sciences, including both the inter-
ests of the investigator and the historical circumstances that determine
25. Wilhelm Dilthey (1833–1911), “Der entwicklungsgeschichtliche Pantheismus nach
seinem geschichtlichen Zusammenhang mit den älteren pantheistischen Systemen” [1900],
in Wilhelm Diltheys Gesammelte Schriften, vol. II, ed. Georg Misch (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner,
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1921), p. 315.
26. D. Henrich, ÜSS, p. 125.
28. Henrich encountered the work of Max Weber early in his studies at Marburg, and un-
derwent training in the rigorous scientific methods of Urgeschichte at the direction of Gero
Merhart von Bernegg. Henrich subsequently wrote his doctoral dissertation on Weber, “Die
Einheit der Wissenschaftslehre Max Webers” (Tübingen, 1952).
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Foreword xix
these interests. To those of his Heidelberg students who read him as a phi-
losopher, this insight was necessarily applicable to Weber’s own life, as well.
They observed that the conditions necessitating and guiding his reflections
were manifested in the “restrained pathos” permeating his entire work.29
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Weber’s way of grasping in a single thought both talk of fate and of the pos-
tulate of a rational order governing both knowledge and life, without mak-
ing the relationship explicit, struck them as rife with philosophical impli-
cations. Doubtless, there was latent in his thinking an organized “whole” of
possible knowledge. Weber made no attempt, however, to establish such a
relation between fate and rational order in terms of some cognitive totality.
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Consequently, his Heidelberg readers discerned in Weber’s themes reso-
nances with Kant’s notion (in his theory of ideas) that though we never
can grasp a totality concretely, we nonetheless bend every effort of our un-
derstanding toward what remains an unattainable outcome.
With this notion in mind, Weber’s Heidelberg philosophical interpreters
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recognized the impossibility of assigning any objective scientific status to
self-understanding. They understood that even the “person,” insofar as it
signifies an idea of totality, resists concrete objectification and unification.
Henrich interprets these early appraisals to mean that Weber’s “restrained
form of pathos,” precisely by eluding objectification, expresses a dimension
of conscious experience that cannot be excluded from historical analysis.30
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The immediacy of this pathos, however, can only be mediated through ar-
tifacts. Thus literary and aesthetic creations, as material conditions effect-
ing the limits and distinctiveness of a rationality, have a distinct place in
the interpretation of motivating forces within a particular ethos. Henrich’s
account of Hölderlin’s success in prevailing upon Hegel to abandon a
Kantian interpretive framework turns on considerations of this order:
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Hölderlin argued that Kant’s theory could not capture or convey the en-
thusiastic sympathy generated by the French Revolution, which had ig-
nited the intellectual fervor of their seminary days.31
Equally compelling for Henrich’s historiography is an insight gleaned
from Karl Jaspers. In his 1916 and 1917 essays on the sociology of religion,
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which joined comparative studies of rationality types with an examination
of underlying life-forms that embody various modes of world rejection,
29. D. Henrich, KJ, p. 532.

31. D. Henrich, HuH; English: HaH.
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xx Foreword
Weber had effectively linked in a new way two dimensions of Kant’s frame-
work: the theory of ideas and the theory of antinomies.32 Jaspers made
this connection explicit and began to interpret Weber’s revisionary insight
anew. By Jasper’s lights, Weber’s claim could now be seen to mean that the
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understanding’s unending effort to comprehend the whole inevitably col-
lides with irreconcilable antinomies. The latter, in turn, determine the way
in which the individual undertakes his or her endeavors. Henrich retrieves
from this reformulation a resistance to superficiality that serves as a neces-
sary propadeutic to seeing what “moves” and “speaks” through a work.33
By holding in view the antinomies that both make possible and limit a dis-
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tinctive form of rationality (whose ground we therefore cannot penetrate),
we can come to the following recognition: whatever the factors organizing
this ground might be, their analysis must differ from those techniques used
to trace the conceptual factors that this form of rationality employs to or-
ganize the world and structure knowledge.34
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To keep these antinomies in sight, Henrich commends an overview of
an epoch’s “problem condition.”35 Such an overview requires us to respect
and maintain an historical distance from those in the initial throes of dis-
covery. Without such distance and without new methods of inquiry, he ar-
gues, we would become subject to the pitfall of captivity both to the meth-
ods and to the conclusions that theorists within the era proposed. In such
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captivity, we would likely fail to take into account documents of “minor”
figures—for example, Gottlob Ernst Schulze36 and Immanuel Carl Diez37—
writing at the outset of classical German philosophy. Still less would we
pursue the suppressed traditions of Spinozism (as Protestant sects prac-
ticed it in the Netherlands), the popular philosophy of love (of which An-
thony, third Earl of Shaftsbury is a representative), or the popular theology
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of the spirit (which Lessing tried to bring to academic attention). We
35. D. Henrich, ATS, p. 113; English: OTS, p. 36. See also the report of the Jena Project in
Dieter Henrich, Konstellationen. Probleme und Debatten am Ursprung der idealistischen Phi-
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losophie (1789–1795).
36. G. E. Schulze, Aen.
37. Immanuel Carl Diez (1766–1796), Briefwechsel und Kantische Schriften. Wissens-
begründung in der Glaubenskrise Tübingen-Jena (1790–1792), ed. Dieter Henrich (Stuttgart:
Klett-Cotta, 1997).
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Foreword xxi
would also overlook the resurgence of the popular “philosophy of unifica-

tion” (Vereinigungsphilosophie) whose Platonic outlook found notable pro-
ponents in Franz Hemsterhuius, Johann Gottfried Herder, and Friedrich
Schiller. Because each of these strands sprang up largely outside academic
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philosophy, they have tended to escape philosophical notice. Only as we
delineate the history of philosophical discovery within this period does it
become clear that these other tendencies, despite their peripheral status,
enjoyed significant influence.38
Such an overview of an epoch’s constellation of problems, which forms
the keystone of Henrich’s historiography, also avoids a second pitfall.
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Rather than leading us into a questionable “notion of unity that both ab-
sorbs all these underlying reasons and releases them from itself,”39 the his-
torical interpreter should delineate the relationships among various con-
cepts and principles of philosophical discoveries and imbue their form
with a new notion of unity. This unity differs from “absorption,” however,
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because it embraces the working together of irreducible parts for a com-
mon end. We saw earlier that Henrich argues against the uncritical adop-
tion of perspectives held by authors in the initial throes of discovery; now
we also see him challenge the idea that a single, all-absorbing unity can
dominate a given era. To grasp this distinction between different kinds of
unity is to recognize the implausibility of those historical interpretations
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that revolve around epochal paradigms. It is to see that there is a pro-
foundly unstable relation between (1) the pretheoretical antinomies of life
situations and (2) objective life situations themselves, including the con-
ceptual organization of the world. From this perspective, it is clear that
those who assume that a self-evident unity governs a given time period
are thus mistaken. Henrich’s work repeatedly shows that we stand at the
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threshold of the disappearance of a conception of “The One” in which we
previously saw all unity, even as we encounter the prospect of a different
“one” arising before us, and so also, of a “new voice.”40
Henrich has shown, for example, that Karl Leonhard Reinhold’s 1789
Versuch einer neuen Theorie des menschlichen Vorstellungsvermögens (At-
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tempt at a New Theory of the Human Faculty of Representation) and
38. D. Henrich, HuH, pp. 11–15; English: HaH, pp. 121–125.

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xxii Foreword
Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi’s expanded Über die Lehre des Spinoza (Concern-
ing the Doctrine of Spinoza) engendered an enthusiastic reception among
their younger contemporaries, precisely because these works introduced
the possibility of new philosophical voices.41 Even though the two books
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exhibited no material or conceptual relation to one another, some readers
found in them the intimations of a constellation of ideas that might bring
both conceptions into relation.
Let me draw together the distinctions Henrich—and by extension, the
Heidelberg school—strikes in his historiographical outlook. These are (1)
between life situations that introduce their own requirements and concep-
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tual schemes that humans devise to address these requirements; (2) be-
tween the historically mediated immediate pathos of an epoch and the
forms of rationality to which it lends both limits and distinctive features;
(3) between the inscrutable ground of irreconcilable antinomies that de-
termine a mode of rationality and the factors conceptually organizing the
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world and structuring knowledge; and (4) between a preconception of
“The One” in which we see all unity and the “one” or altered conception
of unity that emerges when life moves us into a rationality in which we
are not fully at home. We may readily recast these distinctions, derived
from reflection on empirical observations, into methodological principles.
These principles require us to place documents in historical context and to
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interpret antinomies as factors that not only inform the shape of concep-
tual schemes but also generate new theoretical possibilities. Grounded on
these principles, Henrich’s historiography thus attempts to provide a versa-
tile or differentiated means of orientation into the problems of the classical
period of German philosophy. By avoiding far-flung flights into metaphys-
ical speculation, the reductive pitfalls of ahistorical or historicist para-
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digms, and the oversights of programmatic history, Henrich offers an al-
ternative to dominant historiographical trends within the last century of
philosophy. His historiography depends neither on a methodological “new
beginning” nor on a dismissal of certain philosophical problems as illusory
or outmoded. Instead, it explores the concrete formations of the philo-
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sophical problems of modernity in their variance and complexity, and it
does so by employing artifacts culled from both well-known and sup-
pressed traditions.
41. D. Henrich, ATS, pp. 118–126; English: OTS, pp. 40–46. See also K. L. Reinhold, VTV;
and F. H. Jacobi, Spin.
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Foreword xxiii
Intellectual Framework
The above principles commend to our attention the relation between the
constellation of ties and tensions that connect life situations to theoretical
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frameworks and “an overview of the problem condition of an epoch.” At
the least, this linkage suggests that life processes stand as integral to what
counts as a “problem” in the historical interpretation of philosophy. Phi-
losophy is not complete, in Henrich’s view, without an historical interpre-
tation of the formation of problems within their life contexts. His view also
implies the thematic importance of recollection as a process by which
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philosophical thinking holds such problems in mind—an issue that Hen-
rich thinks requires urgent consideration in contemporary philosophical
contexts. In the sections that follow, I will take up each of these suggestions
in turn.
In his lectures, Henrich coordinates his interpretation around five theo-
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retical problems that accrue to the modern subject of knowledge and the
life situations within which they were formed.42 While not unknown to
other philosophers, these issues become distinct in Henrich’s presentation
by the manner in which his historiographical framework delineates their
multiple forms of interrelatedness. The first issue is whether there is a
principle that unifies all reason. In Henrich’s interpretation, this problem
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emerges in the conflict between Kant’s belief that “the advance of knowl-
edge is the honor of all mankind” and his belief, taken from Rousseau, that
“to honor man, one must contribute to the rights of mankind.”43 In service
of the first, Kant posed a solution to the riddle of metaphysics—why it
failed to make steady progress as knowledge—which he anchored in the
principle of self-consciousness. Our thinking is neither solely empirical
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nor solely rational, but stands as a necessary combination of intuitions and
concepts and as governed by the ‘highest principle of all our knowledge’
(self-consciousness). Therefore, we need not become lost in metaphysics as
an ‘ocean without banks’; metaphysics has appeared to be a riddle simply
because—until now—it failed to grasp the necessity of the combination of
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our faculties.44
In service of his second belief, Kant taught that moral awareness consists
42. In a subsequent lecture course at Harvard in the spring of 1975, Henrich developed a
second interpretation from the perspective of practical reason.
43. I. Kant, Bem, pp. 44–45.
44. For Henrich’s own investigations into these and other epistemological themes, see
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xxiv Foreword
in the spontaneous double act of giving ourselves the law of just conduct
and a capacity to fulfill this law. To overcome the conflict between a theory
that assumes a necessary combination of faculties in our knowledge and a
theory that assumes an independence from necessary combination in our
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moral awareness, Kant attempted to prove that freedom is a principle both
of insight and of real connection. As a principle of insight, freedom is the
awareness of our capacity to act from law (duty) alone. As a principle of
connection, freedom provides systematic links among understanding, rea-
son, and the total compatibility of all human actions.45 To safeguard this
claim from mystical speculation, Kant carefully circumscribed the limits of
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rational inquiry to the principle of self-consciousness. Even so, his defini-
tion of reason as a spontaneous activity that in some way links recollection
and autonomy is, in Henrich’s opinion, a decisive consideration that recurs
in subsequent theoretical formulations of the modern subject.46
The second problem concerns the nature of the activity of the knowing
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subject. Karl Leonhard Reinhold attempted in his 1789 Versuch einer neuen
Theorie des menschlichen Vorstellungsvermögens (Attempt at a New Theory
of the Faculty of Representation) and in his 1790 Neue Darstellung der
Hauptmomente der Elementarphilosophie (A New Presentation of the Main
Aspects of Elementary Philosophy) to strengthen Kant’s critical philoso-
phy with a principle of methodological monism.47 He aimed to rebuild the
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entire conceptual apparatus of the critical philosophy, deriving it from
foundational justifications and definitions that Kant had never clearly pro-
vided. Gottlob Ernst Schulze’s searing criticisms of these attempts ap-
peared in Aenesidemus, a book without apparent influence on Reinhold
Dieter Henrich, Identität und Objektivität. Eine Untersuchung über Kants transzendentale
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Deduktion (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1976).
45. For his development of these ethical considerations in the contemporary context, see
Dieter Henrich, “The Contexts of Autonomy: Some Presuppositions of the Comprehensibil-
ity of Human Rights” [1983], in Aesthetic Judgment and the Moral Image of the World,
ed. Eckart Förster (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), pp. 59–84; id., “Nuklearer
Frieden,” in Konzepte, pp. 103–113; id., Ethik zum nuklearen Frieden (Frankfurt am Main:
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Suhrkamp, 1990).
46. Dieter Henrich, GdA, p. 78; English: CoR, p. 221. For a concise introduction to
Henrich’s systematic thinking about Kant, see Richard Velkley, “Introduction: Unity of Rea-
son as Aporetic Ideal,” in The Unity of Reason: Essays on Kant’s Philosophy, by Dieter Henrich,
ed. Richard Velkley (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), pp. 1–15.
47. K. L. Reinhold, VTV; id., “Neue Darstellung der Hauptmomente der Elementar-
philosophie” [1790], in Beytr. I, pp. 165–254.
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Foreword xxv
but with considerable impact on subsequent thought.48 Its shattering effect

on the Kantian convictions of the young Johann Gottlieb Fichte prompted
a forceful response. In his Aenesidemus Review, Fichte contended that
Reinhold’s first principle of consciousness was conceptually faulty. At the
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same time, he pointed out that Schulze’s empirical orientation had blinded
him to the basic self-referential character of the mind—that is, to the fact
that the mind can only be understood in terms of mental activity.49 These
considerations pressed Fichte beyond the limitations Kant had established
for inquiry into the principle of self-consciousness. He moved toward the
recognition that the basic act of mental life is not a synthetic unity, as Kant
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had supposed, but an opposition that precedes unity. Fichte’s elaboration
of the life of the mind—its imagining, longing, and striving, together with
its sequences of self-images—in terms of this oppositional structure of ac-
tivity constitutes a considerable portion of Henrich’s analysis.
The third problem around which Henrich orients his lectures is the ten-
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sion between the activity of the knowing subject and its relation to the self.
Also emerging amid the reception of Reinhold’s Attempt at a New Theory
of the Human Faculty of Representation, this issue achieves its distinctive
form with the simultaneous reception of Jacobi’s expanded Concerning the
Doctrine of Spinoza.50 Reinhold’s attempts to clarify the concept of repre-
sentation incorporated the idea of a subject that both relates to and is dis-
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tinguished from representations. His definition implied that even the sub-
ject’s representation of itself must somehow follow the same procedure of
relating and distinguishing.51 In a different manner, Jacobi questioned the
relation between the conceptual structure underlying our knowledge of
finite objects and an oppositely constituted structure underlying our mode
of knowing. This latter structure is immediate and thus not susceptible to
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ordinary conceptual analysis. Rather than merely restricting the applica-
48. G. E. Schulze, Aen.
49. J. G. Fichte, RA.
50. K. L. Reinhold, VTV; F. H. Jacobi, Spin.
51. At the time of his 1973 lectures, Henrich was unaware that Reinhold had actually out-
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lined a rudimentary theory of self-consciousness in his 1789 VTV. These sketches are absent
from Reinhold’s “Neue Darstellung der Hauptmomente der Elementarphilosophie” [1790]
(in Beytr. I, pp. 165–254), on which both Fichte and Schulze relied in their critical responses
to Reinhold, and to which subsequent scholarship on the period has habitually turned.
Henrich recognized his oversight when he recovered the theory from Reinhold’s earlier edi-
tion, and has since discussed it at length in D. Henrich, ATS, pp. 139–159; English: OTS,
pp. 56–75.
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xxvi Foreword
tion of conceptual structures to particular spheres, Jacobi went a step fur-

ther. He tried to limit the validity of all conceptual structures on the basis
of their internal constitution.52 Although he thought ‘knowledge’ of the
immediate could never be explained, he nonetheless asserted that condi-
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tioned knowledge of our own existence is simultaneously related to a
‘knowledge’ of the unconditioned.53 This implied the possibility, in Hen-
rich’s view, of an exceptional epistemic fact in which a distinct relation to
the self effectively coheres with a consciousness of the unconditioned. In
this Jacobi stood in stark opposition to Reinhold, who sought a single or
“first” principle of philosophy.54
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For the young Friedrich Schelling and Friedrich Hölderlin, who read
Reinhold and Jacobi at the Lutheran seminary in Tübingen, even more
needed to be said. Their seminary teacher, Gottlob Christian Storr, had
conceived of a way to indenture Kantian moral theory to the service of
theological orthodoxy. With unswerving devotion to the Augsburg Confes-
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sion and the Formula of Concord, Storr devised demonstrations of the
certainty of revelation for finite knowledge. His proposals insisted that the
biblical canon must be studied from a particular dogmatic perspective. As
Schelling and Hölderlin saw matters, Storr’s subversion of Kantian moral
theory diluted the integrity of Kant’s proposal to subordinate everything to
the immediate consciousness of freedom. In resistance to such orthodoxy,
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the seminarians tried combining Reinhold’s notion of the consciousness of
spontaneous activity with Jacobi’s notion of the unconditioned (which was
now conceived as the basis of spontaneity and as operative through spon-
taneity). If they began with the unconditioned and construed it both as
preceding consciousness and nonetheless as internal to it, then Schelling
and Hölderlin might be able to dissolve the oppositions between God and
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freedom that Storr had exploited. But this would require an “exceptional
language.” Such a language must both comprehend the relation to self that
precedes the subject’s activity and stand in contrast to the ordinary con-
cepts through which this activity and its productions are comprehended.55
52. D. Henrich, ATS, pp. 159–165; English: OTS, pp. 75–81.
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53. D. Henrich, ATS, pp. 159–165; English: OTS, pp. 75–81. Consistent with the pietist
leanings of his upbringing, Jacobi steadfastly construed such knowledge of the uncondi-
tioned as belief in the personal God of theism.
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Foreword xxvii
As Henrich has shown in his later scholarship, both seminarians would at-
tempt to fulfill this requirement in distinct yet related ways.56
To introduce the fourth problem, let us recast the third as the problem
of overcoming dependence on the mode of conceptualizing through which
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we ordinarily comprehend the activity of the subject. Recognizing this
dependence, thinkers sought a distinctive way to signify the immediate
and unconditioned relation of the subject to itself. Theological discourse,
which Storr defined as mediated knowledge of the subject’s activity in the
world, could then be relocated to the arena of the unconditioned, along-
side discourses of freedom. So understood, however, the third problem
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poses an implicit opposition between the language of the subject’s relation
to itself and that of its relation to the world. The fourth problem emerges
from this repositing of the third: How can the opposites of self and world
be unified? For Henrich, such a question requires a principle of unification
that is distinct from the form of self-consciousness of the modern sub-
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ject.57
Henrich locates just such an approach in Hölderlin’s theoretical
sketches.58 The approach Hölderlin pursued effectively distanced him from
any search for a first principle and from the inferences one might draw
from it. The rudiments of his view emerged within the intellectual stric-
tures he endured while studying at the Tübingen Stift. At first he found
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mere solace in Jacobi’s Spinoza book, which he studied and discussed
with friends. Shortly thereafter he encountered Fichte’s Wissenschaftslehre,
which gave him real hope. Fichte’s conception of the unconditioned dif-
fered from Jacobi’s in its refusal to subscribe to the personal God of theism.
Fichte thus offered Hölderlin a substantial alternative to Storr’s question-
able linking of autonomous freedom and biblical revelation. Yet on further
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reflection, Hölderlin retrieved from Jacobi a way to articulate the “im-
mediate” or unconditioned that Fichte could not provide, inasmuch as
Fichte’s notion of the oppositional character of conscious activity was one
of reciprocal conditioning. In effect, Hölderlin took Jacobi to mean that
56. Dieter Henrich, “Philosophisch-theologische Problemlagen im Tübinger Stift zur
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Studienzeit Hegels, Hölderlins und Schellings,” Hölderlin-Jahrbuch 25 (1986–1987): 60–92;
English: “Dominant Philosophical-Theological Problems in the Tübingen Stift during the
Student Years of Hegel, Hölderlin, and Schelling,” in CoR, pp. 31–54.
57. D. Henrich, HUS, p. 78; English: HJB, p. 75.
58. D. Henrich, GdA, p. 77; English: CoR, p. 220.
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xxviii Foreword
something unconditioned must precede Fichte’s first principle of opposi-

tion. Consequently, a different philosophical approach from the one Fichte
had developed was now required.
Steeped in the thought of Jacobi, Spinoza, Kant, Plato, and Fichte, and
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experimenting with poetic writing in a manner akin to Schiller, Hölderlin
wondered how or if all these considerations fit together. His peculiar way
of weaving these thinkers into a single tapestry is evident in a fragment he
composed on the flyleaf of a book. Subsequently titled “Judgment and Be-
ing,” the fragment counterposes the original (lost) unity between subject
and object—“Being”—with separation—“judgment.”59 Since he conceives
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of judgment (Ur-teil) as the original division between subject and object,
Hölderlin is free to strike the distinction between object of knowledge and
Being. In a manner explicitly differing from Fichte, Hölderlin’s Being pre-
cedes the relation between subject and object and thus cannot become an
object of knowledge. On Henrich’s telling, Hölderlin’s claim is this: Being,
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to the extent that we apprehend it, is grasped through an “intellectual intu-
ition” that is fundamentally unlike the intuition characteristic of self-con-
sciousness.60
By posing the distinction between Being and self-consciousness in this
way, Hölderlin’s proposed solution to the opposition between the subject’s
relation to itself and its relation to the world assumes the form of an ongo-
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ing longing for reunification with Being. The finite subject cannot over-
come her separation from an original unity. Nevertheless, she relates to Be-
ing through (1) building a rational world; (2) transcending finite objects
by recollecting her origin and subsequent history; and (3) surrendering
her mind, without losing her freedom, to the beautiful objects of the world
that symbolize the unity she seeks. In each of these, the subject strives to
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move beyond the boundaries of her enworldedness. Her embrace of the
beautiful, as that which intimates the complete truth, arrests and captivates
her. This ‘surrender’ or ‘love’ helps her to escape the domination of the
greatness of freedom, and thereby manifests ‘true’ freedom. But the con-
flict between the subject’s active nature and receptivity to love perdures,
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marking the course she traverses.
59. F. Hölderlin, US; English: JB.
60. D. Henrich, HUS, p. 78; English: HJB, p. 75. For an interpretation alternative to
Henrich’s, see Andrzej Warminski, Readings in Interpretation: Hölderlin, Hegel, Heidegger,
intro. Rodolphe Gasché (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987).
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Foreword xxix
In his final lectures, Henrich introduces the fifth problem accruing to

the modern subject of knowledge. What conception of unification is ap-
propriate to overcoming the oppositions between the subject’s relation to
itself and its relation to the world? Is the unification that overcomes this
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opposition (between the modes of the subject’s relating to itself and relat-
ing to the world) best understood in terms of “primordial being” or in
terms of the modes of interrelatedness within what is unified? If one ap-
peals to primordial being that precedes conceptuality, then integration of
conscious life remains indeterminate and, in some way, incomprehensible.
But if one appeals to modes of interrelatedness, then perhaps there is a ba-
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sic theoretical concept, which understands opposed elements in terms of a
“totality” that emerges from their exchange, that would be suitable for ana-
lyzing rationality. Defining such a concept, however, would be tantamount
to the requirement that we define the concept of relation itself.
On Henrich’s account, Hegel was consumed with this task of defining
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“relation” in a way that overcomes the opposition between the subject’s re-
lating to itself and its relating to the world.61 Caught between the convic-
tions of freedom (experienced in seminary with Hölderlin and Schelling)
and the usurpation of Kantian teaching to serve dogmatic theology, Hegel
sought an escape. While critical of Kant, Hegel’s early theoretical proposals
had done little to move beyond a fundamentally Kantian outlook. Conver-
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sations with Hölderlin and others convinced him, however, that in order to
advance beyond Kant, he would have to reject the “I” as the highest princi-
ple of philosophy. In doing so, Hegel would renounce much of what Kant
and Fichte had embraced.62
Hegel argued that no primordial unity or totality precedes the opposing
elements; thus he rejected Hölderlin’s idea that origin and end are identi-
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cal. In place of this unity, Hegel experimented with the idea that opposi-
tion leads to an increasing evolution or production of unity. Pivotal for
this claim is Hegel’s governing rule for the determination of the relation
between opposites: namely, “negation.”63 In Henrich’s estimate, negation is
the basic theoretical concept propelling the process of making the indeter-
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61. G. W. F. Hegel, WL1 and WL2 . See also D. Henrich, HuH, pp. 34–40; English: HaH,
pp. 136–140.
62. D. Henrich, HuH, pp. 20–25; English: HaH, pp. 128–133.
63. D. Henrich, “Formen der Negation in Hegels Logik,” Hegel-Jahrbuch 1974 (Köln,
1975): 245–256.
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xxx Foreword
minate (the groundless or emptiness) determine the production of real-

ity.64 Totality is thus simply the process itself, rather than consciousness of
an “I” as antecedent to production. This amounts to the claim that the pro-
cess itself is ‘the true,’ rather than a presupposition. Hence the modes of re-
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lating to the self and relating to the world are not primordial characteristics
of subjectivity clarified by reflection, but are the later outgrowth of a clari-
fication of negation. In short, for Hegel the indeterminacy to which relat-
ing to self points is the beginning of the process of rationality. The indeter-
minate shapes by virtue of its indeterminacy and without presupposition.
Only thus does it become manifest in thought. So viewed, the process
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internalizes and transforms the past, and also presents it in a new way. In
order to have meaning for the recollecting consciousness (as well as for the
general sphere of intelligence), this continuum must come to be a possible
object of thought. It thereby acquires an integration into the system of ra-
tionality.65
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In summary, the problems linked to the emerging theory of the modern
subject—the principle that unifies reason, the activity of the subject, the
tension between activity of the subject and its relation to the self, the uni-
fication of the opposing relation to the self and relation to the world, and
the theoretical concept of unification suitable for analyzing the rationali-
ties of relation to the self and relation to the world—form the constellation
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within which Henrich pursues his interpretation of classical German phi-
losophy. Brought into view by a historiography that upholds irreconcilabil-
ity, this constellation constitutes what Henrich calls “the problem condi-
tion of the epoch.” By virtue of his method, we also see these problems at a
distance. We discern in them not only conceptual issues but also conflicts
in what Dilthey would call their life situations. Within these conflicts we
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recognize, in a manner reminiscent of Weber, both the limitations of and
openings for theoretical possibilities as they emerge in the interpretation
of life processes. Henrich’s historiography thus compels us to incorporate
not only conceptual thinking, but also modes of remembrance, intimacy,
and the possibilities of transformation. Whoever would attempt to thema-
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tize this epoch and its problems must take all of these into account. Such
reckoning alone would show that the search for unity within classical Ger-
64. Dieter Henrich, “Die Formationsbedingungen der Dialektik. Über die Untrennbarkeit
der Methode Hegels von Hegels System,” Revue Internationale de Philosophie 36 (1982): 139–
162.
65. G. W. F. Hegel, WL1 and WL2.
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Foreword xxxi
man philosophy is not, contrary to some critics, a homogenous drive for

one idea. Instead, it is a distinctively nonunified endeavor; it remains in-
trinsically dialogical and multiple. Yet to conceive and understand such a
complex of events and motivations presupposes both recollective thinking
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and a critical stance toward the theory of recollection—and its variants—
lying at the core of classical German philosophy.
Remembrance
Hölderlin invokes the term “remembrance” (Andenken) to cast a particular
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light on recollection (Erinnerung). He stood as the fortunate heir to a new
theory of recollection whose tenets, in broad outline, are as follows. New
prospects for insight emerge when recollection figures in thinking as a fun-
damental dimension of experience—and when memory brings things to-
gether as they stood in the course of observation or as they appeared in the
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ruminations of imagination. Recollection allows us to hold before our eyes
what is not “forever past” and to imagine a unity that holds life situations
together. It helps transform both our self-understanding and our grasp of
the conditions under which we stand, so that we see our world in a new
light. Hölderlin’s use of “remembrance” to refine “recollection” intimates
that remembrance preserves what is dear (Angedenken), while recollection
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preserves what is burdensome. As Henrich points out, Hölderlin was not
alone in his misgivings about recollection. The ways in which recollective
thinking should be conceived, together with the manner in which its in-
sights should be understood, remained disputed.66 Despite agreement that
recollection’s insights in some ways surpass their originating events, theo-
rists within the classical German period diverged in their accounts of the
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recollective process. Further, they differed in their estimates of the sig-
nificance of recollective insight.
When Kant defined the original spontaneous act of consciousness as
synthesis, he had in mind not merely apprehension but also recollection. If
apprehension is only of events that would soon become forever past, we
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would never be able to form a comprehensive interconnection of our pres-
ent conditions and motivations. Apprehension, for Kant, looks rather at
something “soon to be past,” and so points to a recollection still to come.
66. See, for example, D. Henrich, ÜSS. See also D. Henrich, Fluchtlinien. Philosophische
Essays; id., BL; id., SuG.
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xxxii Foreword
Precisely because we presuppose in all experience the interconnectedness

this thinking establishes, recollection figures as the fundamental dimen-
sion of experience that makes understanding possible.67 To the extent that
recollection points to what is universal, extending over the entirety of con-
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scious life, it makes possible the higher form of understanding, which de-
fines those ends toward which life might be directed. Only as recollection
intimates the universal do we become capable of inquiring into those ends
and forming critical stances toward them. By virtue of these capacities, we
are able, in Kant’s view, to ascend from sensibility and understanding
to the various manifestations of reason. Within these manifestations the
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interconnectedness—or better, the unity—of reason through “freedom”
finally becomes evident.
For Fichte, the primordial activity of consciousness is oppositional
rather than synthetic. Hence, recollection is more than a matter of under-
standing for purposes of recognition, or the subsumption of an (intellec-
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tual) intuition under a concept. Fichte was content to follow Kant in prin-
ciple, assigning the “reproductive” imagination a formative role. Yet as
Henrich’s interpretation shows, he also discerned in recollection an inti-
mation of the productive power of the imagination, or what is the same, the
production of indeterminate intellectual intuition. Fichte emphasized the
reciprocal roles—at a level distinct from the mediated knowledge of un-
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derstanding—of productive and reproductive imaginative acts as constitu-
tive for the process of recollection. Only in terms of both imaginative acts
could a thoroughgoing interrelatedness between indeterminate and deter-
minate intuition arise. For him, this interrelatedness gives form or unity to
consciousness. Further, it allows recollection to become a universal faculty
of conscious human life.68
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Considerations of recollection need not be limited to aspects of con-
scious life pertaining to concept formation or to knowledge of objects. One
could also examine how recollection constitutes insight through question-
ing the orientations of conscious life. Such a focus, championed by Jacobi,
opens a path to fundamentally unconditioned knowing as distinct from
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mediated knowing. As Henrich’s lectures suggest, Jacobi concluded (in a
deeply problematic way) that immediate knowing is simultaneously
67. D. Henrich, GdA, pp. 79–80; English: CoR, pp. 220–221.

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Foreword xxxiii
knowledge of the unconditioned. This implies that recollection is inextri-

cably bound to problems posed by immediate knowing: the disclosing sig-
nificance of the subject’s relation to itself always eludes the conceptual
structures of its relation to the world. Jacobi construed this disclosing sig-
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nificance as belief in the personal God of theism. For this reason, recollec-
tion as the recognition of the unconditioned, of the living God, is from the
beginning grounded in an orienting belief. As such, recollection indicates
that the certitude shining through the limits of explanation is a self-certi-
tude that emerges only as we attain an awareness of the unconditioned.
In a related way, recollective thinking may assume the form of a meta-
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physics whose structural contours do not require an external formulation
of belief, as did Jacobi’s construal of the unconditioned as the living God.
According to Henrich, Hölderlin’s point of departure is the multiplicity of
orientations to conscious life. Together these illustrate the ways in which
life strives to establish relation to that from which it has been separated.
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Whether striving to build a rational world, transcending finitude through
recollection of history, or surrendering to the beautiful, each bespeaks a
profound human effort to unite with a withdrawn origin. Hölderlin’s is a
gaze akin to Shakespeare’s admonition in King Lear: “Look with thine
ears.” He grasps the legitimacy—indeed, the indispensability—of each par-
ticular orientation. Despite their irreconcilability, each remains essential to
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the stabilizing and securing of conviction in the face of dejection, futility,
doubt, and lost love—or in Hölderlin’s words, to the work of overcoming a
lost unity with God.
To enter these orientations, however, belongs to the purview of poetry.
For Hölderlin, poetry alone can unite antagonistic tendencies as they re-
sound with feeling. His confidence in the poetic endeavor hinges on his
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displacement of visual metaphors with those of tonality and rhythm. Po-
etic endeavor committed to incorporating the tonalities of intimate experi-
ence cultivates a consciousness that grasps life’s tendencies in a unity that
differs from their distinctive moods and tones. Awareness of this unity mo-
mentarily interrupts and so sharpens these tones. Rather than dissolving
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oppositions among these resonances, however, poetry preserves them. It
holds incompatible and antagonistic tendencies in a fragile harmony so
that each distinctive tonality might be heard. In this moment, the totality
of the poem is known within the poem, evoking a form that life bears out:
“so that in the primordial foundation of all works and acts of man we feel
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xxxiv Foreword
ourselves to be equal and at one with all, be they so large or small . . .”69 Po-
etic ‘insight’ is, as such, first and foremost recollective: it listens to the ways
in which life’s necessities unfold over the ‘eccentric’ course we have trav-
eled, grasps the ‘spirit’ of their infinite connectedness, and helps us inter-
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nalize them in a way that prompts our thankfulness for life as a whole.
Hölderlin’s perception that the character of recollection is a preserva-
tion subject to demands of faithfulness was a formative impetus for Hegel.
Even so, Hegel rejected Hölderlin’s metaphysics of a lost unity from God:
How can one return to that which has been lost? On Henrich’s recounting,
Hegel came to believe that the goal of unification (not the sorrow of alien-
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ation from a divine origin) impels us to preserve the infinite within us,
even amid impediments to unification. Once we understand the modes of
interrelation that give rise to the possibility of unity, we recognize that uni-
fication is a process, rather than a lost ground to which we long to return.
In contrast to Hölderlin, Hegel sees recollection as an overcoming of the
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past. Such an overcoming transforms the past into something new for us
into which we may venture freely.
While these stances differ markedly from one another, less obvious are
the ways in which each corresponds to one of the theoretical problems ac-
cruing to the theory of the modern subject. For example, we could no
more grasp Kant’s conception of the unity of reason apart from his theory
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of recollection than we could Fichte’s conception of the activity of the sub-
ject apart from his. Kant and Fichte, just as much as Jacobi, Hölderlin, and
Hegel, construe the “withheld,” the “lost,” or the “withdrawn” in compet-
ing ways that befit their unique and embedded pathos—the rancor of lived
conflict and the intimacies of, if not the union with, what they held most
passionately. At a minimum, then, what we may take from these observa-
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tions is this: any interpretation of the theory of the modern subject within
classical German philosophy that fails to attend to distinctions among con-
ceptions of recollection is bound to fall short of the mark. Henrich’s histo-
riography indicates that such attempts will be historically anemic; they will
lack the vitality born of incommensurable experiences and the perceptive
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hues such antagonisms produce. From this vantage point, ahistorical and
historicist thinking appear to preclude such matters: what they gain by way
69. F. Hölderlin, “Der Gesichtspunct aus dem wir das Altertum anzusehen haben” (1799),
ed. Friedrich Beissner, in StA, vol. IV,1 (1961), p. 222; English: “The Perspective from which
We Have to Look at Antiquity,” in Friedrich Hölderlin: Essays and Letters on Theory, p. 40.
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Foreword xxxv
of reductionism, they lose by way of historical profundity. In the end, they

fail to make the theory of modern subjectivity comprehensible.
Once we recognize the extent to which these conceptions of recollection
differ, it becomes possible for us to bring into view not only a fuller con-
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ception of the dynamics of the theory of the modern subject, but also to
notice an aspect of Henrich’s historiography that earlier escaped our no-
tice. Henrich’s historical method aims at an internal structural examina-
tion of those attitudes—at once conceptual and preconceptual—that make
up a particular sense of the world and of the development of this sense
over time.70 As such, Henrich’s historiography is an implicit recapitulation
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of a mode of recollection that Hölderlin deemed remembrance. So under-
stood, it bodies forth an implicit thematic whose force calls into ques-
tion the interpretive stance of “programmatic history.” Precisely because
Henrich’s reading of classical German philosophy turns on this thematic, it
becomes evident that he is questioning Heidegger’s programmatic notion
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of the “forgetfulness of being.” Specifically, in asking how the attitudes of
the modern world are related, Henrich points out what might otherwise
remain overlooked: that Heidegger simply omits this question from his
analysis. Consequently, the force of Henrich’s analysis is to show how
Heidegger presupposes its answer—self-empowered, unconditioned do-
minion of self-consciousness—in his interpretation.71 Moreover, the reach
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of Henrich’s observation extends, in principle, to other programmatic his-
tories, particularly those anchored in assumptions about the natural-scien-
tific worldview and its physicalism. These, too, assume an understanding of
the relations among formative attitudes (as segments of the networks of
causal relations) but do not inquire into their philosophical underpinning.
Accordingly, to read classical German philosophy from Henrich’s posi-
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tion is to see its emergence against the backdrop of modern thought forms
anchored in self-preservation. Included in this backdrop are political an-
thropology (Thomas Hobbes), ethics (Benedictus de Spinoza), metaphys-
ics (René Descartes), international jurisprudence (Hugo Grotius), phys-
ics (Isaac Newton), and economics (Adam Smith). These thought forms
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shared a lesson from their Stoic legacy: self-definition does not depend on
a preexisting telos but arises out of the individual’s striving. In turn, this led

71. D. Henrich, GmP, pp. 109–113; English: BSMP, pp. 9–13; id., ÜSS, pp. 132–142; id.,
SKET, pp. 279–284; English: SCIT, pp. 24–28; id., SuG, p. 308.
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xxxvi Foreword
to the decisive insight that, in the absence of an order of being proscribing

the ends toward which humans must aspire, individual cognition must in-
corporate the capacity to devise its own aims, dreams, and ends.
At the end of the eighteenth century, alongside theoretical changes writ
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large in the French Revolution, a new philosophical doctrine of recollec-
tion emerged as just such an incorporation. However much individual
conceptions of recollection differed, each attested to the plight of humans
not at home in their world. Each, accordingly, could not conceive of recol-
lection apart from foreseeing. This joining of recollection with envisioning
was not mere apprehension about the future. Instead, it was foresight into
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the soon-to-be-past and thus of recollection, the soon-to-come. Recollec-
tion was not simply remembering what had been lost; it was an intuitive
recalling of what will be and, in turn, of what will one day be lost. In the
immediacy of transforming moments, thinkers of this period recognized
that what now remained open before them would later become a trea-
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sured—even if tragic—memory, an event around which they might make
sense of themselves and their time.
Despite obvious differences, theirs was a shared conviction whose force
comes best into view by way of contrast with the great Augustinian con-
ception of remembrance that had dominated premodern Western think-
ing.72 Augustine’s view was that the shaping of the soul, the distensio
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animae, holds in an eternal present the not-yet and the no-longer. Because
the soul and its form are gifts from God, the individual possesses con-
fidence that the divine order of being (to which souls bear witness in their
recollective form and illumination) embraces its strivings. These moderns,
however, were convinced that the hour of Augustinian recollection had
passed. They could no longer share its confidence that they were possessed
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by God, and attempted instead to glean from the work of recollection in-
sight for their own fragmented experiences. They did so by attending not
only to the diverse orientations of conscious life, but also to the questions
these orientations posed about a possible interconnectedness. In the wake
of the disappearance of Augustianian confidence, these moderns seemed
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fated both to attempt to bring these orientations together and to remain
aware that the unity appearing in the throes of a truncated recollection will
72. Augustine, Confessions (ca. 397–400), vol. II, trans. William Watts (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1931), pp. 108–111.
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Foreword xxxvii
always bear the marks of the ‘withheld,’ the ‘withdrawn,’ and the ‘inscru-
table.’
In the conclusion to his lectures, Henrich invokes Fichte’s confession: “We
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began philosophy in our wantonness. We discovered our nudity, and since
then we have been philosophizing in an emergency, for our salvation.”73
Here Henrich returns to his initial point of departure: the “Anglo-Ameri-
can” suspicion of “Continental” philosophy and the concomitant need to
reintroduce his own theoretical tradition. Now, however, his solicitous ges-
tures give way to a clarity that comes only with a knowledge of the materi-
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als and the perspectives in which they appear.
After reading Henrich’s lectures, one finds it difficult to dismiss ques-
tions about subjectivity on the basis of ahistorical, historicist, or program-
matic historical claims. Indeed, the temptations of such claims may give
way to an invitation to enter an alternate and potentially transformative
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perspective. Beckoning from the pages of Henrich’s 1973 course lectures is
a view in which theological or religious motifs remain immanent to our
thinking about (at the very least) classical German philosophy. Henrich’s
evocation of his point of departure implies that to follow the path of this
period is to encounter distinctly religious dimensions at every turn. More
precisely, to follow the contours of classical German philosophy is to expe-
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rience competing claims as discordant tonalities that admit to little prom-
ise of resolution. Included among these claims are, of course, the polemics
of nineteenth-century theologians, awash in crises of conceptual legitima-
tion.
Precisely because Henrich locates the theoretical problems of modern
subjectivity in antinomies that embrace the pretheoretical and the theoret-
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ical in their tensive relations, his historiography commends to us the mod-
ulating tones of pathos that embody immediate and mediated modes of
knowing. Attending to these tones compels us to engage in a distinct kind
of remembrance. Having shown that when upheavals interrupt pathos, hu-
man longings achieve a distinct pitch and, in consequence, a certain kind
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of ‘knowing’ emerges, Henrich directs our attention to the paths traversed
by classical German philosophy. These thinkers’ way of knowing was a
73. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi (in Altona?),” Osmannstädt, 30 Au-
gust 1795, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. III,2 (1970), p. 393.
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xxxviii Foreword
kind of interior certitude, a securing of convictions bound to adverse con-

tingencies. It was also a knowing through which something transcendent
emerged. Today we might call such knowing an “attunement” around
which forms of life orient themselves. To incline our ear to this attunement
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would be to attend to that which lies beyond all places of dispute, but
which is nonetheless manifest through local features of pathos. However
much this attunement may provoke our proclivities toward inscription, it
also evades our reach. For while a knowing of this kind remains bound to
place, it is also placeless. As a mode of remembrance, it moves beyond the
location wherein it has revealed itself toward a lasting insight.
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Admittedly more poetic than philosophical, this insight shines through
the form of an insuperable conflict between modern thinkers’ need to as-
sert themselves against the world and their profound sense of being
steeped in loss. Weber rightly named this conflict “disenchantment,” or the
sense of anomie that issues from an insurmountable conflict of values that
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destabilize one another.74 Within the domain of disenchantment, the path
of classical German philosophy moved forward and backward. Barred
from free access to traditional theological discourses, it nonetheless re-
mained suspicious of the strictures of scientific rationality. Searching for a
new word to name what had become for them nameless, these philoso-
phers seemed fated to invoke, through the resonances of their pathos,
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(theological) language that had already passed its time. Only through the
interruption of these resonances could silence transform a beleaguered
consciousness into one of gratitude for what had gone before: the disparate
and opposing thoughts that had struggled to surface this ‘word.’75 So con-
strued, remembrance through disenchantment brings thinking to a place
of quiet acknowledgment. Such thinking does not forget the struggles of
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the past—or of the future. Rather, it remembers its ‘wantonness’ before the
presence of the withdrawn God. Only therein does a new voice dare to
speak.
74. Max Weber, “Wissenschaft als Beruf ” [1919], in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Wissen-
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schaftslehre (Tübingen: Mohr, 1922; repr. 1988), p. 609; English: “Science as Vocation,” in
From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed. and trans. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1946), p. 152. This essay was originally delivered as a speech
at Munich University in 1918.
75. D. Henrich, SuG, p. 312.
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Foreword xxxix
Selected Bibliography of Recent Work on Kant

and the Post-Kantians
Works on Kant and post-Kantian thinking with attention to the definition
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of modernism:
Ameriks, Karl. Kant and the Fate of Autonomy: Problems in the Appropriation of
the Critical Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
———, ed. The Cambridge Companion to German Idealism. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 2000.
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Breazeale, Daniel, and Tom Rockmore, eds. Fichte: Historical Contexts / Contem-
porary Controversies. Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1994.
Förster, Eckart. Kant’s Final Synthesis: An Essay on the Opus postumum. Cam-
bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000.
Guyer, Paul. Kant on Freedom, Law, and Happiness. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 2000.
Longuenesse, Béatrice. Kant and the Capacity to Judge: Sensibility and Discursivity
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in the Transcendental Analytic of the Critique of Pure Reason, trans. C. T. Wolfe.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998.
Pippin, Robert. Idealism as Modernism: Hegelian Variations. Cambridge: Cam-
———. Modernism as a Philosophical Problem: On the Dissatisfactions of Euro-
pean High Culture, 2nd ed. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 1999.
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Rockmore, Tom, and Daniel Breazeale, eds. New Perspectives on Fichte. Atlantic
Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1996.
Schneewind, J. B., ed. Moral Philosophy from Montaigne to Kant: An Anthology.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
Sedgwick, Sally, ed., The Reception of Kant’s Critical Philosophy. Cambridge: Cam-
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Discussions of the pantheism controversy initiated by Jacobi:
Beiser, Frederick. The Fate of Reason: German Philosophy from Kant to Fichte.
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987.
Zammito, John. The Genesis of Kant’s Critique of Judgment. Chicago: University of
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Chicago Press, 1992.
Literary appropriations of classical German philosophy, with particular at-

tention to the relevance of post-Kantian romantic theory for contempo-
rary literary theory:
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xl Foreword
Bowie, Andrew. Aesthetics and Subjectivity: From Kant to Nietzsche. New York:
Manchester University Press, 1990.
———. From Romanticism to Critical Theory: The Philosophy of German Literary
Theory. London: Routledge, 1997.
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Frank, Manfred. The Subject and the Text: Essays on Literary Theory and Philoso-
phy, ed. with intro. Andrew Bowie, trans. Helen Atkins. Cambridge: Cam-
Gasché, Rudolphe. Of Minimal Things: Studies on the Notion of Relation. Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1999.
———. The Tain of the Mirror: Derrida and the Philosophy of Reflection. Cam-
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———. The Wild Card of Reading: On Paul de Man. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1998.
Jurist, Elliot L. Beyond Hegel and Nietzsche: Philosophy, Culture and Agency. Cam-
bridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.
Szondi, Peter. On Textual Understanding and Other Essays, trans. Harvey
Mendelsohn. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986.
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Warminski, Andrzej. Readings in Interpretation: Hölderlin, Hegel, Heidegger, intro.
Rudolphe Gasché. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987.
Works on the “new” analytic philosophy:

Brandom, Robert. Articulating Reasons: An Introduction to Inferentialism. Cam-
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———. Making it Explicit: Reasoning, Representing, and Discursive Commitment.
Keller, Pierre. Kant and the Demands of Self-Consciousness. New York: Cambridge
McDowell, John. Mind and World. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
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1994.
Rorty, Richard, J. B. Schneewind, and Quentin Skinner, eds. Philosophy in History:
Essays on the Historiography of Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1984.
Sellars, Wilfrid. Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind, intro. Richard Rorty.
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Contemporary explorations of classical German thought:
Butler, Judith. Subjects of Desire: Hegelian Reflections in Twentieth-Century France.
New York: Columbia University Press, 1987.
ÅiÆek, Slavoj. The Fragile Absolute; Or, Why is the Christian Legacy Worth Fighting
For? London: Verso, 2000.
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Foreword xli
———. Tarrying with the Negative: Kant, Hegel, and the Critique of Ideology. Dur-
ham: Duke University Press, 1993.
———. The Ticklish Subject: The Absent Centre of Political Ideology. London:
Verso, 2000.
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Critical appreciation of the idealistic tradition:
Dews, Peter. The Limits of Disenchantment: Essays on Contemporary European Phi-
losophy. London: Verso, 1995.
Honneth, Axel, Thomas McCarthy, Claus Offe, and Albrecht Wellmar, eds. Philo-
sophical Interventions in the Unfinished Project of Enlightenment, trans. Wil-
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liam Rehg. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1992.
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Acknowledgments Acknowledgments
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Acknowledgments
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The best use of one’s eyes, quipped Shakespeare, is to see the way of blind-
ness. I can scarcely wink at the soaring debts I have incurred in the prepa-
ration of this volume. Thanks are due to Renee Burwell and the members
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of the Office of Candler Support Services—especially Sandra Tucker—
who contributed to various stages of technical production. So, too, to my
Emory graduate students from the programs in religion and philosophy,
who have given generously of their time and enthusiasm: Elizabeth W.
Corrie, Hannah L. Friday, Felicia M. McDuffie and Eric E. Wilson offered
critical and judicious readings—Eric, together with Courtney Hammond
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and Dorothea Wildenburg, nuanced suggestions for Hölderlin transla-
tions—and Tricia C. Anderson, research assistant, indefatigable biblio-
graphic research and production, as well as editorial and transcription as-
sistance through multiple revisions of the project. To Oliver Baum, Emory
Department of Philosophy, I owe thanks for patient tutelage in, and edito-
rial review of, the subtleties of German scholarly notation. For a steadfast
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and keen editorial eye lent to all aspects of this work (particularly the final
textual and bibliographic revisions), thereby sparing me from more er-
rors in content and style than I otherwise might have borne, I gratefully
acknowledge the unfaltering collaboration of another research assistant,
Stacia M. Brown. Colleagues at the Candler School of Theology and in the
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Emory College Department of Religion offered helpful suggestions for im-
proving the Foreword and unfailingly made insightful criticisms, E. Brooks
Holifield and Laurie L. Patton, especially so.
None of this work would have been possible without the generous sup-
port of the Mellon Foundation, the Program for Research and Travel of the
Candler School of Theology, and Russell E. Richey, Dean of Candler. Dean
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Richey’s keen commitment to the support of scholarly research and publi-
xliii
xliv Acknowledgments
cation proved to be the definitive force that brought this undertaking to

fruition.
Outside assistance came from the anonymous reader of the manuscript
for Harvard University Press. This reader made startling and important
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suggestions, and the book is markedly improved as a result. In much the
same way, Karl Ameriks proposed compelling revisions. Robert B. Pippin
lent decisive encouragements and perspicacious counsel when the project
encountered unforeseen difficulties; along the way, I had the good fortune
to learn that his excellence in scholarship is equaled by his generosity and
personal integrity. Indeed, in support of my editorial work, he graciously
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made funds available from his Mellon Distinguished Achievement Award.
David Bemelmans, the manuscript editor, repeatedly cut through the dif-
ficulties that attend the English expression of German ideas. Donna
Bouvier, the senior production editor, successfully negotiated the vicissi-
tudes of what seemed, at times, to be insurmountable obstacles of detail.
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Lindsay Waters, humanities editor at Harvard University Press, shepherded
this project over its numerous hurdles with patience, insight, and good
humor.
Martha, Joshua, Austen, and Jeremy were unduly forbearing. For pro-
tracted periods during this book’s preparation, my family saw little of me.
At times my sons worried that they would achieve maturation before the
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book did; fortuitously, their nanny Jeri Anne reassured them that one day
the book would really end. Yet despite the project’s blinding light, they al-
ways greeted my reappearances with delighted reminders of kites to fly, of
more Maine wild mountain blueberries to pick, of marshes to explore, of
fishing trips to take—and of festive feasts to prepare at the end of the day,
replete with gleeful exclamations that mine is always the smallest of the
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catch.
Finally, of course, I want to express my gratitude to Dieter Henrich,
whose distinctive interpretation of classical German philosophy unfolds
across these pages. He has been both a friend, generous and gracious in his
encouragement, yet unstinting in his criticism, and a stalwart colleague. He
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has been a prodigious co-worker throughout all stages of the preparation
of this publication, the incessant demands of his own publication sched-
ule, notwithstanding. In this very spirit, he has been unrelenting—no less
on himself than on us—in his exacting requirements of scholarly excel-
lence.
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David S. Pacini
Textual Notes and Abbreviations Textual Notes and Abbreviations
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Textual Notes and Abbreviations
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I have attempted to keep as close to the original transcription as is compat-
ible with reasonably idiomatic English. This has most often meant some
modifying of sentence structures, and on other occasions altering as well
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the structures of paragraphs: in several instances, I rearranged paragraph
order and their punctuation. My aim throughout has been to serve the in-
terests of the reader, who cannot benefit from inflections of speech as did
the original auditors.
To elucidate satisfactorily the range and subtlety of Henrich’s argument,
I have provided a good deal more in the way of scholarly aid than many
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English readers are accustomed to find. The footnotes throughout the vol-
ume were not originally included in the lectures; I have consulted with
Henrich throughout their preparation, but the final responsibility for them
rests solely with me.
Despite my best efforts, and all of those who have helped me, mistakes
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doubtless have remained undetected. Although I take solace in the counsel
from no less a forger of the contemporary standards of historical scholar-
ship than Spinoza—“nullus liber unquam sine mendis repertus est”—I shall
nonetheless be grateful to those who, upon discovering errors, will report
them to me.
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Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762–1814)
ANPW An Attempt at a New Presentation of the Wissenschaftslehre. In Introduc-

tions to the Wissenschaftslehre and Other Writings. Edited and translated Dan-
iel Breazeale. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1994, pp. 1–118.
AR “Review of Aenesidemus.” Translated Daniel Breazeale. In EPW, pp. 59–77.
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xlv
xlvi Textual Notes and Abbreviations
DW Darstellung der Wissenschaftslehre. Aus dem Jahren 1801–1802. In FW, vol. II

(1845). All citations are given in accordance with the text of the GA, vol. II,6,
ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Gliwitzky (1983), pp. 105–324.
EM “Eigne Meditationen über ElementarPhilosophie” (1793–1794). In NS
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(1971), pp. 19–266.
EPW Fichte: Early Philosophical Writings. Translated and edited Daniel
Breazeale. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988.
FTP Foundations of Transcendental Philosophy (Wissenschaftslehre) nova
methodo (1796–1799). Translated and edited Daniel Breazeale. Ithaca: Cornell
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FW Fichtes Werke. Edited Immanuel Hermann Fichte. 11 volumes. Berlin: Wal-
ter de Gruyter, 1971 [I–VIII are a reprint of Johann Gottlieb Fichtes sämtliche
Werke (Berlin: Veit & Comp., 1845–1846); IX–XI are a reprint of Johann
Gottlieb Fichtes nachgelassene Werke (Berlin: Veit & Comp., 1834–1835)].
GA Gesamtausgabe der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Edited
Reinhard Lauth, Hans Jacob, and Hans Gliwitzky. 34 volumes. Stuttgart–Bad
Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1964–.
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GEW Grundriss des Eigenthümlichen der Wissenschaftslehre in Rüksicht auf das
theoretische Vermögen als Handschrift für seine Zuhörer. Jena and Leipzig:
Christian Ernst Gabler, 1795. All citations are given in accordance with the text
of the GA, vol. I,3, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob (1966), pp. 137–208.
GgW Grundlage der gesammten Wissenschaftslehre. Leipzig: Christian Ernst
Gabler, 1794–1795. All citations are given in accordance with the text of the
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GA, vol. I,2, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob (1965), pp. 173–451.
NS Nachgelassene Schriften. 1793–1795. First published as Johann Gottlieb
Fichtes nachgelassene Werke. Edited Immanuel Hermann Fichte. Berlin: Veit &
Comp., 1834–1835. All citations are given in accordance with the text of the
GA, vol. II,3, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob (1971).
ODCW Outline of the Distinctive Character of the Wissenschaftslehre with Respect
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to the Theoretical Faculty. In EPW, pp. 243–306.
RA “[Rezension:] Ohne Druckort. Aenesidemus, oder über die Fundamente der
von dem Hrn. Prof. Reinhold in Jena gelieferten Elementar-Philosophie.
Nebst einer Vertheidigung des Skepticismus gegen die Anmassungen der
Vernunftkritik” (1792). In Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung, 47, 48, 49 (11–12 Feb-
ruary, 1794). All citations are given in accordance with the text of the GA, vol.
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I,2, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob (1965), pp. 31–67.
SE The Science of Ethics as Based on the Science of Knowledge. Translated A. E.
Kroeger, edited W. T. Harris. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner and Co.,
1897.
SK Science of Knowledge: With the First and Second Introductions [1970]. Trans-
lated and edited Peter Heath and John Lachs. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-
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sity Press, 1982.
Textual Notes and Abbreviations xlvii
SSPW Das System der Sittenlehre nach den Principien der Wissenschaftslehre. Jena
and Leipzig: Christian Ernst Gabler, 1798. All citations are given in accordance
with the text of the GA, vol. I,5, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Gliwitzky
(1977), pp. 19–317.
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Wnm “Wissenschaftslehre nach den Vorlesungen von Herr Professor Fichte”
(ca. 1796–1799). In Nachgelassene Schriften, vol. II. Edited Hans Jacob. Berlin:
Junker and Dünnhaupt, 1937, pp. 341–612. All citations are given in accor-
dance with the text of the “Wissenschaftslehre nova methodo,” ed. Hans
Gliwitzky, in GA, vol. IV,2 (1978), pp. 17–266.
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Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831)
ÄS “Das älteste Systemprogramm des deutschen Idealismus” (1796–1797).

Edited Franz Rosenzweig. Heidelberg: Winter, 1917. All citations are given in
accordance with the text of the Werke: Auf der Grundlage der Werke von 1832–
1848. Neu edierte Ausgabe, vol. I, ed. Eva Moldenhauer and Karl Michel
Markus (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1971, repr. 1986), pp. 235–237.
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B Briefe von und an Hegel. Band I. Edited Johannes Hoffmeister. Hamburg: Felix
Meiner, 1961.
ESGI “The ‘Earliest System-Programme of German Idealism’ (Bern, 1796).”
Translated H. S. Harris. In Hegel’s Development: Toward the Sunlight (1770–
1801). By H. S. Harris. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972, pp. 510–512.
ETW Early Theological Writings. Translated T. M. Knox. Chicago: University of
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Chicago Press, 1948.
FK Faith and Knowledge. Translated Walter Cerf and H. S. Harris. Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1977.
GlW Glauben und Wissen oder die Reflexionsphilosophie der Subjectivität, in der
Vollständigkeit ihrer Formen, als Kantische, Jacobische, und Fichtesche
Philosophie. In Kritisches Journal der Philosophie, 2,1. Tübingen: Cotta’sche
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Buchhandlung, 1802. All citations are given in accordance with the text of the
GW, vol. IV, ed. Hartmut Buchner and Otto Pöggeler (1968), pp. 313–414.
GPR Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. Berlin: Nicolaische Buchhandlung,
1821. All citations are given in accordance with the Grundlinien der
Philosophie des Rechts. Mit Hegels eigenhändigen Randbemerkungen in seinem
Handexemplar der Rechtsphilosophie, in Sämtliche Werke. Neue kritische
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Ausgabe, vol. XII, ed. Johannes Hoffmeister (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1955).
GW Gesammelte Werke. Edited Rheinisch-Westfälische Akademie der
Wissenschaften. 22 volumes. Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1968–.
PhG System der Wissenschaft. Erster Theil. Die Phänomenologie des Geistes.
Bamberg and Würzberg: Joseph Anton Goebhardt, 1807. All citations are
given in accordance with the text of the GW, vol. IX, ed. Wolfgang Bonsiepen
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and Reinhard Heede (1980).
xlviii Textual Notes and Abbreviations
PR Philosophy of Right. Translated T. M. Knox. London: Oxford University

Press, 1971.
PS Phenomenology of Spirit. Translated A. V. Miller. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1977.
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SL Hegel’s Science of Logic. Translated A. V. Miller. London: George Allen &
Unwin, 1969.
SsP Das System der speculativen Philosophie. Fragmente aus
Vorlesungsmanuskripten zur Philosophie der Natur und des Geistes (1803–
1804). In GW, vol. VI, ed. Klaus Düsing and Heinz Kimmerle (1975).
TJ Hegels theologische Jugendschriften (1793–1800). Edited Herman Nohl.
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Tübingen: Mohr, 1907. Reprint, Frankfurt am Main: Minerva, 1966.
WL1 Wissenschaft der Logik. Erster Band. Die objective Logik. Nürnberg: Johann
Leonhard Schrag, 1812. All citations are given in accordance with the text of
the GW, vol. XI, ed. Friedrich Hogemann and Walter Jaeschke (1978).
WL2 Wissenschaft der Logik. Zweiter Band. Die subjective Logik oder Lehre vom
Begriff. Nürnberg: Johann Leonhard Schrag, 1816. All citations are given in
accordance with the text of the GW, vol. XII, ed. Friedrich Hogemann and
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Walter Jaeschke (1981).
Dieter Henrich (1927–)
ATS “Die Anfänge der Theorie des Subjekts (1789).” In Zwischenbetrachtungen.

Im Prozess der Aufklärung. Edited Axel Honneth, et al. Frankfurt am Main:
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Suhrkamp, 1989, pp. 106–170.
BL Bewusstes Leben. Untersuchungen zum Verhältnis von Subjektivität und
Metaphysik. Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 1999.
BSMP “The Basic Structure of Modern Philosophy.” In Cultural Hermeneutics,
22 (1974): 1–18.
CoR The Course of Remembrance and Other Essays on Hölderlin. Edited Eckart
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Förster, translated Abraham Anderson. Stanford: Stanford University Press,
1997.
FOI “Fichte’s Original Insight.” Translated David Lachterman. In Contemporary
German Philosophy, vol. I. University Park, Penn.: Pennsylvania State Univer-
sity Press, 1982.
FuE “Fichtes ursprüngliche Einsicht.” In Subjektivität und Metaphysik. Festschrift
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für Wolfgang Cramer. Edited Dieter Henrich and Hans Wagner. Frankfurt am
Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1966, pp. 188–232. All citations are given in ac-
cordance with the text of Fichtes ursprüngliche Einsicht (Frankfurt am Main:
Vittorio Klostermann, 1967).
GdA Der Gang des Andenkens. Beobachtungen und Gedanken zu Hölderlins
Gedicht. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1986.
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Textual Notes and Abbreviations xlix
GmP “Die Grundstruktur der modernen Philosophie. Mit einer Nachschrift:

‘Über Selbstbewusstsein und Selbsterhaltung.’” In Subjektivität und
Selbsterhaltung. Beiträge zur Diagnose der Moderne. Edited Hans Ebeling.
Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1976, repr. 1996, pp. 97–143.
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HaH “Hegel and Hölderlin.” In Idealiste Studies, 2 (1972): 151–173. All citations
are given in accordance with Taylor Carmon’s translation in The Course of Re-
membrance and Other Essays on Hölderlin, by Dieter Henrich, ed. Eckart
Förster (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), pp. 119–142.
HJB “Hölderlin on Judgment and Being: A Study in the History of the Origins
of Idealism.” Translated Abraham Anderson. In CoR, pp. 71–89.
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HuH “Hegel und Hölderlin.” In Hegel im Kontext, by Dieter Henrich. Frankfurt
am Main: Suhrkamp, 1971, pp. 9–40.
HUS “Hölderlin über Urteil und Sein. Eine Studie zur Entstehungsgeschichte
des Idealismus.” Hölderlin-Jahrbuch 14 (1965–1966): 73–96.
KJ “Karl Jaspers: Thinking with Max Weber in Mind.” First published as
“Denken im Blick auf Max Weber,” in Karl Jaspers. Philosoph, Arzt, politischer
Denker; Symposium zum 100: Geburtstag in Basel und Heidelberg, ed. Jeanne
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Hersch (Münich: Piper, 1986), pp. 207–231. All citations are given in accor-
dance with Adrian Stevens’ translation in Max Weber and His Contemporaries,
ed. Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Jürgen Osterhammen (London: Allen and
Unwin, 1987), pp. 528–544.
OTS “The Origins of the Theory of the Subject.” In Philosophical Interventions
in the Unfinished Project of Enlightenment. Edited Axel Honneth, et al., trans-
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lated William Rehg. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1992, pp. 29–87.
SCIT “Self-Consciousness: A Critical Introduction to a Theory.” In Man and
World 4 (1971): 2–28.
SKET “Selbstbewusstsein. Kritische Einleitung in eine Theorie.” In Hermeneutik
und Dialektik. Aufsätze [Hans-Georg Gadamer zum 70. Geburtstag]. Edited
Rüdiger Bubner. Tübingen: Mohr, 1970, pp. 257–284.
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SuG “Selbsterhaltung und Geschichtlichkeit.” In Subjektivität und
Selbsterhaltung. Beiträge zur Diagnose der Moderne, pp. 303–313.
ÜSS “Über Selbstbewusstsein und Selbsterhaltung. Probleme und Nachträge
zum Vortrag über ‘Die Grundstruktur der modernen Philosophie.’” In GmP,
pp. 122–143.
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Johann Christian Friedrich Hölderlin (1770–1843)
FvH “Fragment von Hyperion.” Edited Friedrich Schiller. In Thalia, vol. IV.
Leipzig: Georg Joachim Göschen, 1793. All citations are given in accordance
with the text of the StA, vol. III, ed. Friedrich Beissner (1957), pp. 161–184.
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l Textual Notes and Abbreviations
H HYPERION oder der Eremit in Griechenland. Erster Band. Tübingen: J. G.

Cotta’sche Buchhandlung, 1797; and Zweiter Band. Tübingen: J. G. Cotta’sche
Buchhandlung, 1799. All citations are given in accordance with the text of the
StA, vol. III, ed. Friedrich Beissner (1957), pp. 1–160 (Erster Band, pp. 5–90;
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Zweiter Band, pp. 93–160).
JB “Judgment and Being.” In Friedrich Hölderlin: Essays and Letters on Theory.
Translated and edited Thomas Pfau. Albany: SUNY Press, 1988, pp. 37–38.
StA Sämtliche Werke. Grosse Stuttgarter Hölderlin-Ausgabe. Edited Friedrich
Beissner, Adolf Beck, and Ute Oelmann. 8 volumes. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer,
1946–1985.
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US “Urtheil und Seyn” (1795). In StA, vol. IV,1, ed. Friedrich Beissner (1961),
pp. 216–217.
Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi (1743–1819)
Bw Briefwechsel. 1782–1784. Edited Peter Bachmaier, et al. In Briefwechsel.

Gesamtausgabe, vol. I,3. Edited Michael Brüggen, et al. Stuttgart-Bad
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Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1987.
CDS1 Concerning the Doctrine of Spinoza in Letters to Herr Moses Mendelssohn
(1785). In MPW, pp. 173–251.
CDS 2 Concerning the Doctrine of Spinoza in Letters to Herr Moses Mendelssohn
(1789) [excerpt]. In MPW, pp. 359–378.
DHF David Hume on Faith, or Idealism and Realism: A Dialogue—Preface and
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also Introduction to the Author’s Collected Philosophical Works. In MPW,
pp. 537–590.
DHG David Hume über den Glauben, oder Idealismus und Realismus. Ein
Gespräch. Breslau: Gottl. Löwe, 1787, 2nd edition 1815. All citations are given
in accordance with the 1815 edition (Leipzig: Gerhard Fleischer) as it appears
in the text of the JW, vol. II (1815), pp. 3–123.
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EAB Eduard Allwills Briefsammlung, herausgegeben von Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi
mit einer Zugabe von eigenen Briefen. Erster Band. Königsberg: Friedrich
Nicolovius, 1792. All citations are given in accordance with the text of the JW,
vol. I (1812).
EAC Edward Allwill’s Collection of Letters. In MPW, pp. 379–496.
JW Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi’s Werke. Edited Johann Georg Hamann, Friedrich
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von Roth, and Friedrich Köppen. 6 volumes. Leipzig: Gerhard Fleischer, 1812–
1825.
MPW The Main Philosophical Writings and the Novel Allwill. Translated George
di Giovanni. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994.
Spin Über die Lehre des Spinoza in Briefen an den Herrn Moses Mendelssohn.
Breslau: Gottl. Löwe, 1785, 2nd edition 1789. Unless original editions are indi-
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cated as Spin (1785) or Spin (1789), all citations are given in accordance with
Textual Notes and Abbreviations li
the composite edition published in Die Hauptschriften zum Pantheismusstreit

zwischen Jacobi und Mendelssohn, ed. Heinrich Scholz, in Neudrucke seltener
philosophischer Werke, vol. VI, ed. Kantgesellschaft (Berlin: Reuther and
Reichard, 1916).
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Immanuel Kant (1724–1804)
AA Kant’s gesammelte Schriften. Edited Königlich Preussische Akademie. 29 vol-

umes. Berlin: Georg Reimer Verlag, 1910–. (Volumes IX, XIIIff have imprint:
Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co.)
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Bem “Bemerkungen zu den Beobachtungen über das Gefühl des Schönen und
Erhabenen” (1764). In Immanuel Kants Sämmtliche Werke, vol. XI,1. Edited
Karl Rosenkranz and K. W. Schubert. Leipzig: Friedrich Wilhelm Schubert,
1842, pp. 221–260. All citations are given in accordance with the text of the
HN, pp. 1–192.
Bw Kant’s Briefwechsel. Edited Rudolph Reicke. 3 volumes. In AA, vol. X–XII
(1922).
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CJ Critique of the Power of Judgment. Edited and translated Paul Guyer and Eric
Matthews. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
Cor Correspondence. Translated and edited Arnulf Zweig. Cambridge: Cam-
CPR Critique of Pure Reason. Translated and edited Paul Guyer and Allen Wood.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
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CPrR Critique of Practical Reason. In PrP, pp. 133–271.
HN Kant’s handschriftlicher Nachlass. Band VII. Edited Gerhard Lehmann. In
AA, vol. XX (1942).
KpV Kritik der praktischen Vernunft. Riga: J. K. Hartknoch, 1788. All citations
are given in accordance with the text of the AA, vol. V, ed. Paul Natorp (1913),
pp. 1–164.
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KrV A Kritik der reinen Vernunft. Riga: J. K. Hartknoch, 1781. All citations are
given in accordance with the text of the AA, vol. IV, ed. Benno Erdmann
(1911), pp. 1–252.
KrV B Kritik der reinen Vernunft, 2nd edition. Riga: J. K. Hartknoch, 1787. All
citations are given in accordance with the text of the AA, vol. III, ed. Benno
Erdmann (1911).
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KU Kritik der Urteilskraft. Berlin: Libau, 1790. All citations are given in accor-
dance with the text of the AA, vol. V, ed. Wilhelm Windelband (1913),
pp. 165–485.
Op1 Opus postumum. Erste Hälfte (Convolut I bis VI). Edited Artur Buchenau
and Gerhard Lehmann. In AA, vol. XXI (1936) [From notes mostly written
between 1796 and 1803].
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Op2 Opus postumum. Zweite Hälfte (Convolut VII bis XIII). Edited Artur
lii Textual Notes and Abbreviations
Buchenau and Gerhard Lehmann. In AA, vol. XXII (1938) [From notes
mostly written between 1796 and 1803].
OpC Opus postumum. Edited Eckart Förster, translated Eckart Förster and Mi-
chael Rosen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.
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PrP Practical Philosophy. Translated and edited Mary J. Gregor. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1996.
RRT Religion and Rational Theology. Translated and edited Allen W. Wood and
George di Giovanni. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.
TP Theoretical Philosophy, 1755–1770. Translated and edited David Walford
with Ralf Meerbote. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
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Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855)
Sv Samlede værker. Edited A. B. Drachmann, J. L. Heiberg, and H. O. Lange. 20

volumes. Copenhagen: Glydendal, 1962–1964.
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Salomon Maimon (1753–1800)
GW Gesammelte Werke. Edited Valerio Verra. 6 volumes. Hildesheim: Georg

Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1965–1971.
Karl Marx (1818–1883)
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MEGA Karl Marx Friedrich Engels Gesamtausgabe (MEGA). Edited Institut für
Marxismus-Leninismus. 47 volumes. Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1975–1992. Since
1992 all further volumes edited by Internationalen-Marx-Engels-Stiftung.
Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1998–.
MEPW Marx: Early Political Writings. Edited and translated Joseph O’Malley
with Richard David. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
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Novalis (Georg Phillip Friedrich von Hardenberg) (1772–1801)
NS Novalis Schriften. Die Werke Friedrich von Hardenbergs. Edited Paul

Kluckhohn and Richard Samuel. 6 volumes. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1960–
1998.
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Karl Leonhard Reinhold (1757–1823)
Beytr. I Beyträge zur Berichtigung bisheriger Missverständnisse der Philosophen.

Volume I. Jena: Johann Michael Mauke, 1790.
BKP Briefe über die Kantische Philosophie. Mannheim: Heinrich Valentin
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Textual Notes and Abbreviations liii
Bender, 1789. Reprint [unauthorized] of the eight “Briefe über die Kantische
Philosophie,” in Der Teutsche Merkur (1786–1787).
ÜF Über das Fundament des philosophischen Wissens. Nebst einigen Erläuterungen
über die Theorie des Vorstellungsvermögens. Jena: Widtmann and Mauke, 1791.
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ÜSKP Über die bisherigen Schicksale der Kantischen Philosophie. Prague and
Jena: Widtmann and Mauke, 1789. All citations are given in accordance with
the text of “Vorrede. Über die bisherigen Schicksale der kantischen
Philosophie,” in VTV, pp. 3–68.
VTV Versuch einer neuen Theorie des menschlichen Vorstellungsvermögens.
Prague and Jena: Widtmann and Mauke, 1789. Reprint, Darmstadt:
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Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1963.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778)
E Emile or On Education. Translated and edited Allan Bloom. New York: Basic
Books, Inc., 1979.
Œ C Œuvres Complétes. Edited Bernard Gagnebin and Marcel Raymond. 5 vol-
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umes. Paris: Éditions Gallimard, Bibliothéque de la Pléiade, 1959–1995.
Johann Christoph Friedrich Schiller (1759–1805)
AEM The Aesthetic Education of Mankind. Edited and translated Elizabeth M.

Wilkinson and L. A. Willoughby. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967.
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SWN Schillers Werke Nationalausgabe. Edited Julius Peterson, et al. 49 volumes.
Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1943–.
ÜäEM Über die ästhetische Erziehung des Menschen in einer Reihe von Briefen. In
Die Horen, 1, 2, 6. Tübingen: Cotta, 1795. All citations are given in accordance
with the text of SWN, vol. XX,1, ed. Benno von Wiese (1962), pp. 309–412.
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Friedrich Schlegel (1772–1829)
Frag Friedrich Schlegel’s Lucinde and the Fragments. Translated Peter Firchow.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1971.
FSA Kritische Friedrich-Schlegel-Ausgabe. Edited Ernst Behler, Jean Jacques
Anstett, and Hans Eichner. 35 volumes. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh,
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1958–.
Gottlob Ernst Schulze (1761–1833)
Aen Aenesidemus, oder über die Fundamente der von dem Herrn Professor
Reinhold in Jena gelieferten Elementar-Philosophie. Nebst einer Vertheidigung
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liv Textual Notes and Abbreviations
des Skepticismus gegen die Anmaassungen der Vernunftkritik. [Helmstedt:

Fleckeisen] 1792. [First published anonymously and without publication in-
formation.] All citations are given in accordance with the text of Aenesidemus
oder über die Fundamente der von dem Herrn Professor Reinhold in Jena
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gelieferten Elementar-Philosophie, ed. Arthur Liebert, in Neudrucke seltener
philosophischer Werke, vol. I, ed. Kantgesellschaft (Berlin: Reuther and
Reichard, 1911).
Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951)
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PI Philosophical Investigations. Translated G. E. M. Anscombe. Oxford:
Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 1953; 2nd edition reprint, 2001.
PU Philosophische Untersuchungen. [German/English edition; English transla-
tions G. E. M. Anscombe.] Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 1953. All cita-
tions are given in accordance with the text of Philosophische Untersuchungen.
Kritisch-genetische Edition, ed. Joachim Schulte, et al. (Frankfurt am Main:
Suhrkamp, 2001).
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This I learned. For not once, as mortal masters do,
Did you heavenly ones, wise preservers of all,
To my knowledge, with caution
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Lead me on by a level path.
All a man shall try out, thus say the heavenly,
So that strongly sustained he shall give thanks for all,
Learn to grasp his own freedom
To be gone where he’s moved to go.
—Hölderlin
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Accordingly, the unfathomable, prehistoric age rests in this
essence; although it faithfully protects the treasures of the
holy past, this essence is in itself mute and cannot express
what is enclosed within it.
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—Schelling
To represent man’s understanding

as walking in the midst of things
unthinkable.
—Hölderlin
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Introduction Introduction
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Introduction
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The time between the publication of the Critique of Pure Reason in 17811
and the 1844 publication of Kierkegaard’s Concept of Anxiety 2—the same
year in which Marx wrote the Early Economical Philosophical Manu-
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scripts3—is just sixty-three years. Shorter still is the time from the publica-
tion of the Critique of Pure Reason to the final step Hegel made in his
philosophical development: the establishment of a speculative logic as the
fundamental discipline of his system and not simply a negative introduc-
tion into it.4 This happened in 1804, the same year in which Kant died.
What is astonishing about this very short period of time is that within it,
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the entire development from Kant through Fichte and Schelling to Hegel
occurred. This unique development that unfolded during the late lifetime
of Kant both invites and resists interpretation.
Anglo-Saxon philosophy has tended to regard the philosophical devel-
opments during these two decades as opaque and suspicious.5 From this
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1. I. Kant (1724–1804), KrV A; English: CPR.
2. S. Kierkegaard (1813–1855), Begrebet Angest [1844], ed. A. B. Drachmann, in Sv, vol. VI
(1963), pp. 101–240; English: The Concept of Anxiety, ed. and trans. Reidar Thomte with Al-
bert B. Anderson (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980).
3. K. Marx (1818–1883), Ökonomisch-philosophische Manuskripte aus dem Jahre 1844
[1932], ed. Rolf Dlubeck, in MEGA, vol. I,2 (1982), pp. 189–438; English: The Economic and
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Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, trans. Martin Milligan (Moscow: Foreign Languages Pub-
lishing House, 1959). Written between April and August 1844 in Paris, these manuscripts
were not published until 1932.
4. G. W. F. Hegel (1770–1831), SsP.
5. Notable among these criticisms of philosophical idealism are certainly those of
Bertrand Russell (1872–1970) and G. E. Moore (1873–1958). Bertrand Russell, Theory of
Knowledge: The 1913 Manuscript, ed. E. R. Eames and K. Blackwell (London: Allen and
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1
2 Introduction
point of view, thinkers during this period made exaggerated claims for phi-
losophy. They also appear to have made weak and loose arguments that
lack a critical attitude toward the basic concepts with which they were
working. Owing in part to these reservations, there has been relatively little
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good scholarship in the English language on the period, except on Hegel.6
By way of contrast, Continental philosophy has maintained that during
these two decades philosophers did excellent work. For them, what distin-
guishes the time is its outstanding productivity. Many people have said—
among the first was Henrich Heine, and Karl Marx repeated it—that what
happened in France in reality happened at the same time in Germany in
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thought.7 Marx wanted to unify these two efforts, building political reality
on philosophical inference.8
Unwin Press, 1984); Bertrand Russell, Logical and Philosophical Papers 1909–13, vol. 6, ed. J.
Slater (New York: Routledge, 1992) (esp. Section 7—Critique of Idealism: “Hegel and Com-
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mon Sense” and “The Twilight of the Absolute”); G. E. Moore, Philosophical Papers (London:
Allen and Unwin Press, 1959) (esp. “A Defense of Common Sense,” “Proof of an External
World,” and “Wittgenstein’s Lectures”).
6. Among these works are James Collins, The Emergence of Philosophy of Religion (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1967); James Collins, God and Modern Philosophy (London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960); Emil Fackenheim, The Religious Dimension of Hegel’s
Thought (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1967); J. N. Findlay, Hegel: A Re-Examina-
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tion (London: Allen and Unwin Press, 1958); H. S. Harris, Hegel’s Development, vol. 1: To-
ward the Sunlight 1770–1801 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972); H. S. Harris, Hegel’s
Development, vol. 2: Night Thoughts, Jena 1801–1806 (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1983); Quentin Lauer, Essays in Hegelian Dialectic (New York: Fordham University Press,
1977); idem., Hegel’s Idea of Philosophy (New York: Fordham University Press, 1983); A. V.
Miller, A Reading of Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit (New York: Fordham University Press,
1976); and Charles Taylor, Hegel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975).
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7. Heinrich Heine (1797–1856), “Zur Geschichte der Religion und Philosophie in
Deutschland” [1834], in Historisch-kritische Gesamtausgabe der Werke, vol. VIII,1, ed. Man-
fred Windfuhr (Hamburg: Hoffmann and Campe, 1979); English: “Concerning the History
of Religion and Philosophy in Germany,” in The Romantic School and Other Essays, ed. and
trans. Jost Hermand and Robert C. Holub (New York: Continuum, 1985). Heine here com-
pares the philosophical results of Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason to the political effects of the
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Revolution in France: “[I]n 1789 nothing was talked of in Germany but Kant’s philoso-
phy. . . . Some showed bubbling enthusiasm, others bitter annoyance, many a gaping curios-
ity about the result of this intellectual revolution. We had riots in the intellectual world just
as you had riots in the material world, and we became just as excited over the demolition of
ancient dogmatism as you did over the storming of the Bastille” (“Zur Geschichte,” p. 90;
English: p. 212). In the pivotal essay “Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of
Right,” written at the end of 1843 and sent to Feuerbach in 1844, Karl Marx remarks: “The
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German nation is obliged to connect its dream history with its present circumstances. . . .
Introduction 3
These divergent attitudes notwithstanding, this philosophical period

was, from an historical standpoint, possibly more influential than any
other. Three of its contributions continue to have a bearing on the ways in
which we think today.
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First, in Johann Gottlieb Fichte’s Science of Knowledge,9 the romantic
theory of art and poetry originated, which was the first modern poetic
theory in terms of which we can still interpret many works of art from the
nineteenth century. The early romantics considered themselves to be stu-
dents of Fichte. They felt that without being deeply versed in Fichte’s Sci-
ence of Knowledge, it would have been impossible to develop the kind of
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poetry they were writing.
Second, Marxism is the product of the collapse of Hegel’s philosophy.
This alone would be a sufficient reason to study this period. In fact, that is
what Marx himself claimed more than 150 years ago. While the philoso-
phers of the new wave of empiricism and positivism in Europe were virtu-
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ally ignoring Hegel, Marx did not. Instead, he maintained that he was the
The criticism of German philosophy of right and of the state, which was given its most logical,
profound and complete expression by Hegel, is at once the critical analysis of the modern
state and of the reality connected with it, and the definite negation of all the past forms of
consciousness in German jurisprudence and politics, whose most distinguished and most gen-
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eral expression, raised to the level of a science, is precisely the speculative philosophy of right.
If it was only in Germany that the speculative philosophy of right was possible—this ab-
stract and extravagant thought about the modern state, whose reality remains in another
world (even though this is just across the Rhine)—the German thought-version of the mod-
ern state, on the other hand, which abstracts from actual man, was only possible because
and in so far as the modern state itself abstracts from actual man, or satisfies the whole
man only in an imaginary way. In politics, the Germans have thought what other nations
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have done. Germany was their theoretical conscience.” K. Marx, “Zur Kritik der Hegelschen
Rechtsphilosophie: Einleitung” [1844], in MEGA, vol. I,2, pp. 175–176; English: MEPW,
pp. 62–64.
8. “The only practically possible emancipation of Germany is the emancipation based on
the unique theory which holds that man is the supreme being for man. In Germany emanci-
pation from the Middle Ages is possible only as the simultaneous emancipation from the
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partial victories over the Middle Ages. In Germany no form of bondage can be broken un-
less every form of bondage is broken. Germany, enamored of fundamentals, can have nothing
less than a fundamental revolution. The emancipation of Germany is the emancipation of
man. The head of this emancipation is philosophy, its heart is the proletariat. Philosophy can-
not be actualized without the abolition of the proletariat; the proletariat cannot be abolished
without the actualization of philosophy.” K. Marx, “Zur Kritik der Hegelschen Rechts-
philosophie. Einleitung” [1844], in MEGA, vol. I,2, pp. 182–183; English: MEPW, p. 70.
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9. J. G. Fichte (1762–1814), GgW; English: SK.
4 Introduction
only one who did not read Hegel as a “dead dog.” (This is a phrase stem-
ming from Lessing, who opined that we should not treat Spinoza as a dead
dog, as many had in the eighteenth century.)10 By virtue of his willingness
to take Hegel seriously, Marx was able to write Das Kapital.
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Third, existentialism is the product of the collapse of idealism, and it
is impossible to understand any basic doctrine of Kierkegaard without
knowing both Hegel and Fichte. One can even say that existentialism and
Marxism are complementary outcomes of the collapse of Hegel’s system.
Kierkegaard’s existentialism is the philosophy of mind isolated from the
philosophy of nature and history. Marxism is the philosophy of history
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and society isolated from the Hegelian and Fichtean philosophy of mind.
So the universal claim of the Hegelian system is that it integrated at least
aspects of theories that became equally influential, and continuously so, af-
ter its collapse. Therefore, understanding Hegel’s system is a precondition
for understanding what happened afterward.
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There is a second reason for interpreting this period of philosophy that
follows partly from the historical one I have just given. We can understand
this interpretation as an introduction to Continental philosophy. Philoso-
phy has a single origin in Greece (if one distinguishes from the logic of
Hinduism and Buddhism). It also enjoyed a single tradition from its origin
up to the end of the eighteenth century. This means in part that the philos-
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ophers whom we could call “great” were connected with each other, irre-
spective of political borders or the boundaries of language. It also means
that philosophy had one language. At first this language was Greek; then,
with the rise to dominance of the Roman Empire, the language of philoso-
phy became Latin, which endured until the eighteenth century. This situa-
tion changed entirely at the end of the eighteenth century with the appear-
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ance of Fichte. At that time a split took place that has since separated two
worlds of philosophy: the Anglo-Saxon, which is basically empirically ori-
ented, and what is called Continental philosophy, which understands itself
as somehow in a tradition that emerged at the end of the eighteenth cen-
tury. Of course, there were exchanges between the two traditions, and
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“emergency entrances,” so to speak, remained open for “refugees” from the
other side. But there was no real cooperation, except for two decades be-
10. F. H. Jacobi (1743–1819), “Jacobi an M. Mendelssohn,” Pempelfort, 4 November 1783,

in Bw, p. 235; English: CDS1, p. 193.
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Introduction 5
fore World War I. For more than a century, both sides exhibited a deep in-
ability to understand each other.
This split, which originated with Fichte, was then reinforced during
World War I, when for the first time philosophers tried to define their
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work politically. Anglo-Saxon philosophers defended reason and humanity
against what they construed as an aggressive systematic spirit. They inter-
preted this spirit as an attempt to reorganize all of life primarily by force
instead of insight. For their part, Continental philosophers resisted what
they deemed to be superficiality. They opposed the naïve integration of the
deep experiences human beings have into shallow economic and social
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perspectives.
These arguments, in turn, are connected with different experiences, not
only of philosophers, but also of the peoples on the Continent and in the
Anglo-Saxon countries. On the Continent, a feeling of crisis grew out of
the ruin wrought by the war, a crisis so profound that philosophers found
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themselves ineluctably drawn to the task of shaping a new form of life.
Such was the experience, for instance, from which Heidegger started. On
the other side of the channel, a certain feeling of nostalgia emerged—a
longing for a return to the eternal and unchanging foundations of all expe-
rience that had survived the war unshaken. From this nostalgia, an attitude
developed in England and the United States that was critical of any specu-
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lative approach to philosophy. This criticism felled English Hegelianism,
which was already tottering under the impact of the arguments Russell and
Moore had lodged.
The difference between these two experiences echoes the divergence of
opinion between Johann Gottlieb Fichte and Edmund Burke. Early in his
philosophical career, Fichte wanted to develop an apology for Jacobinism
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in politics, which in this context meant the attempt to build a new life in
much the same way as an architect builds new houses. Just as the architect
provides a blueprint from which to build the house, so also the political
philosopher, or at least the theoretician of politics, provides a design from
which to erect a new society. Burke, on the other hand, taught that this “ar-
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chitectural” attitude toward political life rested on a fundamental mis-
take—the aggressive imposition of a design for life on a people—that every
sound philosophy had to target for criticism.11
11. Edmund Burke emphasized the necessity of taking into account the historical circum-
stances peculiar to a situation before proposing the establishment of laws and government.
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6 Introduction
These two attitudes continued to predominate in both Anglo-Saxon and

Continental philosophy until the early 1960s. Then the lingering effects of
World War I began to dissipate, and the gap between the two traditions be-
came narrower. On the Continent, the Heidegger wave was over. It had
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been very strong, but philosophers finally realized that, despite his prom-
ise, Heidegger was unable to accomplish the revision of the conceptual
framework within which philosophy had been undertaken. Instead, Witt-
genstein and his successors who pursued a similar project attracted atten-
tion.12 Meanwhile, within the Anglo-Saxon tradition of philosophy, the
need for a comprehensive analysis of modern life and society began to
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make itself felt again.
Traditional expectations for philosophy then began to reemerge. Among
these, for instance, was the conviction that philosophy should not be just
the kind of theoretically important but otherwise irrelevant activity whose
motivation is demonstrating brilliant and analytical abilities. Instead, phil-
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osophical interpretation of human life in general should be consonant
with the way in which life already understands itself before it turns to phi-
losophy. Incidentally, this expectation makes it important for us to under-
stand the implicit standard toward which a philosophy orients itself. The
philosophy of idealism, as well as what we are calling Continental philoso-
phy, has standards of a kind that, as far as I can see, became relevant within
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analytical philosophy during the late 1960s.13
People should continually work out ethical imperatives with reference to particular contexts
rather than abstracting them from reason in an ahistorical manner. See Edmund Burke
(1729–1797), “Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol,” 3 April 1777, ed. W. M. Elofson and John A.
Woods, in The Writings and Speeches of Edmund Burke, vol. III, ed. Paul Langford (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 288–330; and idem., Reflections on the Revolution in
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France [1791], ed. L. G. Mitchell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). See also Dieter
Henrich, introduction to Betrachtungen über die Französische Revolution, by Edmund Burke,
trans. Friedrich Gentz (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1967), pp. 7–22.
12. The basic shift in philosophy from ontology to language—in other words, from in-
voking “Being” as the domain in which we live to construing “language” as this domain—
occurred with the quickening interest in Wittgenstein and his linguistic turn. See L. Witt-
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genstein (1889–1951), PU; English: PI. Principal among Wittgenstein’s successors are G.
Elizabeth M. Anscombe, Peter T. Geach, and Norman Malcolm. See G. E. M. Anscombe and
P. T. Geach, 3 Philosophers: Aristotle, Aquinas, Frege (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967); P. T.
Geach, God and the Soul: Studies in Ethics and the Philosophy of Religion (New York:
Schocken Books, 1969); and N. Malcolm, Problems of Mind: Descartes to Wittgenstein (Lon-
don: Allen and Unwin Press, 1971).
13. Among the analytic philosophers of this period who were receptive to such standards
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are Stanley Cavell, Must We Mean What We Say? (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1969);
Introduction 7
One of these—that philosophy should not alienate itself from under-

standing life—I have just mentioned. Another standard is that philosophy
should offer a universal theoretical project applicable to various fields in
basically the same way. This implies that the philosopher should not be a
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specialist. We can also understand this difference by saying that Continen-
tal philosophy takes the relationship between the transcendental constitu-
tion of the person and the concept of philosophy as constitutive of the
definition of philosophy, whereas empiricist philosophy tends to empha-
size scientific and critical standards primarily, and even, at times, exclu-
sively. But there are reasons to agree with Plato that there is no necessary
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incompatibility between these two endeavors. One need only be circum-
spect about what one can accomplish at any given time. So, we can connect
the first and second standards. In order to probe the primordial experience
of life, a philosophy has to employ a universal framework. Just as a person
has to have an integrated approach to all kinds of problems that present
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themselves in life, so also must a philosophical framework permit this kind
of integrated approach. If philosophy does not offer this universality, it will
not be able to coincide with what the person experiences.
A third standard bears on a philosophy’s capacity to interpret itself. To
do so with depth, a philosophy must be able to appraise its context, which
includes history and the development of society, as well as the develop-
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ment of art. This is why the Continental philosophers are always in an im-
plicit competition with the artist. A philosophy that is unable to say some-
thing about the unarticulated intentions of artists of its time does not
fulfill this important standard.
In my view, there is a feeling developing among some analytical philoso-
phers that these standards should be accepted. Embracing these standards
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might well justify the hope that the narrowing gap between the Anglo-
Saxon and Continental philosophical traditions will eventually close. We
find evidence for this joining of the traditions in the development of Kant
Roderick Chisholm, Person and Object: A Metaphysical Study (London: Allen and Unwin
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Press, 1976); Arthur Danto, Analytical Philosophy of Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1968); Thomas Nagel, Mortal Questions (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, 1979); Richard Rorty, Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1979); Richard Rorty, ed., The Linguistic Turn: Recent Essays in Philosophical
Method (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967); Wilfrid Sellars, Empiricism and the
Philosophy of Mind (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1956); Peter F. Strawson,
Individuals: An Essay in Descriptive Metaphysics (New York: Anchor Books, 1959); and J. O.
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Urmson, “The History of Analysis,” in The Linguistic Turn, pp. 294–301.
8 Introduction
discussions in analytic philosophy that Peter F. Strawson’s books has initi-

ated.14
These two motivations—the perduring historical influence of two dec-
ades in the late eighteenth century and an introduction to Continental
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philosophy—stand behind my desire to develop this specific philosophical
interpretation. On the problems that were the most important for the suc-
cessors of Kant, I shall speak at a later point. But I would like to mention
now two problems—one historical and one systematic—to which I shall
give special attention.
Let me begin with the historical problem. The shortness of the period
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poses three questions for the interpreter. The first is the question of the
relationship between Kant’s philosophical system and the idealism that
succeeded it. Fichte and Hegel considered themselves to be the true succes-
sors of Kant. Each claimed that only his philosophical program ultimately
could defend Kant’s position, making it coherent and superior to all alter-
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natives. Kant (who lived until Hegel’s position was finally elaborated) did
not agree at all with either claim. He flatly denied that Fichte’s Science of
Knowledge had anything to do with the position he defended in the Cri-
tique of Pure Reason. So one problem of the history of philosophy of this
period is to make intelligible how this development from Kant to Hegel,
which took place during Kant’s life, was possible. What unity, if any, keeps
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Kantian and Hegelian thinking together as positions inside one period of
philosophy? Hegel, of course, had an explanation. He claimed that the de-
velopment from Kant through Fichte and Schelling to himself was a nec-
essary development from a beginning (when it was not yet possible to
understand the basic implications of Kant’s position) toward the end in
which idealistic philosophy became coherent and universal. But this He-
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gelian interpretation, although widely accepted, is indefensible. The histo-
rian who deals with this period has to give another account of its unity.
The second historical question for interpreting this period is how to de-
lineate the relationships among the idealists themselves. We can portray
the entire period in terms of the major controversies that occurred be-
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tween students and their teachers. These include the disputes between
Fichte and the Kantians, between Fichte and Schelling, and between Hegel
14. Peter F. Strawson, Individuals: An Essay in Descriptive Metaphysics; id., The Bounds of
Sense: An Essay on Kant’s “Critique of Pure Reason” (London: Methuen, Ltd., 1966). In The
Bounds of Sense, Strawson takes traditional Kantian themes and raises them from the per-
spective of the analytic tradition. See, for example, “Two Faces of the Critique,” pp. 15–24.
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Introduction 9
and Schelling. Early on, it was the students who mounted these controver-
sies with attacks on their teachers. Fichte, for example, considered himself
to be the successor of Kant, but Kant vehemently dismissed this claim.
Similarly, a tension developed between Fichte and Schelling. Initially a stu-
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dent of Fichte, Schelling purported to advance the case for his teacher’s
idealistic system. But later he distanced himself from Fichte’s position, de-
scribing it as only an insufficient predecessor to his own “true” idealism.
Fichte hotly contested this, and a rancorous debate over their disagreement
ensued. With the appearance of the Phenomenology of Spirit, yet another of
these rifts erupted—this time between Hegel and Schelling.
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At a later point, those who had been the teachers retaliated, mount-
ing attacks on their former students. After his controversy with Schelling,
Fichte developed a “new” philosophy, which to a certain extent can be seen
as a reaction to what Schelling had criticized in his earlier system. Fichte
and Schelling fell into quarreling over the authorial origin of this “new”
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philosophy. Schelling, too, developed a late philosophy that he claimed to
be a corrective to the misuses to which Hegel had subjected his own phi-
losophy.
We might describe the entire period in terms of these and other minor
controversies. In this way, we could develop an image of the relationships
among the philosophers that differs entirely from the one Hegel presented
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and that still dominates the literature today. This is the view that each
philosophical position from Kant through Hegel is like a step in a staircase
that we ascend as we leave previous steps behind. By way of contrast, in the
image I am proposing there are three comparable and competing positions
that cannot be reduced to each other. To see the period in this way, we have
to understand the late philosophy of Fichte and Hegel’s system and the late
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philosophy of Schelling. Here, I propose to concentrate on the late Fichte
and Hegel in particular, because I consider them the most important.
The third question has to do with the continuity of the entire period as
it is related to its collapse. We would want to find out what happened when
idealistic philosophy suddenly broke down and existentialism and Marx-
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ism emerged in the wake of its demise. These are the historical questions I
want to attempt to answer.
The systematic problem I earlier mentioned is that during this period,
new types of philosophy also appeared without accounts either of what
they were or of how to describe their systematic form. In order to write an
account of the systematic form of Kant’s philosophy, for example, we have
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10 Introduction
to collect many occasional remarks that he made, and draw from them in
the absence of any complete statement from Kant. We encounter a similar
situation with Fichte’s contributions to the philosophy of mind. He incor-
porated into his system very interesting ideas and arguments for a new the-
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ory of consciousness and the concept of the self. We have to develop a way
to assess the value of these contributions that does not depend on his suc-
cess in system building. This means trying to bring into view the rudi-
ments of a systematic structure that Fichte was never able to complete sat-
isfactorily. I believe this is true of Hegel’s Logic, as well. I want to try to
discuss those parts of its structure that Hegel had not fully worked out. We
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know that the concept of negation has a fundamental role in his Logic. We
could say that Hegel bases his concept of negation on a typology of various
kinds of double negations. In the course of my interpretation of this pe-
riod of philosophy, I propose to integrate a new reading of the Logic in
terms of this underlying typology.
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This book consists of five parts. The first will consider the systematic struc-
ture of Kant’s philosophy.15 Second, I will discuss the early critics of Kant,
whose arguments—especially the influential ones of Karl Leonhard Rein-
hold that introduced the systematic form of a possible philosophy—led to
the development of the Science of Knowledge.16 Actually, there are three
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main lines that led from the Kantian position into the idealist philosophy.
We can understand how these lines connect, but we also need to separate
them. First, of course, is the foundation of the Critique of Pure Reason; sec-
ond, the controversy over Kant’s ethics and the relationship between duty
and inclination; and third, the development of Kant’s philosophy of reli-
gion, in which the concept of God is subordinated to the concept of free-
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dom and is actually developed in terms of concepts of freedom, of reason,
and of moral law. These lines, which led from Kant to Hegel, met in
Fichte’s Science of Knowledge. Accordingly, in the third part of my interpre-
tation, I shall consider two of the numerous versions of the Science of
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15. For more on the systematic structure of Kant’s philosophy, Henrich recommended
the “First Introduction” to the Critique of the Power of Judgment. This is the only publication
in which Kant wrote explicitly about the systematic form of his entire work. I. Kant, “Erste
Einleitung in die Kritik der Urteilskraft” [1790], in HN, pp. 195–251; English: “First Intro-
duction to the Critique of the Power of Judgment,” in CJ, pp. 1–51.
16. Many of these critics’ writings remain available only in old German editions, although
current scholarship is increasingly devoted to making them more accessible.
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Introduction 11
Knowledge: the early one, which was influential, and the second one, which
Fichte never published and so was without any influence.17 It is, nonethe-
less, a deep and interesting theory. I shall turn, fourth, to the arguments of
the friends of the young Hegel against the systems of both Kant and Fichte,
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as well as to the process that led to the formation of Hegel’s system. Finally,
in the fifth part, I shall develop an interpretation of the underlying struc-
ture of Hegel’s Logic.18
17. J G. Fichte, GgW; English: SK. The second version to which Henrich refers is Versuch
einer neuen Darstellung der Wissenschaftslehre [1797], ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Gli-
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witzky, in GA, vol. I,4 (1970), pp. 183–281; English: ANPW. In 1796 Fichte became a co-edi-
tor of the Philosophisches Journal einer Gesellschaft Teutscher Gelehrten [1795–1800] along-
side his colleague, Friedrich Immanuel Niethammer (1766–1848), who founded the journal.
The essay (Versuch einer neuen Darstellung) appeared over four installments in the journal.
The first installment (which actually appeared twice, due to an initial defective printing
in February 1797) was published in vol. 5, no. 1 (March 1797) and included both the
“Vorerinnerung” and the “[Erste] Einleitung.” The second installment appeared in vol. 5, no.
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4 (August 1797) and consisted of the first six sections of the “Zweite Einleitung.” The re-
maining half of the “Zweite Einleitung” was printed in vol. 6, no. 1 (November 1797). The
final installment in vol. 7, no. 1 (March 1798) consisted of the “Erstes Capitel.”
18. Henrich considers Hegel’s four most important works to be (1) Wissenschaft der Logik
[1812–1816], ed. Friedrich Hogemann and Walter Jaeschke, in GW, vol. XI–XII (1978–
1981); English: SL. (2) Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts [1821], in Sämtliche Werke.
Neue kritische Ausgabe, vol. XVII, ed. Johannes Hoffmeister (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1955);
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English: PR. (3) Enzyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse [1830], ed.
Wolfgang Bonsiepen and Hans-Christian Lucas, in GW, vol. XIX–XX (1989–1992); English:
Hegel’s Logic: Part One of the Encyclopedia of Philosophical Sciences (1830), trans. William
Wallace (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975); Philosophy of Nature: Part Two of the Encyclopedia
of Philosophical Sciences (1830), trans. A. V. Miller (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970); Hegel’s
Philosophy of Mind: Part Three of the Encyclopedia of Philosophical Sciences (1830), trans.
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William Wallace (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971); (4) Phänomenologie des Geistes, ed. Wolf-
gang Bonsiepen and Reinhard Heede, in GW, vol. IX (1980); English: PS.
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PA R T
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The Systematic Structure
of Kant’s Philosophy
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The Systematic Structure of Kant’s Philosophy Internal Experience and Philosophical Theory
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Internal Experience and
Philosophical Theory
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In order to see the basic differences as well as the continuity between
Kantian and other idealistic thinking, one needs to know something about
the intentions underlying these modes of thought. Although they all are
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ultimately based on the concept of freedom, their systematic structures dif-
fer significantly. Accordingly, I propose to begin with a few observations on
the intentions of idealistic systems, using Fichte’s Science of Knowledge for
illustrative purposes. Thereafter, I will begin my account of the systematic
structure of Kant’s philosophy. I shall try to explain why the systematic
structure of his philosophy differs so widely from those of the idealistic
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philosophies. At the same time, I want to keep before our eyes the idealists’
conviction that they were Kant’s true successors, who completed the task
he had only begun.
In its origin, idealistic thinking was not metaphysically oriented, even
though late in their lives Fichte and Hegel developed metaphysical concep-
tions of reality. But when he started to lecture at Jena, Fichte had a different
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agenda. He promised that his philosophy would overcome the distance be-
tween the thoughts, beliefs, and experiences ordinary people have and the
(Greek) conceptual tradition of philosophy. Ordinary people found philo-
sophical theories about the essence of human nature and of the human
mind alienating. In part this was due to the orientation of traditional
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philosophical discourses to nature and its harmonious movement and or-
der. In this tradition, the term “ousia” or “substance” was fundamental.
Plato himself had struggled with the apparent irreconcilable differences
between his own motivations for doing philosophy and the commitments
to nature in the philosophies he studied. He apparently was deeply disap-
15
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16 The Systematic Structure of Kant’s Philosophy
pointed with Anaximander’s book on nous,1 as he found it to be merely a

new philosophy of nature, but not a study of mind in the proper sense. His
disappointment prompted him to develop a philosophy that grows out of
the life of the mind and incorporates the motivations for doing philosophy.
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Plato believed he had discovered the mind when he discovered the
structure of the concept, that is, the structure of conceptuality and of the
proposition.2 But psukhê, the mind, is in his theory only the placeholder, so
to speak, of the intellectual world, of generality in its pureness. So despite
Plato’s ability to reveal the secret thoughts of the philosophizing person
about herself, there is in his theory no concept of the mind originally com-
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ing into self-understanding and an understanding of its place in the world.
What is missing is any theory of the reflexivity of the mental dimension
and of the peculiar unity of the mind that can be defined in terms of that
reflexivity.
In certain respects, Fichte’s experience did not differ from Plato’s. Eigh-
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teenth-century empiricism transported the concept of ousia from the dis-
course on nature—where it referred to the generic and essential character
of things—to its own discourse of choice, mechanics, where it would now
refer to the interactions and orderly combinations of sensations. Fichte
found this unsatisfactory, because such philosophy could not meet the or-
dinary expectation that it offer profound interpretations of human experi-
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ence. So he declared that the main task of his Science of Knowledge would
be to bridge the gap between philosophy and life. He proposed to develop a
philosophical theory from the perspective of the living mind that directly
reflected the actual life of the mind. His proposal was distinct from others
who had chosen ‘the philosophy of mind’ as the basis of their analyses, in-
sofar as they had, in Fichte’s opinion, sacrificed the actual processes of the
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life of the mind for the sake of clarity. Fichte was convinced that we could
not suspend the account of mental processes and still hope to retain the
guiding thoughts and experiences that we bring with us into philosophical
reflection. In effect he was saying that traditional philosophy had made it
1. Anaximander, “Fragmente,” in Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker [1903], vol. I, ed.
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Hermann Diels and Walter Kranz (Berlin: Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1961),
pp. 89–90. English: “Anaximander of Miletus,” in The Presocratic Philosophers: A Critical His-
tory with a Selection of Texts, by G. S. Kirk, J. E. Raven, and M. Schoefield, 2nd ed. (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) pp. 117–118.
2. Plato introduces the role of the idea in the Phaedo and the Meno. In the Parmenides, he
points out the difficulties one meets when attempting to understand the status of ideas. See
Plato: Complete Works, ed. John M. Cooper (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Co., 1997).
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Internal Experience and Philosophical Theory 17
inevitable that human beings have, in addition to their lives, an interpreta-

tion of them. This interpretation, however, cannot be reincorporated into
their lives. And just as inevitable is the effect of this situation upon their
lives, leaving them restricted and inhibited. By contrast, humans can feel
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themselves to be free only if theorizing is not about the mind, but is, as it
were, implicit in the life of mind itself.
The search for a philosophy that could overcome alienation from life
was widespread at that time. For example, before becoming a philosopher,
Hegel planned to reveal the true spirit of Christianity as a liberation of hu-
mankind from traditional ties. He planned to criticize orthodox theology
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as a confessional system deeply rooted in an authoritarian society rather
than a free state. He proposed to carry out this critique in Kantian moral
terms. Accordingly, Christ becomes a ‘Kantian moral philosopher,’ and the
requirements of Christianity coincide with those that Kant articulated in
his philosophy of freedom. To argue in this way could prove powerful if
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one chose to criticize the social and political institutions of the time, in-
cluding, above all, the church. In Hegel’s eyes, this critique constituted a
small contribution to the revolutionary process of his day.3
In order to become fit for this endeavor, Hegel felt that he had to rid
himself of the empiricist orientation he had internalized while studying
psychology and history before attending the university. As a good historian
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he knew that in order to criticize institutions, especially the church, he had
to know both how they developed and how they perverted the original free
spirit of Christianity. In order to free himself from the empiricist ideal that
historical method should maintain a critical distance from life, Hegel read
Rousseau’s works for a year, which helped him overcome the alienation he
experienced in empiricist methods of study. Hegel claimed that this was
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the only way he could “break the chains” that held him captive.4
Hegel’s liberating experience and Fichte’s promise for a new philosophy
occurred simultaneously with the French Revolution. As I have already
mentioned, many considered Hegel and Fichte the theoretical equivalent
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3. G. W. F. Hegel, “Das Leben Jesu” (1795), in TJ, pp. 75–136. The essay to which Henrich
refers is not included in T. M. Knox’s English translation. In his prefatory note, Knox notes
that he deemed this essay unworthy of translation “because it was little more than a forced
attempt to depict Jesus as a teacher of what is in substance Kant’s ethics” (ETW, p. v).
4. This quotation is from Christian Philipp Friederich Leutwein’s report on Hegel’s years
in the Tübinger Stift. See Dieter Henrich, “Leutwein über Hegel. Ein Dokument zu Hegels
Biographie,” Hegel-Studien, 3 (1965): 56.
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of the French practical political process. In his Science of Knowledge, Fichte

offers a theory of knowledge that has a broad and universal meaning: all
processes that include conceptual elements count as knowledge. For ex-
ample, Fichte offers the first analysis of drive structures—of longing, of
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dreaming, of striving, and so on. He treats these basic states not as facts
about the mind, but rather as ways in which the mind is what it is, grasping
in a unique way its own reality. Being determined by drives is a form of be-
coming acquainted with oneself—that is the point Fichte makes in the Sci-
ence of Knowledge. He believed this to be true for all basic human ex-
periences. We are selves by being determined by drives, by longing, by
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dreaming, and so on. The public received this as a contribution to libera-
tion. Fichte had shown that the fully developed experience of human be-
ings is ultimately justifiable in terms of philosophical theory.
To achieve this philosophy of human experience, philosophical theory
has to be oriented entirely toward the philosophy of mind. This means that
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one has to develop the conceptual framework from an original under-
standing of what mind is. This reorientation, away from empiricist psy-
chology, is similar to what Plato initiated when he turned philosophy away
from nature to the logical structure of the concept. It is similar again to
Wittgenstein’s reorientation of philosophy away from science and logic to-
ward language, which he believed to be the true medium of human life.5
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Plato, Fichte, and Wittgenstein share another similarity: the significance
of universality. According to Fichte, one cannot establish a philosophy that
is founded on basic mental structures without understanding them as truly
universal. Indeed, Fichte thought that because this insight was absent an
adequate philosophical discourse about life had never been developed.
Much the same holds true for Wittgenstein: apart from understanding the
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universality of language, one cannot know philosophy in its entirety. Plato,
too, subscribed to a similar conviction: the structure of the idea (the con-
cept) has to be understood as truly universal, not just as something inci-
dental. It is easy to see that there is something we might describe as mind,
and there is something we might call language. But we will never under-
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stand what they are unless we grasp that analyzing them means becoming
engaged in an analysis of everything.
5. “Thought, language, now appear to us as the unique correlate, picture, of the world.
These concepts: proposition, language, thought, world, stand in line one behind the other,
each equivalent to each.” L. Wittgenstein, PU, p. 630, § 96; English: PI, p. 44e.
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Now Fichte derives this idealistic implication from his promise to bridge
the gap between life and theory. By this he meant that the mind is opposed
neither to nature nor the world. Instead, the mind implies the world, at
least in the sense that the mind is a self-grasping entity. In whatever way it
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might grasp itself, the mind is necessarily connected with a certain image
of a structure other than itself, to which it is opposed in various ways. Kant
had already shown that the concept of mind as the subject of knowledge is
not possible without the idea of a world that laws govern. Thus a certain
concept of the mind implies a conception, an ‘image’ of the world. We
don’t have a concept of mind unless we see that the concept of the world is
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already implied in the self-understanding of the mind. In sum, to develop a
conceptual framework for the interpretation of mind that is based only on
mental activity leads directly to the insight that mental activity always im-
plies a world within which such activity occurs. In other words, the charac-
ter of the mind is universal.
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Let me cite another example to fill in the meaning of the universal char-
acter of mind. The concept of the mind as basically longing—as always
longing for something—has as its necessary correlate the mind’s satisfac-
tion. (Fichte develops very nice descriptions of the type of a mind that its
“longing” defines—and Kierkegaard follows him with similar depictions.)6
We may amplify this by saying that there is no concept of the mind as long-
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ing without the idea of infinity. For this mind, the universe is a sequence of
finite states, behind the totality of which infinity lies. The mind as longing
has this image of the world, and we cannot define this mind unless we also
introduce this image into the definition.
Yet another example built on the idea of the mind as longing helps us to
see one way in which the ethical dimension emerges within the universal
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character of mind. There can be no concept of the mind as a moral agent
without the idea of a world in which good deeds finally issue in salutary
outcomes. By contrast, to define the mind in terms of its moral agency
with the concomitant belief that, no matter what it does, all its good deeds
would be for naught is to define a nihilist. For a mind defined as a moral
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agent in this way could not remain what it is. It would become desperate
6. J. G. Fichte, GgW, pp. 431–435; English: SK, pp. 265–270. S. Kierkegaard, Sygdommen
Til Døden. En christelig psychologisk Udvikling til Opbyggelse og Opvaekkelse [1849], ed. A. B.
Drachmann, in Sv, vol. XV (1963), pp. 65–180; English: The Sickness Unto Death: A Christian
Psychological Exposition for Upbuilding and Awakening, ed. and trans. Howard V. Hong and
Edna H. Hong (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980).
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and its desperation would become the terms of its definition, thereby un-
dermining the definition of its moral agency. So, defining the mind as
moral agent means already talking about a certain image of the world,
which is, of course, not the mind itself but rather the entity toward which
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the moral agent directs its energy.
This insight into the interconnection between concepts of the mind and
images of the world is the origin of the modern methods of historical in-
terpretation. Fichte was the first to bring the word Weltanschauung (image
of the world) to philosophical prominence; it captured the theoretical cor-
relation he was developing in his own work.7 Similarly, employed method-
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ologically, this correlation between mind and world image is foundational
to Hegel’s Phenomenology: because all stages of the development of the
mind are simultaneously stages of the development of the conception of
the world, we cannot talk about either one of them apart from the other.
This, in the idealist conception, is the basic fact of mind. The mind always
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has corresponding world images, and apart from this correlation no theory
of the mind is possible.
The correlation between mind and world also gave rise to Kierkegaard’s
stage theory of personal development.8 It is also the origin of modern ped-
agogic theories, in which education takes into account the world in which
the child is living. To assume that there is only one world into which edu-
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cation must lead the child is to ignore the world that the child already has
and the sequence of steps by which the child may freely acquire admission
into the adult world.
Still another discovery that grew out of this Fichtean correlation be-
7. Fichte’s first published use of “Welt-Anschauung” appears in his earliest published
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pamphlet. J. G. Fichte, Versuch einer Critik aller Offenbarung [1792], ed. Reinhard Lauth and
Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. I,1 (1964), p. 70; English: Attempt at a Critique of All Revelation,
trans. Garrett Green (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 119.
8. S. Kierkegaard, Enten-Eller [1843], ed. J. L. Heiberg, in Sv, vol. III–IV (1962); English:
Either/Or, ed. and trans. Howard V. Hong and Edna H. Hong (Princeton: Princeton Univer-
sity Press, 1987). See also Kierkegaard’s Stadier paa Livets Vei, ed. J. L. Heiberg, in Sv, vol.
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VII–VIII (1963); English: Stages on Life’s Way, ed. and trans. Howard V. Hong and Edna H.
Hong (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988). Kierkegaard’s aesthetic, ethical, and re-
ligious stages need not be limited to a sequential interpretation. They can also—or alter-
nately—be viewed as various ways of staging a play, all of which coexist simultaneously as
potentialities. The specific manner in which a play is staged—its setting, props, and so
forth—implies a particular construal of the character, just as the specific manner in which a
character is shaped implies a particular kind of staging.
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tween mind and world is Marx’s method of the criticism of ideologies. Ac-
cording to Marx, ideologies are unable to see beyond themselves because
the image of the world they embrace is linked entirely with the mind hold-
ing this image. To be relevant and universal, criticism of ideologies must
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address both the mind and the world it inevitably implies.9
I can summarize all this by saying that it was Fichte’s opinion that phi-
losophers before him had failed to grasp the universal character of the
mind and had focused instead on a superficial sense of mental data and ac-
tivities. For reasons he thought he could give, Fichte believed that the uni-
versal structure of the mind had remained obscure and, therefore, hidden
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from philosophers. He was convinced, as were those around him, that he
had revealed this universal structure of the mind in his Science of Knowl-
edge. So understood, Fichte’s theory is a universal theory of mind, and not
a metaphysical program. Nevertheless, it became a metaphysical program,
and we may wish to venture some explanation of why this transformation
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occurred. This question is especially interesting in light of the fact that the
mutual implication of the images of the world and the mind is not a meta-
physical but a transcendental theory.
On Kant’s definition, a transcendental theory is one that discovers the
conditions under which a priori judgments of objects are possible and thus
justifies a priori propositions.10 According to him, there is ultimately only
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one such condition: the unity of self-consciousness. This amounts to the
view that the unity of experience—of empirical discourse—interprets the
unity of nature. In order to understand this unity we cannot begin with
nature. Rather, we have to begin with our experience of nature in order to
understand the unity that is the subject of experience. This unity of experi-
ence, therefore, interprets the unity of nature.
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What, however, interprets the unity of experience? It is the unity of the
self that unifies experience. The unity of experience is not something we
9. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Die deutsche Ideologie: Kritik der neuesten deutschen
Philosophie in ihren Repräsentanten Feuerbach, B. Bauer und Stirner, und des deutschen
Sozialismus in seinen verschiedenen Propheten [1845–1846], in Karl Marx-Friedrich Engels
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Werke, vol. III, ed. Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus beim ZK der KPdSU (Berlin: Dietz
Verlag, 1959), pp. 37–38; English: The German Ideology: Critique of Modern German Philoso-
phy According to its Representatives Feuerbach, B. Bauer, and Stirner and of German Socialism
According to its Various Prophets, trans. and ed. Clemens Dutt, W. Lough, and C. P. McGill, in
Collected Works, vol. V, ed. Maurice Cornforth, et al. (New York: International Publishers,
1976), pp. 36–37.
10. I. Kant, KrV A11–12/B24–26; English: CPR, p. 133.
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somehow gain from outside ourselves. Instead the unity of experience is

something we constitute. This constituting activity proceeds from the unity
of the conscious self. This leads us to say, therefore, that the unity of self-
consciousness interprets the unity of experience. The unity of self-con-
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sciousness is a certain concept of a person as the subject of knowledge,
whereas the unity of experience may be either mental or a natural some-
thing. Clearly, however, the unity of nature is something that is not merely
mental. So to say that the unity of experience interprets the unity of nature
is to say, in one sense, that the unity of the mind interprets the unity of
what is opposite of mind. At the same time, we fail to understand the unity
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of the mind if we do not understand it in a way that turns out to be the
original unity from which the unity of nature derives. This means, in ef-
fect, that a theory that uncovers the conditions under which a priori judg-
ments about experience are possible must explain, simultaneously, that
there can be no unity of self-consciousness without the corresponding idea
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of the unity of nature that has its origin in the unity of the subject of expe-
rience. In this sense, Kantian philosophy is a transcendental theory, exhib-
iting the indissoluble mutual correlation between the unity of self-con-
sciousness and the unity of the world.
If we disregard all methodological differences, we can see that it is pre-
cisely in this sense that Fichte’s Science of Knowledge is a transcendental
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theory. The unity of the mind interprets the unity of the world. We cannot
interpret the unity of the mind unless we interpret the unity of the mind in
its relation to the unity of experience. To restrict theoretical reflection
merely to mental activity without exploration of its corollary world images
is to speak of something other than mind. For the same reason, theoretical
reflection on the concept of person that does not incorporate the correla-
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tive concept of its world does not issue in a theory about the unity of the
person. As both Kant and Fichte make this correlation basic, they are, in
this sense, transcendental philosophers.
In addition to the correlation of the unity of the mind to the unity of the
world, Kant has another transcendental relationship in his philosophy: the
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concept of the moral mind implies the moral image of the world. These
two self-definitions of the mind exhaust the instances of transcendental re-
lationships in Kant’s philosophy. By contrast, Fichte thought there were
numerous self-definitions of the mind. Not only are there definitions of
the mind as knower and as moral agent, which we have always construed as
the highest capabilities of humankind, but also Fichte discovers the same
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relationship between the subject and a world, yet with a specific constitu-
tion that embraces all epistemic states. Hence, he is able to include those
states that we have traditionally considered as only factual, natural, and
emotive (as opposed to cognitive). The mind, whether in states of despera-
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tion, of desire, or of love, is always linked to images of the world. Here is an
example: the mind that is truly engaged in longing does not only long
for something specific, knowing what it would mean to be satisfied. The
mind’s expectation of a particular satisfaction of its longing does not have
the same degree of reality as longing itself. It is for this reason that there are
human beings who remain in a constant state of longing. As they approach
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fulfillment, their longing shifts to another objective. We would find such
longing incomprehensible unless we understood it in the light of an image
of the world that exhibits a distinctive kind of dualism: there is an infinity,
which is not directly accessible, beyond all imaginable finite states with
which one’s longing, nevertheless, is in accordance, insofar as this longing
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exceeds all finite satisfactions. We can discover many similar examples in
Fichte’s Science of Knowledge.
By generalizing the corollaries of mind with worlds, Fichte found it nec-
essary to change the methods for analyzing them. By contrast, when Kant
introduces the basic transcendental corollaries between mind and world, it
is not clear whether he only announces them or whether he attempts some
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sort of explanation of them. Kant interpreters today continue to wrestle
with this problem, and even those who defend the view that Kant explains
transcendental relations have difficulty defining what kind of explanation
they are defending. Fichte is much clearer at this point, inasmuch as he be-
lieves that the many corollaries between self- and world-images represent
stages of the development of a single basic structure. In his view, we can
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not only describe but also reconstruct all these corollaries. Therefore, we
can in a certain way deduce these corollaries if we employ a conceptual
framework derived from the most basic concept of the mind. This is the
concept of the mind as an activity opposed to something that is nothing
other than the counterimage of its own activity.11 Of course, we must first
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11. J. G. Fichte, GgW, p. 389; English: SK, p. 223. Here Fichte writes: “Now according to
our assumption, the self was to posit a not-self absolutely and without a ground of any kind,
that is, it was to restrict itself, in part not posit itself, absolutely, and without any ground.
Hence it would have to have the ground for its non-self-positing within itself; it would have
to contain the principle of self-positing, and also that of non-self-positing. And thus the self
would be essentially opposed to, and in conflict with, itself.”
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determine the most elementary form of this correlation and then develop
it into a conceptual framework. But if we succeed in developing that, we
can reconstruct in its terms all the other images of the world. This is the
thinking behind Fichte’s claim that the Science of Knowledge is a pragmatic
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history of the human mind.12 For by “pragmatic” Fichte meant a history
that traces all the steps the mind itself makes. These steps, in turn, are types
of correlation between mental activity and its counterimage. For this rea-
son, we may say that Fichte’s transcendental theory is oriented toward a
basic opposition from which it deduces and interprets all other oppo-
sitions. In clarifying the method for articulating basic transcendental rela-
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tions, Fichte differentiated himself from Kant by (1) generalizing the
model of self-world corollaries, and (2) reconstructing and deducing these
relations by means of a new method, the first method that can be de-
scribed as ‘dialectical.’
To see Fichte’s theoretical program in this way is to see it as a transcen-
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dental theory without metaphysical implications. But to see it only this way
would be to omit the fact that metaphysics soon entered to help address
knotty theoretical problems. It became obvious to Fichte that he could not
carry through reconstructing the pragmatic history of the mind only in
terms of its most basic structure. He required some idea independent of
the mind in order to account for the conditions under which the unity of
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basic mental activity might be possible. All this is to say that the condition
Fichte sought was not an effect of the mind’s activity. Instead, this condi-
tion had to precede all such possible effects and the subsequent develop-
ment of mental activity. This insight—that we cannot understand the basic
activity of the mind unless we interpret it in terms that are not mental—
led Fichte to formulate numerous later versions of the Science of Knowl-
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edge, even though he did not publish them. Fichte did not so much think
that these later versions replaced the transcendental character of his theory
as that they justified his transcendental system and his dialectical method
and development.
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12. J. G. Fichte, Über den Begriff der Wissenschaftslehre, oder der sogenannten Philosophie
[1794], ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. I,2 (1965), p. 147; English: “Preface,”
in Concerning the Concept of the Wissenschaftslehre or, of So-called “Philosophy,” in EPW,
p. 131. Here in section 7 of Über den Begriff der Wissenschaftslehre, Fichte states for the first
time that “we are not the legislators of the human mind, but rather its historians. We are not,
of course, journalists, but rather writers of pragmatic history.” See also J. G. Fichte, GgW,
p. 365; English: SK, pp. 198–199.
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However much Fichte may have considered his thinking to have re-
mained oriented toward transcendental theory, neither his step toward
speculative metaphysics nor his dialectical constitution of the pragmatic
history of the mind were permissible in Kant’s eyes. To help us see why this
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was so, we need to take up the systematic form of Kant’s transcendental
theory. From within this perspective, we can attempt in turn to appraise
how, in direct relationship to Kant’s philosophy—but not only in the rela-
tionship to it—Fichte’s kind of transcendental thinking developed.
I propose the following account of the systematic structure of Kant’s
philosophy. I shall begin with some remarks about Kant’s main task and
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philosophical orientation. Here my principal point is that Kant attempted
to solve the riddle of metaphysics, and, in light of this solution, to justify
science. This seemed to him to be the only way of possible justification of
science against the impact of Humean skepticism. I shall turn, second, to
the means by which he sought to solve the problem of metaphysics, and
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the consequences these means have as far as the systematic form of his the-
ory is concerned. I shall try to show that inevitably this theory will
be structured in a way that I call “multidimensional,” which excludes the
possibility of a dialectical constitution. Then, third, I shall take up the rela-
tionship between the basic concepts of Kant’s theory and the systematic
framework Kant elaborated in terms of these basic concepts. This is the
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framework he used to solve the problems of metaphysics and then to jus-
tify and explain science. This transcendental framework gives rise to a the-
sis that I shall name “the homelessness of the mind,” which pertains at least
to the basic structure of the mind in Kant’s transcendental theory. I shall
show, fourth, that this theoretical situation in Kant’s system serves as the
precondition for a redefinition in terms of its practical destination.
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Turning briefly to Kant’s philosophical biography may help us grasp the
significance of this redefinition. A basic change or break occurred when he
encountered Rousseau. Kant acknowledged that this event obliged him to
redefine not only the aim of philosophy, but also his location in the world
of learning. After reading Rousseau, Kant believed it was possible to define
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the systematic structure of his entire critical philosophy in terms of a cer-
tain (Rousseauian) concept of freedom. I later say something more on
what “freedom” is in Kant’s analysis, and present the achievements and lia-
bilities of Kant’s treatment of freedom, inasmuch as it was the starting
point of the development of idealism. As a system, idealism ultimately ar-
rives at the same basic concept of freedom as does Kant, but idealism is the
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outgrowth of the systematic form of freedom in Kant’s system, and so dif-

fers from the way in which he presented it.
Again, the purpose for developing this systematic sketch of Kant’s the-
ory is to assist us in understanding the necessary connection between his
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philosophy and those that followed. We have lacked, until recently, an ade-
quate accounting of the difference between Kant and post-Kantian think-
ing. There are of course Kantians, just as there were in Kant’s time, who say
that the entire movement that issued in modern Continental philosophy
went astray from Kant’s original intentions and from a truly critical scien-
tific philosophy.13 From as early as 1845, the cry “Back to Kant” was a
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motto for many, and it even became the title of a book.14 By contrast, oth-
ers have reconstructed the entire development from Kant and Hegel to
modern Continental ideas in almost the same way as Hegel did.15 I have in
mind here what might be called the “staircase formula,” in which one ad-
vances step by step until arriving finally at the plateau from which one has
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unimpeded sight. In my opinion, both accounts are false. Explaining why
there are such contradictory accounts and interpreting how they could
be contemporaneous with Kant’s mature philosophy entails many knotty
problems. In what follows, I shall attempt to unravel at least a few of them.
Kant was an involuntary revolutionary. He had no intention of starting
a new science, nor did he wish to negate all that had gone before him. Un-
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like Auguste Comte, he was not forward looking. Rather, he shared greater
affinities with Aristotle, insofar as he took seriously the tradition of meta-
physical thinking and was interested primarily in solving hitherto unsolved
metaphysical problems. Kant, as did Aristotle, regarded metaphysics as the
13. See, for example, Julius Ebbinghaus (1885–1981), Gesammelte Schriften, ed. Hariolf
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Oberer and Georg Geismann, 4 vols. (Bonn: Bouvier, 1986–). Ebbinghaus was a second-gen-
eration Marburg neo-Kantian.
14. After his exposition of Kant’s principal teachings and errors, Liebmann concluded
each of his subsequent chapters on the development of post-Kantian thinking with the man-
date: “Also muss auf Kant zurückgegangen werden.” Otto Liebmann, Kant und die Epigonen.
Eine kritische Abhandlung [1865], in Neudrucke seltener philosophischer Werke, vol. II, ed.
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Kantgesellschaft (Berlin: Reuther and Reichard, 1912). See also Thomas E. Willey, Back to
Kant: The Revival of Kantianism in German Social and Historical Thought, 1860–1914 (De-
troit: Wayne State University Press, 1978), p. 80.
15. Richard Kroner, Von Kant bis Hegel (Tübingen: Mohr, 1961). See also id., Kants Welt-
anschauung (Tübingen: Mohr, 1914); English: Kant’s Weltanschauung, trans. John E. Smith
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). The theme appears as well in Kroner’s Specula-
tion and Revelation in Modern Philosophy (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1961).
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highest, noblest science. Its problems, however, differ markedly from the
post-Newtonian sciences of mathematics and physics. Kant dubbed meta-
physics “an ocean without banks and ground.”16 Its problems seemed to re-
sist lasting solutions, and the path its thinking follows lacked the security
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of those that other sciences pursued. There are many different ways of get-
ting lost in metaphysics. Among these are the problem of the extension of
the universe; the problem of the simple, indivisible elements in space; the
existence of something that is necessary; the problem of the existence of
God; and the problem of the existence of soul. These problems constitute
the center of metaphysics and are as old as philosophy. None had ever been
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decisively solved, nor had there been progress toward solving even one of
them. Something was obviously going wrong, then, if a purportedly ratio-
nal science was unable to develop significant headway. Kant’s earliest con-
viction was that one has to explain why these problems had remained in-
soluble. This meant conceiving a new way of accounting for metaphysical
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thinking and its function in the operations that lead to knowledge. Dis-
covering the peculiarities of problem-solving in philosophy, and particu-
larly in metaphysics, was the first element in Kant’s philosophical program.
What made him revolutionary was precisely the discovery of these pecu-
liarities.
There was a widespread sentiment to dispense with metaphysical ques-
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tions. The insolubility of these questions was not only boring, but also un-
settling. The temptation was simply to eliminate them without developing
a far-reaching interpretation of their insolubility. The effects of Hume’s
challenge to metaphysics were felt even in Germany: metaphysical prob-
lems are pseudoproblems with which an inquiry into the simple sensory
origin of our complex ideas can dispense.
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The empiricist point-of-view strongly influenced and impressed Kant,
although he never fully embraced it. His reluctance was due to his convic-
tion that the solution to the problem of metaphysics lay at a deeper level
than empiricists believed. In spite of its illusory elements, metaphysical
discourse has roots in the nature of reason. To understand the way in
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which human reason functions requires more than a critical eye toward
metaphysics. For this reason, Kant developed early on the maxim that one
must not only eradicate the errors and hopelessness of the metaphysical
tradition, but also understand the origin and nearly irresistible (rational)
16. I. Kant, KrV A236/B295; English: CPR, p. 339.
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attraction of metaphysical thinking. For Kant thought that it was virtually

impossible for people to believe that metaphysics is nothing more than
daydreaming.
To overcome the insufficiencies of metaphysics, one must solve con-
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cretely the riddle of the rational origin of all its problems. The criteria for
the success of philosophical theory, according to Kant, is that it must be
able (1) to understand the origin of any metaphysical problem in order to
develop metaphysics in its most convincing form, and (2) to criticize it,
thereafter, on the basis of this analysis so as to understand the role of the
ideas from which metaphysics starts in a new way. It is not coincidental
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that, as a book, the Critique of Pure Reason is four-fifths a theory of meta-
physics. Far from being a redescription of the metaphysics with which
Kant was acquainted, the first Critique is a new, original structuring of
metaphysical science in general, with new constructions and new develop-
ments. In it, Kant argued that because essential and inescapable antino-
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mies emerge from metaphysical discourse that make it appear hopeless,
we have failed not only to solve metaphysical problems, but also to de-
velop metaphysical arguments in their original and best form. Having long
known of the antinomic character of metaphysics, philosophers had tried
to develop possible alternatives to it. But insofar as they remained an-
chored in traditional metaphysics, these philosophers were unable to con-
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struct a complete, pure, consistent, and coherent set of metaphysical
proofs. In effect, this meant that the tradition had developed no good (ac-
cording to Kant’s criterion) metaphysics. To develop the definitive criti-
cism of metaphysics required, first, developing metaphysics in its best form
and, second, criticizing metaphysics in its ideal form as necessarily incapa-
ble of arriving at conclusive proofs.
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This was precisely what Kant tried to do: to solve the riddle of meta-
physics by delineating its rational origin and pure form, and, in so doing,
to overcome its attraction as the ultimate or the highest science. The domi-
nance of this problem in Kant’s thinking defined his (‘backward’) orienta-
tion to philosophy. To see this is to see why he paid so little attention to the
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foundations of the theory in whose terms he reconstructs metaphysics and
justifies science. After all, these were for him just a means to solve the rid-
dle of metaphysics.
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The Systematic Structure of Kant’s Philosophy Sensation, Cognition, and the “Riddle of Metaphysics”
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Sensation, Cognition, and the
“Riddle of Metaphysics”
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In the preceding lecture, before starting my interpretation of the system-
atic structure of Kantian thought, I observed that the idealists’ program
promised to bridge the gulf between philosophical theory and the internal
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experience of human life. In their view, philosophy originates in such inner
experience and aims toward its interpretation. I tried to make this observa-
tion without reference to the idealists’ metaphysical ideas and arguments.
So I presented this idealist type of philosophizing as a philosophy of mind
that is conceived as ultimate and, therefore, as a truly universal domain of
philosophical analysis. So constituted, this program (I have Fichte in mind
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as I describe it) has to become a transcendental theory. It has to make the
claim that there are different basic structures of the mind that are essen-
tially linked with images of the world.
Idealist philosophy hinges on the concept of the nature of personality,
which is the self-definition of the person that dominates the experience she
has of what is different from herself. It simultaneously dominates her expe-
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rience in such a way that the structure of experience itself depends on her
self-interpretation. So conceived, such self-definition does not simply des-
ignate a discrete “person.” It refers instead to “personality,” which is both
developed and highly integrated. By virtue of its capacity to incorporate
into its self-definition the interpretation of its stages of development to-
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ward some final end, such a conception of personality also incorporates an
ultimate image of the world that reflects all the stages of its development.
We can compare Plato and Fichte insofar as they share fundamental
affinities in their approach to personality. The ultimate philosophical in-
sight is also the insight into the way of the self, and one can have this in-
sight into the way only if one has reached the final step. Both Plato’s and
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29
Fichte’s philosophies are implicitly oriented toward fulfillment of the re-

quirements of the life of a person, or what is the same, the achievement of
a highly integrated personality. Philosophy should be the conceptual artic-
ulation of a possible ultimate life form—consistent, differentiated, and
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self-illuminating—so far as the conditions of its development are con-
cerned. Therefore, philosophy can be a means to an explicit self-under-
standing of this form of life: it can be a justification of it, if it provides argu-
ments; it can also be a correction of a current, yet insufficient, idea of the
ultimate state of life; and it can be a criticism of preliminary steps that are
understood to be final, and so on.
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For that reason, philosophy came to be understood in the late eigh-
teenth century as part of the process of the education of humankind.
There is a sense in which the response of a person who is an integrated
personality might be called “rational” or at least reasonable (one has to try
to find out what meaning of “rational” is relevant here). However, it is a to-
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tally different question whether a systematic interpretation of the life of
the mind is able simultaneously to incorporate scientific insights, that is,
whether it is possible to connect the interpretation of mind completely
with, or to reduce it to, those domains of discourse for which a formalized
theory already exists. Plato, at the beginning of the development of science,
with only Euclidean geometry available to him as science in the proper
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sense, is an everlasting model of a philosopher who had adequate insight
into this problem of the difference between what philosophy has to offer
and what is scientifically accessible at the time. He found his own way to a
connection between what is theoretically justifiable, in a strict sense, and
what matters most in philosophy. The myths he employed in his dialogues
are one of the devices he used for establishing this connection.
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Unfortunately, the idealists (Fichte and Hegel) were not equally critical
in their attitude toward what they tried to accomplish. They simply identi-
fied the standards of science with a philosophical theory that is oriented
toward the self-interpretation of mind, the desired effect of which would
have been to subsume science into the life of the mind. But their reach ex-
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ceeded their grasp. Although Fichte rewrote the Science of Knowledge more
than twenty times, he did not dare to publish any later editions of the
work. He was obligated to produce it in the first place because he received
an invitation to assume the most famous academic position in the philo-
sophical world at that time. This invitation from Jena carried with it, as a
condition of employment, the requirement that he publish a book on
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Sensation, Cognition, and the “Riddle of Metaphysics” 31
metaphysics within a year. Although Fichte honored this requirement, he

was so dissatisfied with his book that he never published another version
of it. (Even so, he announced successive editions on numerous occasions in
the printed catalogues of forthcoming books. In Fichte’s day, publishers
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sold books at fairs twice a year; they distributed lists of forthcoming books
every six months. The Science of Knowledge appeared on this list various
times, but it never came out.) Fichte said that he simply had not arrived at
a stage where he thought the book was mature enough. Similarly, Hegel
conceded in the second edition of his Science of Logic that he should write
this book not seven times, but rather seventy-seven times before it would
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be a mature work. (He published two of these seventy-seven.)1
Although the idealists were aware of the difficulty of bringing together
the scientific standards of the time and the ultimate aim of philosophy,
they had no doubts that a deductive system of all elements of rational life
of a personality would be available, as it was already available in principle.
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Their method for bringing together the standards of scientific discourse
and the aims of philosophy is ‘dialectical.’ Plato was much more cautious
and probably more sensitive with respect to this problem. Nonetheless, the
attraction of the idealists’ efforts remains intact, because they did start
from this promise and then tried to fulfill it.
In light of this observation about the aims of idealistic philosophy, in
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the second lecture I began my interpretation of the systematic structure of
Kant’s critical philosophy. One has to know about the systematic structure
of the Kantian philosophy in order to understand the starting point of the
idealists. They all believed themselves to be true Kantians. To evaluate their
belief, it is essential to know the real nature of Kantian philosophy. Kant,
by the way, is a good example for a comparatively successful Platonic solu-
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tion of that problem of philosophy, namely, the reconciliation between sci-
entific standards and the main aims of what philosophy should accom-
plish. We have seen that Kant’s first dominant philosophical interest was in
solving the riddle of metaphysics.2 That a new method had to be found,
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1. G. W. F. Hegel, “Vorrede zur zweyten Ausgabe,” in Wissenschaft der Logik. Erster Theil:
die objective Logik. Erster Band: die Lehre vom Seyn [1832], ed. Friedrich Hogemann and
Walter Jaeschke, in GW, vol. XXI (1984), p. 20; English: “Preface to the Second Edition,” in
SL, p. 42.
2. Kant writes: “For human reason, without being moved by the mere vanity of knowing
it all, inexorably pushes on, driven by its own need to such questions that cannot be an-
swered by any experiential use of reason and of principles borrowed from such a use; and
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and that the concept of philosophy had to be redefined in terms of this

method, was one of his original insights at the beginning of his career.
Kant did not already have a definition of the method of philosophy. In-
stead, he was searching for it, because he was convinced that this would be
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the only solution to the riddle of metaphysics. Moreover, he knew that the
solution to this riddle, for which the most gifted people had searched for a
thousand years, could not be found on the surface, and he always used this
argument against the empiricists.
It is also interesting that Kant’s philosophical motivation was not identi-
cal with what he took to be the original motivation for doing philosophy.
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For him, before there can be an insight that there is some illusion in this
metaphysics, there has first to be an original metaphysics. Only then can
one start on the program of critical philosophy. In this sense, Kant is, so to
speak, the inventor of the philosophical history of philosophy. Because, in
his view, one cannot get to the truth all at once at the beginning, there are
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necessary stages of the development of philosophy. On this basis, he devel-
oped a set of criteria for success in philosophy. First, a philosophy is suc-
cessful if it sees through the illusion that keeps metaphysics in a state where
no progress is possible. Second, a philosophy is successful if it is able to de-
velop a pure, complete system of all metaphysical statements and proofs.
This was not possible before Kant invented the critical approach, as I said
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before, because the antinomies of reason confused the metaphysicians.
Only the one who can look through the illusion of metaphysics can de-
velop the most coherent, consistent system of metaphysics, because the
consistent system of metaphysics is also contradictory—that is the Kantian
claim. And, third, philosophy should be able to offer a complete system of
all ontological concepts that are used in metaphysics. It should be able to
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compete with Christian Wolff ’s ontology where all the basic concepts are
also developed (but in such a way that metaphysics is not excluded, that
the illusion cannot be clarified, and so on).
So understood, philosophy has to uncover the systematic structure of
reason itself—to locate, define, and, if possible, deduce all basic concepts—
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and, by doing this, it will be able to see through the illusion of metaphysics.
For instance, if one understands that causality is only a principle that en-
thus a certain sort of metaphysics has actually been present in all human beings as soon as
reason has extended itself to speculation in them, and it will also always remain there. And
now about this too the question is: How is metaphysics as a natural predisposition possible?”
I. Kant, KrV B21–22; English: CPR, p. 147.
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ables us to combine what is given in sensation into temporal sequences,

one can no longer look for a cosmological proof of the existence of God,
because “God” is beyond the principle of causality in its proper function as
a combination of what is given in sensation. By definition, there is nothing
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given in sensation that is beyond experience, and the concept of God is be-
yond experience, and so forth.
The justification of science, which many conceive as the main interest of
Kant’s philosophy, is only a part of this undertaking of seeing through the
illusion of metaphysics. Science is possible, obviously; metaphysics is im-
possible, also obviously. Yet metaphysics has a rational origin. But this
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acknowledgment leads to a suspicion of science. Although science is obvi-
ously possible in some sense, the possibility of science and the impossibil-
ity of metaphysics are just two sides of the same coin. So one must arrive at
a formula that solves the riddle not only of the existence of metaphysics,
but also of its existence without a scientific perspective. Only in this way
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does it become possible to justify science and see through the riddle of
metaphysics. (One has to justify science—otherwise, the riddle would con-
tinue to be there.) This was the main interest that governed the entire
philosophical career of Kant. He was a metaphysician, although in a nega-
tive sense: he was a critic of metaphysics, and that is what the Critique of
Pure Reason is largely about.
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From this interest in the riddle of metaphysics, we can understand
Kant’s lack of interest in the foundation of his system. He wanted to meet
the demands of the criteria of success in philosophy. He always looked on
what he was doing in the Critique of Pure Reason and in his epistemology
from that point of view: the foundations of empirical knowledge are sim-
ply there in science, and yet metaphysics also exists. If a philosophical the-
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ory is applicable to both of them, that is its best confirmation. The positive
application is the proof that science is possible. The negative application is
that we can see through the illusion of metaphysics. It is important to real-
ize that Kant arrived at the solution to his problem very late in life. He was
already in his fifties when he was finally able to write the Critique of Pure
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Reason, but this program I am talking about was developed thirty years ear-
lier. He did not want to stay in this programmatic domain of discourse any
longer than necessary. He felt that analyses in this domain are less secure
than the results one can draw from them in their application to science and
metaphysics; and he always conceded that he had not gained clarity with
regard to his own foundations—the “transcendental deduction” in his the-
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ory. Frequently, in letters to his students Fichte and Reinhold, Kant wrote:
“Stay away from further investigations into the origins of knowledge be-
yond the scope of the condition of its possible application to science or to
metaphysics.” These investigations are, as he put it, apices (plural of apex).
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He is referring to needle points that are unstable and incapable of support-
ing anything else. We can say any number of things about which we can
never be sure, unless we ask what the application is. “Please help me”—
those were his words—“first in applying the critique, and second in propa-
gating the system among the philosophical public.” This was the task and
important function of the critical writings.3
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The very fact, however, that Kant did uncover the principles on which he
founded his system (although not yet established in a clear and totally con-
vincing way) only forced his gifted students into further investigations into
3. I. Kant, “An Carl Leonhard Reinhold,” Königsberg, 19 May 1789, in Bw, vol. II, pp. 40–
48; English: Cor, pp. 303–310. “I would fight him [Johann August Eberhard] myself, but for
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the time it would take, which I must rather use to complete my project; for already I feel the
infirmities of age and must therefore leave the struggle to my friends, if they deem it worth
the effort to defend my cause . . .” (Bw, vol. II, p. 47; English: Cor, pp. 309–310). See also id.,
“An Johann Gottlieb Fichte,” December 1797, in Bw, vol. III, pp. 221–222; English: Cor,
pp. 534–535. “I regard such writing as a way of stimulating the little bit of vitality I still pos-
sess, though it is slow going and effortful for me and I find myself occupied almost exclu-
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sively with practical philosophy, gladly leaving the subtlety of theoretical speculation (espe-
cially when it concerns its new frontiers [äusserst zugespitzten Apices, literally, “the tip of the
apexes”] to others to cultivate . . .” (Cor, p. 535). Both Reinhold and Fichte interpreted Kant’s
letters as support for their own undertakings. Fichte wrote to Kant, for example, “It gives me
the greatest pleasure to know that my style meets with your approval” (I. Kant, “Von Johann
Gottlieb Fichte,” Jena, 1 January 1798, in Bw, vol. III, p. 230; English: Cor, p. 541). Only later
would it become evident that despite the politeness of his expression in these letters, Kant
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remained adamantly opposed to the directions pursued by Reinhold and Fichte. As Kant
wrote in an open letter in 1799, “But I am so opposed to metaphysics, as defined according
to the Fichtean principles, that I have advised him, in a letter, to turn his fine literary gifts to
the problem of applying the Critique of Pure Reason rather than squander them in cultivat-
ing fruitless sophistries [Spitzfindigkeiten (apices)]. He, however, has replied politely by ex-
plaining that ‘he would not make light of scholasticism after all.’ Thus the question whether I
take the spirit of Fichtean philosophy to be a genuinely critical philosophy is already an-
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swered by Fichte himself, and it is unnecessary for me to express my opinion of its value or
lack of value. For the issue here does not concern an object that is being appraised but con-
cerns rather the appraising subject, and so it is enough that I renounce any connection with
that philosophy.” I. Kant, “Erklärung in Beziehung auf Fichtes Wissenschaftslehre,” 7 August
1799, in Bw, vol. III, pp. 370–371; English: Cor, pp. 559–560.
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these apices. Idealism is also a “tip of the needle” science.4 In their eyes,
Kant was like the Spanish conquistadors who discovered America: he be-
lieved that this “new land”—his theory of mental activity—would provide
new means of survival and stability for the ‘old world’ of science and meta-
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physics. But the discovery of this new “continent” actually changed the ‘old
world’ completely, and his students did not follow Kant’s admonition to
carry the new ‘treasures’ away and apply them to science and the criticism
of metaphysics. They felt it necessary to explore and colonize the new land,
a project that had already started, as a matter of fact. He was a kind of Co-
lumbus in their eyes, who neither knew nor wanted to know the point at
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which he had arrived.
Let us now turn to the devices Kant used in solving the problem of the
rational origin of metaphysics. These are, of course, the basic concepts of
Kant’s epistemology—the distinction between sensation and cognition (or
between sensibility and understanding, faculties that correspond to what
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sensation and cognition are). This distinction is, as Kant once wrote, the
great light that solved the problem of metaphysics for him. It is a peculiar
distinction. First, neither cognition nor sensation is reducible to the other:
cognition is not a combination of sensations, as Locke perhaps thought;
sensation is not cognition, as Leibniz perhaps thought. Second, although
distinct, sensation and cognition are nevertheless essentially correlated.
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There is no sensation that is only a combination but not about something.
And there is no cognition of something, of an object, that does not contain
elements of sensation.5 All possible cognition or knowledge includes both
cognition and sensation. Third, and most important, cognition and sensa-
tion are not related simply as the formal (the a priori) and the material ele-
ments in knowledge. Both contribute to knowledge in basically the same
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way, providing principles of all possible insight that are independent of ex-
perience. A priori elements are not only in reasoning, but also in sensation,
where they contribute to the constitution of knowledge in the same way as
do the rational elements of discourse. This is the basis of Kant’s theory.
Space and time are principles of sensation that constitute, as do rational
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4. I. Kant, “An Johann Gottlieb Fichte,” December 1797, in Bw, vol. III, pp. 221–222; Eng-
lish: Cor, pp. 534–535.
5. Kant writes: “Without sensibility no object would be given to us, and without under-
standing none would be thought. Thoughts without content are empty, intuitions without
concepts are blind.” I. Kant, KrV A51/B75; English: CPR, pp. 193–194.
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concepts, the possibility of any knowledge about objects. The principles

both of sensation and of cognition, however, are related to experience, ow-
ing to the mutual dependence of cognition and sensation. There is no
knowledge of objects that does not depend on human sensibility. The pure
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elements of sensibility are sensational as well as a priori. They are a priori
forms of our sensation itself. They are the way in which sensible items can
be present to the mind. From that, the critical conclusion of the first Cri-
tique can already be drawn: there is an a priori knowledge of objects, that
they are truly there, which was the claim of the metaphysician over against
the empiricist; but this knowledge is nothing but the knowledge of the nec-
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essary conditions of possible experiences, and that all knowledge is thus
linked to the possibility of experience was the claim of the empiricist over
against the metaphysician. Therefore, both of them are right in some way,
but neither of them is completely correct because neither knows the true
relationship between sensation and cognition and, so, the origin of all pos-
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sible knowledge.
This definition of what makes knowledge possible—that there are two a
priori elements, and that therefore there is an a priori knowledge of ob-
jects—does not mean that there is a priori knowledge of something that
does not belong to the dimension of experience. The theory fulfills the task
of a philosophy that calls itself “critical” insofar as it investigates the ori-
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gins of knowledge in order to determine its scope and limits. The scope:
there is knowledge that is not empirical, although it is connected with the
concept of experience. The limits: no knowledge is possible beyond the
conditions of the possibility of experience. This explains both the possibil-
ity and the illusion of metaphysics.
Kant achieved his results through certain types of arguments, which can
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be summarized roughly in the following way. (1) If we do not accept Kant’s
theory, then space and time remain inaccessible to rational interpretation.
For example, unless we discover the a priori character of sensation, we can-
not escape from the Aristotelian paradoxes of space6 or from the Henry
More/Isaac Newton, Clarke-versus-Leibniz controversy over the nature of
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space.7 (2) Another way in which Kant argues concerns the fruitfulness of
6. Aristotle, Physics III 7–IV5, 208a–213a, in The Complete Works of Aristotle, rev. Ox-
ford translation, vol. I, ed. Jonathan Barnes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984),
pp. 354–362.
7. In 1706 Samuel Clarke (1675–1729) translated Isaac Newton’s Opticks [1704]; in 1717
he published The Leibniz-Clarke Correspondence, in which he defended Newtonianism (with
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his results. If we start from Kant’s conceptual framework, we can deter-

mine all basic concepts that are functioning in one way or the other in our
knowledge. In the Critique of Pure Reason, Kant refers to the “two trunk
nature” of our knowledge, invoking the Cartesian image of the tree of
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knowledge that has roots and a trunk and branches. Kant’s point is that we
do not have any access to the roots, but that the tree has two trunks, sensa-
tion and cognition. But in his Introduction to the Critique of Pure Reason,
Kant does say that there is possibly a common root of the two trunks, so
that it is really one tree.8 There is, however, no further account of what he
might mean by this. Kant’s silence notwithstanding, this little phrase—that
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there might possibly be one root—was a cue for his followers, Fichte and
Hegel, as well as for other minor thinkers. More than a century later,
Heidegger exclaimed in effect, ‘Aha, look there, there is a way to get to the
single origin of this double nature of cognition, which is inescapable and
necessary.’ Heidegger even went so far as to organize his book about Kant
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around this little phrase.9 By contrast, Kant wanted to say only that al-
though there might be such a root, it remains inaccessible. In order to un-
derstand knowledge, we have to start from the surface, and one who digs to
Newton’s consent) against Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz’s criticisms. See Samuel Clarke, The
Leibniz-Clarke Correspondence [1717], ed. H. Alexander (Manchester: Manchester Univer-
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sity Press, 1956). See also J. E. Power, “Henry More and Isaac Newton on Absolute Space,”
Journal of the History of Ideas, 31 (1970): 289–96.
8. I. Kant, KrV A15/B29; English: CPR, pp. 151–152. “All that seems necessary for an in-
troduction or preliminary is that there are two stems of human cognition, which may per-
haps arise from a common but to us unknown root, namely sensibility and understanding,
through the first of which objects are given to us, but through the second of which they are
thought.”
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9. Heidegger actually cites Kant twice, referring first to Kant’s introduction [KrV A15/
B29], and then to his conclusion [KrV A835/B863]. Heidegger writes: “Here the ‘sources’ are
understood as ‘stems’ which spring forth from a common root. But whereas in the first pas-
sage the ‘common root’ was qualified with a ‘perhaps,’ in the second the ‘common root’ is re-
puted to exist. Nonetheless, in both passages this root is only alluded to. Kant not only fails
to pursue it further, but even declares that it is ‘unknown to us.’ From this, something essen-
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tial arises for the general character of the Kantian laying of the ground for metaphysics: it
leads not to the crystal clear, absolute evidence of a first maxim and principle, but rather
goes into and points consciously toward the unknown. It is a philosophical laying of the
ground for Philosophy.” Martin Heidegger (1889–1976), Kant und das Problem der Meta-
physik [1929], in Gesamtausgabe, vol. III, ed. Friedrich-Wilhelm von Herrmann (Frankfurt
am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1991), p. 37; English: Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics,
trans. Richard Taft (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), pp. 25–26.
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the roots could well make the tree of knowledge fall; the “root” is beyond
the limits of possible experience and reflective knowledge.
Now, this distinction between the faculties of sensibility and under-
standing establishes in Kant’s system a dualism that, from his point of
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view, remains indissoluble and irreducible. For this reason, there can be no
linear theory, no one-dimensional system that starts from just one concept
and shows that all the other mental activities can be defined in its terms.
The idea of linear theory, in its fullest sense, belongs to Fichte and Hegel.
Both Locke and Leibniz had also, in some sense, defended linear theories,
starting with one principle and interpreting all others in terms of it. Kant’s
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system is opposed both to its predecessors as well as to its successors, pre-
cisely because it starts with a dualism. Kant’s system does not, however, re-
main dualistic; rather it becomes multidimensional in that Kant intro-
duced further principles that cannot be reduced to one of the two elements
of knowledge, either to sensation or to cognition.
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Even so, it is apparent that there was reason to believe that Kant himself
was in possession of an insight into ‘the hidden common root.’ There is ac-
tually a way of reasoning in the first Critique that shows, or at least could
show, that the two-trunk nature of our knowledge is not only a fact, but in
a sense, a necessity. Of course, showing that this is a necessity does not
equal showing that there is a common root for the two of them. To pursue
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this way of arguing, however, would be to start from what Kant calls
“the highest point of transcendental philosophy.”10 For this “highest point”
sounds like a principle of a one-dimensional theory. This “highest point”
is, of course, Kant’s concept of self-consciousness.
In his analysis of self-consciousness, Kant starts from the Cartesian basis
of all possible insight: it must be possible to know that any knowledge or
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experience I have is mine. This “mine,” this being-mine, or idea of the self
of which we can become aware (always necessarily, if we are aware of the
thought or some cognitive state or act)—indeed, this concept of the very
identity of a subject—is not one philosophical problem among others. It is
the basic concept of the Philosophia Prima, the First Philosophy. That does
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not mean it is the first problem of philosophy, for Kant is of the opinion
that such a first concept is all we have as a starting point, and is, therefore,
not a problem to be solved. For that reason, his approach to the self is en-
10. I. Kant, KrV B132,n.; English: CPR, p. 247.
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tirely different from that of Hume, who confessed at the end of his Treatise
that he was not able to solve the problem of the identity of the person in
terms of his own theory.11 Kant’s approach also differs entirely from that of
Leibniz, who explained the identity of the self in terms of the persistence of
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substance.12 For Kant, the problem of the identity of the self is solved, or
rather dissolved, as soon as one sees that the concept of the identity of the
cognizing subject is absolutely basic. The unity of knowledge itself, its sys-
tematic character, is an implication of the concept of the knower who is
identical with himself. To explicate the details of this programmatic insight
into the identity of the cognizing subject, Kant proposes the following ar-
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guments.
As soon as one views the self from the perspective of the necessary self-
awareness a subject has in connection with any of its thoughts, three char-
acteristics come into view. In terms of them we can both interpret the basic
features of knowledge and derive the dualism between cognition and sen-
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11. David Hume (1711–1776), A Treatise of Human Nature [1739–1740], ed. David Fate
Norton and Mary J. Norton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 398–399. “I had
entertain’d some hopes, that however deficient our theory of the intellectual world might be,
it wou’d be free from those contradictions, and absurdities, which seem to attend every ex-
plication, that human reason can give of the material world. But upon a more strict review
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of the section concerning personal identity, I find myself involv’d in such a labyrinth, that, I
must confess, I neither know how to correct my former opinions, nor how to render them
consistent. If this be not a good general reason for scepticism, ‘tis at least a sufficient one (if I
were not already abundantly supply’d) for me to entertain a diffidence and modesty in all
my decisions. . . . When I turn my reflection on myself, I never can perceive this self without
some one or more perceptions; nor can I ever perceive any thing but the perceptions. ‘Tis the
composition of these, therefore, which forms the self.”
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12. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716), Discours de Métaphysique et Correspondance
avec Arnauld [1686, first printed 1846], ed. Georges Le Roy (Paris: J. Vrin, 1988); English:
Discourse on Metaphysics, trans. Peter G. Lucas and Leslie Grint (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 1953). Leibniz writes: “But here is the true reason of it: we have said that
everything that happens to the soul and to each substance is a consequence of its notion;
hence the idea itself or essence of the soul carries with it all that its appearances or percep-
tions must be born (sponte) from its own nature, and precisely in such a way that they corre-
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spond of themselves to what happens in the whole universe, but more particularly and more
perfectly to what happens in the body which is assigned to it. . . . But the intelligent soul,
knowing what it is and being able to say this I which says so much, remains and subsists not
merely Metaphysically, much more than the others, but it also remains the same morally and
makes the same person” (Discours, pp. 71–73; English: pp. 56–58).
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sation. These three characteristics are the unity, the activity, and (most im-
portant) the emptiness of the self.
First, it seems self-evident that it is not possible to become aware of my-
self as the one who thinks any thought whatsoever, unless we are aware of
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this self as being the same self in all possible states of cognition and in all
possible thoughts. The being-mine of a particular thought does not spe-
cifically define the self who thinks, the thinker. In the same sense, the “I” is
not defined by having a specific set of thoughts; it could remain the same
while having completely different thoughts. It is the same in all thoughts
and is not defined in terms of the thoughts it has, which means that it is
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the unitarian subject of all the thoughts. The self has the character of unity.
Second, regarding the activity of the self, thoughts do not just fall into
consciousness. Having thoughts is a peculiar kind of active relationship.
Any thought, just because it is contingent in its relationship to the self and
the self ’s unity, must be actively incorporated into that unity. The thought
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is not already there; it has to become part of the unity, the identity of the
self over time. That thinking is an activity of the entire self seems to be ob-
vious, according to Kant. We can strengthen this evidence by reflecting on
the particular thought that the subject thinks when thinking “I think.” The
self obviously thinks the thought “I think,” because it is not the case that
the thought “I think” just happens to occur. In order to think “I am think-
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ing,” I have to perform a certain operation that nowadays we call reflection,
and this is the definition of an active relationship between the thinking
subject and the particular thought in which the self thinks of itself as sub-
ject. Now, because the thought “I think” can potentially accompany every
possible thought (that is the other evidence—it is always possible to think
“I am thinking X”), the self has to have all thoughts in such a way that the
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active relationship of having them as mine can be built into their ‘being
had’ in general. The ‘being had’ of a thought must be of such a kind that it
can be built into its being had by me as mine. This feature, in turn, makes it
at least plausible that this is true not only in the case of reflection—when
the subject actively thinks about thinking a thought—but also in all think-
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ing generally. The self fundamentally has the character of activity: it is
an act.
The third characteristic, the inscrutable property of the self, is its empti-
ness. There is no particular thought that is already a thought analytically
whenever I think that I think, except the thought of the thinking subject it-
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self. When I think the thought “I think,” my thought implies nothing ana-
lytically but this “I think.” In other words, the meaning of “I think” does
not imply any thought other than the thought of the “I” as the subject
of possible thoughts. For this reason, accordingly, there is no particular
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thought that is part of the definition of the thinker. Nevertheless, a rela-
tionship to a particular thought that is different from the thought “I” is es-
sential for this reflective thought itself. Although no particular thought is
analytically implied in the thought of the thinker, it is analytically implied
that there is always another thought when I am thinking “I think.” It is al-
ways permissible for us to ask: “What do you think?” It does not make
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sense to allow the question “Do you think or not?” while at the same time
disallowing the question “What are you thinking?” There is always an ‘in-
ternal accusative’ in the “I think,” but its content is not an analytical impli-
cation of the meaning of the “I think.” What I am thinking is something
different from the structure “I think” and is contingent in relation to it.
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There is no determinate thought that is analytically implied in the thought
“I think.”
This conclusion is also implied by the consideration of what it means to
assert that we are always able to know that a given thought is our thought.
The thought “I think” is necessarily the outcome of reflection. We have to
have some particular thought first in order to be able to reflect on our-
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selves as thinking. One can always add to any thought the additional
thought that it is my thought, but there can be no thought of this being-
mine without a particular thought that is not the thought of me as thinker.
This means that the self is empty, in the sense that it has no thought of
mere thought; and it is also empty in the further sense that it is necessarily
related to something, it is not independent. There must be a thought of X
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in order to have the thought “I,” but X is not an implication of “I.” Trans-
lated into Kant’s epistemological language, this amounts to saying that
nothing can be given in the cognizing subject, because if something were
given in the subject, it would be analytically part of the thought “I.” It has
to be given to the subject, and that is entirely different. In some sense, the
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concept of “given in the subject” is contradictory in meaning, but it can
help to clarify the meaning of the concept “given to the subject.” There
must be something given to the subject; there is no subject unless some-
thing is given. This is, of course, a deduction of sensibility, provided that
one can define understanding (Verstand) in terms of the active and unitary
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nature of the self. Because of the emptiness of the self, we can—when we

start from the active character of the “I” that is identified with itself—ar-
rive at the necessity of the being-there of a dimension of givenness to the
subject.13
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No self is possible unless it exists in such a way that there is an original
relationship between it and something that is not itself but can be given to
it. That is the epistemological definition of sensibility. It has nothing to do
with senses or input; it is a purely transcendental definition. We can arrive
at this definition of sensibility before we turn to or say anything about our
sensate nature. For that reason, Kant is able to define space and time in
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terms of this “transcendental” sensibility. One can also, by the way, deduce
the unitary character of this sensibility—if there were two sensibilities, it
would break up the unity of the self.
From this starting point, we could, of course, develop Kant’s theory fur-
ther. Given that there is a necessary relationship between the self and a di-
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mension of givenness, transcendentally defined, we might ask whether
there might be further conditions for the possibility of their being related.
We know the “two trunks” are different; we have deduced the statement
that they have to be there. But we have not shown how they originated. We
know there is no self unless there is sensibility, but we have not said a word
about the origins of either sensibility or understanding. Kant is of the
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opinion that it is basically impossible to say anything about their origins.
One can, however, provide an argument to show that dualism is inevitable.
Nonetheless, it is possible for Kant to proceed with his investigation by
asking for further conditions of the relationship between understanding
and sensibility. There are two sets of conditions of the possibility of their
relationship. The first is the formal elements of sensibility: if there are no
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formal elements, the mind (i.e., the cognizing subject) cannot perform its
activity toward sensation. Thus, there have to be formal elements such as
space and time. The second is Kant’s theory of the categories: the catego-
ries or rules of the unifying activity of the mind are further conditions of
the ability of the self to be actively related to what is given in sensation.
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We could construct the entire Critique of Pure Reason in this way, that is,
by starting from its highest point, which is the transcendental unity of the
13. The hyphenated form “being-there” is retained because there is no English equivalent
that is entirely satisfactory to this transcendental mode of argumentation and to the mean-
ing this term carries in German. What is being pointed to is the “facticity” of components
constitutive of mental life antecedent to their classification within a system of thought.
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cognizing consciousness. This is an original and distinctively Kantian way

of arguing. Oddly enough, Kant does not use it explicitly anywhere in his
published work. What I have presented here comes from his notes and un-
published manuscripts. Kant did not publish these because he wanted to
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restrict his Critique to the less abstract, less risky, way of arguing. He
wanted to make it as plausible as possible for somebody who was educated
by metaphysicians in his own time. This led him to present his argument
in terms of the fruitfulness of its results. Thus, he starts from his theory of
sensibility, and shows that this is a fruitful conceptual framework because
it interprets space and time. Then he proceeds to understanding, and he
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shows that this is a good theory, because (1) it accounts for science (the
chapter on the principles) and (2) it enables one to see through the illusion
of metaphysics (the main part of the Critique of Pure Reason—two-thirds
of which are filled with criticism of metaphysics and not with transcen-
dental deduction).
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It is, of course, easy to understand that what Kant found unattractive his
successors found arresting. They saw an entirely new way of reasoning in
the Critique. Not only his ideas, but also the fact that Kant had made so lit-
tle use of them, intrigued his successors. They interpreted this as a deliber-
ate withholding, as Kant’s not wanting to disclose the ultimate truth, and
as a sign that he was some sort of prophet who had to be careful to keep his
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final insight hidden. Accordingly, they believed that he wanted first to
propagate the system in terms of particular ideas. In fact, he really gave
only the introduction into the critical philosophy, leaving the task of devel-
opment to his students.
Kant uses the concept of self-consciousness as a device for the develop-
ment of a deductive theory about his epistemological framework. But he
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does not offer, or aim at, a theory of the nature of self-consciousness. He
presupposes its unity and identity. Its nature was not a problem for him; it
was his starting point. He also presupposes that it is reflective, that we can
always turn upon ourselves, that reflection is possible. He neither describes
what reflection is nor explains the possibility of reflection (Fichte will try
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to do that very soon). He offers only three aspects, not a complete cata-
logue of the features of consciousness: the unity of the self, as far as all par-
ticular thoughts are concerned; the activity of the self, which is its combin-
ing activity; and the emptiness of the cognizing consciousness. These three
aspects are necessary in the sense that we would have a completely differ-
ent self (we would not call it a “self ”) without these aspects of which we
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can become aware. It is impossible to imagine a self that might have a dif-
ferent constitution. But the connection between the identity and the re-
flectiveness of self-consciousness, on the one hand, and its unity, combin-
ing activity, and emptiness, on the other, Kant did not illuminate. The
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nature of self-consciousness is neither explained nor even fully described.
It was this that was striking to his successors. Kant seemed to them to
have arrived, you might say, at the New World, but he did not want to stay
there; he just wanted to take something away, and he did not even describe
or give a full map of that new land. He just took what he needed in order to
solve a certain problem. His successors were unaware, however, that that
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was all he wanted to do. They believed, accordingly, in a hidden, secret
teaching of Kant about the nature of self-consciousness as the common
root of our cognitive faculties. By contrast, we have seen that Kant believed
that the insight into the two-trunk structure of knowledge, and the “self ” it
implied, were all philosophy could seek. This brings us back to Kant’s im-
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age of the “tip of the needle,” where he finds no stability: as soon as one
starts developing a comprehensive theory of self-consciousness, one ends
up in confusion and uncertainty.14 There are no tools with which to work
in developing such a theory that would not be beyond the limits of the
conditions of the possibility of experience. The unity, activity, and empti-
ness of self-consciousness are aspects that can be applied to a theory of the
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possibility of experience and that therefore can be used in solving the rid-
dle of metaphysics. Everything that goes beyond these limits also goes be-
yond a meaningful philosophical program. Of course, his successors were
not aware of this. Nevertheless, it is precisely this limitation that is Kant’s
teaching, and his reason for not doing more than he actually did in the Cri-
tique of Pure Reason.
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The idealists, however, did attempt to do more here. As we shall see,
there are also arguments that made what the idealists actually tried inevita-
ble. These are evident from the outset in Fichte’s work on his Science of
Knowledge.
We have yet to complete our account of the systematic structure of
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Kant’s philosophy. What we have introduced thus far—the account of the
concepts of cognition, sensitivity, and duality in his epistemology—is not
enough to show the “structure” in the system. Indeed, the total system in-
14. I. Kant, “An Johann Gottlieb Fichte,” December 1797, in Bw, vol. III, pp. 221–223;
English: Cor, pp. 534–535.
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cludes much more (above all, ethics), and we shall see how Kant’s episte-
mology is incorporated into a concept of the system of philosophy, rather
than the other way around. Because Kant’s philosophical system is not de-
rived from his epistemology, he leans toward a concept of philosophy that
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is very much opposed to the idealists’ notion.
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The Systematic Structure of Kant’s Philosophy Freedom as the “Keystone” to the Vault of Reason
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Freedom as the “Keystone”
to the Vault of Reason
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I have been developing an account of the systematic form of Kant’s first
Critique and critical system, inasmuch as he never provided an explicit and
full account of this structure. The reason for his silence about the structure
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of his system was his orientation toward metaphysics and the problem of
its existence. Indeed, his original interest was solving this problem. We
have seen that the justification of science, which many consider the main
problem of Kant’s philosophy, is only a part of this more general enter-
prise—namely, understanding what metaphysics is and why it cannot ar-
rive at stable solutions to its own problems. The definition Kant gave of
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critical philosophy that also covers the justification of science is this: criti-
cal philosophy is the determination of the origin, the scope, and the limits
of any possible a priori insight into objects.1 The “scope” refers to science
and the “limits” refers to the problems of the existence of metaphysics.
This kind of a rational insight is possible as far as science is possible—that
means the anticipation of formal structures of empirical insight. A priori
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insight into objects that exceeds the boundaries of the possibility of experi-
ence is not possible. The determination of the origin of this insight a priori
ends for Kant where the application ends, where the determination of the
scope and the limits of a priori insight are accomplished. Any investigation
into the origins of knowledge that is not necessary in order to determine
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its limits is wrongheaded and should be extirpated. That implies that we
do not need to elaborate on any investigation into mental activity—into,
for instance, the unifying activities that depend on the unity of self-con-
sciousness—beyond its possible application to epistemology. ‘Don’t climb
1. I. Kant, KrV A57; English: CPR, pp. 196–197.
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46
Freedom as the “Keystone” to the Vault of Reason 47
higher into the sphere of the foundations of knowledge; restrict yourself to

the perspective of criticism’—that was essentially the advice Kant gave to
his students.2
To determine the limits of the possibility of rational insight into objects,
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Kant first strikes the distinction between intuition and concept, between
sensibility and understanding. He considers this to be one of his most
powerful insights. In turn, this distinction leads to a fundamental dualism
of the Kantian critical system. We have also noted that there is a possible
theory within the critical theory—although Kant did not spell it out in the
Critique of Pure Reason—that can account for the necessity of this duality
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(of intuition and concept, of sensibility and understanding, and so forth).
I have tried to present some of the arguments that would support this
kind of theory, one that starts from certain aspects of the unity of self-con-
sciousness and arrives at the necessity of a ‘being-there’ of sensibility. Self-
consciousness would not be possible unless something is given to it. That
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‘something’ is, so to speak, a medium in which its unifying activities can be
performed. This kind of an argument (which I don’t need to repeat) is a
sort of a deduction of sensibility, but it is still completely different from
what Kant described as the uncovering of the common root of the trunks
of knowledge. For the requirement that there must be sensibility unfolds
under the terms of a principle that differs completely from what an expla-
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nation of the actual givenness of sensibility would have to be (i.e., the prin-
ciple in terms of which the being-there of reason might possibly be ex-
plained). The deduction does not function as an explanation of the
existence of the epistemological framework. It only reveals an indication of
a necessary condition of the possibility of self-consciousness. Even in this
dimension of a Kantian discourse, on which Kant did not elaborate, there
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is no theory of self-consciousness. Kant uses only a few aspects of what
such a theory might be in order to show the mutual dependence of self-
consciousness and sensibility. For instance, he does not attempt to analyze
the structure of the identity and the reflexivity of the self, but instead takes
these structures for granted. Then, in terms of them, he interprets the basic
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epistemological framework he wants to use in his theory of the scope and
limits of knowledge.
This perspective grants us a vantage point from which to discern a basic
2. I. Kant, “An Carl Leonhard Reinhold,” Königsberg, 21 September 1791, in Bw, vol. II,
pp. 287–289; English: Cor, pp. 389–391.
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disagreement between Kant and Fichte: if Kant restricted himself to certain

aspects of the concept of the self for his theorizing, Fichte, by contrast, did
not. Indeed, Fichte aimed at developing a theory of the complete structure
of the self and, in terms of it, a complete theory of the conditions of the
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possibility of knowledge. I will defer, for the present, the question of why
this disagreement occurred. We need, instead, to continue with the ac-
count of the systematic form of Kant’s theory.
If presented in the way I have tried to set it out, Kant’s theory of the
self—or better, his theory of cognition in terms of the concept of the self—
is systematic, but is not yet Kant’s system. To arrive at a notion of his com-
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prehensive theory, we need to make two more decisive steps.
The first step is the introduction of the famous distinction between the
“thing-in-itself ” and “appearance.” Few philosophical distinctions have en-
joyed as much notoriety or criticism as this one, including, as we all know,
the stinging indictments of the idealists. Kant made this distinction in the
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following way: nothing is given in self-consciousness but the consciousness
of the self itself; everything else must be given to it. Indeed, something
must be given to self-consciousness, or we would have nothing but the self,
which is impossible. For the “I think” of a combinatory activity is necessar-
ily incomplete. So there must be something available for a possible combi-
nation. Sensibility is an essential source of knowledge, even of elementary
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self-awareness. Nevertheless, “given to” self-consciousness does not mean
that self-consciousness produces it. The way in which something is given
to self-consciousness must be distinguishable from what is given in this
particular way. Kant claims that there are forms of sensibility—space and
time—along with what is given through these forms. We must distinguish
what is given through these forms from its being present to self-conscious-
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ness in these forms. Such a distinction must be struck because the forms
themselves in their original structure do not yet contain what is given
through them. There is no matter in space as such. Spatial structures are
only suitable to receive material ‘content.’
It follows from this that we must acknowledge the difference between
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‘the given’ and its being given in spatial and temporal form. For Kant, this
means that there are things per se—that is, things existing and intelligible
only by and to themselves. In other words, Kant is referring to things as
they are and not what they are through something else—for example, as
they are through space and time. In short, objects given spatially and tem-
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porally are not spatial and temporal by themselves but only spatial and
temporal because they appear in space and time. For this reason, objects
are not per se, but are through something else, as opposed to things in
themselves—or the given—which depend on themselves alone. In sum,
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what Kant means by the thing-in-itself is that there are no conditions
affecting the essence of the givenness of things per se. The thing-in-itself
is thus a limiting concept, because it designates what we cannot think:
things-in-themselves have neither spatial nor temporal predicates (space
and time are forms of appearance), but all of our thinking incorporates
such spatial and temporal predicates. The impossibility of cognizing the
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thing-in-itself leads to the conventional meaning we have of it: a thing to
which we do not have any access.
The distinction between the thing-in-itself and appearance is a distinc-
tion between two worlds, which leads us to the second decisive step (a Pla-
tonic one) in Kant’s thought. We arrive at this second step by pursuing rea-
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soning of roughly the following sort: since the activity of the self is nothing
but combination, sensation must be given to the self. With respect to the
extent of combination, however, there is a minimum. This would entail re-
stricting combination, and we can imagine a self that restricts all its com-
bining activity to the present (or, more precisely, to the immediate past and
the immediate future). This restricted combining activity would approxi-
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mate what early-twentieth-century philosophers called the “specious pres-
ent” (the minimum combination).3 In such combination, or in the combi-
nation of various cases of specious present, there would be no far-reaching
anticipation, no recollection of the remote past, and no idea of the totality
of all that appears in space and time. Such a combining understanding
would know, doubtless, the rules it uses to combine, but its application of
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these rules would not be extensive. The obvious fact, in contrast to such a
restricted use of combination, is that we always do try to use the rules of
combination available in our mental life to the greatest extent imaginable.
Kant acknowledges this contrast, noting that the attempt to combine as
much as possible presupposes a principle different from “understanding”
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3. The “specious present,” coined by E. R. Clay, is the finite interval of time incorporating
experiences of which the mind is conscious of happening ‘now,’ demarcating the boundary
between the remembered past and the anticipated future. William James, Henri Bergson,
Edmund Husserl, Bertrand Russell, C. D. Broad, H. J. Paton, and J. J. C. Smart each contrib-
uted to the debate surrounding this notion.
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or the principle of minimal combination. Kant defines the principle that

extends combination beyond its minimal application as reason or a striv-
ing toward totality in cognition (in distinction from understanding).
The distinction between the combinatory principle of understanding
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and reason brings into view the idea of a totality of appearance, the idea of
the world of what is given to us. The step from minimal combination to
extensive combination is a synthetic step: there could be a rational being
who only combines minimally and so would not have the idea of the
world, but with reason we do arrive at such a notion of totality. And it is
not difficult to see that we would have to develop, as a correlate to the idea
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of the totality of what we have given to us in sensibility, the idea of the to-
tality of things-in-themselves, that is, the correlates of what is given to, but
not through, sensibility. This idea of totality gives rise to the idea of a world
to which we have no access, but about which we nonetheless have to think.
This is a world not affected by the conditions constituting the universe of
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our discourse of understanding (limited, as it is, to what is given through
sensibility). So the distinction between the principles of minimal and ex-
tensive combination, between understanding and reason, gives rise to the
distinction between the sensible world (the totality of what appears) and
the intellectual world (the totality of what is presupposed by what appears
but to which we have no access).
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We have now arrived at a clearing from which it becomes possible to see
that a system that began as a dualism is becoming multidimensional. The
distinction between sensibility and understanding is not of the same struc-
ture as, for instance, the distinction between reason and understanding.
Both reason and understanding are active, whereas sensibility is distin-
guished from understanding in terms of passivity (the external givenness
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defines what sensitivity is) and combinatory activity. There are other dis-
tinctions in the Kantian system as well: between “faculties of the mind,” for
example, and the distinction between reason and judgment.
In the Introduction to the Critique of Pure Reason, Kant uses a metaphor
of reason as an “organized totality” in order to describe the plurality of
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cognitive faculties that somehow cooperate in order to bring about our
knowledge.4 By this he means that every single element in reason is for the
4. I. Kant, KrV Bxxiii; English: CPR, pp. 113–114. “For pure speculative reason has this
peculiarity about it, that it can and should measure its own capacity according to the differ-
ent ways for choosing the objects of its thinking, and also completely enumerate the mani-
fold ways of putting problems before itself, so as to catalog the entire preliminary sketch of a
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sake of all the others. He uses an organic metaphor to describe what reason
is in its totality. To speak of “reason” in this way is to use it as a general
term that covers all the cooperating faculties, rather than as a specific fac-
ulty that is distinguished from understanding. Reason as the principle that
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makes experience complete is what strives for totality of combination; it is
distinct from experience, which gives rise to a nonillusory totality. The to-
tality of reason depends on experience. Without the introduction of the
principle of totality, experience cannot be complete. This is why it is mean-
ingful for Kant to introduce this organic metaphor of reason as an orga-
nized totality. (Later we will see that Kant changed the metaphor he used
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to describe the formal structure of his philosophical system.)
One aspect of Kant’s Platonism is the doctrine of the two worlds, the ul-
timate ontological framework of his system. Now, there must be, so to
speak, some sort of ‘feedback loop’ between Kant’s ontological framework
and the foundation of his system (his theory of the cognitive apparatus of
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the various faculties of the mind that are combining in one way or an-
other). This cognitive apparatus must be accessible for an interpretation in
terms of the ontological framework of the theory. This is always an impor-
tant philosophical problem—the self-definition of philosophy in terms of
what it is about—which also always causes specific difficulties. And it is, by
the way, part of the beauty of Fichte’s and Hegel’s systems that they accom-
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plish this return of philosophy toward itself, toward its own foundation, in
an impressive way. The definition of what philosophy is makes the system
of Hegel complete, as it does Fichte’s late version of the Science of Knowl-
edge. To understand what philosophy is at the end of the system is to com-
prehend the self-referential nature of the philosophical system. We might
expect, no doubt, to encounter this in Kant’s system as well.
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Kant’s epistemology is not purely logical, or formal, but is a philosophy
of mind. Rather than talking about a science of formal objects, Kant speaks
of the self and of mental activities. So we cannot interpret the propositions
of his theory as rules by which we transform objects into some mental cal-
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whole system of metaphysics; because, regarding the first point, in a priori cognition nothing
can be ascribed to the objects except what the thinking subject takes out of itself, and regard-
ing the second, pure speculative reason is, in respect of principles of cognition, a unity en-
tirely separate and subsisting for itself, in which, as in an organized body, every part exists
for the sake of all the others as all the others exist for its own sake, and no principle can be
taken with certainty in one relation unless it has at the same time been investigated in its
thoroughgoing relation to the entire use of pure reason.”
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culus. Instead, Kant obviously presupposes that the self and mental activi-
ties are something that exists: he accepts the Cartesian proposition that I
know that I am by knowing about myself. Since mental activity is the point
of departure for Kant, it would seem natural enough that he would incor-
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porate this foundational cognitive framework into the ontological frame-
work that the system proposes. Natural or not, this prospect is excluded
from the beginning. The idea of the two worlds is derived from the theory
of the active self, the self that requires givenness. Within this givenness,
there is a distinction between the totality of the givenness of appearance
and the totality of the thing-in-itself. These two worlds, which emerge nec-
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essarily from the theory of the active self, constitute an ultimate ontologi-
cal framework. Once the theory of the two worlds is posited, however,
there can be no return to the self. There is no plausible interpretation of
the self as a member of one of the two worlds. There is also no idea of the
self as a relation between the two worlds available, as long as we restrict
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ourselves to the idea of the self as the one who combines what is given to it.
Nevertheless, the elderly Kant, working on his final manuscript that he
never managed to complete, the so-called Opus postumum, defined philos-
ophy as the theory of, first, the principle of the intellectual world; second,
the sensible world; and third, what conceives both in a real relationship—
namely, the subject as a rational being in this world.5 He repeated this pro-
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grammatic formula in the manuscript many, many times. Due to his age,
he was not able to write more than a sentence without losing the thread of
his thought. This was very painful for him, as he had to keep starting from
scratch. For that reason, the manuscript contains many repetitions of the
same sentence, and one of those sentences is the one I just quoted: “The
self is the connecting link between the two worlds.”6
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The self as the combiner, however, cannot do this job or fulfill this func-
tion. By contrast, it is Kant’s theory of freedom that opens the prospect of a
feedback from the ontological framework of the two worlds to the founda-
tion of the theory in mental activity. This becomes clear in only one of the
three different ways Kant described his system.
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The first way in which Kant described his system (which is the standard
description) is that it is “critical.”7 This means, as we read repeatedly in the
5. I. Kant, Op1, p. 34; English: OpC, p. 237.

6. See, for example, I. Kant, Op1, pp. 36, 37, 41; English: OpC, pp. 239, 240.
7. I. Kant, KrV A10–13/B24–26; English: CPR, pp. 132–133.
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Critique of Pure Reason, that it solves the problem of metaphysics, and that
it does so entirely and systematically, leaving no concept undetermined
and no problem unsolved. This thoroughness, of course, is what makes his
theory systematic.
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We find Kant’s second definition of his system in the Critique of Judg-
ment.8 In this theory, Kant shows that there is a continuous transition from
elementary acts of knowledge, from understanding through reason and
culminating ultimately in practical reason. This theory also incorporates
the philosophies of beauty and of fine art. It is systematic, because we
make the transition one step at a time from understanding through reason
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and arrive finally at practical reason. In this definition the form of Kant’s
system depends on the systematic account of the accomplishments of the
mind rather than solving the problem of metaphysics.
The third and final definition Kant gave of his critical philosophy
emerged only during the 1790s, when he argued that reason itself has a
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destination, and that the system of philosophy has to be structured in such
a way that it justifies the ultimate destination reason has defined for itself.
Employing the metaphor of a door, Kant claimed that the two hinges on
which the system of philosophy swings are the ideality of space and time
and the reality of the concept of freedom.9 The concept of freedom Kant
describes as the destination of reason as such. Kant’s third definition no
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8. I. Kant, “Erste Einleitung in die Kritik der Urteilskraft” [1790], in HN, pp. 195–251;
English: “First Introduction to the Critique of the Power of Judgment,” in CJ, pp. 1–51.
9. I. Kant, “Welches sind die wirklichen Fortschritte, die die Metaphysik seit Leibnizens
und Wolf ’s Zeiten in Deutschland gemacht hat?” [1804], ed. Friedrich Theodore Rink, in
HN, p. 311; English: “What Real Progress Has Metaphysics Made in Germany since the Time
of Leibniz and Wolff?” trans. Ted Humphrey (New York: Abaris Books, 1983), p. 157. The
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occasion for Kant’s essay was a contest sponsored by the Royal Academy of Sciences at
Berlin, which every four years posed a problem for the public to solve. Kant had previously
won second prize in 1763—a highly prestigious accomplishment because the competition
was offered internationally. The problem Kant addressed in 1763 was whether metaphysics
could be raised to the standards of science so that its problems could be treated scientifically.
See I. Kant, “Untersuchung über die Deutlichkeit der Grundsätze der natürlichen Theologie
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und der Moral” [1764], ed. Kurd Lasswitz, in AA, vol. II (1912), pp. 273–301; English: “In-
quiry Concerning the Distinctiveness of the Principles of Natural Theology and Morality,” in
TP, pp. 242–286. In his waning years, Kant tried again to win the prize. He attempted to ad-
dress the following problem—first announced by Nicholas de Bequelin at the January 24,
1788 session of the Academy: What progress has metaphysics made since the time of Leibniz
and Wolff? Naturally enough, Kant’s answer was his own critical philosophy. He did not sub-
mit the writing, however, because he was already failing too much to complete it.
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longer builds upon the metaphor of reason as an organic totality, but in-
stead upon the metaphor of reason as a vault whose keystone is freedom.
This latter metaphor is both beautiful and instructive, because it is ac-
tually the case that as long as we do not insert the keystone, the vault can-
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not stand without external support. As soon as we insert the keystone,
however, the structure becomes self-supporting. We can also say that the
keystone has a privileged place and that any single stone, which is incorpo-
rated into the vault, already indicates the place of the keystone. This point
is expressed philosophically by saying that if we properly understand the
function of any one single mental activity, we can also predict what the de-
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termining part of the system—the keystone—will be. We encounter the
metaphor of reason as a vault whose keystone is freedom as early as the In-
troduction to the Critique of Practical Reason.10
In order to understand this metaphor better, we need some historical
background. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, a popular trend
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developed in philosophy toward the primacy of practical reason. In France,
Bishop François de Salignac de la Mothe Fénelon11 gave Cartesianism a
turn toward this direction, while in Germany the philosopher Thomasius12
10. I. Kant, KpV, pp. 3–4; English: CPrR, p. 139: “Now the concept of freedom, insofar as
its reality is proved by an apodictic law of practical reason, constitutes the keystone of the
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whole structure of a system of pure reason, even of speculative reason; and all other con-
cepts (those of God and immortality), which as mere ideas remain without support in the
latter, now attach themselves to this concept and with it and by means of it get stability and
objective reality, that is, their possibility is proved by this: that freedom is real, for this idea re-
veals itself through the moral law.”
11. François de Salignac de la Mothe Fénelon (1651–1715), Œuvres, ed. Jacques Le Brun,
2 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1983–). Fénelon was a French bishop and writer associated with
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Mme. Guyon, a primary exponent of quietism. Fénelon was committed to promoting a po-
litical system based on the moral law as that law was represented in Christian teaching. He
emphasized the necessity of a strong moral and practical education for all members of soci-
ety (men and women alike) based on the Christian ideal of the love of virtue. Most impor-
tant, Fénelon argued that political prosperity and liberty could only be acquired when the
laws of the state aligned with the moral law.
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12. Christian Thomasius (1655–1728), Ausgewählte Werke, ed. Werner Schneiders, 10
vols. (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1993–). Thomasius, a philosopher and jurist, was the first
major Enlightenment thinker in Germany. He helped found the University of Halle.
Thomasius believed philosophical education should be practical instead of speculative,
should focus on the nature of man based on empirical observation rather than theological
presupposition, and should be versatile and resourceful rather than dogmatic. The aim of
philosophy was to give advice on practical behavior. Thomasius also sought to dismantle the
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orthodox Lutheran governing bodies of the church in order to set government over ecclesial
pursued a similar course. Both Fichte and Marx stand in this tradition ac-
cording primacy to practical reason.
Kant was not touched by this trend at all before he encountered Rous-
seau in 1763, with the publication of Emile13 and The Social Contract.14 It is
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widely known that Kant’s philosophical development was virtually contin-
uous, with the exception of his encounter with the works of Rousseau,
which reshaped his earlier beliefs. A brief anecdote captures something of
the impact of this encounter: Kant took a daily walk precisely at the same
time every afternoon—he was living according to maxims! It was said that
the citizens of Königsberg could set their watches according to the time of
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the professor’s walk. There was, however, one day on which he did not ap-
pear for his walk, and this was the day he received Rousseau’s Emile. Kant
refused to leave the house, and he later said that he had to read Emile many
times before he was able to calm down and evaluate it with a clear head.
(We know that the young Hegel took the opposite course—that he wanted
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to get more and more intellectually excited, and to liberate himself from
the “chains” of his education in the spirit of bourgeois enlightenment. For
this reason, he read Emile many times.) In a secret confession that he wrote
in 1765, and which he did not intend to publish, Kant admitted:
I am a scientist by inclination. I know the thirst for knowledge and the
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deep satisfaction of every advance of knowledge. There was a time when I
believed all this knowledge could be the honor of mankind and I de-
spised all those who were bereft of such knowledge. Rousseau has cor-
rected me. I learned to honor man, and I would consider myself less wor-
thy than the average worker if I did not believe that all this [meaning
“philosophy”] could contribute to what really matters—the restoration
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of the rights of mankind.15
Kant wrote this more than twenty years before the French Revolution, in
response to the impact Rousseau had on his mind. In one respect, his Cri-
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life and base Christian ethics on what he termed “rational love.” Rational love circumvented
the will, which, due to its independence from reason, caused disorder and evil.
13. J. J. Rousseau, Émile ou de l’éducation [1762], ed. Charles Wirz and Pierre Burgelin, in
Œ C, vol. IV (1969), pp. 239–877; English: E.
14. J. J. Rousseau, Du contrat social [1762], ed. Robert Derathé, in Œ C, vol. III (1964),
pp. 281–470; English: The Social Contract and Other Later Political Writings, ed. and trans.
Victor Gourevitch (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
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15. I. Kant, Bem, pp. 44–45.
tique of Pure Reason is the most significant result of Rousseauianism in his-

tory. We can readily see from this quotation how Rousseau’s criticism of
science as a contribution to civilization, but not to moral conduct, and his
defense of the natural goodness of man are present in the critical philoso-
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phy. But there is more in Rousseau that explains the impact he had on
Kant. Even the theoretical aspects in the Critique of Pure Reason echo
Rousseau, who teaches that the mind has an active nature (that is Rous-
seau’s criticism of then-contemporary French materialism, which he op-
posed)—that judgment, for instance, presupposes the identity of the self as
something real; that judging is combining, and that combination is the ba-
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sic activity of the mind. These occasional remarks are typical of what we
find in Emile and they had an important impact on Kant’s basic theoretical
doctrines.
Rousseau’s influence on Kant was far-reaching. Kant knew all Rousseau’s
works almost by heart. Even twenty years later, he was able to quote even
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very rare, smaller works of Rousseau. Probably the most influential of all
was Rousseau’s attempt to present moral philosophy in terms of the rela-
tionship between the active nature of the self and the combining nature of
reason. One outcome of Kant’s encounter with this Rousseauian theme
was a new definition of philosophy: no longer a solution to the puzzle of
metaphysics, philosophy is now the justification of freedom because that is
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what matters in the restoration of the rights of humankind.
The concept of freedom toward which all philosophy has to be oriented
is indeed peculiar. Rousseau had developed such a concept of freedom in
opposition to Thomas Hobbes. According to Hobbes, citizens have to give
up all their rights, incorporating them into the political body, in exchange
for guarantees from the political body for their preservation.16 In the Social
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Contract, Rousseau claims that this is absurd. No being can give up its very
essence. For this reason, humans simply cannot resign their freedom in fa-
16. Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), Leviathan [1651], ed. J. C. A. Gaskin (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1998), pp. 114–115: “Lastly, the agreement of these (irrational) creatures is
natural; that of men, is by covenant only, which is artificial; and therefore it is no wonder if
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there be somewhat else required (besides covenant) to make their agreement constant and
lasting; which is a common power, to keep them in awe, and to direct all their actions to the
common benefit. The only way to erect such a common power . . . is, to confer all their
power and strength upon one man, or upon one assembly of men, that may reduce all their
wills, by plurality of voices, unto one will . . . as if every man should say to every man, ‘I au-
thorize and give up my right of governing myself, to this man, or this assembly of men, on this
condition, that thou give up thy right to him, and authorize all his actions in like manner.’”
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vor of their government: the philosophy of the state has to be constructed

the other way round. This means that the political body of the state is
nothing other than the fulfillment of human freedom, rather than the out-
come of surrendering it. To say that the state has to be founded on the es-
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sence of the human being as free is significant. It entails a change in the
concept of freedom itself. It is no longer simply the necessary condition,
for example, of the human possibility for obedience to God’s law as trust-
ing children. Rather, it is to define humans in terms of freedom (as op-
posed to being defined by God’s law).17
Freedom is not only the origin of specific laws that govern free actions,
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but also the origin of laws that distinguish right from wrong. That is to say,
freedom is (and here we could introduce easily a Kantian concept) auton-
omy: it is the self-originating of law. Rousseau’s discovery of this concept of
freedom is not merely theoretical but also critical. It means that reason is
not only automatic—that is, the principle of actions we do ourselves—but
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also the origin of laws we impose on ourselves. Only because such laws are
self-imposed can they constitute the definition of our real essence. It is not
difficult to see that Kant’s categorical imperative is simply a law that is
nothing but the law of freedom, in the strong sense that it is the law that
originates completely in the concept of freedom. This means that we need
no other conditions than the concept of freedom to arrive at the idea of a
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moral law.
These reflections on the new concept of freedom help us to see why
Kant began to define the task of a philosophical system with the bold for-
mula “subordinate everything to freedom.”18 Given this requirement, it is
not difficult to understand why this idea would culminate in a critical sys-
tem, structured as a vault with freedom as its keystone. We might wonder,
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17. J. J. Rousseau, Du contrat social, p. 360; English: The Social Contract, pp. 49–50: “To
find a form of association that will defend and protect the person and goods of each associ-
ate with the full common force, and by means of which, uniting with all, nevertheless obey
only himself and remain free as before. . . . [E]ach, by giving himself to all [in the Social
Contract], gives himself to no one, and since there is no associate over whom one does not
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acquire the same right as one grants him over oneself, one gains the equivalent of all one
loses, and more force to preserve what one has.”
18. See I. Kant, Bem. Henrich here invokes a remark from this pre-critical essay: “Der
freien Willkühr alles zu subordiniren ist die Grösseste Vollkommenheit” [“To subordinate
everything to the free will is the highest perfection”] (Bem, p. 144). He then modifies it in
order to capture the principle Kant derived from his studies of Rousseau and thus illuminate
Kant’s later position.
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however, in what sense freedom is the keystone of the entire system of the
mind. In the Kantian way of thinking, freedom is a rational principle, be-
cause it is the origin of general goals that guarantees the compatibility of
all possible actions. Freedom belongs to reason rather than to understand-
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ing, because it requires the idea of the totality of a person’s volitions, not
just the idea of a present set of actions that might be compatible with each
other. Freedom also belongs to reason because it commands uncondition-
ally. To Kant’s way of thinking, a command is not hypothetical, suggesting
that in order to reach your goal you should act in such and such a way. In-
stead, commands are unconditional, requiring that we act in such and such
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a way.
Moreover, freedom also extends beyond the theoretical form of reason.
Since freedom is not only the origin of laws of action, but also the origin of
actions that are done in accordance with the law, it is practical. Kant de-
fines practical reason by saying it is not only the origin of the law, but also
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a sufficient cause of action in accordance with the law. In other words, it
provides both laws and the motivating impulses for doing actions that are
in accordance with these laws. As a principle that generates laws, and the
motivation to act according to the law, practical reason is not reducible to
rational discourse. Only after great difficulty did Kant arrive at the insight
that the reality of practical reason (that there is such a freedom that gener-
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ates laws and determines actions for the sake of this law) is a fact that can-
not be deduced from any proposition or other principle. In particular, the
reality of practical reason cannot be deduced from the unity of the self that
combines what is given in sensibility with what is given in understanding
(which is nonmoral, but not immoral).
While we cannot derive the reality of freedom from rational discourse,
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we can understand the connections of the system of reason in terms of
freedom better than we can in any other way. Above all, we can understand
the relation between the intellectual and the sensible worlds. Because free-
dom is a kind of causality, it determines not only laws that belong to the
intelligible world, but also actions whose effects are known in the sensible
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world. So we cannot speak about freedom unless we speak about the intel-
lectual and the sensible worlds: freedom belongs to the intellectual world,
but has effects on the sensible world. The nature of such freedom has a
double aspect. It is both a principle of insight and a principle of real con-
nection.
I noted earlier that as long as Kant’s philosophy remained theoretical
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there was no possible feedback from the ontological framework to the

founding principles of the system. That changes once we introduce the
concept of freedom. For it is a concept of a link between the intellectual
and the sensible world and it is also a concept of the unity of the self, of the
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coherence of all the actions that can be done under this law. The formula,
stemming from an early note Kant wrote and operative within the Opus
postumum—“subordinate everything to freedom”19—becomes meaningful
as soon as we situate it within Kant’s theory of freedom. This permits us to
say that philosophy is the theory of the principle of the intellectual world,
the principle of the sensible world, and what connects the two of them—
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rational agency (practical reason).
Furthermore, the architecture of our cognitive faculties can be described
as a system that makes an awareness of freedom possible. Freedom de-
pends on the idea of totality, and the idea of the totality presupposes un-
derstanding as a principle that combines, but does not combine totally.
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Understanding, as a minimal and limited combination, makes reason, as a
maximal combination or totality, meaningful. We need understanding in
order to get to totality; we need totality in order to get to freedom; and we
need freedom in order to get to the significance of the total system. There-
fore, we can say that freedom is the keystone of the system. Unless we have
this keystone, the connection of all the elements of the system is not visi-
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ble. As soon as we have it, the system is self-supporting, although there is
no deduction of the possibility of freedom. Freedom makes the system into
a whole even though we cannot start from it.
These considerations are the best justification for the belief in the exis-
tence of freedom available inside of Kant’s system. Kant does not define the
Critique of Practical Reason in this way. Rather, he says that the second Cri-
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tique does nothing but show that there is no proof of the nonexistence of
freedom, so that we are entitled to believe in it if, so to speak, we want to,
or put differently, if we feel it necessary. But the justification of freedom
that we can give in terms of the systematic structure of the philosophical
system and of the architecture of our cognitive faculties is much more im-
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pressive. Such justification does not leave it simply as a matter of choice as
to whether we want to accept freedom or not. It suggests, instead, that we
should accept freedom, because only if we accept it can we understand our
reason—in the sense that covers all our cognitive activity—as a meaningful
19. I. Kant, Bem, p. 144.
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whole. And so we can get that feedback from the ontological framework to
the foundation of the system that we do not get if we surrender the reality
of the concept of freedom. In a similar way, we could show that freedom
even explains the existence of metaphysics. We might say that freedom is
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an inevitable attempt of humans to arrive at the unconditional, just as does
metaphysics. But metaphysics cannot arrive at a stable result until its prac-
tical destination is found.
A concluding remark, which leads us to the determination of the distinc-
tion between the idealist system and Kant’s philosophical system, is in or-
der. Kant did not discover freedom as the “keystone” at the beginning. He
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had to arrive at it via a long chain of theoretical steps. He did not define
the system until he was almost seventy and had already published two edi-
tions of the Critique of Pure Reason. But—and what is more significant—
according to the way in which the system is structured, we can understand
that this discovery cannot be made at the beginning. This means that we
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can understand the true essence of reason only if we analyze the entire sys-
tem of our cognitive faculties. Humans know about their freedom before
they enter philosophy, but civilizations cannot avoid confusion about what
reason really is—confusion that has practical consequences—until hu-
mans finally arrive at a fully enlightened philosophy. “Enlightenment” is,
according to this idea, the self-enlightenment of reason, which is basically
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self-referential and peaceful, although it requires effort and courage.20
The subordination of everything under the concept of freedom is the
last result of philosophy, not the first step, so philosophy cannot start from
the idea of freedom. Instead philosophy must remain an investigation. Be-
cause it cannot begin with the principle of the system, the system—but not
the method—of philosophy is the result. The method remains critical in-
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vestigation into the origin of the entire system of our cognitive faculties.
This implies that critical philosophy can never use Euclidean methods. It
can never develop a deductive form that believes it needs one single prin-
ciple or some highest proposition (axiom), antecedent to commencing
philosophical argumentation. Thus philosophy remains what Plato had
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claimed it to be—an ascent (epanodos), a climbing. Therefore, philosophy
is not simply a deduction that would be, in the last analysis, a descent, or a
20. I. Kant, “Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufklärung?” [1794], ed. Heinrich Maier, in
AA, vol. VIII (1923), pp. 33–42; English: “An Answer to the Question: What is Enlighten-
ment?” in PrP, pp. 17–22.
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going downward from the ultimate principle. On the contrary, philosophy

finally arrives at the ultimate principle.
In the very last writings he was able to publish, Kant established a dis-
tinction between his philosophy and any other possible philosophy that
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pretends to depend on his but is in fact not critical. The true critical phi-
losophy is labor, and that means ascent. The direct opposite of it is descent,
or an initial departing from the ultimate insight, which he calls mysticism.
In German, this is an alliteration—Arbeit und Alchemie—that translates
“labor” and “alchemy,” or “ascent” and “mysticism.” This was his final for-
mula.21 Interestingly, his diagnosis of everything that followed him was:
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“That is mysticism, that is alchemy, because it starts from the highest prin-
ciple, and it is descent, not ascent.” This little formula is helpful for deter-
mining the relationship between Kant and idealism, because, despite this
difference, there is also the obvious continuity—namely, that all of them
are theories of freedom.
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21. Late in his life, Kant developed this characterization of philosophy in one of a series
of sketches for the preface to Reinhold Bernhard Jachmann’s Prüfung der Kantischen Re-
ligionsphilosophie in Hinsicht auf die ihr beygelegte Aehnlichkeit mit dem reinen Mystizism
[1800] [Examination of the Kantian Philosophy of Religion in Respect to the Similarity of Pure
Mysticism which has been Attributed to It]. Jachmann was not only Kant’s student, but also
his devoted friend during his waning years, and eventually one of his early biographers.
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Henrich discovered this richer version of the preface among the so-called ‘Hagenschen
Papiere’ (the papers of Dr. Ernst Hagen) and brought it to its first publication, together with
a commentary, in 1966. See Dieter Henrich, “Zu Kants Begriff der Philosophie. Eine Edition
und eine Fragestellung,” in Kritik und Metaphysik. Studien Heinz Heimsoeth zum achtzigsten
Geburtstag, ed. Friedrich Kaulbach and Joachim Ritter (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1966),
pp. 40–59. Three other versions of this preface survive: I. Kant, AA, vol. XXIII, ed. Gerhard
Lehmann (1955), pp. 467–468; Op2 (1938), p. 372; AA, vol. VIII, ed. Heinrich Maier (1923),
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p. 441. The version in the AA, vol. VIII was first published with Kant’s signature in Reinhold
Bernhard Jachmann, Prüfung der Kantischen Religionsphilosophie in Hinsicht auf die ihr
beygelegte Aehnlichkeit mit dem reinen Mystizism. Mit einer Einleitung von Immanuel Kant
(Königsberg: Friedrich Nikolovius, 1800), pp. 5–8, repr. edited Robert Theis (Hildesheim:
Georg Olms, 1999); English: I. Kant, RRT, pp. 333–334.
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PA R T
II
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Kant’s Early Critics
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Kant’s Early Critics The Allure of “Mysticism”
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The Allure of “Mysticism”
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The preceding lectures describe the systematic structure of Kant’s philoso-
phy. My intent has been to explain the strange fact that while all the succes-
sors of Kant claimed to be working in consonance with his intention, Kant
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and others around him entirely rejected this claim. Only a few years after a
school of followers grew up around Kant, a split took place. One party to
the dispute was the group whose members considered themselves to be or-
thodox Kantians, including Kant himself. They rejected the philosophical
claims that Reinhold, Fichte, and Hegel made. The other party to the dis-
pute included those who conceded that the critical philosophy was the
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opening of an entirely new dimension of investigation that, in order to
fulfill the Kantian intention, had to be pursued. Reinhold, Fichte, and
Hegel, among others, belonged to this group. What is the real relationship
between Kantianism as a system and idealism as a system? Answers to this
question have been controversial ever since that split took place.
By beginning with the seemingly backward orientation of Kant—solv-
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ing the problems that metaphysics raises—it becomes possible to see that
his primary orientation has a deeper function in the structure of the sys-
tem. This function is more difficult to discover than his dominant interest.
It has to do with the distinction between the intellectual and sensible
worlds and his point of departure in the analysis of mental activity. Re-
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lating the ontological framework to the basic analysis of mental activity
was a systematic requirement Kant inherited from his predecessors in phi-
losophy. By tracing the way in which Kant’s system became multidimen-
sional from its dualistic inception—of intuition and concept, of sensibility
and understanding—we saw how he established the ontological frame-
work for his system. But Kant established this framework by way of a fur-
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65
66 Kant’s Early Critics
ther distinction between understanding and reason, and this route made it
impossible for him to relate the ontological framework back to the basic
distinction he had investigated (intuition and concepts).
Kant’s solution to this problem, as I explained in Lecture 4, came by way
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of his encounter with Rousseau’s principal works. From that time on, he
reoriented his philosophy toward the fulfillment of another task: the jus-
tification of freedom. This conversion had far-reaching consequences for
Kant’s method. In Kant’s new conception of the concept, freedom emerges
as a suitable way to reintegrate his analysis of the self into his own epistem-
ological framework. Kant conceives of freedom as mediating between the
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intellectual and the sensible worlds. Indeed, within this system, freedom is
the only imaginable mediation we can be aware of as occurring. The medi-
ating function of freedom is what makes Kant’s program a system in the
proper sense, inasmuch as freedom is the principle that holds the system
together. Freedom as the principle of the system is typical of the systems of
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Kant’s successors as well, but they differ in specific ways. Unlike them,
Kant’s concept of freedom is not accessible as the “keystone” from the be-
ginning. Instead, Kant somehow has to describe freedom as a fact. This
means, for Kant, that freedom is neither something that is immediately ac-
cessible for integration into the system—or that can be integrated into a
logical framework in a deductive sense—nor is freedom something that al-
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lows us to make deductions from it regarding other things. The insertion
of freedom into the system of reason makes the system become a meaning-
ful whole. But it is not the case, for Kant, that reason would be impossible
without the insertion of freedom. This is the claim Fichte would make at a
later date—that the very essence of reason is freedom.
Kant never identifies freedom with reason. His only claim is that reason
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becomes a system and a meaningful whole if we understand freedom as its
ultimate destination. It follows that one cannot deduce a philosophical sys-
tem starting from freedom. One has to understand that reason is a system
by which one arrives at freedom and, with the incorporation of freedom,
the structure becomes self-supporting. For this reason, as pointed out in
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the previous lecture, Kant describes the philosophical enterprise with the
Platonic metaphor of ascent: one arrives at the ultimate principle not at
the beginning, but at the end of the philosophical system. Moreover, one
ascends to it in various ways—it is possible to begin with ethics, or with
epistemology, or even from aesthetics. In the end, one arrives at freedom as
the concept that interprets all the connections of rational activity.
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In the last three pages Kant wrote, he establishes an antagonism between
The Allure of “Mysticism” 67
critical philosophy and the idealism that grew out of it.1 He defines critical
philosophy as labor, as the effort to climb up toward, and to arrive at, the
principle of freedom. The ultimate insight that freedom organizes reason
into a whole is the end of philosophy. By contrast, those who start from an
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insight into the ultimate and descend from there are what he calls “mys-
tics.” In the wake of the critical philosophy’s dismantling of empiricism
and rationalism, the new antagonism became one between critical philoso-
phy, which is labor, and ascent, or the mysticism that Kant’s successors of-
fered, which in Kant’s view was the direct opposite of true insight.
Kant’s formulation contributed to a style of philosophical polemic that
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endured for at least the period of idealism. This style portrays the enemy as
one’s direct opposite, not just someone who is misled. As the counterimage
of the right way, the bad philosopher ignores the very essence of philoso-
phy. Fichte would later adopt this polemical style against his critics, but it
was Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi who first established this either/or polemic
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in philosophy.2 An extremely influential figure, Jacobi was the first to criti-
cize the contradictory character of the concept of the thing-in-itself. He ar-
gued that there is either “nihilism,” a word he coined, or a philosophical
position Kant would have called “mysticism.” This is why Kant has Jacobi
and his followers, more than Fichte and others, in mind when he raises the
charge of mysticism against his critics.
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It is interesting to note that, for a brief period, Kant was drawn to mysti-
cism.3 During this period he believed that there are two kinds of insights
that cannot be analyzed in the way everything else is and so cannot be inte-
1. Dieter Henrich, “Zu Kants Begriff der Philosophie. Eine Edition und eine Frage-
stellung,” in Kritik und Metaphysik. Studien Heinz Heimsoeth zum achtzigsten Geburtstag, ed.
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Friedrich Kaulbach and Joachim Ritter (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1966), pp. 40–59. See Lec-
ture 4, note 20.
2. F. H. Jacobi, “Vorrede, zugleich Einleitung in des Verfassers sämtliche philosophische
Schriften,” in DHG, pp. 3–123; English: DHF, pp. 537–570. A German pietist philosopher
and poet, Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi (1743–1819) was one of the most incisive critics of the
German intellectual Enlightenment, particularly of Immanuel Kant and Christian Wolff
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(1697–1754). He developed a philosophy of freedom based on feeling and faith, rather than
on critical thinking, owing to the fact that he did not see thinking as the primary force in hu-
manity’s history. Jacobi argued that all our cognition is based on what is immediately given
through feeling. Unless something real is given through feeling, cognitive thinking cannot
occur.
3. I. Kant, “Von dem ersten Grunde des Unterschiedes der Gegenden im Raume” [1768],
ed. Kurd Lasswitz, in AA, vol. II (1912), pp. 375–383; English: “Concerning the ultimate
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ground of the differentiation of directions in space,” in TP, pp. 361–372.
grated into ordinary discourse. One of these is space and time—obviously

important basic structures for our image of the world—that cannot be an-
alyzed as systems of relations. The second is the moral sense, which is the
source of rational insight, but which cannot be reduced to, or analyzed in
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the same way as, other rational principles. Kant recognized these as ex-
traordinary insights, and he experimented by interpreting them as ways in
which we are in direct contact with God’s nature as both the source of the
world and the source of the community of moral rational beings. Time
and space bring us into a connection with God in the first sense, as does
our moral insight in the second. This kind of thinking about space and
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time followed along the lines the Cambridge Platonists set out.4 The re-
flections on God’s nature as the source of the community of moral rational
beings more nearly approached the thinking of the French philosopher
Malebranche,5 whom Kant revered as someone who had contributed in
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4. The Cambridge Platonists were a group of seventeenth-century divines, philosophers,
and moralists whose moral and religious convictions were based in the thought of Benja-
min Whichcote. The group held a shared allegiance to the spirit of Plato (although Ralph
Cudworth (1617–1688) and Henry More (1614–1687) read Plato through the lens of Neo-
platonists and the Florentine Academy), an antagonism toward Calvinism in its dogmatic
and “irrational” forms (for instance, the idea that God acts in an arbitrary rather than in a
rational fashion), and a hostility toward the passive theory of perception found in Hobbes.
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They claimed that Hobbes did not have a theory of consciousness that could take into ac-
count the difference between the movement of material particles and the active awareness of
those movements on the part of the mind itself. Henry More, in particular, argued that space
and time must be attributes of the deity. Henry More, Enchiridion metaphysicum: sive, de re-
bus incorporeis succincta & luculenta dissertatio [1671] (London: J. Martyn & Gualt. Kettilby,
1679), I, Cap. 10, Sec. 14; English: Henry More’s Manual of Metaphysics, trans. Alexander Ja-
cob (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1995), pp. 88–89.
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5. Nicolas Malebranche (1638–1715) argued that we come to have knowledge of things
outside of ourselves not in and of themselves but as “ideas” that are really objects in the
mind of God. Just as it is from God’s power that minds receive these modifications, so also is
the divine omnipotent will involved in every causality. “Since the mind’s natural inclinations
are undoubtedly the constant impressions of the will of Him who has created and preserved
them, it seems to me that these inclinations must be exactly like those of their Creator and
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Preserver. By their very nature, then, they can have no other principal end than His glory,
nor any secondary end than their own preservation as well as the preservation of others,
though always in relation to Him who gives them being. . . . God imprints but one love in us,
which is the love of the good in general . . . This love is but our will, for . . . the will is noth-
ing other than the continuous impression of the Author of nature that leads the mind of
man toward the good in general.” Nicolas Malebranche, Recherche de la Vérité [1674], ed.
Geneviève Rodis-Lewis, in Œuvres de Malebranche, vol. II, ed. Geneviève Rodis-Lewis, et al.
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important ways to our insight. What makes these insights privileged is not
their lack of accessibility, but their lack of analyzability. Because they have
to be conceived of as pertaining to the direct contact between humans and
the origin of all things, Kant called these insights “intellectual intuition.” It
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was only for a few months that he defended the view that space and time,
as well as moral sense, depend on intellectual intuition.
Kant replaced this view with those of the ideality of space and time as
forms of our intuition and of the categorical imperative as the generality of
the behavior of rational beings. In effect, this means that he translated
these insights into forms of mental activity and eliminated the possibility
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of interpreting them in terms of “intellectual intuition.” So central doc-
trines of the Critique of Pure Reason and of the Critique of Practical Reason
are in some sense replacements of mysticism. To know this is to understand
readily why Kant thought that there was an opposition between what he
proposes in the two Critiques and what the doctrine of intellectual intu-
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ition or mysticism teaches. From the moment he adopted the stance of
critical philosophy and surrendered mystical inclinations, Kant defined
mysticism as the opposite of the critical way in philosophy. The critical
standpoint strives for solutions that are not as easily derived as those from
intellectual intuition: to arrive at the idea that space and time are forms of
intuition is far more difficult than to opine that they are intellectual intu-
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itions. Similarly, to interpret the categorical imperative as the universal-
izability of rational maxims for human behavior is more demanding than
the belief in moral sense as the basis for moral reason.
Once he had replaced the insights of mysticism with the critical perspec-
tive of his philosophy, Kant came to believe that mysticism, as a combina-
tion of enthusiasm and intellectual laziness, cuts off all the sources for
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humankind’s intellectual progress. From this time on, Kant interpreted
the mystics in the Platonic tradition of Malebranche, More,6 and Cud-
(Paris: J. Vrin, 1963), pp. 372–373; English: The Search After Truth, trans. Thomas M.
Lennon and Paul J. Olscamp (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1980), pp. 266–267.
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6. Henry More, Enchiridion metaphysicum, I, Cap. 10, Sec. 14; English: Henry More’s Man-
ual of Metaphysics, pp. 88–89. Henry More was a Cambridge Platonist who read Plato
through the eyes of Plotinus, and Plotinus through the eyes of Renaissance humanists like
Ficino. Critical of mechanical explanation in both Descartes and Hobbes, More argued that
material objects are no more than “congeries of physical monads” that presuppose some-
thing else to hold them together. This something is not material, but rather spatial spiritual
agency. Spirit (soul) can penetrate other spirits and material objects, initiating movement
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worth,7 who believed that we intuit all things in God. In denouncing mys-
ticism, Kant denounces a position that comes very close to what he briefly
defended. So, in some sense, he is denouncing the mysticism of his own
past as much as he is denouncing that of his successors.
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The charge of mysticism is still the standard objection that Kantians and
empiricists make against idealism, and provides an easy way to justify dis-
missing it. After all, the criticism claims, idealism is a compilation of ‘se-
cret’ doctrines, requiring privileged insights that I presumably lack and so
remain unintelligible for me. Even so, there is a link between idealism and
the Platonic mystical traditions that requires clarification. Anticipating this
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task, we may say that there are at least three types of philosophical mys-
ticism.
First, there is the kind of theory that simply defends the claim that there
is a second, deeper source of insight. This insight occurs variously in the
divine dimension, where we are in direct contact with God; in morality,
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where we are in direct contact with the spirit of the community; or even in
epistemology, where the spirit of the world reveals itself to us (the Stoic
heritage). This is the kind of mysticism Kant embraced briefly in 1768.
Second, there is a theory that tries to show that an insight (this is differ-
ent from ordinary insight) is required in order to understand what knowl-
edge is. According to this view, the foundations of knowledge are not ac-
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cessible to ordinary knowledge. So a special insight is required, and this is
said to be demonstrable. Of course, developing the insight into this source
of all possible sorts of knowledge will be an activity that is not entirely
philosophical, one which requires meditation, and possibly even ecstasies.
Philosophy justifies (so to speak) and encourages these activities that lead
to demonstrable or provable results. This type of theory is neo-Platonic
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mysticism, entailing a continuity between philosophical argument and en-
suing mystical practice, which pursues the direction philosophical argu-
by contracting and expanding. In this way, space and time become seen as attributes not
of matter, but of the deity. More’s interpretation of space and time had considerable influ-
ence on Newton’s conception of “ether” in particular and his notions of space and time in
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general.
7. Ralph Cudworth, The True Intellectual System of the Universe [1678] (Bristol:
Thoemmes Press, 1995). In this, his principal work, Cudworth proposed the absolute auton-
omy of morals from any form of will, and argued that things possess an inherent nature by
virtue of the specific quality that inheres in them. Acts cannot be made good by any form of
will (either human or divine) since good acts are either eternally good or eternally false.
Thus, morality is saved from being made subject to command.
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ments intimate. This is certainly not the type of mysticism that Kant’s criti-
cism covers, because it is not just an exclusive insight but the outcome of
long argumentation, albeit not solely argumentation.
There is a third type of theory that begins with the original mystical in-
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sight that cannot be proven in the way neo-Platonism thought possible. In
this mysticism, the insight is already there, from which a rational enlight-
enment and structuring of this insight becomes possible. Starting from
this insight, we can develop a kind of “second philosophy,” a deeper insight
into the connection of all things. The philosophical insight we develop is
rational, although it would neither be possible nor capable of development
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if it did not continually presuppose the original mystical insight into the
connection with the world. This is the type of mysticism that is definitely
Jakob Böhme’s,8 and probably also the mysticism of the Kabbalah, which,
via various intermediate steps, provided one of the key phrases for Jacobi’s
program—the “immanent ensoph”—to which I shall return.
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Having distinguished among three types of mysticism, we may answer
the question that asks to which type idealism belongs by responding that it
comes closest to the second. Idealism actually is in the neo-Platonic tradi-
tion, but not in the sense in which Kant believed, because neo-Platonism
was not what Kant thought that it was. Kant’s misconstrual derives from
the fact that he briefly embraced mysticism, and drew on seventeenth-cen-
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tury “neo-Platonic” sources that more nearly approach the first type of
mysticism than the second, which more aptly defines neo-Platonism. This
brief observation permits us to see that something is going wrong when
the orthodox Kantians, including Kant, direct the charge of mysticism in
such an unspecified way that it pertains to nearly every theory claiming a
peculiar insight that differs from ordinary insight. With a relative lack of
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familiarity with what his successors actually did, Kant leveled against them
sweeping charges of mysticism.
8. Jakob Böhme (1575–1624), Morgen-Röte im Aufgangk [1612], in Jacob Böhme Werke,
vol. VI, ed. Ferdinand van Ingen (Frankfurt am Main: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag, 1997),
pp. 9–506; English: The Aurora, ed. C. J. Barker and D. S. Hehner, trans. John Sparrow (Lon-
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don: Watkins, 1960). A Lutheran mystic, Böhme experienced a vision into the nature of the
universe in 1600. He communicates elements of this vision in his 1612 work, where he de-
scribes God as the “Abyss” who is identified with the Urgrund. God contains a will to self-in-
tuition. Through this eternal movement toward self-knowing, the divine will finds itself also
as “heart” (the Son of God) and as “moving life” (the Spirit). Böhme’s influence stretched to
the English Quakers by way of William Law and to German romanticism by way of Friedrich
Schelling.
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It is not unusual for a philosopher to identify in his successors positions

he opposed as he established his own theory. For Kant, there were only
three basic philosophical possibilities available before he had established
the critical system. The first was rationalism (or “dogmatism,” as it was of-
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ten called in Kant’s time), which focused primarily on the metaphysical
systems of Leibniz and Spinoza and which were criticized extensively by
Kant in the Critique of Pure Reason. The second was empiricism, meaning
especially the approaches of Locke and Hume, which Kant also believed he
had countered successfully in the first Critique. The third was mysticism,
particularly as the Cambridge Platonists had mediated it. Although Kant
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was aware of this possibility and had explored it, he did not specifically at-
tack it in the first Critique. Accordingly, mysticism was the only position he
encountered in his development that he did not entirely address in the Cri-
tique of Pure Reason.
When new philosophical positions rapidly appeared near the environ-
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ment of the critical philosophy, Kant could not resist criticizing them from
the only position that seemed to remain uncovered in the critical philoso-
phy—namely, mysticism. And since, in his opinion, mysticism was the di-
rect opposite of the critical philosophy, Kant considered this criticism of
his opponents decisive. For him, only rationalism and empiricism are nec-
essary to arrive at the critical position. What Kant means by this is that the
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problems Hume raised, and those that the existence of traditional meta-
physics posed, genuinely motivated his development of critical philosophy.
Mysticism did not share in this motivating importance for him. In his re-
actions to what was happening in the environment established by his criti-
cal philosophy, Kant combined two nonidentical things. His multidimen-
sional theory gave rise to the efforts of others to develop one-dimensional
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systems, which I will call “methodological monism.” These start from a
firm rule, from an attempt to start with a stable position—“on the point of
a needle”—that Kant thought to be impossible. This was, however, simply
the attempt to develop philosophy along a single line of argument, starting
from the concept of the self, and proceeding therefrom. Kant deemed this
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impossible. Simultaneously, there were those who developed what I will
call “ontological (metaphysical) monism” out of the (mystical?) insight
into an ultimate principle on which everything depends. All knowledge of
this principle, according to this view, is not only of something that is there,
but also on which everything else depends. The real relationship to this
principle, therefore, established the system of insight. In his formula, Kant
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says that critical philosophy is ascent and is opposed to mysticism. Im-

plicitly, this means for Kant that any one-dimensional system has to be-
come ultimately a system of ontological monism (into which he collapses
methodological monism). By contrast, any system that wants to be a sys-
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tem of freedom, and to succeed in defending the rights of humans, has to
be multidimensional. To be sure, Kant does not say this explicitly, but what
he does say clearly implies it.
Kant’s criticism notwithstanding, the philosophies that grew up around
him developed in precisely the ways he opposed. The attempt to give criti-
cal insight methodological form and the attempt to develop a one-dimen-
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sional ontological insight began in ways that differed totally from what
Kant was describing as mysticism. Early on, Fichte merged the two devel-
opments—methodological and ontological monism—into a single system.
Indeed, Fichte’s work was a creative response to the work of the first gen-
eration of Kant’s critics, principle among whom was Karl Leonhard Rein-
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hold, the inaugurator of methodological monism.9
In light of the systematic structure of Kant’s critical philosophy that we
have now sketched, it is possible to see how Reinhold could offer an argu-
ment in favor of methodological monism. Although Reinhold’s proposal
remained paradigmatic for his successors, they dismissed his specific argu-
ments. Despite this rejection, Reinhold remains the founder of a philo-
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sophical movement. For what Hegel does in his Logic is to fulfill the formal
requirements Reinhold set out for a methodological monism. Interestingly,
Reinhold developed his approach entirely independent of Jacobi’s criti-
cism. Fichte’s Science of Knowledge, a response of the next generation, ac-
complished the merger between the two developments in the way Kant im-
plied in his criticism. Fichte’s became an outspoken program: a philosophy
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of freedom has to be at the same time ontological monism.
Again, such developments beg explanation, for otherwise it would be
impossible to understand how Hegel could be developing what he thought
was the true spirit of Kant, while Kant was still writing in opposition to
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9. Karl Leonhard Reinhold (1758–1823) was an Austrian philosopher whose ardent de-
fense of enlightenment aims of tolerance and whose skillful exposition of Kant’s critical phi-
losophy led to the 1787 offer of a professorship of philosophy at the University of Jena.
Influential as the founder of methodological monism, Reinhold introduced a principle of
consciousness as the basic axiom of his fundamental philosophy, which he thought would
supply the foundations for valid thought that Kant had not spelled out in his critical philos-
ophy. See K. L. Reinhold, ÜSKP and VTV.
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such interpretations. Specifically, Kant published his writing on the antag-

onism between labor and mysticism in the same year that Hegel prepared
Faith and Knowledge.10 All of this is to say that the movement from a multi-
dimensional system to the programmatic attempt to accomplish a meth-
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odological and ontological monism happened very rapidly.
In order to understand this development, we need to explore briefly
Jacobi’s impact on the generation of the French Revolution. This will help
us to incorporate the arguments for one-dimensional systems and, even
more, something of the intellectual situation of the time.
I have already mentioned the speed with which philosophers were trying
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to outdo each other, establishing new systems of their own before their
predecessors had completed theirs. This rhythm parallels that of the Napo-
leonic wars with the coalitions that followed one another—peace giving
way to war, and, before one could find out what had really happened, an-
other peace or war emerging. It was as if everything could only emerge in
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controversy. I think it is evident that the rhythm of the revolutionary ep-
och is manifest in the philosophy of the twenty-year period on which we
are concentrating.
This period was also one of extraordinary productivity in literature.
Jacobi, a very influential philosopher, was also a writer. I might add that his
was not a superficial impressionist philosophy that we often attribute to
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poets, but was serious work that contributed in important ways to the de-
velopment of philosophy at that time. I think it is apt to say that Jacobi was
the first genuine Poeta Doctus, a learned poet, in the fullest sense. He was
both a creative philosopher-scholar and a creative writer. Moreover, many
others like him emerged during this time. When such a burst of creativity
occurs, I think we can be certain that deep changes are taking place in the
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intellectual situation, prompting philosophy to search for a new orien-
tation.
Now since it was their opinion that Kant had already given this new ori-
entation, they believed that it was theirs to establish this new orientation
on the deepest possible foundations. At the same time, they were eager to
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establish a philosophy that could penetrate the entire life of the mind, ar-
ticulating the basic longings of their generation. I do not think that there
has been any time in history, before or after, in which the connection be-
tween literature and philosophy was as direct and mutual.
10. G. W. F. Hegel, GlW; English: FK.
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To amplify this remark I want to sketch briefly some of the connections

among the intellectual figures of the time. Because we rarely interpret ide-
alist philosophy in connection with the intellectual developments within
which it occurred, I think this sketch may help to fill in a lacuna. Once we
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see these connections, it will become possible for us to understand how the
poet Hölderlin, for example, could be a decisive influence on Hegel, not so
much by virtue of his poetic prowess as by virtue of his creative work in
philosophy.
Let me cite as an example of the productive richness of the period a sin-
gle year—1795. In this year Fichte published his Science of Knowledge for
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the first time as a book (although he had previously distributed sections of
this work in class). In the same year, Schelling published his second work,
which was in reaction to Fichte’s Science of Knowledge.11 Schiller published
his Letters on the Aesthetic Education of Mankind12 and Goethe published
his Wilhelm Meister.13 Hölderlin wrote his criticism of Fichte and the first
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draft of the Hyperion.14 Ludwig Tieck, the first popular romantic poet,
published his first novel.15 Jacobi’s best-known follower, Jean Paul (Rich-
ter), published his novel Hesperus, which brought him fame.16 In the same
11. Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling (1775–1854), Vom Ich als Prinzip der Philosophie
oder über das Unbedingte im menschlichen Wissen [1795], ed. Harmut Buchner and Jörg
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Jantzen, in Historisch-Kritische Ausgabe, vol. I,2, ed. Hans Michael Baumgartner et al. (Stutt-
gart–Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1980), pp. 1–175.
12. F. Schiller (1759–1805), ÜäEM, pp. 309–412; English: AEM. Schiller was deeply influ-
enced by Kant’s 1790 Critique of Judgment and, in consequence, interpreted freedom as
beauty in phenomenal appearance. He became professor of history at Jena in 1789 and was
most concerned with the influence of art and beauty on rational life throughout history.
Schiller argued that to the extent that the sensuous will comes to recognize the true nature of
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beauty, the soul is transformed into beauty itself. In this state, the moral and rational wills
cease to conflict and begin to enter into harmonious accord.
13. Johann Wolfgang Goethe (1749–1832), Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre [1795–1796], in
Werke. Hamburger Ausgabe, vol. VII, ed. Erich Trunz (Munich: Beck, 1981); English: Wilhelm
Meister’s Apprenticeship, ed. and trans. Eric A. Blackall, in Goethe’s Collected Works, vol. IX,
ed. Victor Lange, et al. (New York: Suhrkamp, 1989).
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14. F. Hölderlin (1770–1843), H. An idealization of the classical Greek struggle for inde-
pendence, Hyperion depicts the attempt to create an ideal society on earth.
15. Ludwig Tieck (1773–1853), Die Geschichte des Herrn William Lovell [1795], in Ludwig
Tieck Schriften in zwölf Banden, vol. II, ed. Manfred Frank et al. (Frankfurt am Main:
Deutscher Klassiker Verlag, 1985).
16. Jean Paul (Johann Paul Friedrich Richter) (1763–1825), Hesperus, oder 45 Hunds-
posttage. Eine Lebensbeschreibung [1795], in Jean Paul Werke, vol. I, ed. Norbert Miller (Mu-
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year, Schlegel began his manuscript entitled A Philosophical Apprentice-

ship,17 on which he would work for twenty years, and Friedrich von
Hardenberg (under the pen name Novalis) started his philosophical inves-
tigations. All this, and more, occurred in one year while Kant was still liv-
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ing. Nearly five years after the publication of the Critique of Judgment, and
nearly fourteen years after the first edition of the Critique of Pure Reason
and antecedent to the publication of Metaphysics of Morals, this year gave
rise to an immense and condensed level of productivity. We can compare
its richness of productivity to that which occurred between the death of
Socrates in 399 b.c. and the death of Aristotle seventy-seven years later.
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It is possible to schematize this productivity as illustrated in the chart on
the following page, distinguishing the various traditions of intellectual
productivity within it. In the beginning there were four general positions
flowing from the discussion of Kantian philosophy. These led to interesting
and significant combinations, culminating in Hegel.
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1. Following Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason in 1781, a position emerged
that I call the “philosophy of immediacy,” whose first example was Jacobi’s
philosophy of life (Lebensphilosophie). Jacobi maintained two positions
simultaneously. He said that philosophy, if it is rational and coherent, will
either turn out to be Spinozism or absolute subjective idealism (both
of which he interpreted as ontological monism). If philosophy becomes
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Spinozism, it is absolute determinism. Following Jacobi’s reaction to the
Critique of Pure Reason, if philosophy becomes absolute subjective ideal-
ism, then it is ultimately nihilism. As Jacobi interprets it, either the concept
of being is overwhelmingly powerful (determinism), or the concept of
nothing is overwhelmingly powerful, and that is subjective idealism (which
is, for that reason, nihilism). Jacobi wanted neither to be a Spinozist nor a
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nihilist. Accordingly, he argued that we have no other choice but to develop
a philosophy of belief, not founded on formal reason.
He tried to develop this orientation in his own philosophy. His impact,
however, derived from his statement that philosophy, if coherent, results in
Spinozism. Paradoxically, the philosophy he wanted to refute (Spinozism)
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was the one with which he became associated and which, in turn, made
nich: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1960), pp. 471–1236; English: Hesperus, or Forty-five Dog-post-
days: A Biography, trans. Charles T. Brooks (Boston: Ticknor & Fields, 1865).
17. F. Schlegel (1722–1829), Philosophische Lehrjahre I [1796–1803], ed. Ernst Behler, in
FSA, vol. XVIII,2 (1963), pp. 1–501.
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kant
Critique of Pure Reason, 1781
Critique of Pure Reason (2nd ed.), 1787
Critique of Practical Reason, 1788
Critique of Judgment, 1790
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1 2 3 4
Philosophy of Doctrine of the Post-Kantian Post-Kantian
Immediacy Unity of Man Skepticism One-Dimensional
Systems
F. H. Jacobi
On the Doctrine of Spinoza in
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Letters to Moses Mendelssohn, 1785
K. L. Reinhold
David Hume on Belief, 1787 New Theory of
S. Maimon the Human Faculty
Essay on Transcendental of Representation, 1789
Philosophy, 1790
Contributions, vol. 1, 1790
G. E. Schulze
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Aenesidemus, 1792
On the Foundation
of Philosophy, 1791
F. Schiller J. G. Fichte
On Dignity and Grace Own Meditations on
1793 Elementary Philosophy, 1793
Science of Knowledge, 1794, et al.
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On the Aesthetic Education F. Schelling
Jean Paul Richter of Mankind, 1795 On the “I” as a Principle
Hesperus, 1795 of Philosophy, 1795
Clavis Fichtiana, 1799 Goethe

Wilhelm Meister, 1795
F. D. E. Schleiermacher
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Novalis
Speeches on Religion Studies on Fichte, 1795
to the Cultured among
Its Despisers, 1799 F. Schlegel
A Philosophical
Anonymous (Hegel?) F. Hölderlin Apprenticeship, 1796, seq.
First Program of an Being and Judgment, 1795
Idealist System, 1796
G. W. F. Hegel
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Early Theological Writings, 1793–1800
Fragment from a Philosophical System, 1800
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him so influential. In 1787, Jacobi wrote his own philosophy of immediacy,

entitled David Hume on Belief or On Idealism and Realism. In an appendix
on transcendental idealism, Jacobi tried to show that Kant’s system is abso-
lutely contradictory if it does not become a monism and a subjective ideal-
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ism. He argued that as long as Kant’s system did not drop the concept of
the thing-in-itself, it would remain contradictory. Because Kant’s system
defines knowledge entirely in terms of subjective activity, it cannot inte-
grate the concept of the thing-in-itself into the system. Accordingly, there
is no way to raise claims regarding the thing-in-itself, even those regarding
the probability of things-in-themselves. Because things-in-themselves are
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not justifiable according to the criteria of the critical system itself, Kant
must drop the concept all together. However, Jacobi knew that Kant could
not drop it, because the entire conceptual framework he uses at the out-
set—namely, the concept of sensation—presupposes something affecting
our senses.
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Jacobi makes the elegant statement that one cannot avoid rereading the
Critique of Pure Reason many times. Without the concept of the thing-in-
itself, he could not get into it, and with that concept, he could not stay in-
side it! So he would begin again. He finally discovered that the matter is
simply contradictory and urged Kant either to become an absolute idealist
or to refrain from idealism entirely. To do this, of course, would mean that
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Kant would switch to Jacobi’s position, in which one starts from the belief
in the being-there of something—of God, the other mind, and the mate-
rial thing. Jacobi quotes Hume extensively: it is belief that is the basis of our
opinion that there are things in the world. And that, of course, is typical of
the philosophy of immediacy.
Jacobi found Kant’s moral philosophy equally contradictory. In the sec-
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ond edition of his Concerning the Doctrine of Spinoza in Letters to Herr Mo-
ses Mendelssohn (1789), Jacobi includes a prefatory note, “Concerning the
Boundedness and Freedom of Mankind,” in which he outlines a criticism
of Kant’s moral theory.18 Thomas Wizenmann, a young follower of Jacobi,
actually carried this criticism through.19 Another of Jacobi’s followers, the
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18. F. H. Jacobi, Spin, pp. 54–64; English: CDS2, pp. 341–349.
19. Thomas Wizenmann (1759–1787), “An den Herrn Professor Kant von dem Verfasser
der Resultate Jacobi’scher und Mendelssohn’scher Philosophie,” Deutsches Museum I (1787):
116–156. Kant responded to Wizenmann in the Kritik der practischen Vernunft, calling him a
“subtle and clear-headed man.” But Kant distinguished his own view concerning the objec-
tive status of a ‘need of reason’ from Wizenmann’s contention that the need was merely an
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inclination. I. Kant, KpV, p. 144 (n); English: CPrR, p. 255 (n).
poet Jean Paul (Richter), extended this criticism to Fichte in a little booklet
filled with jokes that he published in 1799.20 Philosopher as well as poet,
Jean Paul devoted himself to work on aesthetics, which would later help to
earn him an honorary degree in philosophy from the University of Heidel-
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berg. The young Schleiermacher, in his On Religion: Addresses to the Cul-
tured among its Despisers (1799), also pursued a similar criticism of Kant’s
moral philosophy.21
2. The second position is also critical of Kant and was introduced by
Schiller in a little essay entitled “On Dignity and Grace,” in which he criti-
cized Kant’s basic distinctions.22 He extended these criticisms in his book
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On the Aesthetic Education of Mankind.23 Schiller’s criticism of Kant and
the criticisms that Jacobi and his followers made of Kant’s ethical theory
enjoy a certain connection: their deep-rootedness in art and literature.
3. Entirely independent of these positions is one that I call “post-
Kantian skepticism.” Differing from the position of both the Wolffian
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school and the empiricists, this position attempts to show that Kant makes
claims that are too far-reaching and that his is not the critical philosophy it
claims to be. Fichte would later claim that without these skeptics he would
not have been able to arrive at his own position in the Science of Knowledge,
in which he attempted to solve the problems raised by the post-Kantian
skeptics Salomon Maimon and Gottlob Ernst Schulze.
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4. The fourth position is post-Kantian one-dimensional systems. Rein-
hold exemplifies this position in his 1789 work Attempt at A New Theory of
the Human Faculty of Representation.24 In two successive works in 1790 and
1791, he attempted to advance new versions of his new one-dimensional
20. Jean Paul, “Clavis Fichtiana seu Liebgeberiana (Anhang zum 1. komischen Anhang
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des Titans)” [1800], in Jean Paul Werke, vol. III (1961), pp. 1013–1056. For selections in Eng-
lish, see Jean Paul: A Reader, ed. Timothy J. Casey, trans. Erika Casey (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1992), pp. 227–235.
21. Friedrich Daniel Ernst Schleiermacher (1768–1834), Über die Religion. Reden an die
Gebildeten unter ihren Verächtern [1799], ed. Günter Meckenstock, in Kritische Gesamtaus-
gabe, vol. I,12, ed. Hermann Fischer, et al. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1995), pp. 1–321; Eng-
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lish: On Religion. Speeches to its Cultured Despisers, ed. and trans. Richard Crouter (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). The first two editions of Schleiermacher’s Über
die Religion were published anonymously (Berlin: Johann Friedrich Unger, 1799; 2nd ed.
Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1806).
22. F. Schiller, “Über Anmuth und Würde” [1793], ed. Benno von Wiese, in SWN, vol.
XX,1 (1962), pp. 251–308.
23. See note 12 above.
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24. K. L. Reinhold, VTV.
system.25 Fichte, who wanted to embrace a one-dimensional system but

also to meet the criticisms of Schulze, produced his Science of Knowledge in
1793–1794.
Although all four positions are both post-Kantian and, in some sense,
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anti-Kantian, they are nonetheless different. These positions merged in the
year 1795 when those of the young generation, who were raised at the time
of the French Revolution, began to assert themselves. Hölderlin, for exam-
ple, who studied with Fichte in Jena (1794) and who, when he was a stu-
dent at Tübingen (1788–1793), had found Jacobi compelling, was deeply
dependent on Schiller, whose poetry he closely imitated in his early writ-
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ing. He started a philosophical criticism of the Science of Knowledge that
Schiller, Fichte, and Jacobi deeply influenced. Indeed, it is in Hölderlin that
Jacobi, Fichte, and Schiller converge. Hölderlin’s contribution notwith-
standing, we could equally well place Friedrich Schlegel, the founder of the
romantic theory of poetry, at this point of confluence. A direct disciple of
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Fichte, Schlegel studied the Science of Knowledge for years, but also was
deeply dependent on Jacobi. We could even designate Friedrich von
Hardenburg (Novalis) as the point of confluence between Jacobi, Schiller,
and Fichte. Hölderlin stands out in this regard, however, owing to his deci-
sive influence on Hegel.
Let us recur briefly to the three definitions Kant gave of his philosophy.
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The first is that it is critical and solves the problems of metaphysics by re-
futing dogmatism (rationalism) and empiricism. The second is that it is a
theory of mental activity and of the unity of the subject, even though this
is not comprehensive inasmuch as it does not incorporate the theory of
freedom. The third is that philosophy is the subordination of everything to
freedom. This last definition accounts for the systematic structure of Kant’s
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system. Kant said, nevertheless, that between this philosophy of freedom
(which conceives of freedom as an activity) and mysticism (which con-
ceives of the world as a monistic system into whose foundation we have
some privileged insight) there is a relationship of exclusion. Kant’s philos-
ophy of freedom and the notion of mysticism are directly opposed.
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Hölderlin and Hegel, however, claimed that the opposite was true: what
has to be achieved is a reconciliation that integrates mysticism and Kant’s
philosophy of freedom. In a word, their thematic program reconciles
Jacobi and Kant, or better, their thematic program reconciles the claim that
25. K. L. Reinhold, Beytr. I and ÜF.
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freedom is the highest principle (Kant) with the claim that a rational phi-
losophy, to be coherent, has to be Spinozistic (Jacobi). Hegel actually inte-
grates these two claims in his work.
The intellectual implications of such a program, as well as its relation to
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the far-reaching tradition of Platonic philosophy, require further explana-
tion. In the next two lectures I comment further on Jacobi’s work and the
philosophical innovations Reinhold made. These remarks will carry us
well into the early movements of idealism, where Jacobi’s and Reinhold’s
influence most clearly come into view.
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Kant’s Early Critics Jacobi and the “Spinozism of Freedom”
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Jacobi and the
“Spinozism of Freedom”
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We have now completed the general account of the systematic structure of
Kant’s philosophy and have begun to look at the arguments against his im-
plicitly multidimensional system. We have also considered briefly various
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forms of mysticism, which are distinguished by the way in which they re-
late philosophical theory, built on ordinary philosophical arguments, to an
insight that transcends them. In light of these considerations, we noted
that Kant defined the distinction between his critical philosophy and the
positions of those successors—who could not be reduced to positions with
which he was familiar when he wrote the first Critique—as that between
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philosophical labor and mysticism. Indeed, Kant’s description of mysti-
cism also implies self-criticism, in the sense that it rejects a position toward
which he had been inclined before he arrived at the critical system. For this
reason, Kant’s criticism of mysticism is limited, and does not encompass
within its scope much of what we would designate, in some sense, as mys-
tical theories.
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Idealism is not identical with the three senses of philosophical mysti-
cism mentioned in Lecture 5. Nonetheless, we see it best as standing within
a tradition to which neo-Platonic mysticism also belongs. Moreover, some
idealists even developed theories that include mystical elements, as for ex-
ample, the late philosophy of Fichte. It is therefore useful for us to see ide-
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alism not only in its relationship to Kantianism, but also in its relationship
to those traditions it attempts to reconcile and unite with Kant’s discover-
ies. Kant, of course, personally believed that it was obviously nonsense to
detect something that he might share with these traditions, because he be-
lieved that these traditions were in direct opposition to what he was pro-
posing.
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82
Jacobi and the “Spinozism of Freedom” 83
The rapid development of idealism during Kant’s lifetime emerged in

the context of four post-Kantian philosophical positions that criticized
some aspect of Kant’s theory.1 At first, these four positions were completely
independent of one another, but they soon began to merge in the theory of
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Fichte, and then more fully in the theories of Hegel and Hölderlin. The
four positions were as follows: (1) the philosophy of immediacy, as Jacobi
introduced it; (2) the criticism of Kant’s ethical writings, in terms of the
postulate of the ultimate unity of man (i.e., one cannot divide humans
into a merely rational and a merely sensual part); (3) post-Kantian skep-
ticism, which Fichte considered to be of utmost importance for the de-
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velopment of the Science of Knowledge; and, (4) the post-Kantian one-di-
mensional systems (methodological monism that Reinhold introduced).
Writers, who were also poets, inaugurated both the philosophy of immedi-
acy and the doctrine of the unity of man, whereas academic criticism pro-
duced post-Kantian skepticism and methodological monism. While it is
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possible to bypass Jacobi and Schiller and to start with Reinhold’s method-
ological monism and post-Kantian skepticism, it is nonetheless preferable
to begin with the philosophy of immediacy and the doctrine of the unity
of man because these positions had more impact on the general intellec-
tual climate of the time than those of the academicians.2
The influence of Jacobi’s philosophy of immediacy was indeed pro-
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found. It extended to all the idealists, but with none was it as arresting as
with Fichte. A very aggressive writer, Fichte was capable of writing annihi-
lating criticisms of his opponents. Once, when embroiled in a controversy
with his colleague Carl Christian Erhard Schmid (1761–1812), Fichte de-
clared: “[E]verything that Professor Schmid henceforth has to say concern-
ing any of my philosophical assertions . . . I hereby declare to be something
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which does not exist at all as far as I am concerned. And I declare Professor
Schmid himself to be nonexistent as a philosopher. . . .”3 His attitude toward
Jacobi, however, was just the opposite. When Fichte first published the Sci-
1. See the table in Lecture 5, p. 77.
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2. In this lecture, Henrich noted in passing that the influence of academicians was more
pronounced in Fichte’s later versions of the Wissenschaftslehre (1797, et seq.) and in Hegel’s
Wissenschaft der Logik.
3. J. G. Fichte, “Vergleichung des vom Herrn Prof. Schmid aufgestellten Systems mit der
Wissenschaftslehre” [1796], ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. I,3 (1966),
p. 266; English: “A Comparison between Prof. Schmid’s System and the Wissenschaftslehre
[Excerpt],” in EPW, p. 335.
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ence of Knowledge, he mailed a copy to Jacobi, whom he did not yet know.
In an accompanying letter, Fichte confessed that he expected all the philos-
ophers of that time to criticize and reject his work. He believed, however,
that Jacobi would be the sole exception to this, and confided that he de-
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tected striking similarities between his own philosophical intentions and
Jacobi’s work. When, five years later, Fichte came under the charge of athe-
ism, he appealed in his written defense to Jacobi as his main witness
against this charge. Fichte was stunned and helpless when Jacobi did not
rise to his defense and, instead, sided with those who made the charge of
atheism. Utterly unable to fight back against Jacobi’s criticism, Fichte could
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only say that there must have been a deep misunderstanding. Fichte subse-
quently lost his chair at Jena, and no one has been able to explain in a con-
vincing way why he felt at the beginning that Jacobi was an ally.
Jacobi’s work also exerted influence on Hegel. In his early work Faith
and Knowledge,4 Hegel cited Jacobi’s as one of the three great philosophical
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positions at the time, along with Fichte’s and Schelling’s. He also wrote a
fairly sympathetic review of the 1813 edition of Jacobi’s works.5 Hegel’s ex-
tensive support of Jacobi did not go unnoticed. In one of his last letters to a
friend, Jacobi included the statement that he would very much like to have
the strength to start the entire philosophical enterprise over again with
Hegel, and to see where that way of thinking might have led him.6
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These developments in post-Kantianism, in which writers and poets
contributed to philosophy almost as much as philosophy contributed to
poetry and literature, are important features of the background to ideal-
ist thinking. But to appreciate Jacobi’s impact on the generation born
between 1760 and 1775—the years in which all the great idealists were
born—we need to understand something of the appropriation of Greek
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philosophy that fed idealism.
The event of the publication of the Critique of Pure Reason marks a
complete change in the philosophical scene. Beyond his intention, Kant ac-
tually undermined the Leibnizian metaphysical tradition and Lockean em-
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4. G. W. F. Hegel, GlW; English: FK.
5. G. W. F. Hegel, “Friederich Heinrich Jacobi’s Werke” [1817], ed. Friedrich Hogemann
and Christoph Jamme, in GW, vol. XV (1990), pp. 7–29. The review was originally published
in the Heidelbergische Jahrbücher der Litteratur, 10,1 (January–June 1817).
6. Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi, “Jacobi an Johann Reib,” May 1817, in Friedrich Heinrich
Jacobis Auserlesener Briefwechsel, vol. II, ed. Friedrich von Roth (Leipzig: Fleischer, 1827,
repr. Bern: Herbert Lang, 1970), pp. 466–470.
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piricism (initially in Germany, and later on throughout Europe). As a con-

sequence of this complete change, the dominant schools were no longer
able to suppress other traditions, even though Kant was more hostile to-
ward these formerly suppressed traditions than he was toward the domi-
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nant schools of his time. He had been critical of Leibniz and Locke, to be
sure, but the suppressed traditions he rejected entirely, believing them to
be irrelevant for philosophy. This is something that very often happens
when revolutions take place: a revolution always opens possibilities for
those who are rivals of the revolutionaries, yet who had also been victims
of the fallen rule. Having been suppressed by that rule in the past, although
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they are not in any accord with those making the revolution, they receive a
new opportunity by virtue of the revolution itself. When the Critique of
Pure Reason effectively upended Leibnizian metaphysics and Lockean em-
piricism, the traditions Leibniz and Locke had once discounted regained
influence.
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There were three such traditions: (1) Spinozism, not in its academic
form, but as a philosophy that various little Protestant sects (in the Nether-
lands, for instance, from whence their influence subsequently spread over
Europe) advocated; (2) a certain popular philosophy that we may call “the
philosophy of love,” of which Shaftsbury,7 for instance, is a representative,
and that proved more influential in literature than in academic philoso-
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phy; and (3) a certain theological line of thinking, the “theology of the
spirit,” to which we shall come later on.
Each of these suppressed traditions, which lacked any academic influ-
ence, depended in one way or another on Plato. Platonism is one of the
main lines of European thinking. We can define it superficially—although
not entirely misleadingly—by contrasting it to Aristotelianism. Accord-
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ingly, we could say that Platonic positions do not accept Aristotle’s ulti-
mate orientation toward the concept of being as the most basic notion in
theory and in the understanding of human life. By contrast, Platonism
identifies unity as the central concept from which all reasoning begins. One
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7. Anthony Shaftsbury, “An Inquiry Concerning Virtue, or Merit” [1699], in Charac-
teristicks of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times, vol. I, ed. Philip Ayres (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1999), pp. 196, 272–274. The third Earl of Shaftsbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper (1671–1713)
opposed John Locke by arguing that people are naturally virtuous even though they might
not always act in a virtuous manner. Understanding the affection toward virtue as innate,
Shaftsbury contended that people who have become cognizant of the pleasures found in vir-
tuous activities will tend toward virtue rather than self-interest.
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could say that Platonism is “henology” (to hen = The One) as opposed to
“ontology.” “The One” (an artificial philosophical word, which was not
there before the school of Parmenides) is used here as a subject, not as a
predicate or a numeral. For Aristotle, the concept of oneness is only an as-
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pect of the particular. Every particular is “one,” insofar as it is indivisible
and individual. “Oneness,” in this view, basically depends on the meaning
of “Being.” In Platonism, the reverse is true: the concept of The One is self-
sufficient, so to speak, preceding the domain of particulars. Accordingly,
The One accounts for the existence of particulars in a manifold that is
somehow unified, structured, and determinate. It is a variant of the One.
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All these basic predicates of the particular can be interpreted in terms of
The One (to hen) that precedes all being. The basis of the particulars—in-
sofar as they are intelligible, specific, different from anything else, and able
to persist—depends on The One.
There are many possible approaches to the introduction of The One
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into philosophy. Let me cite an example. If we make reference to a particu-
lar, we always presuppose a domain in which we are isolating this particu-
lar as different from others present and accessible in the same domain. We
cannot make reference to the domain in the same way in which we can
make reference to a particular. The domain is not a particular: it is The
One, on the basis of which reference to a particular is possible.
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We could just as well turn, however, to motivations arising from human
experience to explain how the philosophical concept of The One is a basic
and philosophically relevant approach to the world. To think of the world
as The One—as, so to speak, dominated and constituted by an intrinsic
principle of unity, in terms of which everything can be understood—
means that one establishes a distance between the cognizing subject and
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the totality of all of that which we can think. To think of The One is to hold
everything we can imagine together; the concept of The One promises, so
to speak, the fulfillment of the hope that all boundaries can be overcome.
If I am in a relation to The One, which is the internal ground of the world,
I am free from merely being bound or related to limited finite beings, to
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particulars. The individual who knows about The One is able to live in
front of the world as a totality, and also to keep a distance from it.
At the same time, the concept of The One also implies that the position
of the cognizing subject in front of the world is not ultimate, because it can
subsume itself under the concept of The One, of the totality. Because it can
conceive itself as a part of the unified whole, it has to understand its de-
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pendency on the all-embracing reality. Consequently, the idea of The One

incorporates also the idea of the self-resignation of the subject, and thus
ends any isolated subjectivity. But this end of resignation of subjectivity
can take place only after the establishment of the distance has taken place
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also—it cannot take place in advance; it comes second. So the concept of
The One establishes first a distance to anything, and, subsequently, a dis-
tance to myself as well. Therefore, the philosophy of The One implies the
achievement of an insight into the world that corresponds to the indepen-
dent self, while also implying, simultaneously, the overcoming of the inde-
pendence of the self. Such overcoming of the self ’s independence becomes
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the ultimate basis of the self ’s self-fulfillment.
Now the concept of The One and its philosophical tradition obviously
can incorporate experiences that are specifically modern—for example,
the experience of subjectivity as set free from all concrete, finite bound-
aries and dependencies on the world and in front of the world, which is
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just one total system. Moreover, it can also imply the sufferings of solitude,
which issue from the isolation of the subject in the face of the totality, to-
gether with the longing for the reintegration of the free self into totality.
(This longing for the reintegration of the self explains, in part, modern and
contemporary penchants to accept mystical theories.)
There is a term that depends on a monistic conception of the world
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and that played a key role in the philosophical development of Hegel,
Hölderlin, and even of Fichte. It is the term “union,” which in German is
Vereinigung, and in Greek henôsis. I think it important to say a few words
about its significance. Union is clearly different from combination, al-
though it is difficult to say in what the difference consists. Henôsis (union)
is well known as a term that the neo-Platonists used widely, although it is
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Stoic in origin.8 We are probably more familiar with its use in Marx’s con-
8. We tend to be acquainted with the revival of Platonism in the north Italian city-repub-
lics during the Renaissance; but less known, and more important, is the revival of Stoic ter-
minology at the beginning of modern times. It becomes manifest in the philosophical theo-
ries of Hobbes and Spinoza, in which the concept of self-consciousness in specific relation to
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the concept of self-preservation dominates. These are concepts that are dependent on Stoic
thought and were taken up by modern thinkers via Cicero, as was the concept of “union.”
For an explication of the reappearance of Stoicism in modern thought, and an investiga-
tion into why the philosophical structure of Stoicism has distinctive status in modern phi-
losophy, see a claim first made by Wilhelm Dilthey in “Der entwicklungsgeschichtliche
Pantheismus nach seinem geschichtlichen Zusammenhang mit den älteren pantheistischen
Systemen” [1900], in Wilhelm Diltheys Gesammelte Schriften, vol. II, ed. Georg Misch (Leip-
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cluding sentence of The Communist Manifesto: “Proletarians of all coun-

tries, unite!” Marx does not say, “combine your strength,” but “unite.”9
One can discover the meaning of “union” by looking at its Stoic origin.
Stoicism is a certain way of using Platonic theoretical motives for building
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up a monistic image of the world. In the Stoic philosophy of nature, we
have two principles: the active form and the passive manifold. Differ-
ing from, for instance, Platonism or Aristotelianism, Stoicism holds that
the world order is not something that can be taken for granted. Instead,
the world order has to be established and preserved continuously. With-
out some power that holds it together, preserving it in the state in which
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it is ordered, the world would fall apart. The formula, hen panta, hen kai
pan, the One-and-All, captures this programmatic idea. It first appears in
Heraclitus, but in its strongest sense the formula had its origin in Stoicism,
as we learn from Diogenes Laertius’ account of Chrysippus’ teachings.10
What Heraclitus meant by this formula was only the comprehensive unity
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of all opposites in the cosmos. He did not yet entertain a metaphysical con-
ception of the monistic totality of the world, which presupposes the Pla-
tonic notion of the One.
In establishing the idea of hen panta as the one principle that guarantees
the being-there of everything, the Stoics were claiming that the unity of the
world has to be enforced, and that only one unity principle of the world
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can guarantee the unity of its existence. According to the Stoa, the mixture
of finite beings enforces this unity. In support of this view, the Stoa devel-
oped a theory of various types of mixture, the highest of which is chemical.
They defined this chemical mixture by the change of the quality of the
parts that enter into it. Thus chemical mixture is, so to speak, union. If
consciousness undergoes “chemical mixture,” union takes place and the
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state of consciousness changes. So union (henôsis) differs from combina-
tion or composition insofar as it carries with it a new quality—a quality of
zig: B. G. Teubner, 1921), p. 315. For a reassessment, see D. Henrich, GmP; id., ÜSS; id., SuG.
For an extended commentary, see David S. Pacini, The Cunning of Modern Religious Thought
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(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987), pp. 45–62.
9. “Proletarier aller Länder, vereinigt euch!” Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Manifest der
Kommunistischen Partei [1848], in Marx-Engels Werke, vol. IV, ed. Institut für Marxismus-
Leninismus beim ZK der SED (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1969), p. 493; English: The Communist
Manifesto, ed. David McLellan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 500.
10. Diogenes Laertius (3rd c.), Lives of Eminent Philosophers, trans. R. D. Hicks, 2 vols.
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1925, rev. and repr. 1979–1980).
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consciousness—that develops in the process, and is not reducible to what

preceded it. The possibility that this could be something that philosophy
also has to achieve attracted the early idealists.11
It is easy to combine this Stoic idea of hen panta with another of their
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ideas—oikeiôsis—to arrive at the idea of the “rational” being. (To link
these ideas, as I am about to do, yields what can become a typical idealist
position.) According to Stoicism, just as the world has to be preserved in
the “cosmic” or “ordered” state it is in, so also does every being have to pre-
serve itself. In order to preserve its own existence, every being has to de-
velop a “good disposition” toward itself, in order to be in relationship with
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itself. Failing this, a being cannot preserve itself. In this context, its “self ”
means the specific constitution of a being. So a being that has this consti-
tution cannot preserve itself, unless it has the right disposition toward it-
self. The way of being well disposed toward oneself (oikeiôsis) is self-ac-
quaintance. It is clearly a conscious way of being well disposed to oneself,
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and it is the Stoa who introduced “consciousness” as a basic concept of
philosophy. The one who has an adequate awareness of what he is, is, in the
way in which he is, well disposed to himself, and accordingly, is able to pre-
serve himself in a specific existence. By contrast, a being who is not well
disposed to itself, and, for that reason, lacks the capacity to preserve itself
adequately, is in the state of allotriôsis—a Stoic term designating a relation-
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ship to oneself in which what a being considers itself to be is something
other than itself (allotrion). So to be in the state of allotriôsis is to be in the
state of “self-alienation”: in considering itself to be something that it is not,
a being ceases to be well—it becomes self-alienated.
With the combination of the Stoic doctrine of oikeiôsis with the doctrine
of hen panta, we join the ideas of the complete overcoming of self-alien-
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ation—that is, coming to the ultimate in being well disposed to oneself in
true self-understanding—and the complete unification (and, thereby, the
new quality) of consciousness that emerges; and we arrive at a third ele-
ment, the rational being. The stress upon rational is crucial. To be sure, the
frog also has to preserve itself, but the frog does not do so consciously, and
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11. Henrich offered a related example: Karl Marx argued that within the process of uni-
fication of the proletariat and, in particular, within the process of revolution, the state of
consciousness is changed in such a way that humans become able to overcome old bound-
aries and to establish a new society. Prior to these processes, however, humans cannot even
think of such an overcoming or of a new social order, because they lack this new quality of
consciousness.
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for that reason does not exhibit self-acquaintance, lacking as it does “ratio-
nal being.” The point is that for the Stoa a rational being cannot be well
disposed toward itself unless it understands its position in the world. This
means understanding specifically the way in which a particular is both in
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an order of being and in relation to the universe, which is the order and
power of unification. To put this another way, a rational being cannot be
acquainted with itself unless it understands itself to be a part of the ratio-
nal order, and it is precisely this understanding that is the ultimate over-
coming of any possible self-alienation. If I understand the universe and my
position in it, I cannot take myself for something that I am not, for some-
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thing that is different from and alien to me.12
The concept of The One and the philosophical tradition that grew up
around it has always had to deal with the problem of the intelligibility of
the world order in terms of The One. The Stoics were materialists, and they
established their monistic system such that the ordering One was identical
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with the element of fire, which again is identical with spirit, the unifying
power in the world. But the problem becomes very different if one keeps it
in the original Platonic context. Indeed, Plato himself came to criticize
possible talk about The One. His Parmenides gives a long sequence of argu-
ments against the intelligibility of the Eleatic theory of The One that is
identical with Being.13 Nonetheless, Plato’s late dialogues are oriented to-
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ward the nature of The One and the “indeterminate two” as the basic de-
sign of the structure of the concept. Plato claimed that the nature of the
Idea has to be defined in terms of The One and its correlate, the still-inde-
terminate-two.
Two central issues distinguish neo-Platonism from the Stoic philosophy
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12. Henrich noted in passing that the early idealist conception of the ultimate state of
consciousness can be described in terms of the combination of the Stoic doctrines of hen
panta, oikeiôsis, and rationality. We can combine Stoic doctrines of The One—the immanent
order of the world—with the doctrines of self-acquaintance and of the qualitative change of
consciousness. Henrich paraphrased Hölderlin: ‘I cannot be myself unless I am one and in
accordance with all.’ See F. Hölderlin, “Über die Verfahrungsweise des poëtischen Geistes”
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(1800), ed. Friedrich Beissner, in StA IV,1 (1961), p. 253 (n); English: “On the Operations of
the Poetic Spirit,” in Friedrich Hölderlin: Essays and Letters on Theory, trans. and ed. Thomas
Pfau (Albany: SUNY Press, 1988), p. 73 (n). Hölderlin’s view is a combination of the
world with the doctrines of self-acquaintance and the qualitative change of states. Although
showing Stoic influence, Hölderlin’s construal diverges from the literal Stoic formulation.
13. Plato, Parmenides, trans. Mary Louise Gill and Paul Ryan, in Plato: Complete Works,
ed. John M. Cooper (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1997), pp. 359–397.
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of nature. The first is whether we can know the principle that guarantees
the order of the world (The One). The second concerns the relationship of
the order (the manifold) to The One. For example, does the manifold de-
pend on The One or does it emanate from it? Neo-Platonism, although a
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theory that consistently starts from the Platonic problem of The One, is
not monism in the strictest sense. For The One is conceived of as some-
thing that differs from “the many,” and therefore we can interpret the many
in terms of The One. “The many” has to emanate, or “fulgurate” from The
One that is self-sufficient and so, from the outset, is independent of the en-
tire manifold (“the many”).
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By contrast, Stoicism is such a monism. The principle of unity does not
differ from the existence of the manifold in the sense that we would have to
derive the manifold from The One. Rather, The One and “the many” are in
an original correspondence. Moreover, the order that The One preserves
and guarantees is not external to The One. But all this not withstanding,
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the Stoic program remains basically a philosophy of nature. It is not a sys-
tem of the Platonic type, having as its epistemological basis the problem
of the intelligibility of The One. A fusion of Stoic monism and of the
epistemological problem of the intelligibility of The One occurs in the
metaphysical system of Spinoza.
The post-Kantian intellectual movement begins with a revival of Spi-
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nozism. In Jacobi’s letters to Moses Mendelssohn, he takes up the doctrine
of Spinoza.14 Jacobi reported that the poet and critic Lessing had confessed
in conversation that he was a Spinozist. This report came after Lessing’s
death and is not substantiated by anything in his own writings. Neverthe-
less, Jacobi claimed that Lessing had said: “‘The orthodox concepts of the
Divinity are no longer for me; I cannot stomach them. Hen kai pan! I know
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of nothing else. . . . There is no other philosophy than the philosophy of
Spinoza.’”15 With the alleged endorsement of Lessing, Jacobi goes on to ex-
plain the spirit of Spinozistic thought. Spinoza has as his first premise a
nihilo nihil fit, from nothing comes nothing. Maintaining this premise in
its strictest possible sense means that we have to reject all transitory causes,
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including the Christian idea of the creation of the world (ex nihilo, from
nothing) and the neo-Platonic idea of emanation from the transcendent
14. F. H. Jacobi, Spin (1785); English: CDS1.

15. F. H. Jacobi, “Jacobi an M. Mendelssohn,” Pempelfort, 4 November 1783, in Bw,
p. 229; English: CDS1, p. 187.
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One. If one takes a nihilo nihil fit in the strict sense, the omnipotent God
can no more create the world originally than emanation theory can claim
that the finite is a place that God fills by emanation, because these state-
ments rest on the assumption that something is brought out of nothing.
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According to Jacobi, Spinoza’s ultimate premise is that we have to reject
this idea entirely. Spinoza rejected any transition from the infinite to the
finite, and consequently replaced the emanating ensoph with an imma-
nent one.
The term—ensoph—derives from the Jewish mystical tradition of Kab-
balah, which depends heavily on neo-Platonic speculation. It appears in
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the thirteenth-century Soncino Zohar16 and in Isaac Luria, the great Jewish
mystic.17 Meaning literally, “there is no end,” ensoph refers to the infinite.
Spinoza, who also stands in this Kabbalistic tradition of Jewish philosophy,
could not, when thinking about the infinite (ensoph), accept the neo-Pla-
tonic intimations that emanation is somehow similar to the Christian
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sense of creation. For this reason, he replaced the emanating ensoph with
an immanent one—an infinite that is internal to the world order itself. So
conceived, the ensoph ceases to be an infinite from which something might
conceivably emanate, and becomes, in a way that does not involve transi-
tion from the infinite to the finite, something in the world.
Given Jacobi’s presentation of Spinozism, it is not difficult to see how
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Spinozism becomes, in modern times, the reestablishment of Stoicism, un-
der the provisos of Platonic thought on The One. It is doubtless puzzling
that this idea of the Spinozistic immanent ensoph could be associated with
Kant’s philosophical position. Indeed, Kant rejected the association as ab-
surd and could not understand why there were those who claimed that the
Critique of Pure Reason is Spinozistic. But Jacobi did maintain this position
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16. Soncino Zohar, Soncino classics collection [electronic resource], Judaic Classics Li-
brary (Chicago: Davka Corporation, 1991–1996).
17. Isaac ben Solomon Luria (1534–1572) was a student of Moses ben Jacob Cordovero
(1522–1570) and wrote Pardes Rimmonim (Cracow: Nowy Dwor, 1591), which formed the
most complete and systematic formulation of the doctrines of Kabbalah. Luria left no writ-
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ten work himself, but subsequent disciples testify to his authoritative developments of the
doctrines of creation and redemption. Both Cordovero and Luria stand in the long tradition
of speculative Kabbalism, which is particularly interested in the theory of emanation—a tra-
dition that began in southern France around 1200 and was chiefly supported by Isaac the
Blind. Martin Buber’s work entails important modern reformulations of the Hasidic view
that emerged from eighteenth-century Polish Hasidism, which maintained Lurianic Kabba-
listic ties.
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and his success is evident in the programmatic formula describing the task
of the philosophy of freedom: “We need a Spinozism of freedom.” On
Epiphany, 1795, Schelling wrote to his friend Hegel, “I became a Spinozist.”
He meant by this that he wanted to develop a theory that had the formal
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structure of Spinoza’s Ethics, but was simultaneously a philosophy of free-
dom.
In 1797, another Spinozistic writing appeared, which we now refer to as
“First Program of an Idealist System.”18 The manuscript is in Hegel’s hand-
writing, but it is doubtful that Hegel wrote it. It appears to be a copy, but
whether it is a copy from a text someone else wrote or if it is from Hegel’s
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own manuscripts remains undetermined. If it is a copy Hegel made of his
own work, it is provocative to puzzle over why he might have done this.
The manuscript is only three pages long, and begins with “an ethics.” It is
evident that the author has in mind Spinoza’s Ethics, but it is not a system
that accepts determinism.19 On the contrary, it declares at the very outset
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that ‘a system that is an ethics in Spinoza’s sense has to start from the self as
an absolutely free being.’
This is a peculiar claim indeed. It unites the determinism of Spinoza—
or as Leibniz described it, fatalism—with Kant’s formula that everything
has to be subordinated to freedom. These elements seem to oppose each
other directly. Moreover, the Critique of Pure Reason rejects all metaphysi-
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cal systems including Spinoza’s, which Kant reckoned to be a very bad sys-
tem. To make Spinozism and Kantianism compatible seems to depend on
18. G. W. F. Hegel, ÄS; English: ESGI. Refining the work of Herman Nohl, Gisela Schüler
places the date of publication for ÄS at 1796. Gisela Schüler, “Zur Chronologie von Hegels
Jugendschriften,” Hegel-Studien, 2 (1963): 111–159. Henrich is one among a group of schol-
ars who demur from this view, citing Hölderlin’s influence upon the fragment and dating
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it to 1797. For a summary regarding the dating of this text, see Mythologie der Vernunft.
Hegels “Ältestes Systemprogramm des deutschen Idealismus,” ed. Christoph Jamme and
Helmut Schneider (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1984), p. 42.
19. “P48: In the mind there is no absolute, or free, will, but the Mind is determined to will
this or that by a cause which is also determined by another, and this again by another, and so to
infinity.
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Dem.: The Mind is a certain and determinate mode of thinking (by P11) and so (by
IP17C2) cannot be a free cause of its own actions, or cannot have an absolute faculty of will-
ing and not willing. Rather it must be determined to willing this or that (by IP28) by a cause
which is also determined by another, and this cause by another, etc., q.e.d.” Benedictus de
Spinoza (1632–1677), Ethica [1677], II, P48, in Opera, vol. II, ed. Carl Gebhardt (Heidelberg:
Winter, 1925, 2nd ed. 1972), p. 129; English: Ethics, in Collected Works of Spinoza, trans. and
ed. Edwin Curley (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 483.
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the idea of the immanent ensoph, but Kant and Moses Mendelssohn com-
plained that Jacobi’s rendering of the Spinozistic idea of the immanent
ensoph is unintelligible from the very beginning. To the generation of
Hegel, Schelling, and their friends, Spinozism and Kantianism, despite
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their obvious incompatibilities, did appear to be allied: both constitute
fundamental criticisms of traditional Christian religion, and especially of
theological doctrines that were dominant at that time. Lessing’s confession
that “the orthodox concepts of God do not exist for me any longer” was
a reaction to Goethe’s poem about Prometheus, which Jacobi published
without authorization in his report of Lessing’s confession.20 As a protest
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against the transcendent God, the last line of the poem portrays Prome-
theus as saying ‘I am sitting here, I form men after my image, a race which
resembles me, to suffer, to weep, to enjoy, to be glad, and not to care about
you, as me.’ Jacobi portrays Lessing as exuberant: ‘Wonderful! I accept
what the poem says. The orthodox concepts of God do not exist for me
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any longer. Hen kai pan. That is all I know about.’ Jacobi’s construal of
Lessing’s confession forms the point of view from which Spinoza and Kant
seem to correspond: there is no transcendent God on whom we are depen-
dent, whose laws we have to obey, and on whom the salvation for which we
hope rests. To conceive of the relation between God and humans as exter-
nal is to neglect spontaneity and to legitimate the autocratic political re-
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gimes built on that model. This way of thinking is responsible for the en-
tire system of life that keeps life in chains. (This is one reason why Hegel,
who wanted to get rid of all chains, read Rousseau continuously.)
To the generation of Hegel and his young friends, this system of the
past—wherein God is conceived as the external cause of the world and as
continuing to exercise demands on us—is just as incompatible with Kant’s
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doctrine of freedom (in which everything is subordinated to freedom) as it
is with Spinoza’s doctrine of the immanent ensoph (in which there are no
external causes). So they thought that if there is a God—and Spinoza, of
course, taught that there is one—it is not outside us, addressing us through
demands and acts of revelation, but inside us. If God is acting at all, God is
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pp. 244–246; English: CDS1, pp. 185–186. During this period, Johann Wolfgang Goethe
served as a member of the governing council at Weimar and was addressed as “his Excel-
lency.” He became irate about Jacobi’s unauthorized publication of the poem owing to its in-
cendiary content: the poem expressed an atheistic viewpoint and protested against the idea
of a transcendent God.
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acting inside of us; and if we are free, it must be possible to think that
our freedom is not simply in contradiction with, but something that is al-
ready essentially a part of the life of God. This is what the rallying cry of
the “Spinozism of freedom” meant to the generation of Hegel, Hölderlin,
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Fichte, and Schelling.
This younger generation committed itself to the “Spinozism of free-
dom.” They believed that unless they could arrive at a philosophical posi-
tion that justified this idea, they would not be able to defend the basic in-
tellectual experiences of their time. To be sure, a programmatic slogan is
not the same thing as a guarantee for successful execution. Within the
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scope of this program the tension would remain between two doctrines—
that of the immanent ensoph and that of the experience of freedom. The
aim was to render these doctrines compatible.
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Kant’s Early Critics Jacobi and the Philosophy of Immediacy
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Jacobi and the
Philosophy of Immediacy
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One of the most significant events in the development of early post-
Kantian thought was the controversy Jacobi initiated over Spinoza. But in
order to understand its power for the younger generation, we will need to
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trace some of its antecedent themes in Greek thought. Idealism has roots
not only in Kantian thinking, but also in several Greek philosophical tradi-
tions that, although suppressed in the eighteenth century, some of the
post-Kantian thinkers restored to academic respectability. This was a pe-
riod of renewed interest in ontological monism, whose roots lie in the con-
ceptual tools and theoretical problems of Plato’s philosophy. Throughout
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northern Europe, Roman neo-Platonism developed and transmitted this
tradition in which the concept of The One as subject is fundamental. We
may describe this theory of The One as henology, by way of contrast to on-
tology, which is the theory of Being as Aristotle established it. Although
providing conceptual tools for a theory of The One, Platonism is not itself
a monism.
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The monist doctrine—that there is only a single world and that The
One is the organizing principle and is only internal to that world—derives
from Stoicism rather than Platonism. Indeed, it was the teachings of the
Stoa from which some of the most important neo-Platonic concepts origi-
nated. The Stoic concepts of union as unification (henôsis) and self-ac-
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quaintance (oikeiôsis), or of that being with self that is complete if all pos-
sibility of self-alienation (allotriôsis) is excluded are, obviously, central for
Hegel’s thinking. We may readily combine these Stoic concepts in a way
that differs from the teachings of the Stoa but closely resembles Hegel’s
system.
Given the speculative problems of neo-Platonism that resisted satisfac-
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96
Jacobi and the Philosophy of Immediacy 97
tory resolution (i.e., the intelligibility of The One, the way in which its rela-
tion to the many has to be described, etc.), the idealists believed that their
perdurability in medieval speculative theology continued to pose insoluble
problems. Their persistence encouraged pure mysticism. Unless we are
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able to locate The One in the proper way—that is, unless we are able to un-
derstand that we have to find The One in the dimension of the mental
(which is the truly universal dimension of all philosophical problems, ac-
cording to the idealists), we cannot escape this penchant for mysticism.
But as soon as we transport the problem of The One into the philosophy of
the mind, and develop a philosophy of mind in a way that becomes com-
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prehensive and all embracing, we can solve these problems. For we can ac-
count for the origin of the many, and for other problems, in terms of the
distinctive unity of the self.
Connections with this kind of monistic thinking are evident in the
“First Program of an Idealistic System.”1 By virtue of it, the emergent ideal-
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ist philosophy remained oriented to a philosophy of mind, even while crit-
icizing Fichte’s doctrine that we find The One at the center of the mental
universe. The mind remains, even for Hegel, the paradigmatic case for all
philosophy. We must determine the basic ontological concepts, prove their
value, and show their sufficiency with reference to mind. Even if these on-
tological concepts enjoy broader application than Fichte imagined, mind
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remains the paradigmatic case.
We might well imagine the key to all the idealists in the following slo-
gan-like summary: “The structure of the mind can and has to be under-
stood.” Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel would endorse this sentence, but each
would nuance it differently. Fichte would say: “The structure of the mind
has to be understood,” and by that mean that mind is all that matters. In
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his perspective, everything can be interpreted in terms of mind. By con-
trast, Schelling would say: “The structure of the mind has to be under-
stood,” thereby implying a criticism of Fichte. For while it is true that he
agreed with Fichte that mind is the paradigmatic case, Schelling claimed
that once we understand the structure of mind, we can find it in domains
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that Fichte had not foreseen. For instance, we can go on to develop a phi-
losophy of nature from the structure that is still essentially mental, thereby
distinguishing it from the theory based on sensations alone. Put differently,
we can develop a philosophy of nature that is not a philosophy about the
1. G. W. F. Hegel, ÄS; English: ESDI.
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mind, but we can develop it only by means of the conceptual framework

that we derive from and originally apply to mind. For this reason, it is the
structure of mind that has to be understood in order to develop a universal
philosophy. Hegel lends yet another emphasis to the same sentence: “The
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structure of the mind has to be understood.” For Hegel, it is insufficient to
look at the mind and claim that it has a particular structure. Rather, he is
convinced that we need some logical device, some constructive method,
which gives a formal structure to what we are saying about mind. Further-
more, this structure must be adequate for describing the conceptual frame-
work in relation to nature, history, and so on. In short, Hegel thinks that
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we require a logic that is able to deal with mind. For this reason, what is im-
portant is understanding the structure of mind, not just copying and ap-
plying it intuitively. This, in a nutshell, is the controversy that raged among
the idealists: three differing emphases on one sentence—which they, to be
sure, accompanied with lengthy arguments.
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It was precisely the controversy Jacobi initiated over Spinoza that lent a
peculiar twist to the early idealist reception of Stoic thought. According to
Jacobi, Spinozism teaches that there is no transition whatsoever from the
infinite to the finite. Ideas of creation and emanation depend, at least im-
plicitly, on one or another form of a transition from nothing to being.
Since no transition from nothing to being is any more imaginable than a
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transition from the infinite to the finite, there remains no way in which
one can conceive of creation and emanation. Therefore, the (Stoic) idea of
hen kai pan, the “All in One,” is the only possible philosophy. Accordingly,
infinity exists without any change, and the finite exists eternally in an orig-
inal relation to it, that is, in a way that has to be determined but that ex-
cludes transition. Philosophically, this signals the end of orthodox con-
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cepts of God. It also shows what Jacobi’s Spinoza (whom he also claimed
was Lessing’s Spinoza) holds in common with Kant, despite their apparent
opposition: both philosophers teach liberation from orthodox images of
the world. Both encourage the experience of independence from external
boundaries and external demands.
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To be sure, Spinoza and Kant differ. In Spinoza’s view of the world, the
individual is set free from boundaries, from external determinations. At
the same time, the individual is wholly determined by the principle of the
world that is present in all finite beings, and that is also internal to the
world’s very essence. In much the same way, the Stoa taught that fire pene-
trates the world and holds it together by being inside of everything. The
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Spinozistic formula Est deus in nobis (there is a God inside of us) articu-
lates the same view as the “One in All” (the hen kai pan). Est deus in nobis
was, of course, an appropriate slogan for this very self-confident young
generation. Goethe, for example, affirmed it in various ways throughout
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his life. This Spinozistic slogan is deterministic and, for this reason, not a
Kantian point of view. That God is internal to ourselves was a thought
Kant arrived at only late in his writings, but he had in mind neither the
Stoic nor the Spinozistic meaning.2 So even though Spinozism and Kant-
ianism both lead to a destruction of orthodoxy, an incompatibility remains
between them.
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Despite this incompatibility, Kant’s philosophy of freedom and
Spinoza’s view of internal determinism greatly impressed the young minds
of this generation. These younger scholars quickly developed a reasoning
that at least opened a perspective for bringing Spinozism and Kantianism
together. They wanted to join the idea of freedom as that to which every-
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thing must be subordinated with the idea of a God as operating inside of
us, independent of external revelation or external demands.
We may understand this reasoning by starting either from Kant or from
2. As early as the first Critique [1781] Kant appeared ambivalent regarding the correlation
of God with the Highest Good. He was concerned that if God became linked to the moral
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image of the world (the Highest Good) rather than to moral awareness per se, then the moral
image of the world might appear to determine the will, rather than moral awareness alone
serving as the determinant. He echoes this same uncertainty in his Religion within the
Boundaries of Mere Reason [1793] (Die Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen Vernunft).
Both “The Dispute of the Faculties” [1798] and the Opus postumum [1796–1803] reflect
Kant’s shift away from the correlation between God and the Highest Good and toward a pre-
occupation with the direct relation between moral awareness and God: “There is a God in
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moral-practical reason, that is, in the idea of the relation of man to right and duty. But not
as a being outside man. God and man is the totality of things” (Op2, p. 60; English: OpC,
pp. 229–230). And again: “There is a being in me, which is different from me and which
stands in an efficient causal relation toward myself; itself free (that is, not dependent upon
the laws of nature in space and time) it judges me inwardly (justifies or condemns); and I,
man, am this being myself—it is not some substance outside me” (Op1, p. 25; English: OpC,
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p. 230). Thus in works appearing after the first Critique, Kant wrestled at length with the re-
lationship between autonomy and revelation. By configuring revelation as an occurrence
within consciousness—one that spontaneously mediates between the empirical and intelli-
gible aspects of moral awareness—Kant could thus speak of the “God within ourselves”
(“der Gott in uns”). On this reading, God becomes the internal “expositor” (“Ausleger”) of
the principles that order the empirical and intelligible realms of moral awareness in a “reve-
latory” manner (Op2, p. 127; English: OpC, p. 207).
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Spinoza. Taking our bearings from Kant, we would reason in the following
way: freedom is the highest principle in human beings, but it is not (as
Kant conceded) a sufficient reason for its own existence. Freedom does not
explain why there are free beings. It is not a causa sui, a self-causing princi-
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ple, although it is self-determining. The state of free beings is determined
by freedom, but not its existence per se. We might attribute its existence to
God, but we cannot make that intelligible. If that were the case, however,
we would at least have to think of a principle in which freedom originates,
inasmuch as it is not self-causing. Moreover, we would have to believe in
the existence of a moral world order that could be distinguished from
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discrete, free, finite beings. If the ground from which freedom originates
were external to freedom (and so different from freedom) and related the
ground and freedom in much the same way in which two particulars nor-
mally relate to each other (i.e., one of them originating in the other), free-
dom would consequently remain under the determining influence of its
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cause, which is alien to it. Accordingly, if freedom is not already thought of
coherently as freedom, we would need to incorporate the thought of a
ground both from which freedom originates and that is internal to free-
dom’s self-determination. Only in this way could freedom both depend on
a ground and be completely self-determinate, without being self-contra-
dictory. Therefore, we must find a way in which to think this. If there is a
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God or a world-principle on which freedom depends, this God or world-
principle must be internal to freedom itself. Apart from this there could
not be freedom. The famous saying that freedom and necessity are not
contradictory, which once enjoyed extensive currency in respectable Com-
munist propaganda, had this impressive way of thinking as its background.
In sum, starting from Kant and arriving at Spinoza, we reason that if there
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is freedom, there must be God in us, as God cannot be anywhere else.
By contrast, if we take our bearings from Spinoza, we would begin with
his metaphysical teaching about an immanent ensoph in the world. The
immanence of the ensoph means that, since I am also in the world, the
ensoph must be immanent in myself. What is myself? Rousseau and Kant
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are instructive at this point. They teach that we are self-conscious, self-
determining beings, and we simply cannot think of ourselves unless we
think of ourselves as free. Inasmuch as there cannot be an immanent
ensoph apart from its being immanent in what I am—and inasmuch as I
am a self-conscious, free, finite being—it follows that if there is an imma-
nent ensoph, it must be conceived in such a way that it can be immanent in
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freedom as well. If the ensoph is not immanent in freedom, it cannot be
immanent in me. This (Spinozistic) mode of reasoning gives rise to the re-
quirement that we find a concept of The One, of the order of the world
that includes consciousness, and in whose terms we can explain conscious-
ness. From the Kantian approach, one would say, we need to conceive of
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consciousness in a way that does not omit the need for thinking of an in-
ternal principle.
If we consider these summaries as a “postulate,” then we will have less
difficulty seeing that the philosophies of Fichte and Hegel attempt to de-
velop a theory that incorporates it. The upshot of this reasoning is that
there can be no theory of Spinozism unless it is also a theory of freedom,
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just as no theory of freedom is complete unless it somehow becomes an
immanent idea in a Spinozistic sense. For this reason, we can write an eth-
ics like Spinoza’s that is simultaneously a theory in which everything is
subordinated to freedom. We can write such an ethics from the point of
view of the human being whose essence is freedom: if there is a ground of
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the world operating, it is operating in and through human freedom, and
nowhere else. So understood, Spinozism is not really a determinism. In-
stead, one learns to speak of it, as did these philosophers, as “purified
Spinozism.” Such a purified Spinozism has learned that it does not contra-
dict the assumption that human beings are free, and so teaches freedom
instead of its unpurified opposite: determinism.
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To accept such a reading of Spinoza is to necessarily criticize certain as-
pects of Kant’s doctrine of freedom. Kant’s formula was to subordinate ev-
erything to freedom, and this “everything” primarily covered religion. He
does not say that our freedom depends on God who gave it to us and that
God, therefore, has the right to impose demands on us. Instead, Kant in-
sists that the free man has a reason to believe in the existence of a God who
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does not behave like the God conceived of as the source of our freedom.
The correct order is from freedom to God, not from God to freedom.
Rousseau had already expressed this clearly in the Savoyard priest’s confes-
sion in Emile.3 Kant embraced Rousseau’s teaching and made it the essence
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Œ C, vol. IV (1969), pp. 586–587; English: E, pp. 280–281: “The principle of every action is
in the will of a free being. One cannot go back beyond that. It is not the word freedom which
means nothing; it is the word necessity. . . . Providence does not will the evil a man does
in abusing the freedom it gives him; but it does not prevent him from doing it, whether be-
cause this evil, coming from a being so weak, is nothing in its eyes, or because it could
not prevent it without hindering his freedom and doing a greater evil by degrading his na-
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ture.”
of his own moral theology, teaching that the good man believes in God,
not that the man who believes in God is thereby good.
But why does the good man have to believe in God? In essence, one be-
lieves in order to counter a skeptical conclusion that good intentions lead
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regularly to bad outcomes. It would be intolerable for anyone who really
acts in accordance with the law of freedom if the fulfillment of duty col-
lided with the world order. To be sure, we can think of a world order whose
law requires that good intentions culminate in unfortunate results, in the
sufferings of other people, in the triumphs of wickedness, and so on. Moral
skeptics have always claimed that to be true. They also claim that in the
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world of politics the worst case scenario is that a good man comes into
power, because, since he is incompatible with the world order, he will con-
fuse or even destroy everything. So, political “operators” who are suspect
are at least better than those who offer nothing more than a good will.
Kant adamantly opposed this view, thinking it intolerable for the good
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person; she cannot believe this to be true. Accordingly, having a good will
and acting according to it imply believing that, if not at the present, then at
some other time good deeds issue in good outcomes. Kant shows further
that this belief in good deeds issuing in good outcomes implies belief in
the existence of a moral guarantor—a being who is moral and who guaran-
tees an order of the world that is different from the one we believe to be
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there (i.e., a world order that, even for moral reasons, is contrary to moral
life). To have to believe that the world order does not allow moral life
would be to precipitate absolute despair. For that reason, I do not believe it.
Even if I think that I believe it, I am wrong. I do not believe that this is the
case, no matter what I say. To read Kant in this way is to encounter a sort of
existential philosophy: there are well-founded beliefs that precede and sur-
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vive all arguments.
Built on this Rousseauian belief, Kant’s moral theology presupposes the
idea of a God who is a person, a moral being, and the Creator (or at least
Governor) of the world. This means God is external to the world: the
world depends on this One who is primarily thought of as a moral being.
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These beliefs do not admit of rational proof. They are belief, and only a be-
lief. For this reason, Kant says belief is a “postulate” of practical reason,
which, in turn (according to his philosophical analysis), is ultimately noth-
ing but the good will. To say that God’s existence cannot be discovered be-
fore the awareness of freedom is developed is to subordinate belief in the
existence of God to freedom. Only the free person—that is, the good per-
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son who also realizes her nature as being free, because the categorical im-
perative is nothing but the rule that makes freedom as extensive as possi-
ble—has reason to believe in God.
Kant’s idea—that we cannot discover God’s existence before we develop
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the awareness of freedom—found enthusiastic consent among his succes-
sors. Yet his conception of the God of freedom disappointed them. They
thought that the God in the critical philosophy turned out yet again to be
the transcendent ruler of the world. This seemed to be a regression from
the best intentions of a critical philosophy. The idea of a ruler in the world
must have some feedback to the notion of what a free individual might be,
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and Kant himself did not entirely exclude revelation from this role as his
Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone (1793) suggested. Indeed, in the
Religion, Kant intimates that this feedback can lead to a theory that pre-
serves God as the ruler of the world, rather than the internal principle of
freedom. From the point of view of his followers, this suggestion was a
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grave disappointment and seemed to justify the necessity to defend the
“spirit” (intent) of critical philosophy against the “letter” (form) in which
Kant himself had first presented it.
Earlier I remarked that one of the traditions that became respectable in
the idealists’ theories was the so-called theology of the spirit. Now, in con-
nection with the Spinoza controversy, it is possible to place this remark in
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context. Fichte and Hegel originally studied theology, and ultimately they
wrote speculative theologies. They were acquainted with the scriptural
promise of the return of Christ and the prophecy of the eschatological
diffusion of the Holy Spirit in the community.4 Such scriptural evidence
has always encouraged some Christians to expect some sort of worldly
fulfillment of these Christian prophecies; indeed, many have anticipated
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being united with God in this life by way of the diffusion of the Spirit on
earth.
Although the orthodox churches either repressed or isolated this ten-
dency, it survived in certain sects. Among these are the Franciscan monas-
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4. “If you love me, you will obey what I command. And I will ask the Father, and he will
give you another Counselor to be with you forever—the Spirit of truth” (John 14:15–17,
NRSV). “All this I have spoken while I was still with you. But the Counselor, the Holy Spirit,
whom the Father will send in my name, will teach you all things and will remind you of all I
have said to you” (John 14:25–26, NRSV). “You have heard me say, ‘I am going away, and I
am coming back to you.’ I have told you before it happens, so that when it does happen you
will believe” (John 14:28–29, NRSV).
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teries of the medieval period and eighteenth-century opponents of the of-

ficial church, most of whom stood in the pietist tradition. One of the
principle opponents was Johann Christian Edelmann (1698–1767), who
broke from the church and immersed himself in Plotinus, the Stoics, and
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Spinoza, eventually arguing against Christian Wolff in defense of his view
that the logos was panentheistic (John 1:1, “In the beginning was reason”).
Understandably, writers of like mind with Edelmann venerated Spinoza as
a saint because of his immanentism, which they related to the evangelist
John. They interpreted John 1:1 to mean that reason is the power and
wisdom of God come among men in Jesus.5 They also related Spinoza’s
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immanentism to those teachings of Luther that held that God is active
everywhere in all things. Those who adopted this view could profess:
‘Spinoza is our saint, he is the teacher of the Spirit; the Spirit is here, and
does not have to be looked for outside; the Spirit is not in the institution,
but in our mind, and in the way we are living, that the final reconciliation
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takes place.’6 There is also St. Paul’s promise that God shall be “all in all” (1
Cor. 15:28), that all separation will disappear. We now know that Paul
wrote this under Stoic influence, so that the “One in All” and the “all in all”
have the same source. Of course, the suggested exegesis would now be that
St. Paul adjusted himself somehow to an audience that had been influ-
enced by Stoic thoughts. Although neither the Franciscans nor the pietists
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knew that the source of their commitments was the teachings of the Stoa
(neither in the thirteenth nor in the eighteenth century was such an inter-
pretation possible), they would merely point to this text: “And when all
things shall be subdued unto Him, then shall the Son also Himself be sub-
ject unto Him that put all things under Him, that God may be all in all” (1
Cor. 15:28). Then they could say: ‘Here it is written—the final unification
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of everything that we are hoping and living for, and that we anticipate.’
To recur to the Spinoza controversy, and the role of the doctrine of the
spirit in it, we may now take up the role played by the critic Gotthold
Ephraim Lessing. He lent the Spinozism of freedom predominance for
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5. “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.
He was in the beginning with God. All things came into being through him, and without
him not one thing came into being. What has come into being in him was life, and the life
was the light of all people. The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness did not over-
come it” (John 1:1–5, NRSV).
6. See dissertation by Hermann Timm, Gott und die Freiheit (Frankfurt am Main: Vit-
torio Klostermann, 1974), pp. 160–163.
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over a century, even in academic philosophy. Lessing wrote extensively on

art and was an accomplished playwright whose plays still enjoy critical ac-
claim. The body of his published work also includes theological writings
that encompass two principal trajectories.
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1. The first incorporates his publication of the papers written by
Hermann Samuel Reimarus, who was a minister and radical critic of the
traditional doctrine of the church.7 In order to appreciate the radicality, as
well as the potential peril, of his thought if publicly expressed, we need to
bear in mind that Reimarus had died before Lessing published his papers,
just as Lessing had died before Jacobi claimed that he was a Spinozist.
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Reimarus’ papers reflect both the tradition of British deism (Toland, Tin-
dal, et al.), and the new German philological criticism of biblical scrip-
tures. Two of these papers deserve particular mention as they are also
among the paradigms for Hegel’s theological writings. One concerns the
goal of Jesus and his apostles; the other concerns the impossibility of a rev-
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elation that all humans could reasonably believe.
The paper on revelation argues convincingly that there is no possibility
for bringing a divine message to all humans so that they will accept it sin-
cerely without subjecting them to powers and pressures, or without de-
7. Hermann Samuel Reimarus (1694–1768), a German philosopher and theologian, en-
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tered Jena at the age of twenty and authored over thirty pieces on topics as diverse as reli-
gion, philosophy, history, and philology. His Abhandlung von den vornehmsten Wahrheiten
der natürlichen Religion [1754] (Treatise on the Principle Truths of Natural Religion [Eng. tr.
1766]), a defense of natural theology following the principles of Christian Wolff, achieved
popular standing. From 1744 to 1767, Reimarus composed his Apologie; oder, Schutzschrift
für die vernünftigen Verehrer Gottes (Apology or Defense for Reasonable Worshippers of God)
but withheld it from publication during his lifetime. Between 1774 and 1778 Gotthold
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Ephraim Lessing (1729–1781) edited and published serially seven excerpts from the latter as
the Fragmente des Wolfenbüttelschen Ungenannten. Ein Anhang zu dem Fragment vom Zweck
Jesu und seiner Jünger (Berlin: Wever, 1784). Written in the style of the British deists, this
work submitted Christian revelation to rational scrutiny on the basis of thorough historical
criticism. For excerpts of the Fragmente des Wolfenbüttelschen Ungennanten in English trans-
lation, see Hermann Samuel Reimarus, The Goal of Jesus and His Disciples, intro. and trans.
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by George W. Buchanan (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970); id., Reimarus: Fragments, trans. Charles H.
Talbert (Chico: Scholars Press, 1985). For the single most important theological account of
Reimarus’ work, see Albert Schweitzer, Von Reimarus zu Wrede. Eine Geschichte der Leben-
Jesu-Forschung (Tübingen: Mohr, 1906); English: The Quest of the Historical Jesus: a criti-
cal study of its progress from Reimarus to Wrede, trans. William Montgomery (New York:
MacMillan, 1910, repr. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press in association with the Al-
bert Schweitzer Institute, 1998).
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stroying traditions and continuity in a way that would prove disastrous for
their personal lives. Providing a long chain of arguments in support of this
impossibility, Reimarus concludes that a loving God cannot demand that a
belief in a revelation is the condition for anything. In his mind, it is impos-
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sible to establish such a general condition. In his paper on the goal of Jesus,
Reimarus distinguishes between what he calls “original Christianity” (Je-
sus’ teaching), and the “Second Apostolic System” (the teaching of the
apostles). These distinctions persist as conventions of the exegetical theol-
ogy he originated. Reimarus is critical of the Second Apostolic System and
urges us to return to the original teaching of Jesus, who had no intention
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of promulgating new articles of belief or of revealing secrets, such as the
Trinitarian nature of God or his own status as God’s Son. Instead Jesus re-
quired only conversion, meaning by this a return to our neglected duties of
love for God and fellow humans, and taught that this conversion is a con-
dition for salvation, even for salvation in the world, and especially salva-
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tion from Roman rule. This is the original teaching of Jesus, and Christians
are not obligated to accept anything else. To be sure, the apostles success-
fully later founded new communities that accepted them, rather than the
Jewish priests, as their leaders. They altered the original teachings of
Christ, and everything that we know as orthodoxy we can explain in terms
of these alterations. In support of this claim, Reimarus cites contradictions
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in biblical texts and explains them in terms of the differences between
original Christianity and the Second Apostolic System.
2. While Lessing did not embrace these opinions of Reimarus, his own
writings stressed Reimarus’ importance and urged close examination of
his opinions. Where he did agree with Reimarus was in the rational foun-
dation for all belief. In his play Nathan the Wise, which Hegel claimed to be
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among his favorites, Lessing expressed the view that the great religions do
not differ with respect to their essence.8 In their wisdom and their integrity
the great religions are of equal worth and truth, particularly in terms of the
real lives of human beings.
One of Lessing’s last writings, The Education of the Human Race, was an-
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8. Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, Nathan der Weise [1779], ed. Franz Muncker, in Gott-
hold Ephraim Lessings Sämtliche Schriften, vol. III, ed. Karl Lachmann (Stuttgart: G. J.
Göschen’sche Verlagshandlung, 1887, repr. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1968), pp. 1–178; Eng-
lish: Nathan the Wise, Minna von Barnhelm, and Other Plays and Writings, ed. Peter Demetz
(New York: Continuum, 1991).
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other of Hegel’s favorites.9 Although in it Lessing insisted that natural reli-

gion be founded on reason alone, he concurred neither with the claims of
deism or of Reimarus, nor with the theology of his time, which we now call
“neology.” Neology is the continuous reduction of traditional church
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claims to what is “essential” for Christian belief. After a succession of steps,
Christian doctrine emerged as seemingly identical with a defensible ratio-
nal theology, and ultimately with Kant’s moral theology.10 Reimarus’ work
appeared at the end of this period of reduction (1740–1780), the outcome
of which we today call “liberalism” in theology. Lessing was not, as a theo-
logian, a liberal in this modern sense. He demurred from the view that it is
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possible to reduce the original truth of Christianity to a minimal stock of
deistic positions: namely, that there is a God, that the soul is immortal, and
that the good person will have a blessed life after she dies. For Lessing, such
reductionism was utterly trivial.
By contrast with this minimalism, Lessing’s The Education of the Human
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Race presents a more sophisticated account that supports a rational inter-
9. Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, Die Erziehung des Menschengeschlechts [1780], ed. Franz
Muncker, in Gotthold Ephraim Lessings Sämtliche Schriften, vol. XIII (1897, repr. 1968),
pp. 416–436; English: The Education of the Human Race, 3rd ed., trans. Fred W. Robertson
(London: C. K. Paul and Co., 1881).
10. Neology, in its simplest form, consists in the following two premises: 1) revelation is
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real, but its content is no different than that of natural religion in general; and 2) reason may
eliminate those individual doctrines of Christian revelation that do not conform to reason
per se. Within the purview of these two premises, neology succeeds in disentangling the ra-
tional truths established in revelation from traditional church teachings. So understood,
neology lends itself to certain Kantian themes and was merged with Kantianism in the writ-
ings of Jena theologian Johann Wilhelm Schmid (1744–1798). Schmid became interested in
the harmonizing potential between philosophy and theology, owing to his Augustinian stud-
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ies (De consensu principii moralis Kantiani cum ethica christiani [Jena, 1788–1789]). Perhaps
the most illustrious among the German neologians was Johann Salomo Semler (1725–
1791). Rejecting the pietism of his youth, Semler pursued a more rationalistic position
(‘liberalis theologia’) within which he distinguished subjective from objective religion. He di-
verged from what had become Lessing’s position regarding the Fragmente des Wolfenbüttel-
schen Ungenannten, insofar as he thought that Christian ministers should make external
confession to all traditional doctrines (Beantwortung der Fragmente eines Ungenannten,
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insbesondere vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Jünger [Halle: Erziehungsinstitut, 1779]). Even so,
Semler embraced the view that subjective religion is fundamental for guiding the practices
of life (Abhandlung von freier Untersuchung des Canon [1771–1775], ed. Heinz Scheible
[Gütersloh: Mohn, 1967]). It is not difficult to derive thematic connections between Semler’s
view and Kant’s moral teachings.
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pretation of what theology can be. He offers first a philosophy of history:

the human race could not develop apart from events of belief that serve as
“impulses” to perdure in and accelerate progress toward the goal of inde-
pendent, purely rational life. Lessing construes the great religions as a se-
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quence of such impulses toward the final state of an independent, purely
rational life. His philosophy of history culminates in this final state that
dissolves the distinction between rationality and belief. Along with his phi-
losophy of history, Lessing also sketches a possible speculative theology
that makes sense out of theological doctrines (for instance, the Trinity) in a
way that does not contradict reason. He develops this speculative theology
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in terms of God’s self-consciousness, which in Lessing’s view must differ in
kind from human self-consciousness. Because God is infinite, he must
have a direct awareness of everything he is, including his own necessity. As
one who is directly in front of himself, so to speak, he has not only an idea
of what he is, but also the awareness that he is in front of the comprehen-
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sive reality of himself—that he is the God, as it were, who is united with his
“Son.” The point of the doctrine of the Trinity is, therefore, an infinite self-
consciousness.
Lessing only provides a mere outline of this speculative theology in sec-
tion 73 of The Education of the Human Race. But Jacobi cites this outline in
a way whose rhetorical force amounts to the question: ‘Can you make any
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sense out of that if you are not a Spinozist?’11 With this question, it be-
comes possible to view Lessing’s speculative theology as having developed
the idea of The One that somehow originates in the many. This develop-
ment is not temporal, but internal to God. For this reason, the manifold
does not become independent from The One. To reconstruct rationally
some teachings of Christianity in this way is to represent them as indepen-
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dent from revelation and independent from the church that “adminis-
trates” a truth it claims possible only through revelation. Such rational re-
construction easily becomes compatible with a certain kind of Spinozism.
Viewed in this way, it is simultaneously a philosophy of history and a
“purified Spinozism,” developed into a theory of God’s spirit that turns out
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to be one with the community at the culmination of the historical process
of the world. This is precisely what Lessing expressed in The Education of
the Human Race.
It is now evident that the criticism of orthodoxy, which both Kantian-
11. F. H. Jacobi, Spin (1785), p. 3; English: CDS1, p. 182.
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ism and Spinozism share, is not merely the plaintive criticisms of the de-
ists, or the machinations of the neologists. This criticism of orthodoxy can
be a new philosophy, with the prospect of understanding more than any
previous philosophy was able to understand. For instance, this criticism of
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orthodoxy could become a philosophy of history; for the first time, it could
understand the historical process in terms of the development of reason.
This criticism of orthodoxy could also be a metaphysical system expressing
the experiences of the century, and including a concept of freedom as the
ultimate self-awareness of the human being, as both Rousseau and Kant
had interpreted it. All this was the promise of the idea of a “Spinozism of
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freedom.” These expectations account for the attitude that led to idealism
and made idealistic systems irresistible to the intellectuals of the time. No
other perspective reconciled the best motives of emancipation with the
deeper and more comprehensive historical understanding of humankind
in quite this way.
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Jacobi articulated these expectations when he said that Lessing, who in
publishing the fragments of Reimarus and in writing Nathan the Wise and
The Education of the Human Race, initiated all of this as a Spinozist: hen
kai pan was all he could think of. It was from Lessing’s perspective that the
speculative impulse emerged. Jacobi, however, eschewed these views. By
showing that Lessing was a Spinozist, and that Spinozism is the only possi-
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ble philosophy, Jacobi believed that he had demonstrated that philosophy
could never be a satisfactory explication of reality. His was a reductio ad ab-
surdum. Any philosophy whatsoever, in his view, once made consistent, in-
evitably denies fundamental beliefs that no human life can abandon. For
example, Spinoza denies the human claim to be free just as he subverts the
notion of God as a person who is concerned with human beings. To
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Jacobi’s mind, surrendering either of these beliefs is untenable. Enamored
of the old concept of God, Jacobi was not a theologian of the spirit who
dissolves the distinction between God and humans by incorporating God
into the race. It is impossible, in his view, to explicate the beliefs in freedom
and a personal God in a way that transforms them into rational arguments.
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These beliefs need to remain as beliefs. It is impossible to make them de-
pendent on reason, to prove their truth, or to arrive at them by starting
from some elementary philosophical propositions.
All of which is to say that Spinozism is the only possible philosophy, ren-
dering beliefs in freedom and a personal God impossible. This is tanta-
mount to saying that what matters cannot be proven, which was, after all,
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Jacobi’s strategy. Jacobi underscored the absurdity of Spinoza’s position

when he said, “but, unfortunately, he who has once fallen in love with cer-
tain explanations will accept, like the blind, any conclusion whatsoever
that follows from a proof he cannot refute, even if it means that he will be
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walking on his head.”12 In response, Hegel quipped that this was the great
event of the French Revolution: that man started to turn himself upside
down, actually to walk on his head, that is, to construct human society and
thus human life rationally. Without quoting Jacobi, Hegel echoes him:
“Since the sun has risen and the stars are shining in the skies, no one no-
ticed,” says Hegel, “that man started to walk on his head.”13 In a later re-
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joinder, Karl Marx added, “What I had to do was turn Hegel from his head
back to his feet, so that we can start walking again.”14 “Walking” here
means advancing to philosophy’s real goal, not just interpreting the world,
and although Marx did not know it, he echoes Jacobi’s criticism. For
Marxism also implies that there is something that cannot be constructed
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and explicated in the sense in which the idealists tried to construct and ex-
plain everything.
According to Jacobi, the highest merit of the philosopher is to uncover
and reveal what is there: “Daseyn—zu enthüllen, und zu offenbaren.”15 “Ex-
planation is a means for him, a pathway to his destination, a proximate—
never a final—goal. His final goal is what cannot be explained: the unana-
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lyzable, the immediate, the simple.”16 That is Jacobi’s program. He was very
persuasive in applying his view; and, of course, he had to be persuasive, for
13. G. W. F. Hegel, “Die germanische Welt,” in Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der
Weltgeschichte, vol. IV, ed. Georg Lasson (Leipzig: Felix Meiner, 1923), p. 926; English: The
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Philosophy of History, trans. J. Sibree (New York: Dover, 1956), p. 447.
14. Karl Marx, “Vorwort zur zweiten Auflage” (1873), in Das Kapital. Kritik der politischen
Ökonomie [1867], in Karl Marx-Friedrich Engels Werke, vol. XXIII, ed. Institut für
Marxismus-Leninismus beim ZK der KPdSU (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1962), p. 27; English:
Capital, A Critique of Political Economy, ed. Friedrich Engels, trans. Samuel More and Ed-
ward Aveling (New York: Random House, 1906), p. 25. See also Friedrich Engels, Ludwig
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Feuerbach und der Ausgang der klassichen deutschen Philosophie. Mit Anhang: Karl Marx über
Feuerbach vom Jahre 1845 [1886], in Karl Marx-Friedrich Engels Werke, vol. XXI (1962),
p. 293.
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his criticism of Spinoza amounted to a criticism of any possible philosoph-

ical theory as such. His mode of argument against “theory” obliged him to
appeal to belief to account for the inexplicable. This is the basis of his insis-
tence that humans cannot abandon belief. This would amount to showing
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what the true reality of life is, because one cannot prove it. To be persua-
sive, he continued to write novels that showed what could not be proven.
We are now at the point where it becomes possible to understand
Jacobi’s response to Kant. After the publication of the Critique of Pure Rea-
son and the development of the school of Kantianism, Jacobi could not
simply rest on his claim that Spinozism is the only possible philosophy. He
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had to turn against Kantianism as well. So he broadened his point—that
the only possible dogmatic philosophy (metaphysics) is Spinozism—to en-
compass another. In his estimate, this is the strange goal of the young intel-
lectuals—to create an absolute idealism, which turns on the denial that we
are in contact with anything other than our own minds. But in order to be-
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come consistent, this idealism must turn into absolute transcendental ego-
ism—the denial of the real givenness of other minds, and of any knowl-
edge of an external world. This is the only route open to one who rejects
Spinozism in favor of embracing the philosophy of mind. Jacobi’s attacks
on Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason parallel his attacks against Mendelssohn’s
proof of the existence of the personal God. He charges both with explicat-
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ing in an inconsistent way what they have actually done. Had they been
consistent, he says, they would have embraced Spinozism. In much the
same manner, Jacobi also attacked Kant’s theory of the thing-in-itself.
Jacobi thought that the only possible analysis Kant could give of sensation,
given his systemic constraints, would be a special kind of adverbial theory
of sensation. This would amount to the view that sensations are nothing
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but qualifications of our own states, and that they cannot even be con-
ceived of as something distinct from ourselves.17 In Jacobi’s view, Kant
should have had the courage to teach this theory, but he shrank from it.
The young man who did not shrink from this theory or its implications
was Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Fichte embraced Jacobi’s criticism of Kantian
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philosophy regarding the conditions of possible consistency. Fichte also
17. The adverbial theory was introduced into epistemology in order to eliminate the dan-
ger of phenomenalism that emerges concomitant with the picture of a screen of sense data,
which cuts us off from independently existing entities. But this theory has also been used in
the opposite way, and it is this “opposite use” that served the strategic aims of an idealistic
program.
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endorsed Jacobi’s conviction that the essence of human life (freedom) can
be only revealed, not constructed. Following Jacobi’s definition of genuine
philosophy, Fichte announced his aim to uncover the true reality of human
beings in terms of an absolute egoism. This was his intent even though he
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had not yet executed the project. This helps us to establish the connection
between Jacobi and Fichte. Jacobi’s criticism of Kant, which advocated the
impossibility of philosophy, and Reinhold’s criticism of Kant, which advo-
cated the possibility of philosophy, merge in Fichte’s Science of Knowledge,
to which we shall soon turn.
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Kant’s Early Critics Reinhold and the Systematic Spirit
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Reinhold and the
Systematic Spirit
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Jacobi’s charge that the only possible consistent philosophy is Spinozism,
and that for this reason, philosophy always undermines the deepest needs
of humans, exercised profound influence. Indeed, it is one of the distinc-
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tive factors in the intellectual situation from which idealist philosophy
emerged. Coincident with this was a theological tendency that, although it
enjoyed no influence in the circles of academic philosophy, was able to ac-
cept Jacobi’s path with enthusiasm. This “tendency” bordered on the con-
viction that Spinoza’s philosophy is the best theoretical account of the ulti-
mate, as well as the most adequate interpretation of the potential hope and
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promise of Christianity: a final reconciliation between the human commu-
nity and God, which dissolves the difference between God, the creator, and
humans, the believers, by way of the advance of the Holy Spirit in the com-
munity.
Far from wanting to support these tendencies, Jacobi actively opposed
them. But his argument—that speculative philosophy has to become
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Spinozistic in order to be coherent at all—paradoxically encouraged this
position. Until this time, only theologians had advanced this view, but now
philosophers deemed it, and with it, Spinoza, respectable, if not superior to
all previous philosophical positions. However much Jacobi opposed these
initiatives, they became the principle impact of his own work. Despite his
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attempts to show that there is no way of mediating Kant’s theoretical dis-
coveries and his Rousseauian conception of freedom with the system of
Spinozism, the theological impetus to discern such reconciliation per-
sisted.
The path toward a “Spinozism of freedom” appeared increasingly prom-
ising, even if it only remained a programmatic objective without a system-
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113
atic execution. Within Jacobi’s philosophy, however, elements that Fichte

would say anticipated his own Science of Knowledge came into view. From
this perspective, we could say that Jacobi has two philosophies. One is the
coherent speculative philosophy in the manner of Spinoza. The other,
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which he claims as his own, is the only possible escape from entirely deter-
ministic “coherent” philosophy. Jacobi remained committed to the view
that a coherent philosophy is an absurd position insofar as it requires hu-
mans to surrender their unshakable beliefs. In consequence, philosophy,
according to Jacobi, has to restrict itself to an uncovering and unveiling, a
pointing to the indissoluble, the immediate, the elementary. In a word,
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philosophy has to uncover what is there, rather than to construe or to
deduce it in the manner of the Spinozistic program. Jacobi’s persuasive-
ness in advocating this view won adherents, principle among whom were
Feuerbach and, to some extent, Kierkegaard. Feuerbach was well aware of
Jacobi’s accomplishments, as was Kierkegaard—at least by way of Jacobi’s
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presence in the philosophical polemics, especially Hegel’s, of his time.
Jacobi found in novels a good means for pointing out what speculative
philosophy cannot say about the needs and nature of actual human beings.
In literary works he was able to “reveal” both the nature and needs of hu-
man beings outside of philosophical reasoning. Nonetheless, we find in
these novels interesting philosophical discourses that foreshadow essential
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elements of Fichte’s Science of Knowledge. These reflect Jacobi’s desire to
persuade Kantians to adopt a position at least similar to Spinozism (and as
absurd as Spinozism)—namely, absolute egoism. This position is the only
coherent presentation of the Critique of Pure Reason. In light of these dis-
courses, Fichte believed that Jacobi would be the only one who would
accept his Science of Knowledge. Jacobi, of course, could not accept it be-
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cause it was speculative philosophy, and therefore in the end, Spinozism or
egoism.
To one of his novels entitled Allwill, Jacobi appended in 1792 a letter to a
certain (fictitious) “Erhard O.”1 The novel’s title—Allwill—already implies
a criticism of one-dimensional philosophy. In this appended letter, the
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1. F. H. Jacobi, “Zugabe: An Erhard O.,” in EAB, pp. 227–253; English: “Addition: To
Erhard O.,” in EAC, pp. 484–496. Jacobi oversaw three versions of “Eduard Allwills Papiere”
prior to the 1792 edition: in Iris, IV,3 (1775); in Der Teutsche Merkur, XIV,2 (1776) [facsim-
ile edition: Eduard Allwills Papiere, afterword Heinz Nicolai (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1962)]; and
in Vermischte Schriften. Erster Theil (Breslau: J. F. Korn, 1781, repr. 1783). These versions var-
ied substantially from the 1792 edition.
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Reinhold and the Systematic Spirit 115
“writer” explains what man actually is. Abridging any Spinozistic analysis,
he claims that in every individual a basic drive exists. This drive pushes to-
ward the form of that particular being, and tries to develop and express it.
All that occurs to that particular being depends on this singular drive, on
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its own essence. In such a being, nothing is unconnected: “Totum parte
prius esse, necesse est” (“it is necessary that the whole precedes the part”).2
This means that the very essence of the individual precedes everything that
it does. The mind is a totality in the sense that it tends toward a perfect life,
a life in itself, a complete expression of its particular nature. In this sense,
its unconditioned drive goes toward independence and freedom for that
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particular being, and Spinozism cannot account for this fact.
Now, we can read sentences such as these as the program of Fichte’s phi-
losophy of mind: there is a basic drive, one single activity in every single
being, and all that happens with this being is nothing but the way in which
this single activity pushes toward being itself and nothing but itself, in
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which it expresses and develops itself. There is a deep underlying unity of
the mind, which explains everything, and is an unconditioned activity.
This unity is freedom, Jacobi says in the letter to Erhard that he appended
to Allwill.3 Fichte discerned systematic overtones in this description. Fichte
wanted to develop a philosophical theory that constructs and explains the
totality of the mind in terms of its unity principle. In contrast, Jacobi in-
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sisted that the mind, because it is as free and self-expressing as God and the
external world, is also equally inaccessible for systematic philosophy. In a
letter to Jacobi, Fichte expressed his belief in some sort of transcendental
justification, different from Kant’s, that underlay Jacobi’s conception of the
free person as entirely self-expressing. But Jacobi denied the possibility of
such a justification. Jacobi’s emphatic attitude toward Spinozism influ-
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enced his description of the self-expressing, self-developing, free individ-
ual. It bears affinities with the ways in which a philosopher who wanted to
develop a systematic theory about the self-developing unity principle of
the mind would express herself. But we may well interpret Fichte’s reading
as an ironic reversal of Jacobi’s position. What Jacobi attributes to the per-
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sonality writing in this letter is the language of irrationalism to describe a
Spinozistic structure.
2. F. H. Jacobi, “Zugabe: An Erhard O.,” in EAB, p. 239; English: “Addition: To Erhard O.,”
in EAC, p. 490.
3. F. H. Jacobi, “Zugabe: An Erhard O.,” in EAB, p. 240; English: “Addition: To Erhard O.,”
in EAC, p. 490.
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By now it should be evident that Jacobi had to criticize Kant. He could

not avoid the effort to destroy even the claims of the critical philosophy.
Kant’s commitment to a rational theory, and also to a systematic theory of
freedom is, in Jacobi’s eyes, a contradiction. A systematic theory cannot si-
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multaneously be coherent and also a theory of freedom. All such philoso-
phy will lead to absurdities. Whereas Jacobi had claimed originally that any
consistent philosophy must become Spinozism, he now, after criticizing
the Critique of Pure Reason, expanded his claim. Any consistent philosophy,
whether Spinozism or idealism (which means egoism) is equally absurd
with respect to its results.
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It was within this perspective that Jacobi developed his criticism of the
thing-in-itself. He was the first to make this the main issue in the contro-
versy over the tenability of Kant’s philosophy. In a brief essay on transcen-
dental idealism that he appended to his volume David Hume on Belief
(1787), Jacobi saw clearly that Kant was defining knowledge in terms of
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mental activity. Apart from mental activity, nothing can be accessible to
knowledge—even statements about possibilities or probabilities. Yet de-
spite these strictures, Kant does talk about the possible being-there of
things-in-themselves, or at least about the reasonableness of the thought of
accepting the being-there of things-in-themselves. According to Jacobi,
however, since talk about possibility and probability also hinges on what
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knowledge is, Kant should not even mention the being-possible or the be-
ing-probable of the being-there of things-in-themselves. The thought of
the thing-in-itself cannot be introduced into a theory that defines knowl-
edge in terms of mental activity. If this is the case, then Kant’s entire ter-
minology in the Critique of Pure Reason collapses. For terms such as
“sensibility” and “sensations” require, after all, the introduction of the
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thing-in-itself. Jacobi concludes his essay on transcendental idealism with
the following sentiment: ‘A transcendental idealist must have the courage
to defend the strongest idealism that was ever taught. He should not shrink
from the charge of speculative egoism, because he cannot preserve himself
in his system if he wants to avoid this charge.’4 In effect, the critical philos-
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opher must have the courage to do something that is absurd. Shrinking
from the absurdities of an absurd system renders one ill-prepared to de-
fend that system. Fichte came close to fulfilling this mandate by eliminat-
4. F. H. Jacobi, “Beylage. Über den transcendentalen Idealismus” [1787], in DHG,

pp. 289–310; English: “Supplement: On Transcendental Idealism,” in DHF, pp. 331–338.
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ing the concept of the thing-in-itself, and the Science of Knowledge became
an emphatically absolute egoism. But he departed from Jacobi by viewing
this system not as absurd, but rather as the only meaningful philosophy
that is both systematic and able to cover the basic needs and beliefs of man.
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In his 1792 edition of Allwill, Jacobi prefigured an ironic criticism of
Kant’s epistemology that Fichte would later refine. Only one interpretation
of our sensory states remains if we deny direct contact with objective real-
ity. Although absurd, this interpretation maintains that we are confined to
our sensations, inasmuch as it is no longer possible even to think of any-
thing apart from us with which we might be in direct contact. Failing all
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plausibility to attribute content to sensations in a way that implies some
independent origin of sense data is nonsensical. Instead, we must, accord-
ing to Jacobi, interpret sensations as states of our own consciousness. To be
sure, we experience these states directly, but what are we describing when
we speak of the awareness of such states? Inasmuch as philosophers shrink
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from expelling entirely the idea of the thing as something, they compro-
mise the idea of the givenness by speaking of the thing in terms of sensa-
tions. They do so, however, without reason or success. “Their true firm
ground is an agreed upon (omnipresent and eternal) ‘behind that, nothing
for us men.’”5 Only the states and nothing but the states.
Interestingly enough, this criticism appears in Jacobi’s novel, but not in
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his theoretical writings. Appealing as it does to a version of the adverbial
interpretation of sensations, the criticism is not without value: it implies
that this adverbial interpretation is the only coherent account available
within a Kantian position. Because Kant cannot use the idea of a cause of a
datum, by which we receive an affection of our senses, and because he has
also eliminated direct realism from the very beginning, this adverbial the-
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ory of sensation is the only plausible and coherent alternative. According
to it, we do not sense something red, but rather we sense “redly.” In a word,
sensing is nothing but a particular state we are in. To adopt this adverbial
interpretation is also to open a way for establishing a link between Kant
(now rendered coherent) and Spinoza. For what seems to be something
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given to the conscious subject turns out to be nothing but its own state.
Initially, sensation seemed to be entirely independent from other given
5. F. H. Jacobi, “Cläre an Sylli,” in EAB, p. 124; English: “Clair to Sylli,” in EAC, p. 440.
This passage precedes the criticism of Kant’s transcendental idealism that Jacobi presented
in his “Beylage,” in DHG, pp. 289–310; English: “Supplement,” in DHF, pp. 331–338. The
supplement was one of the most effective incentives to Fichte’s Wissenschaftslehre.
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data, related to them only by its property of givenness. By virtue of the

property of givenness, sensation was also presumed to share the same di-
mension in which other data are also given. Yet since sensations are really
nothing but states of the same subject, how they relate to one another must
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be quite different from the way in which supposed sense data relate. By
eliminating the idea of an external cause of these states, the laws according
to which they occur must be part of the complete concept of the subject.
This is the position of egoism toward which Jacobi wanted to push the
Kantians. He was convinced that by questioning their concept of sensation,
as well as the theory that their conceptual framework implied, Kantians
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would find no alternative.
Jacobi had quoted Kant’s theories of space and time in his letters to
Mendelssohn in support of Spinoza.6 Only after we introduce his interpre-
tation of sensation does this claim become intelligible. Assuming that this
interpretation of sensation is correct, it follows that space and time must
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be interpreted along Spinozistic lines, as attributes of one subject that can
be modified. The modification of this subject would be the sequence of the
states it is in. Jacobi made no suggestion as to how such analyses of space
and time as internally modifiable attributes might proceed. Nor did he
pose any thoughts about how one might make his interpretation of sensa-
tion relevant to particular sticky cases. On the adverbial theory of sensa-
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tion reading, there is no such thing as a leopard with 950 speckles, or
a sense datum that exhibits 950 speckles; there is only us sensing “950
speckledly.” Jacobi had no interest in making this proposal satisfactory, al-
though there are those today who pursue it as a possible alternative in the
analysis of sensations. Jacobi simply saw it as the absurd result to which
Kantianism would inevitably lead.
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Sir Thomas Reid devised the adverbial theory of sensation in an attempt
to counter the epistemological idealism that sense data theory implies.7
6. F. H. Jacobi, “[Beylage.] An den Herrn Moses Mendelssohn über desselben mir zuge-
schickte Erinnerungen” [1785], in Spin, p. 146; English: “To Herr Moses Mendelssohn con-
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cerning His Memorandum Sent to Me,” in CDS1, p. 218.
7. A student of George Turnbull and pioneer of the Scottish philosophy of common
sense, Thomas Reid (1710–1796) rejected the philosophies of Hume and Berkeley owing to
their apparent failure to account both for the connection between ideas and their objects
and for the immediate nature of perception, thought, and memory. In opposition to them,
Reid maintained that perception is a combination of sensation, conception, and belief. The
existence of common sense points to the theistic underpinnings of Reid’s theory—our na-
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The adverbial interpretation intends to move beyond the screen on which

we are apt to think that data occur, and to focus instead only on states
of mind that it conceives of as directly caused by objects. It is likely that
Jacobi learned this strategy from Reid’s Essays on the Intellectual Powers of
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Man, which countered Humean skepticism about the theory of sensation.8
Jacobi diverged, however, from Reid’s intentions in his declaration that the
adverbial interpretation functions in an entirely different way, and that it is
required for making epistemological idealism feasible. So construed, ad-
verbial interpretation becomes a device for philosophical egoism. Based on
his own insights, Fichte also drew this conclusion, and it is possible that
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Jacobi did not influence him on this matter. For as we shall see in Fichte’s
analysis, sensations are nothing but states that precede the development of
spatial and temporal structures. But Fichte’s elaborate theory bears
affinities with Jacobi’s literary suggestions.
Given the inventiveness and ingenuity of Jacobi and others among
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Kant’s critics, one could say that the attempt to eliminate the thing-in-itself
was almost “well motivated,” if not “irresistible.” Moreover, inasmuch as
Kant was not very interested in the systematic structure of the critical phi-
losophy, and his principle interest was in showing freedom to be the key-
stone of the system, the many uses and intricacies of the notion of the
thing-in-itself in his philosophy had to lead to further contributions in
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philosophy. To be sure, these might amount to nothing more than explora-
tions of new ways of reasoning and of hitherto unforeseen possible sys-
tems. To remain a Kantian in light of these questions about the thing-in-it-
self was virtually impossible without at least some attempts to rebuild
independently the Critique of Pure Reason from its very foundations.
Jacobi advocated the superiority of ontological monism. He urged the
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Kantians into absolute egoism. He also stressed the importance of a philos-
ophy that would not neglect or violate the basic experiences of the soul
and the unshakable beliefs of humankind, above all the belief in freedom.
He said very little, however, about the way in which the Kantians could be-
come what he claimed they already were—egoists. Whereas he believed
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tures are so constituted by a common underlying cause that we can readily infer the exis-
tence of minds other than our own. See Thomas Reid, An Inquiry into the Human Mind
[1764], in The Works of Thomas Reid, vol. I, ed. William Hamilton (Edinburgh: Maclachlan
and Stewart, 1863, repr. Bristol: Thoemmes Press, 1994), pp. 93–211.
8. Thomas Reid, Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man [1785], in The Works of Thomas
Reid, vol. I, pp. 213–508.
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them to be defending an absurd position, they believed themselves to be

the defenders of freedom and the dignity of humankind. From the point of
view of philosophical theory, no direct route was possible from Jacobi to
Fichte. Nevertheless, the idealist movement did evolve. For this we must
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give credit to Karl Leonhard Reinhold, to whom we now turn.
Estimates of the esteem in which Reinhold’s successors held him are evi-
dent in these three brief quotations. In his first brochure On the Concept of
the Science of Knowledge (1794), Fichte says, “After the ingenious spirit of
Kant, no greater gift could be made to philosophy than by the systematic
spirit of Reinhold.”9 Fichte’s opposition between ingenuity and systematic
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spirit underscores his view that Reinhold’s contribution was the reintro-
duction of systematic structures into philosophical considerations. In a
1795 letter to Hegel, Schelling wrote: “[W]e owe it to Reinhold that soon
we shall stand on the highest point.”10 Another letter that one of Reinhold’s
friends wrote to him after meeting Fichte in Zurich helps to fill out the pic-
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ture. Reinhold’s friend reported to him a conversation in which Fichte had
acknowledged “that all he is or will be as a philosopher he owes to you, that
he adores you unspeakably.”11
An Austrian, born in Vienna, Reinhold was educated in a small but lib-
eral monks’ congregation. Modern philosophy attracted him, and he stud-
ied Leibniz and empiricism. His studies drove him to apostasy. An author
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in the style of his time, Reinhold wrote about many diverse subjects, com-
bating the new antirationalism and superstition that was veiled in the garb
of mystical theology. Well known for his elegant style when he arrived at
Weimar, he soon became the son-in-law of the famous poet Wieland.12
9. J. G. Fichte, “Vorrede,” in Über den Begriff der Wissenschaftslehre, oder der sogenannten
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Philosophie [1794], ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. I,2 (1965), p. 110; Eng-
lish: “Preface,” in Concerning the Concept of the Wissenschaftslehre or, of So-called “Philoso-
phy,” in EPW, p. 96.
10. Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling, “Schelling an Hegel,” Tübingen, 4 February 1795,
in G. W. F. Hegel, B, pp. 20–23.
11. Jens Baggesen, “Baggesen an Reinhold,” Schloss Chatelar am Genfersee, 4 September
1794, in Aus Jens Baggesens Briefwechsel mit Karl Leonhard Reinhold und Friedrich Heinrich
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Jacobi, vol. I, ed. Karl and August Baggesen (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1831), pp. 364–391.
12. Christoph Martin Wieland (1733–1813), author of the famous German poem
Oberon:
This yet remain’d—thou! once their guardian friend,

Ah! does the fault of love deserve to feel
Wounds without cure, and pangs no time can heal?
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Reinhold promptly started writing papers on numerous subjects (e.g.,

on the Masons) that appeared in Wieland’s distinguished journal, Der
Teutsche Merkur. The late eighteenth century was surely the great age of the
journal; all significant publications first appeared in journals addressed to
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scholars and to the general public alike. As Wieland’s son-in-law, Reinhold
immediately gained access to the intellectual circles of Weimar. Although a
small capital of a very small state—probably smaller than Cambridge,
Massachusetts—Weimar was the center of the intellectual scene. Goethe
commanded cultural affairs, and Herder was the church’s first minister.
The university town of Jena was a mere fifteen miles away. Here, Schiller
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was professor of history and many minor Kantians were also on the fac-
ulty. Among them was a professor of rhetoric, Christian Gottlieb Schütz,
the editor of a general journal of literature, Allgemeine Literaturzeitung
(ALZ), which had achieved distinction in philosophical publication. Due
to Schütz’s philosophical orientation, this journal advocated Kantianism.
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Published three times a week, it was very quick to review new books,
often before the books had arrived in other German towns. Among its
distinguished reviewers were Fichte, who published his review of the
Aenesidemus, and Reinhold, who wrote reviews of Kant’s Critique of Judg-
ment and, subsequently, of Fichte’s works. Rapidly becoming the intellec-
tual center of the period, Jena declined after the French occupation in 1806
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and Berlin became the new intellectual center in 1810 with the founding of
the University of Berlin. Fichte served as the university’s first rector, and
Hegel, having left his professorship in Jena, became Fichte’s successor to
the chair in philosophy.
Before 1806, however, many creative philosophers had gathered, or were
teaching, in Jena. Beginning with Reinhold’s appointment (1788–1794),
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and continuing through his successor Fichte (1794–1799), Schelling
Alas! faint swims his eye, the tears descend.

Dread, wretches, dread your doom, when Oberon weeps.
But, whither, muse! in charmed vision sweeps
Aloft the wildness of thy eagle flight?
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The world of wonders rushing on thy sight,
In strange mysterious maze th’ astonish’d steeps.
Christoph Martin Wieland, Oberon. Ein romantisches Heldengedicht in zwölf Gesängen

[1796], in Sämmtliche Werke, vol. VII,22, ed. Hamburger Stiftung zur Förderung von Wis-
senschaft und Kultur (Hamburg: Beck, 1984), pp. 6–7; English: Oberon: A poem from the
German of Wieland, trans. William Sotheby (New York: Garland, 1978), p. 4.
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(1798–1803), Hegel (1801–1806), and Friedrich Schlegel, who also taught

philosophy during this time, the notoriety of the university as an intellec-
tual center grew. Novalis (Friedrich von Hardenberg) and Hölderlin were
among the students of Reinhold and Fichte (although the sense in which
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Novalis was Fichte’s student was limited to intensive reading of Fichte’s
writings). The romantic circles, which included among their number poets
and philosophers, were centered in Jena for a brief period of years and es-
tablished communities similar in many respects to the “communes” of the
1960s and 1970s.
We can capture some of the excitement of studying at Jena at that time
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from Hölderlin’s entry in a friend’s diary. Having received funds from his
uncle to study at Jena, Hölderlin wrote, quoting a line from a poem of
Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock: “God fulfills sometimes what the trembling
heart did not dare to hope.”13 Franz Rosenzweig would later define philos-
ophy, from its beginning to its end, as the development from Ionia to Jena
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(no doubt exploiting the alliteration), meaning that philosophy culmi-
nated in Jena.14 In this estimate he is in agreement with Feuerbach and
Marx, who claimed that philosophy had come to its end in Hegel.
But it was Reinhold who ensured the glory of Jena. When in 1794 he ac-
cepted a philosophical chair from the king of Denmark in Kiel, he was
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13. The first publication of this particular Hölderlin text is found in Dieter Henrich,
“Über Hölderlins philosophische Anfänge,” in Konstellationen. Probleme und Debatten am
Ursprung der idealistischen Philosophie (1789–1795) (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1991), pp. 135–
170. Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock (1724–1803) was a German poet invited and sponsored by
Denmark’s King Frederick V to live and write in Copenhagen from 1751–1758 and 1763–
1770. He wrote the Messias, a religious epic in the genre of lyric poetry, between 1748 and
1773. Klopstock was one of the earliest and most important writers of the German classical
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period.
14. Franz Rosenzweig, Der Stern der Erlösung [1921, 2nd ed. 1930], intro. Reinhold Mayer
(Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1988), p. 13; English: The Star of Redemption, trans. Wil-
liam H. Hallo (Boston: Beacon Press, 1972), p. 12. Known as a “religious existentialist,”
Rosenzweig (1886–1929) continually attempted to counter the effect of German idealism,
particularly the philosophy of Hegel. Written between 1918 and 1919 on postcards to his
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mother from the war front, Der Stern der Erlösung follows in the philosophical line of
Feuerbach, Kierkegaard, and Nietzsche with its attention to individual existence and being.
In order to undertake a critical reevaluation of Jewish thought, Rosenzweig founded the
Freie Jüdische Lehrhaus (Independent House of Judaic Studies) in Frankfurt in 1920, and
also worked on a poetic German translation of the Hebrew Bible. His own scholarship in
German idealism prompted him to deem the young Schelling as the author of “Das älteste
Systemprogramm des deutschen Idealismus” (see Lecture 6, note 17).
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deeply saddened about leaving. The entire student body of six hundred
students attended his last lecture and presented him with a gold medal. Af-
ter a large concert that evening, given in his honor, he wrote, “Never shall I
live in such a happy and productive situation as I have here.”15 Despite the
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attempt by his students to increase his salary at Jena, the king of Denmark’s
offer was five times higher, and his growing family obliged him to accept
the position.
One other aspect of the development of idealism deserves mention, and
that is its geographical location. Jena was in the center of the country. By
contrast, Kant worked and taught in Königsberg, which is at the extreme
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periphery of the country. Indeed, overloaded by teaching responsibilities
(which never included lectures on the Critique of Pure Reason), Kant never
left Königsberg. Although Königsberg was a center of learning for the Bal-
tic states and for Russia, which owned them, it was exceedingly difficult to
reach. Fichte once walked there to visit with Kant, but Kant had only occa-
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sional visits from other young colleagues and followers. Twice he refused
invitations to universities in the center of Germany. It is thus tantalizing to
imagine how post-Kantian philosophy might have developed had Kant
been able to exert his personal influence on it.
Let us recur to Reinhold. His reputation was first built on his Letters on
the Kantian Philosophy (1786–1787).16 There we find an eloquent presenta-
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tion of the merits of Kant and the attempt to persuade the public to be-
come entirely Kantian. The emphasis in that book is primarily on the phi-
losophy of religion, and the subordination of the belief in God to the
concept of freedom. That, he says, is the final solution to the doubts and
disputes of the centuries, and the reconciliation of the head and heart of
man. Indeed, Reinhold prophesied in this book that within a century, Kant
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would have the reputation of Jesus Christ.
On the basis of this book and other essays, Reinhold became an “addi-
tional” professor at Jena. In 1789, he published an essay, both in Der
Teutsche Merkur and separately as a brochure, “On the Destinies Kantian
Philosophy Hitherto Had.”17 In this essay he described the public com-
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15. Karl Leonhard Reinhold, “Auszug aus Reinholds Schreiben an seine ehemaligen
Zuhörer in Jena (30 May 1794),” in Karl Leonhard Reinhold’s Leben und litterarisches Wirken.
Nebst einer Auswahl von Briefen Kant’s, Fichte’s, Jacobi’s, und andrer philosophirender Zeit-
genossen an ihn, ed. Ernst Reinhold (Jena: Friedrich Frommann, 1825), pp. 72–77.
16. K. L. Reinhold, BKP.
17. K. L. Reinhold, ÜSKP.
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plaints about the dogmas, the obscure texts, and the emerging opposite
positions in Kantianism. He cited as paradigmatic the dispute over the
thing-in-itself. Reinhold had in mind not only Jacobi’s charge, but also the
Kantian countercharge that Jacobi had utterly failed to understand Kant’s
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meaning. In reacting to these complaints of obscurity and contentiousness,
Reinhold concluded that he had to attempt to eliminate all terminological
unclarity, and thus ensure the triumph of the critical philosophy. Within
the same essay, Reinhold announced that he would publish a book entitled
Versuch einer neuen Theorie des menschlichen Vorstellungsvermögens (At-
tempt at a new Theory of the Human Faculty of Representation).18
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Although Kant does begin the Critique of Pure Reason with a set of
terms, he provides no explicit justification for this terminology. On the
first page, he correlates the terms roughly as follows: in our representations
there is something that is given in sensation, and that is the stuff of all our
knowledge. Knowledge, therefore, includes not only concepts, but also in-
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tuitions. The faculties of understanding and sensibility correspond to these
two elements of all knowledge. In addition, sensibility requires further di-
vision into its material and formal aspects. Finally, there is the capacity of
reason and its ideas. Starting from this terminology, Kant nonetheless
omits any systematic introduction to it. In the Transcendental Deduction,
he adds the theory of self-consciousness and of combination. Despite his
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claim that self-consciousness is the highest point of transcendental philos-
ophy, to which all knowledge must conform, he never starts from it in or-
der to develop a definition of what sensibility and conceptuality are.
Reinhold wanted to fill this lacuna. He was looking for a strategy that al-
lows a clarification of terms by way of a discovery of their origin in a basic
structure of the mind. Strangely enough, he did not experiment with the
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highest point that Kant suggested. That is to say, he did not attempt to
work out a theory of self-consciousness as the basis of Kant’s epistemology.
Instead, he started from two pages of the Critique of Pure Reason where
Kant presents a very simple “family tree” of the epistemological concepts
he is using.19 In this section of the Critique, Kant offers as the highest and
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most general term Vorstellung (“representation”), which he divides into
sensation and knowledge, and then subdivides into intuition and concepts.
It was very easy to conclude that one must start from an account of repre-
18. K. L. Reinhold, VTV.

19. I. Kant, KrV B37; English: CPR, p. 157.
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sentation in order to eliminate the obscurities and insufficiencies generally

felt on the part of the public that read the Critique of Pure Reason. It is cer-
tainly true that unclarities in the general terms will affect the entire termi-
nology and its use. But to concede this does not imply that there is a way to
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arrive at more specific terms by starting from the most general ones, such
that the more specific ones are developed by some merely internal differen-
tiation and analysis of the general term itself. Normally, the process is the
other way around. We certainly cannot arrive at the concept of the individ-
ual man ‘Reinhold’ (or any other person) by a mere logical analysis of the
concept of a man. What we have to ask is whether this case differs from
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that of “representation.” Reinhold’s claim is that they do indeed differ.
Some of Reinhold’s other writings provide further reasons for his search
for a program of a truly systematic philosophy. Published after his study on
the faculty of representation, these writings became classics during the pe-
riod of idealistic philosophy.20 While no one agreed with Reinhold that he
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had been able to arrive at the fact that would account for the systematic
structure of the mind, all agreed for a while that he had accurately de-
scribed what had to be done in philosophy—one has to start from one ba-
sic fact and from the basic proposition (Grundsatz) that describes this fact.
In other words, while everyone rejected Reinhold’s solutions, they pre-
served his program; and this led ultimately to Fichte’s Science of Knowledge.
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Our first task will be to describe the program that Fichte accepted. It was
the simple principle that a philosophical system should start from one fact
and from one proposition that accounts for and presents the structure of
this fact. The further development of the idealistic philosophy shows that
one could not only then arrive at a comprehensive interpretation of the
human mind, but also go on to become even more comprehensive, as does
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Hegel’s system. While the idealists accepted this basic premise, they argued
with one another over (1) what the basic fact might be, (2) whether they
had already established the basic proposition, and (3) whether those who
had presented such basic facts and propositions nonetheless still depended
on hidden presuppositions and facts not yet theoretically incorporated.
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But the methodological principle that Reinhold articulated governed the
development from himself to Fichte, and in turn from Fichte to Schelling,
culminating in Hegel. Soon, however, other of Reinhold’s students who be-
20. K. L. Reinhold, “Neue Darstellung der Hauptmomente der Elementarphilosophie”

[1790], in Beytr. 1, pp. 167–254; id., ÜF.
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came gifted Kantians (e.g., Friedrich Immanuel Niethammer and Johann

Benjamin Erhard) came to oppose his philosophy of one single principle.
His principle notwithstanding, Reinhold’s was a very weak theory, full of
invalid conclusions. This quickly became obvious even to Reinhold him-
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self, who briefly converted to Fichteanism. Fichte renewed the effort to
clarify Kantianism and to meet the systematic requirements that Reinhold
had outlined. It is therefore impossible to interpret Fichte correctly without
understanding Reinhold. Fichte was convinced that Reinhold, despite his
theoretical inadequacies, had made a significant discovery about the na-
ture of a truly systematic philosophy. Therefore, Fichte wanted to be able
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to account for the structures from which Reinhold begins. Owing precisely
to this, Fichte made all of his early steps toward his Science of Knowledge
with Reinhold in mind, especially with respect to his definition of “repre-
sentation.” Fichte wanted to start from the really basic fact that Reinhold’s
analysis had left untouched when he described representation. This is the
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origin of Fichte’s talk about the “I” and the “non-I,” and the category of
quantity that mediates between them. It is unintelligible if we fail to grasp
it as an attempted solution to Reinhold’s project and problems.
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Kant’s Early Critics Reinhold and “Elementary Philosophy”
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Reinhold and
“Elementary Philosophy”
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Jacobi’s principal ideas approach some notions that Fichte deemed crucial
in his Science of Knowledge. Viewed from this perspective, three among
Jacobi’s contributions stand out: (1) the idea of the internal unity of the
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human that expresses itself in one basic drive, (2) the challenge to the
Kantians to become absolute egoists, and (3) the elimination of the thing-
in-itself by way of the introduction of the adverbial interpretation of sen-
sation. Nonetheless, it was impossible to advance from Jacobi’s philosophy
to the type of idealist thoughts that would soon emerge. What was missing
was the coherent idea of a systematic formal structure that could incorpo-
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rate both the basic drive and its description. However much these young
philosophers believed in the truth of Kant’s philosophy, they had no no-
tion of what its systematic structure might be. It was for this reason that
the ideas of Reinhold signaled a new beginning. He pioneered the idea of a
one-dimensional system, even though his execution of such a system was
thoroughly flawed. Despite its numerous shortcomings, it is impossible for
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us to omit consideration of the systematic idea he introduced. For it, and
the extensive inadequacies of the system he developed, prompted Fichte to
develop the Science of Knowledge.
Reinhold takes as his point of departure a description of the unsettled
controversies among the followers of Kant and of their disagreements over
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the meaning of his terminology. In his view, these controversies mandated
the attempt to present Kant’s philosophy from some elementary starting
point, even though Kant himself had never done this. Kant presents a se-
ries of correlations among terms at the beginning of the Critique of Pure
Reason, but with no attempt to justify them. In the paradigmatic case of
the “thing-in-itself,” Kant’s terminology is at least obscure, if not inconsis-
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127
tent. Reinhold’s desire to resolve these inconsistencies committed him not

only to redeveloping Kant’s terminology, but also to restructuring the criti-
cal philosophy in its entirety. In two writings on the idea of a philosophical
system (from which I have previously quoted),1 Reinhold advances a pro-
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posal that he thinks will settle the controversies not only among Kantians,
but also among philosophers in general. The arguments Reinhold devel-
oped in these methodological considerations were deeply persuasive. Even
those who opposed his philosophical theory embraced his methodological
observations.
Reinhold takes his bearings from a Cartesian standpoint: (1) In order
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to achieve ultimate clarity in philosophy, one must secure a principle to
which all must agree. (2) This basic principle must be self-evident in the
sense that it discloses a basic fact, and describes it without reference to any-
thing apart from that fact. (3) Accordingly, the fact from which philosoph-
ical reflection proceeds, and the proposition that describes this fact, must
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be immediately accessible. We should have no need to invoke additional
procedures in order to determine both that the fact is there, and that it is,
indeed, the fact the proposition describes. The proposition would not be
sufficiently clear, and it might incorporate something arbitrary, if it was
dependent on additional philosophical reflection. For such dependence
would naturally enough precipitate new controversies. (4) The upshot of
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this is that one proposition alone should be needed to express this fact,
which must be simple, easily accessible, and easily expressible. If there were
a plethora of basic facts, we would have to determine the relationship
among them. This would necessitate the introduction of further principles
to elaborate the nature of this relation, and so forth. But then we would fall
short of ultimate clarity, entering, instead, into an infinite regress. So to
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preserve clarity, the fact of which we are speaking must be one that is
presupposed by all other facts to which we might possibly refer, and, ac-
cordingly, be presupposed by all other propositions. Only in this way can
we arrive at a philosophical theory that is both general and beyond all
philosophical controversy. In the terms of this single proposition, and its
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basic fact, we must be able to understand everything we want to know
philosophically.
Inasmuch as knowledge arises in the mental dimension, it is readily evi-
1. K. L. Reinhold, ÜSKP; id., VTV. See Lecture 8. This theory was elaborated further in
Beytr. I and ÜF.
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Reinhold and “Elementary Philosophy” 129
dent that this must be a fact of, and a proposition about, the mind. For
only in the mental dimension do we encounter that which is immediately
accessible, and possibly suitable, for a philosophical theory that interprets
everything we want to determine in terms of the basic fact.
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Reinhold couples these methodological considerations about a one-di-
mensional system with the term “representation,” which Kant placed at the
top of his “family tree” of epistemological terms.2 This coupling brought
into view for him the idea that the only possibility for a satisfactory philo-
sophical system would be a theory of the human faculty of representation.
To establish such a theory would be to show that the elementary fact of
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what a representation is suffices to account for everything we want to
know about the mind and the structures of knowledge. Starting from these
considerations, Reinhold developed a system whose structure closely par-
allels both Fichte’s Science of Knowledge and Hegel’s Science of Logic. Rein-
hold’s system, however, differs from theirs primarily in his conception of
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the basic fact and the proposition that revealed it, and also in the proce-
dure through which we can draw conclusions from it.
Philosophers of this generation widely accepted Reinhold’s formal de-
scription of this system, even though they eschewed his own 1789 pro-
posals regarding the theory of representation. Indeed, his essays on the
method of philosophy precipitated controversies typical of those that oc-
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curred throughout the development of idealist philosophy. Such disputes
invariably raged over this question whether a particular philosophical sys-
tem had indeed penetrated to the ultimate fact, in terms of which we could
interpret everything. If a philosophical system did not, one would be obli-
gated to attempt, yet again, to identify the basic fact on which one could
build such a system. Illustrative of this is Fichte’s conviction that the true
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2. I. Kant, KrV A320/B377; English: CPR, pp. 398–399: “The genus is representation in
general (repraesentatio). Under it stands the representation with consciousness (perceptio). A
perception that refers to the subject as a modification of its state is a sensation (sensatio); an
objective perception is a cognition (cognitio). The latter is either an intuition or a concept
(intuitus vel conceptus). The former is immediately related to the object and is singular; the
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latter is mediated, by means of a mark, which can be common to several things. A concept is
either an empirical or a pure concept, and the pure concept, insofar as it has its origin solely
in the understanding (not in a pure image of sensibility), is called notio. A concept made up
of notions, which goes beyond the possibility of experience, is an idea or a concept of reason.
Anyone who has become accustomed to this distinction must find it unbearable to hear a
representation of the color red called an idea. It is not even to be called a notion (a concept
of the understanding).”
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“basic fact” is not the structure of representation, as Reinhold held, but, in-
stead, the structure of the “I” in our self-consciousness.
Reinhold’s role in initiating these controversies helps bring into view the
significance of Schelling’s claim that “we owe it to Reinhold if we arrive at
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the highest point soon.”3 Schelling was acknowledging that Reinhold had
established the programmatic objective, but had failed to identify the high-
est point. Indeed, Reinhold would soon concur with Schelling’s judgment
and refute his own theory. He even went so far as to write a review, in 1797,
of Fichte’s philosophy, deeming it a superior theory.4 Two years later, how-
ever, Reinhold thought better of this view and abandoned it, adopting still
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another position—but that had no bearing upon Fichte’s development of
the Science of Knowledge.
Of greater interest than Reinhold’s shifts in philosophical perspective
are the changes in his own evaluation of his methodological proposals. At
first he thought of them as a contribution in the service of securing a tri-
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umph of Kantianism through the clarification of Kant’s terminology. But
as he gained more self-confidence he adopted the view, in 1791, that while
the Critique of Pure Reason had given the material for a philosophical sys-
tem and its foundation, it had not given the idea. Reinhold claimed for
himself the contribution of both idea and foundation for a system of phi-
losophy. Reinhold’s philosophy, which he came to call Elementarphilos-
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ophie (elementary philosophy), did not start with the facts of experience
and the faculties of mind, as had Kant in the first Critique. Instead, Rein-
hold claimed to arrive at experience and the faculties of mind from a new
foundation. Elementary philosophy is necessary both to upend the critics
of the Critique of Pure Reason and to ground philosophy itself. It is the first
philosophy as science, inasmuch as it attains ultimate clarity, elevating phi-
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losophy beyond controversies. Further, Elementarphilosophie is philosophy
“without a first name.” Reinhold means by this that it is neither “critical”
philosophy nor “empiricist” philosophy, neither “metaphysical” philoso-
phy nor “eclectic” philosophy; indeed, it is not even “skeptical” philoso-
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3. Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling, “Schelling an Hegel,” Tübingen, 4 February 1795,
in G. W. F. Hegel, B, p. 21.
4. Carl Leonhard Reinhold, “Über den gegenwärtigen Zustand der Metaphysik und der
transcendentalen Philosophie überhaupt,” in Auswahl vermischter Schriften. Zweyter Theil
(Jena: Johann Michael Mauke, 1797).
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phy.5 It is simply philosophy “without a first name”—an expression that

underscores the contagious confidence Reinhold had in his undertaking.
If Reinhold considered Vorstellung (the structure of representation) the
basic fact, the basic proposition that describes it would be what Reinhold
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calls Satz des Bewusstseins (proposition on consciousness). By denominat-
ing this basic description as a proposition on consciousness, Reinhold
sought to make clear the Cartesian overtones of his thinking. The proposi-
tion on consciousness is this: In consciousness the representation is distin-
guished by the subject from the subject and the object and related to both of
them.6
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Let me sketch a brief explanation of this proposition. Having a represen-
tation of something in consciousness—as for example, a perception—
means that someone, namely me, is having the perception, and that the
perception is of something. I can distinguish the perception from myself
who perceives it, and from the object of which it is a perception. If I per-
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ceive a person walking across the yard, I perceive that person from a cer-
tain distance and angle, in a certain light, and so on. All this constitutes
certain properties of the perception I have of the person. It is, therefore,
easy to distinguish the perception I have of the person from the person I
perceive. Similarly, I also distinguish the perception I have from me who is
the perceiver; for I do not believe that my perception is identical with me.
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So I distinguish these three elements each from the other, just as I relate
them to one another. This is tantamount to saying that being in the state
of representing something means having these three elements as distin-
guished from, and simultaneously related to, one another.
Although at first glance this appears to be satisfactory, doubts quickly
arise. We can ask if the structure of representation is truly general. Can we
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use this structure to interpret all cases of cognitive states? In support of our
puzzlement, we might imagine a sound that has no physical cause outside
of my body, but occurs solely within my head. This sound, let us say, is a
hum, which is indistinguishable from my body. In consequence, I do not
immediately associate this hum with an external cause. By way of contrast,
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I might associate the humming sound with an external cause, as in the case
5. K. L. Reinhold, ÜF, p. 132.

[1790], in Beytr. I, p. 167.
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of cars passing by me as I speak. The upshot of hearing the hum as a hum

and nothing but a hum, is that while I would certainly distinguish the hum
from me in some sense, it would not be the same as appealing to some ob-
ject outside of me from which it originates. Clearly, then, by not appealing
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to some object apart from the representation, I would not be interpreting
this perception in terms of the structure of representation that Reinhold
proposed.
With respect to noncognitive states, even more doubts abound. Pain, for
example, is not of something. If I have pain in some limb of mine, this limb
is not the object of my pain. That is to say, I do not represent the limb by
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way of the pain I have. Instead, I represent the limb as being in the pain.
Salomon Maimon, one of Reinhold’s major critics, expressed precisely this
reservation.7 In a letter dated 22 August 1791, Reinhold attempted to ame-
liorate Maimon’s criticism with the observation that “we actually relate the
pain to something, namely, to an inner state of ours.”8 But this response
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will hardly do—it is both ambiguous and evasive. We might interpret this
to mean that while we have in mind a certain cause of the pain, it is cer-
tainly not part of the pain insofar as the pain is a representation—as
Reinhold calls it. If I somehow explain the pain by way of reference to
some internal cause, this internal cause is still not the object of the pain.
There is no object of the pain, even though we feel the pain somewhere. Or
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we might interpret this another way: it might mean, as Reinhold suggests,
that I relate the pain to some inner state of mind, or what is the same, I
experience the pain as mine. On this reading Reinhold fares somewhat
better, for his point is that pain is always my pain. This mineness of the
pain, however, is not an object to which we relate pain. Instead, the pain is
manifest as mine, and I cannot experience pain apart from it being experi-
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enced as my pain.9 However obvious that I only experience pain as mine, it
7. Salomon Maimon (1754–1800), Streifereien im Gebiete der Philosophie. Erster Theil

[1793], in GW, vol. IV (1970), pp. 1–294. See also Maimon, Versuch einer neuen Logik oder
Theorie des Denkens. Nebst angehängten Briefen des Philaletes an Änesidemus [1794], in GW,
vol. V (1970), pp. 385–403; English: Essay Towards a New Logic or Theory of Thought, To-
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gether with Letters of Philaletes to Aenesidemus (Berlin: at Ernst Felisch’s, 1794) [excerpt],
trans. George di Giovanni, in Between Kant and Hegel: Texts in the Development of Post-
Kantian Idealism, trans. and annotated George di Giovanni and H. S. Harris (Albany: SUNY
Press, 1985), pp. 176–184.
8. K. L. Reinhold, “Antwort des Herrn Professor Reinhold auf das vorige Schreiben,” 22
August 1791, in S. Maimon, GW, vol. IV, pp. 230–238.
9. For an exposition of this reading, see Sydney Shoemaker, Self-Knowledge and Self-Iden-
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tity (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1963).
is nonetheless difficult to explain. The difficulties we have in explaining

this clearly, and in fitting this sense of the mineness of the pain I experi-
ence into a more general epistemological framework, undermine Rein-
hold’s representational theory. The mineness of the pain is not an object to
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which we can relate the pain, so that we could say I am the object that I feel
via the pain. The outcome of these observations is that pain is clearly a case
that Reinhold’s structure cannot accommodate, despite his claim that it is
absolutely general and can incorporate all mental phenomena.
This argument alone would undermine the claim that the proposition
on consciousness is universally applicable. But if we set this argument aside
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and attend closely to the proposition, we shall encounter other difficulties.
These have to do with the internal structure of the proposition.
We can divide the seven terms Reinhold uses in the proposition into
three groups. In the first group we can include the relata in the relational
structure of consciousness. Representation, subject, and object are each
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distinct and related to the others. The second group includes the activities
of distinguishing and relating the relata. These guarantee the distinctness
and the relatedness of the relata, and Reinhold’s phrase “by the subject”
makes it clear that they are activities, not merely states. The third group in-
cludes the little words “by” and “in” that occur in the phrases “by the sub-
ject” and “in consciousness.” These terms refer to a certain unity of con-
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sciousness that somehow precedes the relationship. There is the subject by
whom the entire relation seems to be established, and there seems to be a
dimension in consciousness, wherein the entire relationship occurs.
Once we make these divisions, we can easily see the hidden ambiguity in
the proposition on consciousness. To bring this ambiguity into view we
need only ask whether the relational structure or the subject is primary in
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representation. A superficial reading of the proposition leaves us with the
impression that the relational structure is primary. On this reading, repre-
sentation predominates in the proposition. But as becomes evident on a
deeper reading of the proposition, there is also a secret predominance of
the subject, whose activity is the relating and the distinguishing. Given the
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Kantian background of Reinhold’s undertaking, this secret predominance
of the subject is not surprising.10
10. Henrich noted in passing that the strategy of stipulating the primacy of the relational
structure over the subject in representation is not without merit. Distinguishing the repre-
sentation from the subject, as well as from the object, marks a substantive contribution to
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philosophical psychology. Edmund Husserl claimed that to strike these distinctions and
Further problems emerge from the ambiguity over the primacy of the
relational structure or the primacy of the subject in Reinhold’s structure of
representation. The subject distinguishes and relates. But given Reinhold’s
proposition on consciousness, we suspect that the relating and distinguish-
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ing occurs after the representation. Now if this were so, Reinhold would be
implying that analysis accomplishes nothing, inasmuch as we have not one
but two elementary facts. In other words, somehow we would have the rep-
resentation available and accessible, and then, in addition, the subject,
whose activity operates on the representation, distinguishing and relating
its parts. Reinhold, however, wants to say that we do not have any represen-
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tation whatsoever unless it is already distinguished from, and related to,
the subject and the object. This is tantamount to conceiving of representa-
tion as originally related and distinguished.
There are three possibilities for dealing with this ambiguity between the
relational structure and the subject of representation. First, the reference to
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the activity of the subject may refer to some secondary activity of the sub-
ject that already presupposes the relation of the representation to the sub-
ject. There is, as well, the second possibility of saying that references to the
activity of the subject are nothing but explanations of the existence of rep-
resentation. Because there is a subject, there exists not only the relation to,
and distinction from, the representation vis-à-vis the subject and object,
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but also a representation. Neither of these possible interpretations is consis-
tent with Reinhold’s description of the elementary fact. In the first inter-
pretation, we have the already-being-related plus something, which is not
stated in the elementary proposition. In the second interpretation, we have
an explanation of the existence of representation, which should be pre-
ceded by a description of what representation is. But to remain consistent
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with Reinhold, the reference to the activity of the subject must be part of
the description rather than, in this case, an explanation of the existence of
what Reinhold wants to describe.
There is a third possible interpretation that one can consider. On this
reading, there is no representation before it is related and distinguished.
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We would also have to say, however, that the activities of relating and dis-
tinguishing are nothing but performances. This amounts to saying, first,
thereby stress not only objective and subjective elements, but also this third relational ele-
ment in all epistemological analyses, was a substantive discovery. Karl Leonhard Reinhold
discovered this strategy first, and the distinction he strikes bears some affinity with the dis-
tinction between meaning and reference.
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that the being-related and being-distinguished of the representation are

original. Second, and subsequently, however, we would need to attribute
the origin of the structure of representation in general to the subject. For
we cannot attribute to the subject merely the activities of relating and dis-
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tinguishing inasmuch as they obviously presuppose things both to be re-
lated and distinguished from one another. If the activity of the subject is
conceived in a way that incorporates the existence of the structure of repre-
sentation, the activity of the subject must be more than merely relating and
distinguishing. In other words, it is impossible to see how the subject could
originate the structure of representation merely by relating and distin-
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guishing. To put this yet another way, it is difficult to conceive how the
subject could conceive both the structure and the elements within the
structure, merely by relating and distinguishing.
Accordingly, we are obliged to make a choice that Reinhold did not
make. Either we omit the claim that the being-related and being-distin-
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guished in the elementary structure of representation are due to the sub-
ject, or we attribute to the subject activities other than relating and distin-
guishing. In the first instance, we would be able to preserve the primordial
features of the being-related and being-distinguished in the structure of
representation, albeit apart from the subject. In the second instance, we af-
firm the primacy of the activity of the subject in the elementary structure
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of consciousness, but expand the nature of that activity beyond relating
and distinguishing. There is no possible escape from these alternatives.
In short order, Fichte would embrace the second option. For we cannot
account for the structure of representation in the manner Reinhold pro-
poses unless we conceive of the subject in a way entirely different from
Reinhold. Owing to this juggernaut, Fichte claimed he could not possibly
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understand Reinhold’s proposition on consciousness. For as soon as one
tips the ambiguity in Reinhold’s conception of the relational structure and
the subject in the direction of the subject, it becomes necessary to import
structures that Reinhold did not include. To tip the ambiguity in the direc-
tion of the relational structure makes it impossible to refer to activities of
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the subject at all. The importance of this argument is that it convinced
Fichte that representation is not a basic fact. Such a conclusion is possible
merely by analyzing the proposition on consciousness itself, and not by
means of pursuing exceptions, such as pain, that Reinhold’s proposition
leaves unexplained.
So far we have examined briefly the proposition on which Reinhold
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built his system. We have not, however, taken up the matter of how he
builds the system, or the kind of arguments he uses. To build from the ele-
mentary proposition on consciousness to a comprehensive philosophical
system, Reinhold uses four dimensions of reasoning, and three devices. As-
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suming that everyone accepts his proposition as an adequate description of
representation, Reinhold’s first device is to attempt to show that we can
find further elements in the elementary structure that permit us to arrive
at the elementary epistemological terminology Kant uses.
The second device Reinhold employs is the importation of second-order
structures that enable him to build a theory of knowledge. In effect, Rein-
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hold argues that there are not only representations, but also representa-
tions of representations. By analyzing the representation of representation,
Reinhold believes that he is engaged in an analysis of the concept of knowl-
edge. In turn, he believes that owing to the complex structure of represen-
tation, we can ask of the second order (the representation of representa-
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tion) the question we have already asked of the first order (representation):
What does the elementary description of consciousness already imply
about second-order representation? In effect, this second device is merely
an alternative use of his first.
Having arrived at two orders, Reinhold now tries, third, to develop rela-
tional structures in whose terms it becomes possible to relate the various
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elements that have already emerged from the elementary fact. We can sum-
marize this endeavor by saying that, as a result of the one-dimensional
analysis, a multidimensional structure of relations, which occur in various
ways among mental structures, emerges.11
If we turn to Reinhold’s deductions, we arrive quickly at dull and so-
phistical matters. Among these, those that I wish to mention have to do
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with Reinhold’s attempt to undergird Kant’s terminology in the Critique of
Pure Reason with a theory that can account for these terms.
1. Reinhold wants first to prove that there is a distinction between the
terms “stuff ” and “form” that Kant introduces on the first page of the Cri-
tique of Pure Reason.12 Reinhold’s proof is this: there must be something in
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11. Henrich is of the opinion that Reinhold is at his best in the last part of his analysis.
Here he is free from the pressure of proceeding slowly from the elementary fact, largely be-
cause he already has a system of mental structures that can now be developed. Reinhold thus
no longer needs to invoke the sophistical conclusions on which the first steps in his system
entirely depended.
12. I. Kant, KrV A20/B34; English: CPR, pp. 155–156.
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any representation by which it can be related both to the subject and to the
object. According to the definition of representation, whatever this “some-
thing” is has to be related to, and distinguished from, both subject and ob-
ject. The element by which this “something” is related to the subject differs
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from the element by which this “something” relates to the object. Accord-
ingly, in order to establish this double relationship, there must be two ele-
ments in any representation. These elements are the stuff and the form. All
representation has both a material and a formal aspect. A representation is
related to the object by the material aspect, and it is related to the subject
by the formal aspect.
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Objections to this argument are not difficult to discover. In his book
Aenesidemus: On the Foundations of the Elementary Philosophy Being De-
livered by Professor Reinhold at Jena, Gottlob Ernst Schulze argues against
the idea that only parts of the representation are related to the subject or to
the object.13 In contrast, he maintains that the whole representation is re-
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lated to both of them. On Reinhold’s reading of the matter, it is impossible
to account for the obvious, namely, that we somehow attribute the entire
representation to both subject and object. So Schulze makes another pro-
posal: we need to see how the representation, as a property of the subject, is
related to the subject, and as a sign of the object, is related to the object.
Reinhold’s rejoinder to Schulze’s proposal was that although “stuff ” and
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“form” do not suffice—insofar as they do not explain the relatedness of the
entire representation to both subject and object—there must, however, be
some aspect of representation by which the differing relations to subject
and object can be established within representation itself. Reinhold’s re-
joinder entails a concession to Schulze that these aspects cannot be stuff
and form. Nonetheless, Reinhold insists that something must be found in
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the representation that makes possible its two-fold relationship. In this
judgment, Fichte concurred.
How, we are then obliged to ask, must we conceive of representation so
that it relates in its entirety both to subject and object? In Fichte’s view,
what is required is a deeper analysis of the conditions of the possibility of
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the relation. Reinhold was not able to adduce any argument for why it is
not the “stuff ” by which the representation is related to the subject and the
“form” by which it is related to the object. As had Kant, Reinhold takes this
13. G. E. Schulze (1761–1833), Aen; English: Aenesidemus (excerpt), trans. George di

Giovanni, in Between Kant and Hegel, pp. 104–157.
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for granted. Schulze, however, offered the interesting suggestion that the
representation could just as well be related to the subject by virtue of the
“stuff ” that the subject itself produces. To suggest that the “stuff ” some-
how derives from the subject is thematically consistent with Jacobi’s view
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that a consistent philosophy culminates in egoism. In this respect, Schulze
and Jacobi are united in inviting the Kantians into absolute egoism.
Reinhold believed that he had solved the problem of the thing-in-itself
in terms of the distinction between stuff and form. He wrote: ‘Kant only
says that we cannot have knowledge of the thing-in-itself; now I can show
that there can be no representation of the thing-in-itself, and that is stron-
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ger, because any representation requires stuff and form—the stuff without
any form would be, so to speak, the thing-in-itself—therefore, no repre-
sentation of the thing-in-itself is possible.’ In believing his “solution” to
resolve the heated controversy among the Kantians, Reinhold deluded
himself. For his is, of course, no solution at all. Reinhold’s theory of repre-
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sentation does not refute Jacobi’s objections to the thing-in-itself. For
Reinhold continues to speak, as Kant did, in a way that requires at least the
thought of the being-there of the thing-in-itself. To be sure, neither knowl-
edge nor representation of the thing-in-itself is possible. Nevertheless, we
have to think about it, and insofar as Reinhold continued to insist upon
this necessity, he remained the target of Jacobi’s criticism.
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2. The second sophistical argument I wish to mention also concerns it-
self with terminology from the first page of the Critique of Pure Reason. In
this argument, Reinhold maintains that the stuff is given and the form pro-
duced. Despite Reinhold’s promise to adduce a proof for this claim, none
materializes. In what is invalid argumentation, Reinhold sets out the view
that the representation is related by the subject, which is active, and not by
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the object, which is passive. The subject, Reinhold goes on to say, is active
only with respect to the form of representation that it produces, by being
in relation to it. But this is a non sequitur. What the subject produces and is
responsible for, is the being-related to, and being-distinguished from, the
representation and the object. The subject originates the relation, but not
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the relata, or even one of the relata, or still more, some aspect of the relata
that makes the relation possible. Moreover, according to the elementary
proposition on consciousness, the subject relates both the subject and the
object to the representation in exactly the same way. For this reason, one
has to say either that the subject is responsible for the being-there of the
formal and the material element as well, or that the subject is not responsi-
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ble for the being-there of just any element of the representation, but only
for the being-related of the representation to the subject and the object. It
is easy to see that Reinhold’s own conclusion is invalid.
Reinhold, therefore, remains unable to prove that the subject produces
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the formal aspects of all representation. Nor is he able to prove that the
subject relates the representation to itself alone. These difficulties permeate
his entire theory, making it a second example of a fallacious one-dimen-
sional system. Christian Wolff ’s ontology was the first of these, starting
from a term (ens = being) rather than from a proposition, and attempting
to deduce from it a set of basic ontological categories and theorems.14 As is
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Reinhold’s, Wolff ’s theory is unsuccessful in many of its steps.
The fallacies of these arguments notwithstanding, the programs of
thought of which they are a part were both suggestive and, doubtless, un-
avoidable. It was precisely this attraction that kindled among Reinhold’s
successors the attempt to discern the point from which a theoretical de-
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duction of mental structures might become possible.
14. Christian Wolff, Philosophia prima sive ontologia: methodo scientifica pertractata, qua
omnis cognitionis humanae principia continentur [1730, 2nd ed. 1736], in Gesammelte Werke,
vol. III,2, ed. Jean École, et al. (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1962).
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Kant’s Early Critics Schulze and Post-Kantian Skepticism
10
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Schulze and
Post-Kantian Skepticism
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Whatever else we might say about Reinhold, two points are incontrovert-
ible. The first is that the program of philosophy he developed had to ap-
pear, inasmuch as its aim was to quell the philosophical controversies that
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were raging over terminological and foundational problems in Kant’s criti-
cal philosophy. The independent Kantians widely accepted Reinhold’s con-
viction. The second point is that we must distinguish Reinhold’s program-
matic ideals from the one-dimensional theory anchored in the faculty of
representation. Virtually everyone, including Reinhold, rejected this the-
ory. Kantians and their opponents (the defenders of Leibniz and Wolff)
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alike criticized this theory. The ironic combination of accepting Reinhold’s
programmatic ideals while rejecting his actual proposal prompted the de-
velopment of the conviction that the true foundation of knowledge lay
elsewhere than Reinhold had imagined. Indeed, the conviction grew, in-
corporating the notion that a one-dimensional theory cannot remain
within the boundaries that Kant had set regarding the scope of philosophi-
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cal thinking and of common sense. So we must say that, in the end,
Reinhold only designed the method by which to present the doctrines of
philosophy; it remained for Fichte and Hegel to propose such theories.
In Reinhold’s basic proposition on consciousness, two elements quickly
became evident: a fundamental weakness and another direction in which a
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theory such as his might move. Let’s repeat the basic proposition: “In con-
sciousness the representation is distinguished by the subject from the sub-
ject and the object and related to both of them.”1 The proposition, as we

[1790], in Beytr. I, p. 167.
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140
Schulze and Post-Kantian Skepticism 141
have it, lends itself to two ways of reading. We can interpret it to mean that
the way in which the subject relates and distinguishes the three elements of
the structure presupposes the three elements—subject, object, and repre-
sentation. This leaves us first with a triple fact, and then subsequently with
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the relating and distinguishing of these facts. On this reading, there is not
one structure, but two: the basic threefold structure and the structure that
establishes the relationship among the three elements. Presumably, this
would require of us a new “basic proposition” on the underlying structure
and, subsequently, a dependent proposition regarding the principle that
generates the relations among the elements of the underlying structure.
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By contrast, we can interpret Reinhold’s proposition in a way that he did
not intend. On this reading, the three elements are related and distin-
guished from the outset. Such a reading, however, obligates us to deter-
mine whether the relating is the function of the subject or if it occurs in
some other way. To opt for the subject as the relating activity not only
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makes the subject the basic structure, but also necessitates a concept of the
subject that includes the concept of representation and the object. This is
the position Fichte would attempt to develop. But this was clearly a devia-
tion from Reinhold’s intention.
The upshot of this ambiguity was that Reinhold could not accomplish
his purpose of developing a one-dimensional system within the strictures
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of his own proposition on consciousness. We can appreciate Reinhold’s di-
lemma if we imagine that he looked on consciousness in the same way in
which one might look at a spatial structure. A spatial structure already in-
cludes a relational system, and that system contains the potential for fur-
ther relations on which it is possible for us to focus. Doubtless, to imagine
consciousness in this way is a sort of reification. Nevertheless, this appar-
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ently is what occurs within Reinhold’s basic proposition, and this becomes
evident as soon as we press the proposition for clarity. It was Fichte who
discovered that Reinhold’s theory fails to incorporate the distinctive struc-
tures of consciousness. In consequence, by addressing merely the issue of a
relational system, Reinhold overlooks entirely the question of conscious-
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ness per se.
In his effort to create a deductive reconstruction of Kant’s elementary
terminology, Reinhold produced two arguments from his basic proposi-
tion. He claimed that there is “form” and “stuff ” (matter). On his reading,
the form is produced, and the stuff is given; the form is unity, and the stuff
is a manifold. Inasmuch as we have “concept” and “sensation” as the two
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essential elements in Kant’s theory of knowledge, Reinhold is perceptive

when he says that we need not only clarification of these terms, but also
some sort of justification for using precisely this terminology. However
much he wished to accomplish such a justification, his efforts fall wide of
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the mark, and he develops an entirely inconclusive argument. His argu-
ment that form has to be produced and stuff has to be given is equally in-
valid.
Reinhold’s third argument is evidence that one really can go from bad to
worse. He attempts to maintain that form belongs to what distinguishes
and so is a unity, distinguishing it from stuff, or matter, which is a mani-
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fold. In his view, the form is the element in the representation by which the
representation is related to the subject, and the subject is the one who re-
lates and distinguishes. Therefore, the form belongs to what distinguishes,
whereas the stuff belongs to that which is only distinguished, essentially
rendering it passive. What is distinguished is necessarily a manifold. It is
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not necessary to assume a manifold in the one that distinguishes. Thus, the
conclusion that the form is unity while the stuff is manifold.
But this is mere sophistry. First, because Reinhold’s proposition main-
tains that the representation is distinguished from both the object and the
subject and related to both of them, the subject also has to be distin-
guished. We quickly discover that the form by which the relation to the
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subject is established also has to be a manifold. Second, in order to distin-
guish something from something, one does not necessarily have to distin-
guish something from something inside of it. It is obviously possible to
distinguish red from green, without distinguishing something in green-
ness. The sophism Reinhold makes is the identification of (1) the process
of distinguishing two discrete things from one another with (2) that of dis-
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tinguishing one thing in something from another thing that is also to be
distinguished in the “something.” The manifold is, of course, something
within which we can determine distinctions; but by doing so, we do not
distinguish between the manifold and something else. Not making this ob-
vious (even trivial) observation enables Reinhold to reach the conclusion
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that the stuff has to be a manifold. Schulze and Maimon had already said
that we could equally well reason the other way around, saying that the
form has to be a manifold and the stuff has to be a unity. The reasoning is
entirely arbitrary, simply because no valid arguments are available.
On the basis of these three basic arguments, we are warranted in draw-
ing the conclusion that Reinhold’s attempt to establish a one-dimensional
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system obviously fails. This failure is instructive, however, because it en-

ables us to see that Reinhold’s approach does not yield any insight into the
specific problems of the internal unity of consciousness. Reinhold’s theory
fails in another dimension as well, which deserves note because it bears on
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Fichte’s reaction to Reinhold’s theory. The dimension I have in mind is
Reinhold’s practical philosophy, which, owing to his claim that the propo-
sition on consciousness is the highest point of philosophy, appears as part
of his theory of representation. Whereas in Kant’s philosophy the concept
of freedom unified the entire structure of the system in approximately the
same way as the concept of consciousness unified the epistemological
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structures, in Reinhold no such perspective is possible. Hence, it is impos-
sible structurally to arrive at the programmatic formula of Kant’s philoso-
phy: subordinate everything to freedom.2
This is readily evident in Reinhold’s practical philosophy, which he
sketched at the end of his New Theory of a Faculty of Representation
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(1789).3 Here he introduces the following distinction: we have representa-
tions, and by their structure we can account for the theory of representa-
tion; and we have actual representations, which must originate from an X,
from something. This is tantamount to distinguishing potential repre-
sentations and actual representations. Reinhold now makes an arbitrary
move. He claims that the source of the actual representation also has to be
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mental and adds that the mental origin of representations has to be found
in drives. What he wants to say is that in the human mind there is a ba-
sic drive to represent, but nowhere does he account for where this concept
of drive originates. Since in all representation we have stuff and form
(thereby combining this new move with the outcome of his first analysis of
the theory of representation), we need two drives: the “drive toward stuff ”
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(Stofftrieb) and the “drive toward form” (Formtrieb). Schiller adapted this
terminology for his Letters on the Aesthetic Education of Man, in which he
analyzes the possible unity of mind in terms of these two basic drives.4
Reinhold and Schiller agree that the drive toward stuff is a drive to enrich
our conscious life, while the drive toward form is the drive to structure our
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conscious life.
2. I. Kant, Bem, p. 144. (“Der freien Willkür alles zu subordiniren ist die Grösseste
Vollkommenheit.”)
3. K. L. Reinhold, “Grundlinien der Theorie des Begehrungsvermögens,” in VTV,
pp. 560–579.
4. F. Schiller, ÜäEM; English: AEM.
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Reinhold proceeds by making reference to the distinction between ex-

ternal and internal sensations. This leads him to two more drives—a drive
to enrich the internal life, so to speak, which he calls the “refined sensual
drive,” distinguishing it from the “crude sensual drive” that only drives to-
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ward an enrichment of the external sensual life. Moreover, understanding
can have influence on these drives, controlling them, imposing conditions
on them, and the like. Despite his numerous invalid arguments, Reinhold
actually develops a very nice theory of the function of our understanding
in the refinement of our sensuous life. This theory had obvious influence
on Fichte, whose own practical philosophy is also built on the concept of
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drives. Unfortunately, however, Reinhold builds his entire theory of drives
and their refinement on the concept of the drive to represent and to enrich
our representational life, which seems artificial.
More serious than this seeming artificiality is the lack of clarity regard-
ing the relationship between the basic drive to represent and the structure
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of representation that is the foundation of the entire theory. We can state
the conflict more sharply: the drive to represent is nowhere related to the
relating subject who plays a dominant role in Reinhold’s theory of repre-
sentation. In other words, Reinhold is now talking about the generation of
representations, but from the very beginning of his theory there is neither
hint of, nor account for, how that generation of representations would oc-
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cur. Instead, the concept of the subject and its relating and distinguishing
activity has predominated from the outset. We appear obligated to pursue
a course of thinking that, paradoxically, Reinhold’s basic proposition sys-
tematically excludes: if there is a ground of representations that we cannot
understand in Reinhold’s terms, then we would have to concede that the
proposition of consciousness is not the highest principle, but only the first
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step from which we would have to ascend to the genuine foundation. We
would have to conceive of this principle by way of another proposition that
would incorporate the concept of the drive. Had Reinhold pursued this
line of argumentation, it would have become quickly evident to him that
his basic proposition on consciousness cannot be the ultimate basic prop-
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osition on which we can build all philosophy, including ethics.
Failing this, Reinhold might have pursued, instead, a line of reasoning in
which he described desiring, willing, and the drives as nothing but ways of
representing, or, what is the same, as species of representation. But by sur-
rendering the idea that desiring, willing, and the drives are causes of repre-
sentation, this line of reasoning makes it impossible for Reinhold to enter-
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tain the notions he wants, as well as denying him the analytic tools to treat
drives as ways of representing the world.5
These two possible lines of argumentation help us to sharpen our sense
of the dilemma in which Reinhold found himself. He wants both to pre-
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serve a conception that accounts for the existence of representation and to
maintain, however tacitly, the domination of the subject that also accounts
for the relational structure of consciousness. To see the dilemma in this
way is to see the seductiveness of combining these two lines of argument.
This would amount to combining the idea of the subject, who somehow
establishes the relational structure of consciousness, with the drives that
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account for the existence of representation. Or what is the same, this is to
combine the beginning of Reinhold’s theory with its end—to combine the
concept of the (predominant, albeit tacit) function of the subject that re-
lates the structures of consciousness with the concept of the drive, which
also, although in an entirely different sense, accounts for representation.
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Such a combination would yield an entirely new theory of representation,
one roughly equivalent to Fichte’s in his Science of Knowledge. This theory
would either have an account differing entirely from Reinhold’s explana-
tion of representation, or it would be founded on another basic structure.
It would either include the activities that give rise to representation from
the outset, or it would attempt to define and account for representations
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on a very different foundation.
Two of Fichte’s letters dated 1793 were written during the period he was
reading both Reinhold and his critics. In one of them he writes: “From the
point of view I now hold, it seems odd to me that Reinhold wants to con-
strue representation as generic in the human soul. Whoever does that can-
not know anything about freedom, about the practical imperative.”6 In the
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second letter, Fichte writes to Reinhold, saying, “You have to deduce feeling
and desiring as a kind of faculty of knowledge.”7 The very impossibility of
this mandate underscores the failure of Reinhold’s proposition on con-
sciousness to serve as the highest proposition in all philosophy. Even if this
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5. Fichte will be able to do that in the 1794–1795 Wissenschaftslehre, particularly Section
5, but on a much deeper foundation than Reinhold could reach.
6. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Heinrich Stephani in ?,” Zürich, December 1793, ed. Reinhard
Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. III,2 (1970), pp. 27–29.
7. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Karl Leonhard Reinhold in Jena,” Zürich, 13 November 1793, in
GA, vol. III,2, pp. 11–13.
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proposition might possibly serve theoretical philosophy well, it fails utterly

as the highest proposition for practical philosophy. This is a decisive criti-
cism. To examine Reinhold’s theory of representation is to recur to the re-
vival of Kant’s analysis of mental activities that are dependent on the struc-
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ture of the self-conscious subject. This is scarcely surprising, inasmuch as
the hidden predominance of the subject lurks in Reinhold’s basic proposi-
tion. Hence, in the end, when Reinhold turned his attention to practical
philosophy, he was obliged to import mental activities for which he could
give no account.
Combining the concept of the self-conscious subject with the notion of
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drives certainly seems alluring. It is both interesting and ironic that the
fundamental concept of the self-conscious subject seems somehow to have
been derailed on its journey from Kant to Reinhold. The structure of the
self-conscious subject was actually the basic concept of Kant’s epistemol-
ogy in the Critique of Pure Reason, and Jacobi had certainly stressed its im-
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portance when he argued that there is no way of being a Kantian without
simultaneously being an egoist (i.e., one who appeals only to the self-con-
scious subject to account for everything). After publishing his Science of
Knowledge, Fichte wrote to Reinhold in March of 1794 acknowledging his
merit while criticizing his theory: “You have established the conviction for
the entire philosophy that all investigation has to start from a basic propo-
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sition. It seems that to no one can everything be granted. I had nothing to
do but to combine your discovery with Kant’s, namely, that everything
points to subjectivity.”8 Again, in the same letter to Reinhold: “You have,
just as Kant, brought something to mankind that will last eternally: he
[Kant]—that one has to start from an examination of the subject; you—
that the examination has to be guided by one basic proposition.”9 That is
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the conclusion Fichte himself drew, and our short examination of Rein-
hold’s theory confirms this as an apt assessment.
It would be precipitous to suggest that the ensuing need for a new analy-
sis of the subject in the aftermath of Reinhold’s theoretical failures was a
sufficient impetus to yield Fichte’s new philosophical approach. In terms of
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the diagram I sketched earlier, I have discussed (I) Jacobi’s position and
8. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Karl Leonhard Reinhold in Jena,” Zürich, 1 March 1794, in GA,
vol. III,2, p. 74.
9. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Karl Leonhard Reinhold in Jena,” Zürich, 1 March 1794, in GA,
vol. III,2, p. 74.
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(IV) Reinhold’s one-dimensional post-Kantian system.10 I want now to

take up (III) Post-Kantian skepticism, which is the last of the antecedents
to the formation of the Science of Knowledge in particular, and of idealistic
philosophy in general. I shall assess the criticism of Kant’s moral philoso-
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phy (II) when we turn to Hegel.
Gottlob Ernst Schulze and Salomon Maimon are the two principal
thinkers who figure in the post-Kantian skepticism of the time. Although
their positions are fundamentally incompatible, they did share two views.
First, they were equally critical of Reinhold’s theory of representation. Sec-
ond, they shared the view that Kant had not, at least to the extent that he
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claimed, reached the foundation of knowledge. Using nearly the same ar-
guments, both concluded that Reinhold’s theory cannot form the founda-
tion for more than a sophistical philosophy. Their agreements notwith-
standing, they differed entirely in the kinds of arguments they mounted to
show Kant’s failure to secure the true foundation of knowledge. Owing to
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the influential role that the Aenesidemus played in the formation of Fichte’s
thinking, I shall focus on Schulze here, despite Maimon’s deep interest as a
thinker.
Fichte first published some of his ideas about the Science of Knowledge in
a review of Schulze’s Aenesidemus.11 Although he had received an invita-
tion to review this important work, Fichte experienced difficulty in com-
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pleting it and repeatedly delayed submitting his manuscript. While he was
working on this review, Fichte wrote cordially to Johann Friedrich Flatt:
Aenesidemus, which I consider to be one of the most remarkable prod-

ucts of our decade, has convinced me of something which I admittedly
already suspected: that even after the labors of Kant and Reinhold, phi-
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losophy is still not a science. Aenesidemus has shaken my own system to
its very foundations, and, since one cannot live very well under the open
sky, I have been forced to construct a new system. I am convinced that
philosophy can become a science only if it is generated from one single
first principle, but that it must then become just as self-evident as geome-
try. Furthermore, I am convinced that there is such a first principle,
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though it has not yet been established as such. I believe that I have dis-
covered this first principle, and I have found it to hold good, to the extent
10. See table in Lecture 5, p. 77.

11. J. G. Fichte, RA; English: AR.
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that I have advanced in my inquiries thus far. Before too long I hope to
have advanced to the investigation of freedom, the results of which I will
be pleased to submit to you for your judgment. Such inquiries arouse, on
the one hand, the liveliest amazement at the wonderful system of the hu-
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man mind, in which everything always operates through the same mech-
anism, through the simplest linkage of separate elements into a unity
which, in turn, affects each of the individual elements; that is, such in-
quiries arouse amazement at the noble simplicity of the most complex
works; on the other hand, these inquiries also inspire veneration for
Kant, that remarkable and unique man who our age produced after the
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elapse of centuries. Though I am convinced that Kant has not expounded
this system of the human mind, he does have it in his possession and it
would be a challenge to discover whether Kant is clearly conscious of
possessing this system. Perhaps he has a genius that speaks the truth to
him without sharing with him the reasons. Or perhaps he wished to con-
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tent himself with the modest honor of having pointed the way, deliber-
ately leaving to his contemporaries the honor of carrying on the work
themselves.12
When at last he published his review in the journal in Jena, Fichte’s ideas
had already received acclaim. The government in Weimar offered him the
position in philosophy that Reinhold had held.
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What were Schulze’s powerful arguments that Fichte had to engage? We
have already discussed in our assessment of Reinhold’s work the kinds of
arguments that his critics brought to bear. Schulze’s arguments do not dif-
fer significantly, but what is distinctive is the strategy he develops. He
claimed that nothing indisputable has been stipulated in philosophy re-
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garding either the being or not-being of things-in-themselves, or on the
limits of human knowledge. As a good skeptic, Schulze does not want to
say that this is impossible—this would be an a priori claim. He says, in-
stead, that this has not yet been done, implying that in all likelihood it will
not be done.
In the absence of any conclusive result regarding things-in-themselves
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or about the foundations of knowledge, both Reinhold’s and Kant’s claims
12. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Johann Friedrich Flatt in Tübingen,” Zürich, November or De-
cember 1793, in GA, vol. III,2, pp. 17–18. Flatt (1759–1821) was professor of theology and
philosophy at Tübingen. An adherent both of Wolffianism and theological orthodoxy, he
had achieved some reknown as an acute critic of Kant.
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appear suspect. Schulze somehow widens and extends Jacobi’s criticism of

the thing-in-itself. He claims that the same objection that pertains to the
thing-in-itself holds equally true for the idea of a transcendental philoso-
phy as Kant uses it in the Critique of Pure Reason and its explanations in
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terms of mental activities. According to Schulze, Kant’s transcendental phi-
losophy starts from a distinction between what we cannot avoid thinking
and what is really the case. Schulze calls into question all the conclusions
about what “really is the case,” insofar as Kant derives them from “what we
cannot avoid thinking.”13 To be sure, there may well be something we can-
not avoid thinking, but this can yield no knowledge of what really is the
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case.
According to Schulze—and in this respect he is fairly close to Kant—
transcendental philosophy shows, with sufficient evidence, that we cannot
avoid thinking the idea of a cause of sensations or of what is given in our
sensations. We also cannot avoid thinking some idea of an origin of our
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representations, concepts, and so forth. From these unavoidable thoughts,
however, we may draw no legitimate conclusion about the existence of
things-in-themselves, or of a faculty of representation, or of reason—that
is, some specific entity in terms of which we can understand why represen-
tation really exists. In particular, we may not say that our knowledge de-
pends on the faculty of reason, nor attribute the content of our knowledge
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to external causes. Schulze claims that although Kant remained perfectly
comfortable with the notion that we may attribute givenness to the thing-
in-itself, and that we may make the rest of our account of representation
dependant on the mind, he was nonetheless drawing faulty conclusions.
Schulze’s reply is that this distinction is illegitimate, for the opposite
could be equally true. It could be the case that things directly cause our
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cognitive states, and something that might be called our “mind” causes the
material of our knowledge. Schulze refrains from claiming that this is so,
claiming instead that no argument can prove one case or the other. His en-
tire criticism of Reinhold is nothing but an elaboration of this strategy. For
instance, when he criticizes Reinhold’s conclusion that the representation
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has to be related to the object via the stuff and to the subject via the form,
Schulze again claims that just the opposite could be the case. That is, one
13. G. E. Schulze, Aen, pp. 132–133; English: Aenesidemus (excerpt), trans. George di
Giovanni, in Between Kant and Hegel: Texts in the Development of Post-Kantian Idealism,
trans. and annotated George di Giovanni and H. S. Harris (Albany: SUNY Press, 1985),
p. 113.
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could equally imagine that our cognitive states depend on the material
world. Schulze even tried to show, on occasion, that the position opposite
to the one Reinhold embraces is not only plausible but also superior.
Reinhold, for instance, maintains that the entire representation includes
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the stuff as well. But this means that it is entirely plausible that the stuff is
also dependent on the subject, rather than—with respect to the cause of
our representations—different from it.
This kind of argumentation may be construed as further support for
egoism, but Schulze has no patience with this kind of philosophical posi-
tion. Instead, he wants to draw the more modest conclusion that claims for
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such a philosophical position remain inconclusive. “We must,” he said, “re-
strict ourselves to the description of the facts of consciousness.”14 In effect,
Schulze wants a philosophy that is nothing but a theory that describes facts
of consciousness. He has no doubts that such description is possible. He
does not advocate “unlimited skepticism,” by which he means calling ev-
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erything, even the obvious, into doubt. For him, what we are immediately
acquainted with determines the limits of philosophy. Moreover, no expla-
nation is possible of that with which we are immediately acquainted. So we
have to eliminate all talk about faculties of the mind and about sensory af-
fectation from our description of the facts of consciousness. This is tanta-
mount to the elimination of Kant’s language, which is explanatory lan-
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guage and cannot be justified at all. Inasmuch as the idea of transcendental
philosophy depends on such a justification, however, the idea of a tran-
14. G. E. Schulze, Aen, p. 180; English: Aenesidemus (excerpt), p. 133. Hegel repeatedly
targeted Schulze’s claim, arguing that this kind of skepticism, which limits knowledge to the
facts of consciousness, was compatible with the crudest dogmatism. G. W. F. Hegel,
“Verhältniss des Skepticismus zur Philosophie, Darstellung seiner verschiedenen Modifica-
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tionen, und Vergleichung des neuesten mit dem alten” [1802], ed. Hartmut Buchner and
Otto Pöggeler, in GW, vol. IV (1968), pp. 197–238; English: “Relationship of Skepticism to
Philosophy, Exposition of its Different Modifications and Comparison to the Latest Form
with the Ancient One,” trans. H. S. Harris, in Between Kant and Hegel, pp. 313–362. Henrich
is of the opinion that Hegel’s Phänomenologie des Geistes can be read as a refutation of a phi-
losophy that talks only about facts of consciousness. For what makes the claim to be a fact of
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consciousness is, instead, a contradictory conceptual structure. To develop the perspective of
the Phänomenologie, one has to engage in dialectical thinking, which marks an important
distinction between the one-dimensional systems of Reinhold and Fichte. Henrich describes
this distinction as the contrast between a one-dimensional system using no unusual meth-
ods (Reinhold) and a one-dimensional system that recognizes the need for unusual methods
in order to achieve an ultimately justifiable philosophy (Fichte). Henrich says more about
the development of this distinction in Lectures 19–21.
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scendental philosophy is just as untenable as the concept of the thing-in-

itself.
What Schulze is suggesting can be conceived of as a variety of philo-
sophical phenomenalism, a method of description of consciousness that
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does not have any hidden implications regarding the explanation of con-
sciousness. In his view, this phenomenalism directly opposes Kant’s ex-
planatory philosophy of knowledge. In at least one standard and super-
ficial interpretation (in which the concept of the thing-in-itself cannot be
defended), this Kantian concept really does appear to be explanatory. It
does not ring true, however, that Kant’s analysis of the unifying activities of
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the mind and the unity of apperception are merely explanations—in terms
of some assumed theoretical entity called “mind”—of that of which we are
already aware. What Schulze is doing is clear enough: he starts from the
criticism of the thing-in-itself. This certainly seems to be a strong argu-
ment, one that, as we know, enjoyed the support of Jacobi. Schulze goes on
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to interpret Kant’s epistemology as an analogue of the relationship be-
tween sensations and the thing-in-itself. Kant’s epistemology relates facts
of consciousness back to causes, and this kind of description establishes a
complete analogy between transcendental argumentation and talk about
things-in-themselves. Once Schulze has drawn this analogy he can use the
arguments against the thing-in-itself against the entire system.
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It is easy to see through Schulze’s maneuver that underlies his skepti-
cism. But this maneuver forces the question of what Kant’s method really is
in the critical philosophy. To demand an ultimate proposition does not
solve this puzzle. Even though the proposition is about consciousness, it
does not tell us how Kant was operating in the Critique of Pure Rea-
son when he tried to justify propositions about objects and even a priori
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propositions about objects. Reinhold failed in his attempt to approximate
Kant’s efforts in the Critique of Pure Reason. So, with the publication of the
Aenesidemus, Schulze raised in a new way the question of method in phi-
losophy. What was it that Kant had done in the first Critique? A new and
better understanding of this method was needed. That Schulze’s criticism
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was possible—and in some respects plausible, if not compelling—under-
scored the absence of an adequate understanding of philosophical method,
Reinhold’s thematic program notwithstanding.
There appeared to be two possible approaches to resolving this problem
of philosophical method. The first approach construes Kant’s epistemol-
ogy as a logical theory. It does not concern itself with the matters of cogni-
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tive states or representations. Instead it focuses on premises of scientific

propositions and theories, and on premises of a priori propositions about
objects. We can certainly find this course of argumentation in the Critique
of Pure Reason and more obviously in the Prolegomena; indeed, even today
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we continue to puzzle over the ways in which we may understand Kant’s
transcendental philosophy as a kind of logical analysis. Salomon Maimon
attempted to pursue the question of what a transcendental argument is,
but faltered in his attempt, as have many others since then.15 The question
of what a transcendental argument is thus remained unanswered. Indeed,
the issue surfaced again in analytic philosophy during the 1960s in a man-
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ner similar to its first appearance.16 Maimon stressed that pursuing the
15. From his early work Versuch über die Transcendentalphilosophie onward, Maimon
tried through numerous publications to deal with the many questions at stake in the debate
on transcendental arguments. S. Maimon, Versuch über die Transcendentalphilosophie. Mit
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einem Anhang über die symbolische Erkenntnis und Anmerkungen [1790], in GW, vol. II
(1965), pp. 1–442.
16. Kant explains that “. . . not every a priori cognition must be called transcendental, but
only that by means of which we cognize that and how certain representations (intuitions or
concepts) are applied entirely a priori, or are possible (i.e., the possibility of cognition or its
use a priori).” I. Kant, KrV A56/B81; English: CPR, p. 196. He also writes: “I call all cognition
transcendental that is occupied not so much with objects but rather with our mode of cog-
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nition of objects insofar as this is to be possible a priori.” I. Kant, KrV A11–12/B25; English:
CPR, p. 149. Kant’s definition of transcendental reasoning assumes the possibility of arriving
at the origins, contents, and limits of a certain kind of knowledge by way of a “critique” of
the knowing subject. Philosophers have raised serious questions about the very possibility of
transcendental arguments in general. Principal among the attempts of analytic philosophers
to deal with the feasibility of transcendental argumentation is Jaako Hintikka, “Transcen-
dental Arguments: Genuine and Spurious,” Nous, 6 (1972): 274–281. Further materials of in-
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terest in the debate over this issue include Rüdiger Bubner, “Kant’s Transcendental Argu-
ments and the Problem of Deduction,” Review of Metaphysics, 27 (1975): 453–467; Dieter
Henrich, “The Proof Structure of Kant’s Transcendental Deduction,” Review of Metaphysics,
22 (1969): 640–659; Moltke S. Gram, Kant, Ontology, and the A Priori (Evanston: Northwest-
ern University Press, 1968); Stephen Körner, “The Impossibility of Transcendental Deduc-
tions,” Monist, 51(1967): 317–331; H. J. Paton, Kant’s Metaphysics of Experience, vol. I (New
York: Humanities Press, 1970), pp. 221–232; Richard Rorty, “Strawson’s Objectivity Argu-
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ment,” Review of Metaphysics, 24 (1970): 207–244; Peter F. Strawson, The Bounds of Sense:
An Essay on Kant’s “Critique of Pure Reason” (London: Methuen, Ltd., 1966), pp. 72–117;
Barry Stroud, “Transcendental Arguments,” Journal of Philosophy, 65 (1968): 241–256; W. W.
Walsh, “Some Problems about Transcendental Proofs,” in Kant’s Criticism of Metaphysics
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), pp. 100–106; Robert Paul Wolff, Kant’s Theory
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logical theory of premises for both scientific propositions and a priori

propositions about objects differs from psychological explanation. We can
certainly find this kind of transcendental argument in Kant’s philosophy,
but Kant’s system is obviously more than transcendental argumentation.
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The concepts of freedom and self-consciousness are fundamental. Clearly,
a theory that both analyzes these concepts and employs them as tools of
the analysis does not seem to be only logical in nature. Something else
seems to be implied. But what might it be?
The approach to the problem of philosophical method, which Fichte
pursued, attempted to develop a philosophy of mind and of epistemic ac-
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tivities by starting with unique structures of consciousness and justifying
propositions in their terms. This means accounting for the distinctive
structures of synthesis, of self-identity, of reverence for the moral law, and
of the sublime in terms of a basic structure that really is mental. The force
of this proposal lies in its claim to show what the mind really is rather than
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imposing some alien interpretative structure on it. To see this point is to
recognize the extent to which this proposal is an implicit criticism of
Reinhold, whose bungled attempts at a theory failed to identify the struc-
ture of mind and proffered, instead, imported interpretive structures.
Even in the philosophy of our own time, the relation between the ap-
proaches of the philosophy of mind and logical analysis remains an open
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question. To pursue the arguments of idealism is to explore the potential of
the philosophy of mind as a basic approach to philosophy. Indeed, Fichte
actually understood himself to be an explorer. He never completed his the-
ory, and despite continuous revisions, remained unsatisfied with it. Even
so, he was a discoverer.
We have begun to embark on a philosophical biography of Fichte. Ow-
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ing to the way in which he had become a Kantian, Fichte could not accept
the skeptical tendencies that had begun to dominate philosophical think-
ing in the years after Reinhold’s system collapsed. Owing as much person-
ally as he did to Kant’s philosophy, Fichte could not embrace the idea that
such a philosophical enterprise is impossible. Fichte’s early considerations
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and criticisms of Reinhold’s theory of representation gave rise to the initial
steps of his Science of Knowledge. His engagement with Schulze’s Aenesi-
of Mental Activity: A Commentary on the Transcendental Analytic (Cambridge, Mass.: Har-

vard University Press, 1963), pp. 34–39, 78–203.
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demus led to his discovery of the “absolute ego.” In a manuscript entitled

“My Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy,” Fichte actually main-
tained a philosophical diary that records the precise moment of his discov-
ery.17 He reported that he was walking across the room in which he had
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been at work on his manuscript when, as he approached the stove, he expe-
rienced a sudden realization. “That is the solution!” he exclaimed, and
rushed back to his desk to write it down.18 Few manuscripts have survived
that capture such a moment of philosophical discovery.
17. J. G. Fichte, EM.
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18. Jens Baggesen, “Baggesen an Reinhold,” Bern, 18 May 1794, in Aus Jens Baggesen’s
Briefwechsel mit Karl Leonhard Reinhold und Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi, vol. I ed. Karl and Au-
gust Baggesen (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1831), p. 334. In this letter to Reinhold, Baggesen
recounts Fichte’s report of the discovery of the Absolute. Other versions of this incident may
be found in Henrick Steffens, Was ich erlebte, vol. IV (Breslau: Max, 1841), pp. 161–162;
Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Lichtstrahlen aus seinem Werken und Briefen,
nebst einem Lebensabriss von Eduard Fichte; mit Beiträgen von Immanuel Hermann Fichte
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(Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1863), p. 46; Hans Schulz (ed.), Fichte in vertraulichen Briefen
seiner Zeitgenossen (Leipzig: Hässel, 1923), p. 9. Eduard Fichte’s account states: “Let us here
mention something which he [Fichte] later told his friends—how, before a warm winter
stove and after he had been meditating long and continuously upon the highest philosophi-
cal principle, he was suddenly seized, as if by something self-evident, by the thought that
only the I, the concept of the pure subject-object, could serve as the highest principle of phi-
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losophy” (p. 96).
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PA R T
III
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Fichte
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Fichte The Aenesidemus Review
11
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The Aenesidemus Review
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The course pursued in the preceding lectures affords us a distinct vantage
point from which to discern the peculiar sense in which the experiment of
idealism was inevitable. We can now see that a certain confluence of de-
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sires—to eliminate the unsatisfactory aspects of Kant’s critical system, to
fulfill Reinhold’s methodological demands, to remain within the dimen-
sion of self-consciousness that Kant’s teaching had intimated, and to relate
to the intellectual tendencies and basic experiences of the time—issued in
Fichte’s experiment in idealism.
Within the perspective we have been developing, I have accorded a dis-
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tinctive role to Schulze’s simple, but effective, strategy for criticizing Rein-
hold. He developed a modified skepticism, observing that just as the thing-
in-itself is an illegitimate concept in the Critique of Pure Reason, so also is
the very idea of critical philosophy, given the criteria it establishes. Schulze
was persuaded that Kant had in two cases used an inference from what is
given in consciousness to a cause that explains its givenness. In the first in-
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stance, Kant uses this inference to introduce the idea of the thing-in-itself;
in the second, he uses it to introduce the discourse on the faculties of the
mind that constitute mental phenomena.
The effect of Schulze’s published criticism was to raise again the ques-
tion of what might count as an adequate description of the method of crit-
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ical philosophy. It had become evident that Reinhold had not really settled
this question, inasmuch as the highest principle he proposed remained
ambiguous. In the absence of any plausible explanation of the kind of evi-
dence upon which he was basing his highest principle, Reinhold’s formula-
tion on the proposition on consciousness itself also faltered. Schulze sus-
pected that the basic structure in Reinhold’s program was unclear: we are
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157
158 Fichte
left wondering whether it is the subject or the representation that does the
relating. If it is the representation, then the representation must already be
related originally. This, of course, would beg the question, inasmuch as it
leaves another unanswered: What does “already related” mean?
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Within his immediate context, Schulze’s application of his general strat-
egy of skepticism to Kant’s moral theology proved most pertinent. That
Kant could account for the beliefs humans hold dear on the basis of the
awareness of freedom was deeply influential on the temper of his time. The
early Schelling and Hegel did not want to do anything more than apply the
critical potential of Kant’s moral theology to the doctrines of the church.
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Fichte’s critics charged him with atheism, because he taught Kant’s moral
theology in a version that could withstand Schulze’s skeptical criticism.
Reinhold first presented Kant’s philosophy almost entirely in terms of the
merits of its moral theology.1 Indeed, Reinhold thought that, within the
century, Kant would achieve a reputation rivaling that of Jesus Christ.2
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The basic idea of Kant’s moral theology appears in the second employ-
ment of transcendental argumentation: the moral agent has an image of
the world that is indissolubly linked to his awareness of the moral good.
Following Rousseau, Kant took this to mean that the moral agent both has
to believe and always believes that there is an order to the world in which
moral efforts are not in vain.3
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1. Had Henrich set out this assessment of the development of German idealism from the
perspective of practical philosophy, he would have started from this problem of moral theol-
ogy. Indeed, he thinks that one could equally well present the entire development of German
idealism with such an emphasis, but inasmuch as these lectures focused on the theoretical,
Henrich thought this the opportune moment to take into account the practical as well.
2. K. L. Reinhold, BKP. In 1790 and 1792 Reinhold revised and expanded the letters in
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two volumes: Briefe über die Kantische Philosophie, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Georg Joachim Göschen,
1790/1792).
Œ C, vol. IV (1969), p. 602; English: E, pp. 291–292: “Virtue, they say, is the love of order.
But can and should this love win out in me over that of my own well-being? Let them give
me a clear and sufficient reason for preferring it. At bottom, their alleged principle is a pure
play of words; for I say that vice is the love of order, taken in a different sense. There is some
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moral order wherever there is sentiment and intelligence. The difference is that the good
man orders himself in relation to the whole, and the wicked one orders the whole in relation
to himself. The latter makes himself the center of all things; the former measures his radius
and keeps to the circumference. Then he is ordered in relation to the common center, which
is God, and in relation to all the concentric circles, which are the creatures. If the divinity
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The Aenesidemus Review 159
Despite numerous efforts, Kant was never able to achieve ultimate clar-
ity about the nature of the intrinsic connection between moral awareness
and the image of the moral world. Occasionally, he suggests that there is
some difference between moral awareness and belief in the moral world
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order as it is developed by moral awareness. To express the issue in this way
is to strike a difference between the epistemological status of these two
kinds of awareness or belief. Indeed, when Kant expresses the issue in this
way, it suggests that the moral image of the world might result from some
secondary reasoning that does not have the same immediacy as the moral
awareness itself. To lack this immediacy, however, is to imagine the possi-
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bility that the moral agent harbors doubts about the reality of his belief. If
this is so, the moral agent will act “as if ” that in which he believes is real.4
When Kant expresses himself in this manner, the “as if ” establishes a dis-
tance between what I believe and my ultimate cognitive state. Inasmuch as
my belief is only an “as if,” it cannot qualify as a belief that entirely deter-
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mines my cognitive state. If I, as the moral agent, can establish this “as if ”
does not exist, it is only the wicked man who reasons, and the good man is nothing but a
fool.”
4. Examples of this tension appear in both the Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten
[1785] and the Kritik der praktischen Vernunft [1788]. In the former, Kant writes: “I say now:
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every being that cannot act otherwise than under the idea of freedom is just because of that
really free in a practical respect, that is, all laws that are inseparably bound up with freedom
hold for him just as if his will had been validly pronounced free also in itself and in theoreti-
cal philosophy. Now I assert that to every rational being having a will we must necessarily
lend the idea of freedom also, under which alone he acts.” I. Kant, Grundlegung zur Meta-
physik der Sitten, ed. Paul Menzer, in AA, vol. IV (1911), p. 448; English: Groundwork of the
Metaphysics of Morals, in PrP, pp. 95–96.
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In the Kritik der praktischen Vernunft, Kant writes: “Yet we are conscious through rea-
son of a law to which all our maxims are subject, as if a natural order must at the same time
arise from our will. This law must therefore be the idea of a nature not given empirically and
yet possible through freedom, hence a supersensible nature to which we give objective reality
at least in a practical respect, since we regard it as an object of our will as pure rational be-
ings.” I. Kant, KpV, p. 44; English: CPrR, p. 175. See also Hans Vaihinger (1852–1933), Die
Philosophie des Als-ob. System der theoretischen, praktischen und religiösen Fiktionen der
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Menschheit auf Grund eines idealistischen Positivismus; mit einem Anhang über Kant und
Nietzsche (Berlin: Reuther and Reichard, 1911, 2nd ed. 1927; repr. Aalen: Scientia-Verlag,
1986), pp. 647, 653; English: The Philosophy of ‘As If ’: A System of the Theoretical, Practical
and Religious Fictions of Mankind, trans. C. K. Ogden, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 1984),
pp. 289, 294.
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160 Fichte
distance, I presumably can also act without holding fast to this belief, in
distinction from the tenacity with which I respect the moral law itself. Of
course, this is tantamount to saying that we can separate belief from the
moral good. Nonetheless, Kant also maintains that moral belief is essential
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for every moral agent. This amounts to the claim that every moral agent al-
ready holds this belief, even if there is not any explicit awareness of it. On
this reading, Socratic questioning would presumably reveal that belief al-
ready exists.
The way in which Kant introduces moral awareness gives rise to its am-
biguous relation to the moral image of the world. Kant announces that
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moral awareness is a “fact of reason,” and that, as such, it is the keystone of
the architecture of the system of the human mind and of the system of
philosophy.5 To say that this fact is “of reason” is to imply that it is the sub-
ject of an insight that might also originally incorporate a structure of the
world in which the morally good could be the source of a real and consis-
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tent system of acting. But to invoke the term “fact” is at once to conjure up
the notion of something we first state and subsequently interpret. More-
over, our interpretation must both acknowledge the primacy of the fact
and give rise to moral faith. So we state first that there is the law (that con-
stitutes the moral awareness), and then we interpret the being-there of the
law (and that gives rise to the moral faith).
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But Kant also describes belief in the reality of freedom as a part of the
moral image of the world. When he speaks in this way a certain tension
surfaces. For if it is the moral image of the world that generates basic moral
awareness, then the antecedent fact would merely establish what we might
call a moral attitude or stance. And this would mean that we could only act
as if we were free. In turn, this would give rise to the prospect that there
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could be a moral result that precedes our belief in freedom and even oper-
ates independently of this belief. Describing the original moral situation in
a way that makes our belief in the existence of freedom derivative is obvi-
ously not Kantian. Further, it is compatible neither with what Rousseau
had claimed nor with what Kant wanted to justify and defend. Both Rous-
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seau and Kant taught that, far from being derivative, freedom is an imme-
diate and ultimate evidence in and for humans in their real lives. For the
philosopher who has yet to understand the internal structure of the ulti-
5. I. Kant, KpV, p. 31; English: CPrR, p. 164.
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mate awareness in which humans live, however, this immediacy may well
prove problematic.
In light of the ambiguity between moral awareness and the moral image
of the world, it is easy to predict the way in which Schulze will present and
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criticize Kant’s moral theology. He will pursue the route of emphasizing
those elements in the Kantian theory that encourage a separation between
the original moral insight and the belief that freedom and the moral world
order exist. This is how Schulze argues: Kant’s teaching is that moral con-
sciousness is something that precedes moral belief.6 Now if moral con-
sciousness precedes moral belief, then we must demand belief, inasmuch as
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it helps to strengthen the moral energy of an agent. Bereft of this belief, the
agent cannot actually act morally and powerfully. It follows from this that
one should try to believe in the moral world order as a demand of the
moral law. In Schulze’s eyes, Kant cannot avoid accepting this demand as a
duty that depends on the categorical imperative. But to believe on demand
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is an oxymoron. For this reason, Schulze concludes his first argument with
the observation that the entire moral theory is contradictory.
In a second argument, Schulze likens the structure of Kant’s moral the-
ology to the cosmological proof of the existence of God, in which one
moves from the unavoidability of thinking the idea of God to the belief in
the existence of what we are thinking. Given the separation between moral
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awareness and the image of the moral world, the conclusions of moral the-
ology do not differ widely from those of the cosmological proof. In Kant’s
moral theology, we have, first, the fact of the moral law that we presuppose.
We then infer from this fact of reason, which is merely the awareness of the
categorical imperative, the existence of a moral world order. On this infer-
ence alone, however, there is no reason to accept the conclusion of a moral
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world order, because the inference pursues the same illegitimate course of
reasoning as the cosmological proof. Both infer from something given
something else that is inaccessible to our experience. We cannot conclude,
accordingly, that there is some cause underlying the fact of which we are
aware. Schulze uses this strategy repeatedly: we can draw no valid conclu-
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sion from the fact of consciousness to the cause of consciousness (whatever
kind of “cause” notwithstanding).
6. Kant does teach that moral consciousness and moral belief are sequential, but he also
teaches that they are simultaneous. His sequential reading is found, for example, in KpV,
p. 44; English: CPrR, p. 175. His simultaneous reading appears in such passages as KpV,
pp. 109–110; English: CPrR, p. 228.
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162 Fichte
Because Kant’s philosophy did not depend entirely on the kind of rea-
soning that Schulze isolated, we can easily anticipate the kind of reply a
Kantian would mount in defense of Kant’s moral theology. One would say,
first, that moral belief cannot be demanded at all. Instead, the reflecting
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agent, as well as the philosopher, finds this belief. People do not generate
that belief separately from the awareness of the moral good as such. The
belief is already there whenever moral awareness develops and wherever
moral actions occur. It is essential in all moral deliberations. It is impossi-
ble to accept morality without the image of the world that is associated
with it, in particular with regard to the belief in the existence of freedom. I
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cannot be a moral agent and, at the same time, not believe that I am free.
This much, at least, seems to be obvious.
For reasons of this kind one would say, second, that moral belief does
not derive from an inference. Neither natural moral consciousness as such
nor the philosopher draws such belief as a conclusion. To believe otherwise
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is to have missed the nature or essence of practical reason. Such a belief
fails to allow for any insight that differs from those of ordinary theoretical
discourse. It embraces a highly restricted notion of reason and forecloses
on the possibility of transcendental arguments. They, too, do not conform
to the terms of ordinary philosophical proof.
This is the kind of Kantian reply that Fichte offered in his response to
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Schulze. It amounts to a partial correction of Kant’s own views, eliminat-
ing the ambiguities that accrued to Kant’s moral theology in the Critique of
Practical Reason. To eliminate these ambiguities, one must first account for
the difference between moral insight and ordinary theoretical discourse
and, second, redefine God as an original, primordial component of all con-
sciousness. Kant was still talking about God the Creator, the origin of the
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cosmos, the infinite person who guarantees the world order. As long as one
embraces such a conception of God, it is impossible to avoid ambiguity
with respect to the issue of the immediacy of belief. To see this is to see that
the God in whom we already believe cannot be the same God to whom the
cosmological proof leads.
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Eliminating the ambiguities surrounding moral awareness and the
moral image of the world in Kant’s moral theology requires considerable
change in his terminology. Moreover, given the strictures of his theory of
representation as the highest structure of the mind, Reinhold’s theory
would not suffice either. Hence, Fichte believed that only his Science of
Knowledge could decisively defend the aim of critical philosophy: freedom
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is an indubitable essence on which we can found the entire system of phi-

losophy. Fulfilling this aim is an important argument in favor of the Sci-
ence of Knowledge: it provides the kind of defense of Kant’s moral theology
that was impossible within the critical confines of Kant’s own system.
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Fichte believes, accordingly, that his Science of Knowledge accomplishes not
only what Kant’s Critique intended, but also what really matters, both for
philosophy and for life: subordinating everything to freedom.7
The way in which Fichte stipulated the originality of a comprehensive
moral image of the world changed the structure of Kant’s system entirely.
Nevertheless, neither Fichte nor anyone else at the time recognized the ex-
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tent to which his stipulation would reap such far-ranging effects. Their
failure to see this was due in part to the great difficulty they had in discern-
ing Kant’s actual structure. From our own perspective, it is now clear that
there was not a simple continuity between Kant and the Science of Knowl-
edge. It is evident, instead, that the concept of the structure of a philosoph-
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ical system had to change. But even if Fichte had seen that, he still would
have said, ‘It has to be done—otherwise Kantianism, not as a theoretical
structure but as an intellectual movement, will collapse.’
In the last part of his review of Schulze’s Aenesidemus, Fichte refutes
Schulze’s interpretation of Kant’s moral religion.8 The review, Fichte’s first
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7. I. Kant, Bem, p. 144. Fichte writes: “According to Kant, all consciousness is merely con-
ditioned by self-consciousness; i.e., the contents of consciousness can still be grounded by or
have their foundation in something or other outside of self-consciousness. Things that are
grounded in this way must simply not contradict the conditions of self-consciousness; that is
to say, they must simply not annul the possibility of self-consciousness, but they do not ac-
tually have to be generated from self-consciousness.
According to the Wissenschaftslehre, all consciousness is determined by self-conscious-
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ness; i.e., everything that occurs within consciousness has its foundation in the conditions
that make self-consciousness possible—that is to say, is given and is produced thereby and
possesses no foundation whatsoever outside of self-consciousness.—I must show that in our
case the determinacy follows from the conditionality, and thus that the distinction in ques-
tion is not present in this case and makes no difference at all.” J. G. Fichte, “Zweite Einleitung
in die Wissenschaftslehre,” in Versuch einer neuen Darstellung der Wissenschaftslehre [1797–
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1798], ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Gliwitzky, in GA, vol. I,4 (1970), pp. 229–230; English:
ANPW, p. 62.
8. J. G. Fichte, RA, p. 65; English: AR, p. 76: “Aenesidemus, of course, wants an objective
proof of the existence of God and the immortality of the soul. What can he be thinking of
when he wishes this? Does objective certainty perhaps appear to him incomparably superior
to—mere—subjective certainty? The I am itself has only subjective certainty, and, so far as
we can conceive of the self-consciousness of God, He himself is for Himself subjective. And
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164 Fichte
published attempt at theoretical philosophy, brings into view the intimate

relationship between a certain moral philosophy that includes a philoso-
phy of religion—albeit a reformed religion—and the foundation of all
knowledge. This insight precipitated the charge of atheism against Fichte,
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as well as the criticism that his Science of Knowledge is an atheistic theory. It
was Fichte’s rejection of the concept of God as a personal, transcendent
Creator that prompted the furor. In its stead, Fichte proposed a concept of
God as the systematic order of the world and as the spirit that penetrates it.
This “God of the world order,” the Stoic God, the mystic God, the God of
the spiritualistic sects, is not the God of the church, of rational theology,
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and of traditional metaphysics. It is the God who later will appear in
Hegel’s philosophy.
Fichte sketched the outlines of his position for the first time in this re-
view. I shall take up the process by which he arrived at this position mo-
mentarily, but I first want to focus on the way in which his criticism of the
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prevailing philosophical positions of his time intimates his own position.
Fichte establishes five points in his review. In the main, they constitute
an attack on Schulze’s strategy in general, but they also constitute partial
attacks on Reinhold and partial confirmations of Schulze. Above all else,
Fichte thinks that Schulze falls wide of the mark in his understanding of
what philosophy is and how it can be done. He deems this to be an out-
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growth of Schulze’s failure to distinguish between empirical psychological
discourse and critical transcendental philosophy.
Fichte’s five points in the Aenesidemus review, as I interpret it, are these:
1. Reinhold’s proposition on consciousness is ambiguous. Schulze
rightly points out that we can interpret the act of relating in consciousness
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now even an ‘objective existence for immortality!’ (Aenesidemus’ own words). If any being
which intuits its own existence in time could say to itself at any moment of its existence,
‘Now I am eternal!’ then it would not be eternal. Far from practical reason having to recog-
nize the superiority of theoretical reason, the entire existence of practical reason is founded
on the conflict between the self-determining element within us and the theoretical-knowing
element. And practical reason would itself be canceled if this conflict were eliminated.
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This complete misunderstanding of the basis of moral belief also underlies a second
remark by Aenesidemus: he claims that there is no difference between the mode of inference
in the moral proof [of God’s existence] and the mode of inference in the cosmo-theoretical
proof criticized by Kant; for in this latter proof too it is inferred that, since a world exists, the
only conceivable conditions for its possibility must exist as well. The major difference be-
tween these proofs is that the cosmo-theological one is based entirely upon theoretical rea-
son, whereas the moral proof is based upon the conflict between theoretical reason and the I
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in itself.”
in various ways. What is the relation that exists between subject and repre-
sentation? Cause and effect? Substance and attribute? In the absence of
any suggestion regarding the kind of relation that obtains between sub-
ject and representation, a certain indeterminateness of the proposition on
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consciousness becomes evident. This indeterminateness indicates that the
proposition on consciousness is not the highest proposition. So we have to
look for some proposition from which we can arrive at the proposition on
consciousness. Fichte does not deny that Reinhold’s proposition is an evi-
dent description of what representation is, but doubts that it can serve as
the ultimate foundation of philosophy. His doubt prompts him to ask how
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it is possible to determine what kind of act relating and distinguishing is.
Fichte focuses on Reinhold’s proposition on consciousness: “In con-
sciousness the representation is distinguished from the subject and the ob-
ject and related to both of them.”9 After reflecting on the status of the
proposition on consciousness, Fichte deems it an analytical proposition.
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He means by this that the proposition does not do anything but define a
representation on the basis of direct acquaintance. This proposition, how-
ever, is obviously about an act of synthesis. After all, the proposition is
about the act of relating different structural aspects of consciousness. This
prompts him to ask whether it is possible to interpret all acts of the mind
as syntheses. It seems obvious to Fichte that synthesis presupposes some-
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thing, in the same sense in which the proposition on consciousness seems
to presuppose something. Presumably, synthesis presupposes thesis and
antithesis. Synthesis cannot occur in the absence of differentiation. As
Fichte describes it, in such differentiation A and B are not, in principle,
identical. A is thus to B as thesis is to antithesis.
Fichte’s observation constitutes an important move. According to Kant,
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synthesis presupposes both a given manifold and a unity principle in
whose terms the manifold can be combined. Kant did not say anything
about the relationship between the manifold and the unity principle, ante-
cedent to the act of synthesis. Following him, Reinhold turned his analysis
to representation as such and entertained doubts regarding Kant’s notion
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that sensation lacks any determinate mental structure. Indeed, Kant simply
assumed that sensations were subject to a combining activity. In light of
this doubt, Reinhold went on to describe representation as a complex
structure. He was convinced that Kant’s “sensations” must also be rep-
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[1790], in Beytr. I, p. 167.
166 Fichte
resentations, because “representation” is the only suitable term in the

Kantian lexicon. In Reinhold’s description of the general structure of rep-
resentation, elementary sensations acquired a complex structure.
Fichte quickly realized that to structure representation as Reinhold had
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done is to assume tacitly that some subjective and some objective compo-
nent differ from one another, antecedent to their being related to each
other. This gives rise to the general Fichtean claim that opposition rather
than combination is the basic structure of the mind. Here we can observe
the conceptual framework of idealistic philosophy emerging. The notion
that thesis and antithesis are antecedent to any synthesis is one of the most
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important conceptual devices of the idealistic system. It derives not so
much from Fichte’s analysis of Reinhold’s proposition on consciousness as
from Fichte’s insight into the structural constitution of consciousness that
Reinhold’s proposition never even reached.
Fichte’s insight implies another aspect: synthesis issues from a descrip-
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tion of the phenomenon of representation. We can interpret it in the
Reinholdian sense: we describe first what a representation is, and then we
see that it relates and distinguishes. In Fichte’s opinion, relating and distin-
guishing is the equivalent of synthesis, but a synthesis that presupposes
something. In Reinhold’s view, “synthesis” would be nothing but a term
that describes some basic structure of the phenomenon of representation.
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By contrast, Fichte’s notion of opposition invokes different associations:
positing X, not positing X, positing what is not-X, all of which are aspects
of opposing one item to another. Fichte appears to be saying that the basic
structure of consciousness comes closer to logical structures when he ana-
lyzes it in terms of opposition, rather than of synthesis. He claims, in any
event, that Reinhold’s proposition on consciousness is formally subject to
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logical principles. For example, Reinhold’s principle cannot be self-contra-
dictory. In Fichte’s estimate, to say that Reinhold’s proposition is subject to
the law of noncontradiction is not to argue—as Schulze had—against its
ultimacy. What we need, in Fichte’s view, is not a formal proposition about
the ultimate principle of philosophy, but instead, a real one, meaning by
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this a proposition that is about something. In this real sense, the proposi-
tion on consciousness could still be ultimate.
With respect to reason, however, the difference between real and formal
structures seems to disappear once reason becomes the subject of some
kind of description, especially if it is the subject of our basic proposition.
Fichte senses that there are facts in the mind suitable for generating logical
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principles, inasmuch as they are already structured in a way that is at least

analogous to such logical principles. Indeed, Fichte sees dimly—and at this
point we could say ever so faintly—an analogy between the logical princi-
ple of noncontradiction and the structure of opposition as the basic fea-
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ture of mental life. Fichte only hints cautiously at these similarities in his
review; by the time that Hegel came to develop his own philosophy of
mind, however, these similarities give way to claims of identity, which is
crucial. Once looked at in the correct way, Hegel will say, the structure of
the mind and basic logical structures are simply identical. Neither Kant
nor the post-Kantian philosophies before Fichte entertained this perspec-
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tive. Its faint outlines first appear in Fichte’s Aenesidemus Review.
2. Fichte readily understood Schulze’s desire to develop a philosophy
that is only a description of facts of consciousness, and to eliminate all ter-
minologies that, because associated with some explanatory element, are es-
sentially illegitimate in philosophy. Whereas Reinhold had claimed that the
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proposition on consciousness is founded on the basic fact of conscious-
ness, Fichte, in sympathy with Schulze, disputes this. He reasons that if
we were just making reference to facts of consciousness, it would follow
that the proposition on consciousness would itself be empirical. In conse-
quence, all investigation into the origin of consciousness could amount to
nothing more than empirical research. In consonance with Schulze, Fichte
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adopts the view that the proposition on consciousness becomes empirical
as soon as we talk about generating processes. To speak in this way is to en-
ter the domain of psychological theory. Owing in part to this reservation,
Fichte says: “Everybody who understands the proposition on conscious-
ness correctly feels some resistance to attributing to it only empirical valid-
ity.”10 Inasmuch as we cannot even think or imagine that representation has
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10. Fichte writes further: “The object of every empirical representation is determinately
given (in space, in time, etc.), but in the representation of representing as such (which is
what the Principle of Consciousness expresses), abstraction is necessarily made from these
empirical determinations of the given object. Consequently, the Principle of Consciousness,
which is placed at the summit of all philosophy, is based upon empirical self-observation
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and certainly expresses an abstraction. Admittedly, anyone who understands this principle
well will feel an inner reluctance to ascribe to it merely empirical validity. The opposite of
what this principle asserts is not even conceivable. But this is just what indicates that it must
be based upon something other than a mere fact. This reviewer anyway is convinced that the
Principle of Consciousness is a theorem which is based upon another first principle, from
which, however, the Principle of Consciousness can be strictly derived, a priori and indepen-
dently of all experience.” J. G. Fichte, RA, p. 46; English: AR, p. 63.
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168 Fichte
a different constitution, we must assume that consciousness has a nature

that is incompatible with the idea that it is merely an empirical fact. So we
begin to suppose that consciousness has another foundation, one that en-
tails more than mere empirical description.
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Fichte’s next move is of considerable import. What constitutes facts, in
part, is their determination in empirical propositions. Beyond their logical
structure, however, there is a dimension to facts that eludes empirical de-
termination. This dimension is action. To act, to know that I am acting,
and to have an end in mind for my actions, are all inseparable aspects of
action. By contrast, to say that I act and thereafter find out that I was act-
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ing, and discover, further, what it was I wanted to achieve while I was act-
ing, makes no sense. For we could not describe such a state of affairs as ac-
tion. We would, instead, have to call it a performance, or some such, by my
body that thereafter we could interpret empirically. But action, per se, is
not separable from knowledge. This gives us reason to believe that there is
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some feature of consciousness that is subject neither to empirical reports
nor merely to logical truths. Whatever this feature of consciousness is, it is
presumably accessible in a way that differs from that of empirical reports
or logical truths.
To get at this feature of consciousness, Fichte plays on the German
words “fact” (Tatsache) and “action” (Tathandlung). By using the same
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word (Tat), Fichte implies a smooth transition from fact to action.11
Tatsache and Tathandlung correspond to one another, but they are also in
opposition to each other. To look only at Tatsachen (facts), as Schulze did,
is to arrive only at empirical propositions. When we describe representa-
tion, however, we do more than look at facts. Therefore, we have to bring
into view the correlate of Tatsache (fact), which is Tathandlung (action), in
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order to see the original unity of some factual element and some cognitive
state.
3. With his second consideration, Fichte has clearly given elementary
philosophy a distinct orientation. He directs “the philosophy without a
first name” toward a theory of mental (or epistemic) activities—conscious
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performances, in the strong sense of the term—that has action as its para-
digm.12 Fichte proceeds in this direction because he believes it is the only
dimension in which he can address Reinhold’s weaknesses and Schulze’s
11. The word “Tat” is defined as deed, act, or action.

12. K. L. Reinhold, ÜF, p. 132.
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objections. Schulze had, for example, in conjunction with Maimon, raised

the objection that Reinhold’s proposition on representation is only a gen-
eralization from cases of representation. Hence, when Reinhold said that
“in consciousness, the representation is distinguished from subject and ob-
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ject and related to both of them,”13 he assumed that the object is already
represented. But his proposition is not actually about the representation
or the structure of representation. Instead, in the view of Schulze and
Maimon, Reinhold’s proposition is actually about six different representa-
tions that are somehow interwoven in an elementary state of the mind.
Fichte sided with Reinhold against Schulze and Maimon, maintaining
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that only in representation as a whole is there a consciousness of the ob-
ject. We cannot think of a representation that is merely some reference to
an object, for all the other elements are already included. Therefore, it is
meaningless to separate the representation of the object from the compre-
hensive structure of representation. Inasmuch as this is the case, however,
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it follows that representation, subject, and object are related antecedent to
consciousness. This relating is an act of synthesis, and apart from having
representation, subject, and object in relation, we do not have a representa-
tion. It follows from this that synthesis cannot take place in consciousness.
Instead, consciousness is in some way the result of synthesis. It is clear that
any relating of representation, subject, and object is an essential compo-
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nent of consciousness. But it is equally clear that this act of synthesis must
precede consciousness. Accordingly, the “being-related” and the “being-
distinguished” of these elements are not original objects of consciousness,
even though they must become objects of it. Being-related and being-dis-
tinguished are the structure of representation as such.
What, then, are these acts of relating and distinguishing that depend on
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the original difference or opposition between object and subject? We can
easily anticipate Fichte’s answer: these acts are operations of the mind that
produce representations and about which, in order to conceive what a rep-
resentation is, we must necessarily think. We begin to suspect that this an-
swer begs the question as soon as we puzzle over just how we can know
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about these operations of the mind at all. Indeed, have we not returned to
an explanatory language that insists there are, first, operations of the mind,
and then the results of those operations, which consist in the being-there

[1790], in Beytr. I, p. 167.
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170 Fichte
of representation, and the being-related and being-distinguished internally

of the representations?
4. Fichte’s rejoinder is that we have not at all recurred to explanatory
language. We do have access to these operations in a way that is not explan-
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atory. We do not start from the facts and arrive at some theoretical concep-
tual scheme in terms of which we interpret the facts. It is not explanatory
in the ordinary sense, even though it does explain the existence of repre-
sentation. In Fichte’s view, we somehow know about “subject” and about
“object” once we consider what our awareness of what a performance or
action really is. Fichte claims that this awareness accompanies the action
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internally. What he has in mind is akin to the correlation between moral
awareness and the moral image of the world.14 But how does Fichte con-
ceive of this kind of awareness?15
To answer this question, we must imagine the awareness we have of an
action. This awareness is obviously immediately of something, perhaps of
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what I am doing. We can call an “immediate” awareness an intuition, as
did Kant, precisely because it is immediate. An “immediate” intuition dif-
fers from an “empirical” intuition by virtue of the way it is connected with
what it is of. In an “empirical” intuition the connection is the relationship
between some fact and some stating or determining of the fact. In an “im-
mediate” intuition, the connection goes inseparably with the fact. Since
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“immediate” intuition does not have the properties of intuition that Kant
described, Fichte sees no alternative to calling it “intellectual.” So, despite
Kant’s exclusion of this term from philosophy, Fichte adopts Reinhold’s
epistemological usage of the nomenclature of “intellectual intuition” and
links it to the internal awareness of an activity.16
5. How could all this have escaped Schulze’s notice? Fichte replies that it
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is because Schulze is unable to think about the mind as other than some
thing (Ding). This prompts some jibes from Fichte, when he asks paren-
14. Fichte later developed his own systematic program defending Kant’s and Rousseau’s
transcendental theory in the 1794–1795 Wissenschaftslehre.
15. Henrich here omits the connection Fichte makes between the awareness of action and
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the self-awareness of the subject that acts—but returns to this topic later in the lectures (see
Lecture 17, pp. 260–262). Although Fichte presupposed the connection in this review, he did
not establish it until the 1794–1795 Wissenschaftslehre.
16. Reinhold had already used this term in his third book when he tried to account for
the evidence we have as far as the representational structure is concerned. He introduced the
term “intellectual intuition” in the epistemological sense that Fichte pursues. See K. L.
Reinhold, Beytr. I, p. 233.
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thetically: “Is it round?” “Is it a rectangle?”17 Inasmuch as Schulze could

not think of the mind other than as a thing, he was left with the problem of
explaining the existence of this thing.
Such a thought makes the immediate application of the criticism of
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the doctrine of the thing-in-itself to Kant’s epistemology reasonable. But,
Fichte objects, it is impossible to think about anything without its being
represented; we cannot think of a thing without thinking of it; it is impos-
sible to separate our mind from anything to which we are making refer-
ence. So the thing-in-itself is excluded anyway. We are always thinking the
thing-in-itself, for it is impossible to imagine something and at the same
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time exclude all cognitive relationship to it. In particular, Fichte continues,
and more important, the faculty of representation (i.e., the mind) does not
exist at all except for the faculty of representation. There is no mind plus
something for which it is that would entail a separation between the mind
and its being-for-X. There is no access to the mind from the outside; and
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there is no mind that is not already for itself. The very essence of the mind
is its self-referential character. ‘This is the necessary circle in which all
finite reason is enclosed,’ Fichte says. This is a key formula in the entire Sci-
ence of Knowledge: the faculty of representation exists only for the faculty of
representation.18
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17. In later years, Fichte remarks in a note in the Wissenschaftslehre that most people
would rather believe they are a piece of rock on the moon than that they are an “I,” a subject;
they simply cannot conceive of something that is different from a thing. “Less for my audi-
tors than for other learned and philosophical readers into whose hands this book may fall,
we make the following observation.—The majority of men could sooner be brought to be-
lieve themselves a piece of lava in the moon than to take themselves for a self.” J. G. Fichte,
GgW, p. 326 (*); English: SK, p. 162 (n.2). Idealism always stressed the point that reification
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of everything immaterial had dominated the history of philosophy. Martin Heidegger also
raised this objection, but Fichte was the first to lodge it.
18. Fichte writes: “Aenesidemus cannot express sufficient amazement that Reinhold, as a
critical philosopher, should make the following inference . . . : ‘Anyone who admits a repre-
sentation at the same time admits a faculty of representation.’ The reviewer [Fichte], or per-
haps anyone very inclined toward amazement, may express no less amazement over the
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skeptic [Aenesidemus / Schulze], for whom only a short time ago nothing was certain except
that there are various representations in us, and who now, as soon as he hears the words ‘fac-
ulty of representation,’ can think only of some sort of thing (round or square?) which exists
as a thing in itself, independently of its being represented, and indeed, exists as a thing which
represents. The reader will soon see that this interpretation involves no injustice to our skep-
tic. The faculty of representation exists for the faculty of representation and through the fac-
ulty of representation: this is the circle within which every finite understanding, that is, ev-
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172 Fichte
Schulze’s strategy amounts to the requirement that the immediate cer-

tainty and autonomy of the “I am” should be made valid in itself, without
reference to any original thing. This assumes that the awareness of the sub-
ject is identical with the awareness of the action.19 ‘How,’ Fichte asks ironi-
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cally, ‘might we know that the mind should be treated as a thing-in-itself?’
Indeed, for whom should the mind be treated as a thing-in-itself? Isn’t this
the same as saying that we can first figure out what the mind-in-itself is
and then develop some belief about it, including the belief that we have ac-
cess to it? Fichte’s response to his own questions is that it is absurd to sug-
gest that first we determine what it is and then arrive at the belief that we
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have access to it. It is absurd precisely because the mind is already related to
itself. Fichte concludes that there is no way of finding out what the mind is
unless one makes reference to the fact that mind is already related to itself.
It is by virtue of this fact that the mind is defined. It is also by virtue of this
fact that we differentiate mind from “thinghood.”
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This fact escaped Schulze’s notice. He did not see that philosophy has no
perspective, unless it starts from the premise that the faculty of represen-
tation exists only for the faculty of representation. There is no reasonable
assurance of what, or for whom, the mind is, save for the “I” or the mind
itself. Because it is only for its own essence, the mind is what it is. Any-
one who does not see this has no chance of determining the nature and
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method of critical philosophy. In this formula—the faculty of representa-
tion exists only for the faculty of representation—Fichte’s creativity con-
sists in pointing out a basic fact that philosophers before him had over-
looked. Even Kant had not focused on this original self-reference of the
mind. To be sure, Kant uses it, but he did not make it the subject of his the-
oretical efforts. No doubt this is why most of the post-Kantians simply lost
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sight of it.
In this formula, we encounter two results simultaneously. The first is a
methodological maxim for philosophy: we cannot talk about the mind un-
less we remain within the dimension of its originally being-related-to-it-
self. It is in this dimension that we can find the tools for a nonempirical
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theory of consciousness that is oriented toward the internal awareness of
an action. We can base such a theory only on an ultimate principle, in
ery understanding that we can conceive, is necessarily confined. Anyone who wants to
escape from this circle does not understand himself and does not know what he wants.” J. G.
Fichte, RA, pp. 49–50; English: AR, pp. 66–67.
19. This is a claim dealt with later, but for now it is assumed for the sake of argument.
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the sense that Reinhold required. Any attempt to find the ultimate prin-
ciple elsewhere misses what the mind is and, accordingly, devolves into
ambiguity.
The second result is a maxim concerning the nature of mind: because
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the mind is originally related to itself, the mind’s nature is somehow self-
explaining. The theory that philosophy has to offer does not have to be im-
posed on the mind, in the sense in which a scientific theory of the world
might be imposed upon a comprehensive class of things, events, and so
forth. Rather, the philosophical theory will be a disclosure of the mind’s in-
trinsic dynamism, by virtue of thesis and antithesis. Because synthesis in-
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dicates a dynamic element in the mind, philosophical theory has only to
disclose it in order to reveal it. Philosophical theory is thereby relieved of
the liability of imposing some theoretical structure on the mind from the
outside. The mind’s own self-reference accounts for this process.
Here Fichte has simply reversed Schulze’s strategy. Schulze said that no
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talk about the thing-in-itself is possible and that therefore no transcen-
dental philosophy is possible. Fichte argues the other way around: albeit
agreed that no talk about the thing-in-itself is possible, nonetheless, be-
cause the mind is a closed system, and because the idea of the thing-in-it-
self is contradictory from the very beginning, to conceive of the mind as
otherwise than self-referring (or, in other words, as other than basically
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self-explaining) means ending up with absurdity. Not only is Schulze’s
strategy reversed, but also Jacobi’s demands are almost fulfilled, at least in
his “program.” For instance, Jacobi’s demand for transcendental egoism
(i.e., for having a system that is founded on and limited to the internal self-
evidence of the mind) is met. But egoism is not an absurd system, as Jacobi
believed. It is, rather, the only way open for thought that does not lead
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its own ultimate principle into absurdities, contradictions, and necessary
unclarities. It is a philosophical defense of the original beliefs of human-
kind, whereas Jacobi was of the opinion that one has to defend the original
beliefs of mankind against philosophy.
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Fichte “Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy,” I
12
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“Own Meditations on
Elementary Philosophy,” I
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Fichte conceived of the Aenesidemus Review in 1793, and the Allgemeine
Literaturzeitung published it in the spring of 1794. The review is, in part, a
defense and, in part, a criticism of Reinhold. Of equal import is its rejec-
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tion of Schulze’s skeptical method, whose underlying assumptions ex-
cluded significant philosophical insight by overlooking the facts on which
one could base such insight.
Two thoughts dominate the review. The first is that opposition, rather
than combination, is the basic mental structure. In criticism of Reinhold,
Fichte maintains that relating and distinguishing are not basic activities of
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the mind, but presuppose what is truly basic—the activity of opposing.
The second is that the faculty of representation exists only for the faculty
of representation. This claim is a consequence of Fichte’s criticism of
Schulze’s strategy that implicitly requires the immediate certitude and au-
tonomy of the “I am” to be valid in itself, without recourse to any other
thing.
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In his criticism of Reinhold, Fichte concurs with Schulze’s assessment
that the proposition on consciousness is not ultimate. At the same time he
agrees with Reinhold and Schulze that the phenomenon of representation
is a key phenomenon for a theory of the mind. Moreover, Fichte embraces
Reinhold’s view that a theory of the mind has to arrive at the structure of
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representation. Where Fichte differs from Reinhold is in his attempt to de-
duce and explain the structure of representation by analyzing another
structure that underlies it. The structure to which Fichte turns is the oppo-
sition between the Ich and the Nicht-Ich—the self and the not-self.1
1. Henrich follows the convention Heath and Lachs adopted in their 1982 translation of
the Wissenschaftslehre (1794–1795), referring to the “self ” and the “not-self ” rather than the
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“ego” and “non-ego,” or the “I” and the “non-I.”
174
“Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy,” I 175
Fichte’s criticism of Schulze flows directly from eliminating the thing-

in-itself. It is meaningless to regard the mind as that which can be ex-
plained in terms of the nonmental. Such explanations can assume the form
either of interpreting mental activity in terms of something given to the
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mind (that would be the thing-in-itself), or interpreting mental activity in
terms that explain something that is happening with the mind (the mind’s
essence is another way of using the concept of the thing-in-itself, e.g., “fac-
ulties” of the mind, etc.). The basic structure of the mind, whatever its
more determinate nature might be, is that it is self-referential. We must
conceive of the self-referential character of the mind in a way that both its
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existence and its self-awareness (its being self-related to itself) are insepa-
rably linked. We can only specify what the mind is by the self-referential
nature of the terms we use to define it. We cannot speak of the nature of
the mind (= X) plus its property of self-reference that it reveals to itself.
Rather, we must conceive of the nature of the mind in a way that is origi-
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nally self-referential. The mind cannot be what it is unless self-reference
occurs.
It is for reasons such as these that Fichte believes the mind to be origi-
nally self-explanatory. As Schulze had rightly insisted, the philosopher can
never look at the mind as an outside observer, explaining what occurs in
terms of a theoretical construct. Instead, the philosopher has to reconstruct
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the original self-explanation, which is a mental process. The philosopher is
not, however, restricted to a simple litany of crude, unconnected facts of
consciousness. The thought that the faculty of representation exists only
for the faculty of representation (insofar as it is a conclusion of the criti-
cism of the thing-in-itself) excludes any reduction of the mental. This
thought incorporates the very strong claim that the mind is not only a
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closed dimension of discourse, but also an absolute dimension. Fichte
means by this that there is nothing to which we might possibly make refer-
ence that is not included in the mind. Even if we do not accept this far-
reaching claim, there remains in it much of merit that we cannot dismiss.
For even if we believe that there might be an explanation of the existence
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of mental items in terms of emergence, or some such thing, it remains rea-
sonable to say that there is also an internal reconstruction of mental pro-
cesses that, with regard to its method, has to be distinguished from any in-
vestigation of the conditions of the existence of mental phenomena.
In the second principal idea of the Aenesidemus Review—‘The mind ex-
ists only for the mind’—a new idea for the philosophy of history and of the
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development of societies first came into view. What would soon follow
176 Fichte
would be the philosophical justification of historical (and some psycholog-

ical) methods of explanation. The key term in expositions of this kind is
Verstehen.2 Its philosophical force hinges on Fichte’s discovery that we can
speak meaningfully about Verstehen as a process in philosophy only be-
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cause there is this original self-revealing nature of the mind. In much the
same way, the philosophical fascination grew over the encounter with past
cultures: the awareness of the problems of personal and cultural change
could now be coupled with a new idea of the continuity of humankind
that does not ignore the basic changes in civilizations as changes in quali-
ties of consciousness. Although Hegel is the paradigmatic example of a
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theory of history and societal development, Fichte was the one who first
discovered the idea that we can refer to the continuity of the development
of humankind, while simultaneously accepting basic changes. To be sure,
immediate understanding between the various stages of the development
of humankind is not possible for us. We must, instead, undergo and reen-
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act basic changes in consciousness. Nevertheless, the entire development
is continuous insofar as it can be interpreted in the terms of the model
of mind that Fichte offered. This is the conception of mind as self-
explanation, which undergoes various stages of understanding the mind’s
self-referential nature.
The relationship between the two principal thoughts of Fichte’s Aenesi-
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demus Review—that the basic structure is opposition and that the mind
is originally self-revealing—is clearly much closer than in Reinhold’s ac-
count, which had only a relationship between the relational structure of
consciousness (subject, representation, object) and the activity of the relat-
ing subject. Reinhold based his account of how the relational system of
representation becomes explicit on a triadic structure of representation.
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This activity, therefore, differed from that within the structure of the sub-
ject itself. Indeed, Reinhold had only begun to wonder about the pos-
sibility of self-reference within the structure of the subject.3 By contrast,
Fichte presents the two structures of opposition and self-reference as simi-
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2. See Theodore Abel, “The Operation Called Verstehen,” in Readings in the Philosophy of
History, ed. Herbert Feigl and May Brodbeck (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1953),
pp. 677–687. The essay in this volume is reprinted from the American Journal of Sociology, 54
(1948). Verstehen (to understand) was also the key term of the hermeneutical method of the
humanities in Central Europe.
3. D. Henrich, ATS, pp. 139–159; English: OTS, pp. 56–75. In this essay Henrich shares a
discovery that he made subsequent to the Harvard Lectures: it was indeed Reinhold who
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lar. First, both are two-term relations; second, it is easy to detect in self-
reference an element of opposition. According to Fichte, representation as
a relation not only presupposes opposition, but self-reference presupposes
opposition as well. For in self-reference there is first an X, and second, an
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act of referring to this X (even though these moments are inseparable).
The subject of the act of reference is not what the act is. We are obligated to
distinguish between the X and the actual referring to it. Thus, we are led to
say that there is an oppositional structure within this self-referring nature
of the mind. But to bring this point out clearly is difficult precisely be-
cause the X to which reference is made is itself essentially self-referring.4
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Among the difficulties, one is the obvious difference between (1) the idea
of a fundamental oppositional structure of self-reference, and (2) the fact
that self-reference is, in some sense, precisely the exclusion of opposition.
For self-reference refers only to itself: it is to X, and nothing but X, that X
refers.
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We could delineate Fichte’s entire philosophical program by analyzing
his two basic thoughts in the Aenesidemus Review and their relationship.
By his first thought—which introduces opposition—Fichte introduced the
dialectical method into philosophy. The unity of the mind depends on
oppositions that have to be overcome, precisely because they are oppo-
sitions. The opposing elements have to be integrated into the structure of
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the mind, because the structure of the mind is, in some sense, originally
unified—a sense that will require clarification. In his account, Reinhold
had only relation and distinction, and had, consequently, neither a dy-
namic element in mind nor a prospect for a deductive theory of mind.
Fichte believed that all of Reinhold’s attempts to deduce something from
his ultimate analysis of representation failed, precisely because he did not
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dig deeply enough into the structure of consciousness to the point where
one finds opposition. Since opposition is a structure that is in itself dy-
namic, a deductive theory of the mind based on it does not necessarily re-
sult in the failures Reinhold encountered with his theory of representation.
By his second thought—which introduces the self-referring structure of
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made the first attempt at a theory of self-consciousness, which ultimately proved to be both
circular and inadequate. Nonetheless, Reinhold posed the task of explaining self-conscious-
ness with surprising exactitude. Fichte may well have had Reinhold’s early and unsuccessful
attempt at a theory in mind when he undertook to solve the puzzle himself.
4. Henrich will return to this topic in lecture 17, p. 246ff in order to elucidate further this
difficulty, which formed one of the central foci of Fichte’s inquiries.
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178 Fichte
the mind—Fichte established a foundation for a theory of self-conscious-

ness. He maintained that the theory of self-consciousness should justify
the theory of the dynamic structure of the opposition in the mind. One
has to determine, in terms of self-consciousness, the way in which oppo-
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sitions are developed and reconciled in the mind.
This is Fichte’s program, which we can explain in terms of the two prin-
cipal thoughts of his Aenesidemus Review. Fichte knew, however, that self-
consciousness per se is not susceptible to any description that construes
self-consciousness as nothing but a primary, immediate opposition to it-
self. The simple subject–object opposition that Fichte attributes to the
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structure of representation cannot explain self-consciousness. The very
fact that self-consciousness is self-referential means that we cannot ac-
count for it by simply making use of an element of opposition inside of it.
Fichte certainly wanted to arrive at a theory that presents a genetic recon-
struction of the mind in terms of the oppositions that the mind develops.
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And he wanted, as well, to establish that theory on the foundation of his
analysis of self-consciousness.
But from the very beginning of his career, Fichte was aware that the
highest point of this theory—the structure of self-consciousness—con-
tains more than the theory itself exhibits once it is ‘on its course.’ In other
words, the theory ‘on its course’ is a theory of oppositions. But the highest
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point (now invoking Kantian language) on which the theory hinges en-
tails a structure containing more than just the oppositional structure that
drives the theory. For this reason, a certain tension between the implica-
tions of Fichte’s two discoveries remains in all his versions of the Science
of Knowledge. Far from being inconsequential, this tension was decisive
during the process of development of the Science of Knowledge over two
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decades. Although Fichte made considerable progress in his analyses of
the structure of self-consciousness, it was not sufficiently reflected in the
changes he made to the structure of his theory, to the extent that it re-
mained oriented toward opposition. In my opinion, however, Fichte’s anal-
yses of self-consciousness contain prospects of possible theories that he did
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not develop. The tension we observe in the Science of Knowledge is due, in
part, to a potential within his basic theoretical concept that Fichte never
fully utilized even in his revised versions of the Science of Knowledge. In-
deed, we can even show that Fichte was dimly aware of this.
Let us take a step back from these theoretical observations and retrace
briefly the situation in Fichte’s time and the path he pursued toward his
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discoveries. This will help us to understand some of the motivations that

informed his theoretical work. Fichte, the son of a poor artisan, grew up in
a Saxonian village. His father was a ribbon weaver and sold his wares in
nearby villages. There were no schools in the region, leaving Fichte to re-
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ceive what education he could from his father and the village minister. The
fame of this minister’s sermons plays a vital role in a well-known anecdote
about Fichte. Apparently, a local noble, a certain Baron von Miltitz, had
long wanted to attend one of the services in which the village minister
preached. Arriving on horseback one Sunday, Baron von Miltitz com-
plained bitterly on discovering that the sermon was already over. While
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only a small boy of seven or eight years, Fichte was already well known for
his ability to repeat sermons with nice extensions and variations of his
own. So he was summoned, and his “preaching” permitted Baron von
Miltitz to hear the sermon that he missed, even if in a somewhat improved
and more impressive version. The minister, who had been sponsoring the
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young Fichte, persuaded the Baron to accept Johann Gottlieb as his pro-
tégé, which proved to be one of the first absolutely contingent and decisive
turning points in Fichte’s life. Von Miltitz gave Fichte a scholarship, send-
ing him to the best schools in the region (e.g., the high school in Schul-
Pforta), before sending him to study theology at the University of Leipzig.
At that time, Leipzig was a center of elegant life. Fichte was apparently
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distracted and not very industrious in his studies. We have evidence that
there was gossip about his morality at the university, which reached the
widow of his sponsor (who had in the meantime died). We know, as well,
from some of Fichte’s own letters, that this gossip was not without founda-
tion. The upshot of this was that Fichte lost his scholarship and was forced
to begin a restless life as a private tutor to wealthy families.5 For a while,
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Fichte pursued the life of a tutor, without having completed his university
examinations.
5. Hans H. Gerth, Die sozialgeschichtliche Lage der bürgerlichen Intelligenz um die Wende
des 18. Jahrhunderts. Ein Beitrag zur Soziologie des deutschen Frühliberalismus (Frankfurt
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am Main: Univ. Diss., 1935). The dissertation was reprinted as Bürgerliche Intelligenz um
1800. Zur Soziologie des deutschen Frühliberalismus (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht,
1976). Gerth, known primarily for his translations of the early writings of Max Weber into
English, wrote this dissertation on the impact of the private tutor’s position on the life of in-
tellectuals in the 19th century. Most intellectuals of the day were private tutors for a certain
time: Hölderlin for much of his life, Hegel for about eight years. Only Schelling managed to
extricate himself from this enervating way of life after several years of servitude.
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180 Fichte
During this time Fichte made his way to Zürich. There he would not
only meet his future wife, but also become a member of the intellectual cir-
cle surrounding Johann Kasper Lavater.6 A Protestant mystical thinker,
Lavater was close to Jacobi, whose philosophy of immediacy was also pop-
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ular in Zürich. In this intellectual circle, philosophical discussions ranged
over freedom and determinism. Fichte, along with his father-in-law, sided
with determinism as the only defensible philosophical system. (Notice the
echoes of Jacobi’s own thinking.)
Involvement in these circles encouraged Fichte, and he began to empha-
size education, which was then one of the principal issues in Switzerland.7
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Fichte did not think that he should educate the young sons of officials or of
bankers, but instead, should educate the princes: the philosopher either has
to be the ruler or he has to educate the rulers. Armed with numerous rec-
ommendations, he went back to Germany to find the place where he could
educate princes. He failed entirely. Finding himself back in Leipzig without
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any money, he was again compelled to teach. He could not attract even
6. Johann Kasper Lavater (1741–1801), Physiognomische Fragmente. Zur Beförderung der

Menschenkenntnis und Menschenliebe, ed. Walter Brednow, 4 vols. (Leipzig: Winterthur,
1775–1778; repr. Zürich: Orell Füssli, 1968–1969); English: Essays on Physiognomy: For the
Promotion of the Knowledge and the Love of Mankind, trans. Thomas Holcroft (London:
G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1789). Lavater was a German-Swiss poet, theologian, and physiog-
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nomist of some repute. Goethe and Lavater collaborated on a major four-volume treatise of
physiognomic theory between 1775 and 1778. Lavater was a close friend of Johann Gottfried
Herder and knew Moses Mendelssohn and Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock well. Religiously
formed in the tradition of Pietism, he stressed notions of the “inner light,” “feeling,” and the
importance of inspiration and genius.
7. Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746–1827), Sämtliche Werke und Briefe. Kritische Aus-
gabe, ed. Pestalozzianum Zürich and Hans Gehrig, 32 vols. (Zürich: Verlag Neue Zürcher
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Zeitung, 1994–). Pestalozzi was the leading figure in educational theory and practice in Swit-
zerland at the time. Although his first pedagogical attempt (in which he tried to combine
physical farm labor and general education for local children) failed, he later developed a
method of education (which came to be known as “Pestalozzianism”) that emphasized the
importance of individuality and stressed the idea of refining or stimulating children’s own
natural, self-motivated interests. This stood in contrast to the method of “rote learning”
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popular at the time. By combining Rousseauian ideas about nature and christological em-
phases from his pietist background, Pestalozzi established a philosophy of education that
aimed not at general conceptions of logic, but at developing and nurturing the inherent tal-
ents present within each individual. This was based on the belief that the development of the
whole human race is reflected in the life of every person. By 1860, Pestalozzi’s influence was
so strong in the United States that many elementary education systems completely reorga-
nized their practices in light of his principles.
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the sons of bankers, however, and had to settle instead for students who
needed remedial tutoring. Although the Kantian scholar Karl Heinrich
Heydenreich (1764–1801) was at that time professor at Leipzig, Fichte did
not yet have any knowledge of Kant. When a student approached him
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for private tutoring on Kant, the then twenty-eight-year-old Fichte was
obliged to accept. Bereft of all financial resources, he was equally without
qualification for the job. So, within a few days, he had to read all three Cri-
tiques! By this time, both the Critique of Practical Reason and the Critique
of Practical Judgment had been published. Fichte later wrote to Reinhold
that had he read the Critique of Practical Reason first, he (Reinhold) would
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have discovered the Science of Knowledge; but Reinhold was, unfortunately
(from Fichte’s point of view), focusing on the Critique of Pure Reason,
wherein one cannot find the highest principle of philosophy.8
In those few days, Fichte’s reading of Kant entirely changed his philo-
sophical convictions and his life. Writing to his friend Weisshuhn, Fichte
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confessed: “I am living in a new world since I have read the Critique of
Practical Reason. Propositions that I thought surely to be irrefutable are
here refuted. Things I believed impossible to prove are now proven—for
instance, the concept of absolute freedom. It is inconceivable, what respect
for mankind, what energy, this system gives me.”9 He also wrote to his
fiancée: “This philosophy gives me a tranquillity that I have never sensed
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before. Within my unsteady external situation, I have lived through my
most blissful days. Tell your dear father, whom I love as my own, that in all
our disputes, in spite of the power of our arguments, we were wrong, nev-
ertheless. There is no thoroughgoing determinism in man’s nature. Man is
free, and his destination is not happiness but rather dignity.”10
It is possible to understand this rapid conversion: a gifted, energetic
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young man, striving to have an influence on others, already giving sermons
when he was eight (even though repeating them), became a determinist in
a depressing external situation he could not escape. But later, the critical
philosophy encouraged him to take destiny into his own hands: to be free
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8. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Karl Leonhard Reinhold in Kiel,” Osmanstedt, 2 July 1795, ed.
Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. III,2 (1970), p. 346; English: EPW, p. 400.
9. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Friedrich August Weisshuhn in Schönewerda,” Leipzig, August–
September 1790, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. III,1 (1968), pp. 167–168;
English: excerpt in EPW, pp. 357–358.
10. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Marie Johanne Rahn in Zürich,” Leipzig, 5 September 1790, in
GA, vol. III,1, pp. 169–174.
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182 Fichte
and to teach freedom. We can also understand why he could not surrender
to Schulze’s criticisms that he encountered in the Aenesidemus. He simply
could not embrace Schulze’s claim that freedom is only an unjustified as-
sumption in terms of which we explain (yet again in an unjustified way)
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facts of consciousness, such as the moral law. Fichte declared that, in the
wake of such skepticism, he could not live again “in the open sky” without
a philosophy. For him, the Aenesidemus had destroyed Reinhold entirely
and even rendered Kant suspect: “Since one cannot very well live under the
open sky, I have been forced to construct a new system.”11 This was a very
significant situation for Fichte. The encounter with Schulze’s Aenesidemus
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was for him tantamount to being pushed back into the dilemma from
which he had first escaped when he discovered Kant. To be sure, Schulze
did not teach determinism. But he did teach that there is no philosophical
or rational assurance of the existence of freedom. So Fichte felt obliged to
defend Kantianism at any price, even that of building an entirely new
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philosophical system that could effectively counter Schulze’s criticism.
On the heels of this conversion, Fichte decided to walk to Königsberg to
visit Kant. His journey took him by way of Warsaw, where he preached and
received some money that enabled him to continue the journey. When he
arrived in Königsberg, Fichte found Kant, both as a person and as a lec-
turer, a great disappointment. As Fichte had no money at that time, and
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badly needed at least enough to return to Leipzig where he had students to
teach, he gave a manuscript to Kant and asked him for money. We can
imagine that he pleaded with Kant, saying: ‘See, I am an acceptable philos-
opher; please give me a loan.’ Kant, who himself was very poor for many
years, refused. But he did arrange for the publication of Fichte’s manu-
script. These are the pressing circumstances that surrounded Fichte’s first
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publication. He did not want to publish that manuscript any more than he
later wanted to publish the Science of Knowledge. In both instances he
thought publication premature. When the government at Weimar pressed
him to publish the Science of Knowledge, he pleaded for forbearance:
‘Please give me another year, as I am not yet sufficiently clear about the
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foundation of my philosophy.’ They, however, wanting Fichte to supply the
vacancy Reinhold had created in order to retain their students, responded:
11. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Johann Friedrich Flatt in Tübingen,” Leipzig, November or De-
cember 1793, in GA, vol. III,2, pp. 17–18; English: EPW, pp. 366–367.
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‘Please take the post, and publish the book next year.’ So due to external
circumstances, two of Fichte’s very significant books saw, what was from
Fichte’s point of view, premature publication.
The early manuscript that Fichte had given to Kant, Attempt at a Cri-
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tique of All Revelation, was published in Königsberg.12 For reasons that re-
main unclear, the printer failed to include the author’s name. By coinci-
dence, the reviewer for the Allgemeine Literaturzeitung believed the
Attempt at a Critique of All Revelation to be the work of Kant, inasmuch as
it had come from Königsberg and was published anonymously for appar-
ently obvious reasons. So the reviewer enthusiastically presented the book
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in the most prestigious journal in the country as a work of Kant. When
Kant corrected this mistake and identified Fichte as the rightful author,
Fichte was involuntarily catapulted to fame. Although he had to remain a
private tutor for several more years in what was by then northeastern Ger-
many, he began working hard in order to keep pace with his prestige. But it
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was this second complex contingency in his life—his discovery of and rela-
tionship with Kant—that decisively changed his career as a philosopher.
The third influential, but contingent, event in Fichte’s life was the invita-
tion to write the review of the Aenesidemus for the Allgemeine Literatur-
zeitung. The invitation exerted tremendous pressure on him to develop his
philosophical system as rapidly as possible. He simply could not write the
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review without a defense of freedom. But neither could he give a defense of
freedom without building a system. Schulze had convinced him, after all,
that Kant was still not beyond all doubt and that Reinhold’s attempt to jus-
tify Kant’s doctrine of freedom had failed entirely.
These contingencies in Fichte’s life help to explain some of the super-
ficial aspects contained in the Science of Knowledge. Fichte was not ready to
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publish it, nor would he ever publish another complete version of it. De-
spite his attempts to finish it, he did not succeed. He died without being
able to publish a version of the Science of Knowledge that he was convinced
was complete. Late in his life, he justified the early version, claiming that it
did not have to be improved. This claim obviously does not express his ba-
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sic intention and experience. We must therefore look on Fichte as one who
12. J. G. Fichte, Versuch einer Critik aller Offenbarung [1792], ed. Reinhard Lauth and
Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. I,1 (1964), pp. 17–123; English: Attempt at a Critique of All Revela-
tion, trans. Garrett Green (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978).
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184 Fichte
quite by accident became the leading philosopher of his time without first
being able to write a mature work. But we must also look at him as an
innovator in philosophy and as one who—at least in his theory of self-
consciousness and his idea of how a philosophical system could be struc-
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tured—rightfully gained almost incomparable influence in his and suc-
ceeding generations. Indeed, the extent of the dependence of the romantic
theories of poetry and art on Fichte’s Science of Knowledge is of such mag-
nitude that his influence is virtually incomparable to that of any other phi-
losopher save Plato. His influence derived from his uncanny ability to pen-
etrate the intellectual life of an entire epoch, an accomplishment that even
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Hegel did not rival.
The manuscript Fichte wrote as a draft of a theory that would enable
him to write a convincing review of the Aenesidemus survives, and is
known as the “Eigne Meditationen” (ca. 1793).13 Let us now turn to this
manuscript, which I introduced earlier, in order to see how the basic ideas
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of the Science of Knowledge emerged from a criticism and reconstruction of
Reinhold’s theory.
As we know, Reinhold had started from the distinction between subject,
representation, and object—three items that he took to be equivalent and
originally correlated with one another. Fichte accepts this description, but
eliminates the ambiguity regarding the primacy of subjectivity or repre-
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sentation as the relating activity. He wants to preserve the fact that, at the
very beginning, the subject establishes and determines the relationship
among subject, representation, and object. Parenthetically, the manuscript,
which is in diary form, contains both Fichte’s encouragements to and criti-
cisms of himself. It is a curious fact that while Fichte concedes in the diary
that he has not found the deduction to some of these crucial concepts, he
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later employs almost the same arguments in the Science of Knowledge with-
out conceding the same shortcomings.
The basic steps Fichte takes in the manuscript are these: there is no relat-
ing unless there are items that can become related, that can become relata.
These items have to be different; but difference has to be articulated by
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negative terms. A is different from B if it is not-B, and therefore the rela-
tion between A and B can be described as including the opposition be-
tween A and B. (This is the same thought Spinoza had when he said omnis
13. J. G. Fichte, EM.
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determinatio est negatio, every determination is done in terms of a nega-

tion.) Now, since the opposition of subject and object (A and B) in con-
sciousness is established by the subject, the subject must be the term that is
determinate, so to speak, by itself, whereas the object is the one that is op-
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posed to it. We could, of course, just as well put it the other way around—
A is what is not-B and B is what is not-A. But since the subject can be de-
termined because it is the active relating (according to Reinhold’s descrip-
tion) in terms of itself, we therefore have to describe what is opposed to the
subject as the negative, whereas the subject itself is not negative in the
same way as that which is opposed to it. Thus, Fichte arrives at the follow-
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ing: in consciousness we have the opposition between self and not-self,
that is, the Ich and Nicht-Ich.
The opposition between self and not-self, however, raises a new prob-
lem. That which is opposed is also united in consciousness, for we are de-
scribing a unified structure when we talk about consciousness. There is no
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external relation that we impose on these different items, self and not-self;
they are originally related to one another, yet also opposed. How is it possi-
ble that two items thus opposed to each other are also originally related?14
Fichte’s answer is that there must be a third term by which the two of them
are related to one another, not directly (that seems to be impossible be-
cause they are opposed to one another) but indirectly—by their relation to
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the third term to which they are not directly opposed.
Thus Fichte, starting from his structure of opposition, arrives, at least
formally, at the structure of representation. In Reinhold we had the three
terms at the very beginning (subject and object and representation). Fichte
believes that this is not the basic structure, but that the relations be-
tween subject and representation, and object and representation, presup-
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pose some opposition. But there is also the relation between subject and
object, so he tries to get the relation between subject and object first by de-
scribing the subject as the self and the object as the not-self. By having self
and not-self, A and not-A, he has a reason for introducing something
else—the interpolated third term, by which the two of them can be related.
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This is, so to speak, the logical origin of representation: the relation be-
14. Henrich defers for the moment criticism of the steps Fichte takes. At present it is suf-
ficient to note that in the course of his argument, Fichte shifts the meaning of the notion of
opposition.
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186 Fichte
tween the self (A) and the third term C must be different from the relation
between the not-self (not-A) and C. “C” is the one that “mediates” the
original opposition between the self and the not-self.
Now the question is this: How does this double relationship take place?
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What kind of a relationship is it? Fichte starts to experiment with various
categories: How can we conceive of a relationship between, as he puts it, A
and not-A in C? His first attempt is to describe this type of relationship in
terms of Kant’s categories of relation. In this way, he has the rudiments of
what would later in his analysis become representation. He conceives of
representation in such a way that there is a relation between it and the not-
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self, which differs from the relationship between it and the self. But these
two different relations are relations to the same third term and can be con-
ceived of as taking place at the same time (A:C & not-A:C).
Fichte was rather pleased by this discovery, but very soon he gave it up,
saying that this is not a deduction at all, because he was just ‘making use’ of
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the relational categories. In Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason, there are the
categories of substance, causality, and interaction, which Kant also says are
the basic categories of the mind; so Fichte turns to them first and experi-
ments with them. But unlike Kant, he had no transcendental deduction of
them to offer.
This model, of course, precedes the model Fichte soon chose and there-
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after preserved: the model that is developed in terms of the categories of
“quality”—“reality,” “negation,” and “limitation.” I will soon take up this
later model, which introduces the category of quality by way of the quality
that can be quantified. By virtue of this relation between quality and the
quality that can be quantified, Fichte believes that he can establish the rela-
tionship between subject and object. As will become evident, Fichte’s inter-
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pretation of the category of quality would soon become the principle tar-
get of Hegel’s criticism of the Science of Knowledge. At present, we are able
to see the extent to which Fichte remained oriented toward the model
Reinhold developed. Where Reinhold stopped, Fichte chose to dig deeper,
arriving at opposition. But Fichte’s program was then to reconstruct and to
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arrive again at what Reinhold had described as the structure of conscious-
ness: the triple structure of subject, object, and something that is related to
and distinguished from both of them.
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Fichte “Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy,” II
13
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“Own Meditations on
Elementary Philosophy,” II
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Let us continue our interpretation of Fichte’s manuscript, Own Medita-
tions on Elementary Philosophy, but this time from a critical perspective. To
do so we need first to recall the two discoveries on which Fichte based his
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Science of Knowledge. These are (1) the idea of the original self-reference of
the faculty of representation, and (2) the idea of opposition as the basic
structure of the mind. These ideas are, at least in part, independent of one
another: a decisive criticism of one would not necessarily affect the other
adversely. We need to keep before our eyes the difference between these
two basic ideas as we undertake our interpretation of the various stages
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through which the Science of Knowledge developed. While both systematic
and historical, this interpretation reconstructs Fichte’s thoughts to bring
more clearly into view the principle lines of his argument. In consequence
of this, the order of my presentation does not always coincide completely
with the precise order in some of Fichte’s own writings.
In his Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy, Fichte sought a foun-
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dation behind the structure of representation as Reinhold had described it.
Fichte is committed programatically to the goals of (1) articulating a struc-
ture that can be fully comprehended without the ambiguities that accrued
to Reinhold’s analysis of it, and (2) developing a method for constructing a
system of the mind, thereby progressing beyond the structure of represen-
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tation—a development impossible for Reinhold, whose theory afforded no
possibility for any rigorous deduction. Indeed, Fichte was of the view that
reaching the foundation under the structure would permit him to engage
in the sort of deduction that Reinhold’s system precluded.
Fichte’s vehicles for this reconstruction are (1) “opposition” as the basic
structure of the mind, and (2) the privileged position of the subject from
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187
188 Fichte
the outset in the relational structure of consciousness. As he elaborated

these ideas, Fichte developed a terminology that became characteristic of
his Science of Knowledge, though on first glance it may strike us as highly
artificial and arbitrary. For example, we do not readily understand why
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Fichte uses such terms as “self ” and “not-self.” In his Meditations, Fichte
helps us to see why he thought it necessary to introduce these terms and
use them for building his theory.
Four major steps in the Meditations lead to the starting point of the
1794–1795 Science of Knowledge.
1. The first (about which we have already had much to say) is that oppo-
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sition precedes the being-related of the relata in consciousness.1 To say that
opposition is basic is, in Fichte’s lexicon, to say that there is opposition be-
tween subject and object. Fichte eliminates, for the time being, the third el-
ement in Reinhold’s theory: representation. Of course we anticipate that
we will arrive at representation in the course of the analysis. With respect
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to the relation between subject and object, we might say that opposition is
simply the type of relation that obtains between them, precipitating no
conflict that would require mediation or reconciliation.
At the outset, Fichte refers to the ontological idea that the essence of any
particular has to be interpreted in terms of the exclusion of an infinite
number of predicates from itself. In other words, any particular is what it is
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by virtue of its excluding an infinite number of predicates that are not ap-
plicable to it. This is nothing other than the Spinozistic formula omnis
determinatio est negatio (all determination is negation).2 In this case, that
would be the ontological character of an individual. Such a negative defini-
tion of relata precedes, we might say, the possible relations that might ob-
tain among particulars. Fichte makes reference, as well, to the particular
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opposition to which Reinhold’s proposition on consciousness refers: the
opposition between what a subject is and what an object is. Fichte’s invoca-
tion of this particular opposition is significant. It helps us to see that he is
not simply referring to very general ideas of subject and object, and deriv-
ing from them a mutually exclusive relationship. Instead, Fichte is referring
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to a specific exclusion between subject and object that differs from the gen-
1. J. G. Fichte, RA, p. 45; English: AR, p. 63.

2. Benedictus de Spinoza, “Viro Humanissimo, atque Prudentissimo, Jarrig Jelles,” Gra-
venhage, 2 May 1671, in Opera [1862], vol. IV, ed. Carl Gebhardt (Heidelberg: Winter, 1925),
p. 240. See also Spinoza, Ethics, pt. I, Prop. 8, Schol. 1, in Collected Works of Spinoza, trans.
and ed. Edwin Curley (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 412.
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“Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy,” II 189
eral ontological idea. To say only that the subject and the object are distinct
and that they have to be distinguished seems to undervalue the specific
way in which they actually are distinct. To see the actual distinction would
be to see that the one is what the other is not. This amounts to the possibil-
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ity of defining one of the correlates in terms of its not being the correlate,
its not being this particular item. This is more specific than merely defin-
ing the one in terms of its not being anything else in the world. It is the
prospect of defining a subject simply by its being opposed to the object,
rather than only by its being opposed to everything else.
Here Fichte has not only the general idea that all determination is a ne-
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gation in mind, but also the particular opposition, the specific exclusion,
between subject and object. Moreover, no other definition of subject and
object comes into play. Only the definition of subject and object that
Fichte develops in terms of the correlation between the two of them is op-
erative. This means that the subject is the set of all those acts and states
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that do not belong to the objective world; it means, as well, that the object
is all those things, events, and the like that can be distinguished from states
of the cognizing subject.3 We may describe the correlation between subject
and object preliminarily as an opposition between them.
Now opposition implies something that is A and something that is not-
A, as, for example, something that is B. Of course, we must not forget that
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this exclusion is reciprocal: so B is not-A in exactly the same sense in which
A is not-B. Pure ontological terminology, accordingly, leads us nowhere,
even if we are establishing an original correlation between subject and ob-
ject. The self is the non-object in the same way in which the object is the
not-self. To consider a particular relation between subject and object, how-
ever, might lead us somewhere. Reinhold had said that the subject who re-
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lates and distinguishes is the subject who is the knower, the active element,
and so forth, in the relationship. It would seem that an analysis of subjec-
tivity might establish what neither the ontological concept of the constitu-
tion of a particular (by exclusion) nor the ontological concept of an origi-
nal correlation could establish.
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3. Peter F. Strawson observes that the world of experience has to be originally distin-
guished from the way in which the subject experiences through this world—that the one
who constructs this experience has to be distinguished from what the experience itself en-
tails. This distinction seems to be an original and irreducible correlation. See Strawson, The
Bounds of Sense: An Essay on Kant’s “Critique of Pure Reason” (London: Methuen, Ltd., 1966),
esp. his interpretation of the Transcendental Deduction (pp. 72–117).
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190 Fichte
2. To pursue an analysis of subjectivity is to privilege the self over the ob-

ject.4 The terminology of object and non-object would merely make use of
the original correlation between subject and object. So instead, Fichte in-
troduces the terminology “self ” and “not-self.” By privileging the self he
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first applies the negative term to the object. What Fichte is doing here is
moving from the language of “opposition” to that of “self ” and “not-self.”
But this does not yet provide us with “representation.” We merely have
subject and object, but representation has to be related to and distin-
guished from subject and object in consciousness.
The vehicle Fichte employs to arrive at representation is, naturally
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enough, the opposition between subject and object. At first glance, there is
nothing problematic with a relation between two exclusive terms, one of
which is privileged, that issues in a relation that is not entirely reciprocal.
Why couldn’t we say that they simply are related to one another, in a way
that permits the self to represent the not-self? On this reading, representa-
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tion would merely be the relation between self and not-self. We would
need no third term, but merely the relation; and the relation would be “to
represent.” Moreover, because the self is privileged it would be the active
relatum in this nonreciprocal relationship of representation. Indeed, had
not Reinhold spoken in just this way?
But representation seems to be more than just a relationship. It is at least
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a state of the subject and, presumably, even more. For Fichte, representa-
tion is certainly more than a mere state of the subject. Fichte can imagine,
for instance, that even though an image is a particular case of representa-
tion, it can be attributed directly neither to the subject nor to the object.
An image is a representation that is actually more than a relation, even
though a representation establishes a relation. What is more, although im-
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age as the particular case of representation is not just the self, or identical
with some aspect or state of the self, we can say (as does Fichte repeatedly)
that it is of the self, the representation of the subject. In other words, there
is not merely representation plus a subject. The subject represents, al-
though the representation seems to be distinguished from the subject. It is,
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after all, the subject’s representation.
There is also, however, the relation of “being of ” between representation
and object. Consciousness is not just the relation between two, or among
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three, terms or particulars. At least one of the relata (namely, the represent-
ing subject) seems to embrace, as it were, the entire relation. In light of this
consideration Fichte says: “The self is counter-posited to the not-self in the
self.”5 By means of this formulation, he takes into consideration the em-
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bracing nature of the self with respect to the entire relational structure. To
avoid the introduction of the thing-in-itself, Fichte is obliged to express
himself in this way.
To state the relationship between subject and object is not enough, how-
ever. We must somehow attribute the object to the subject, or face immedi-
ately the prospect of the thing-in-itself. Fichte’s way of putting this corre-
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sponds to Reinhold’s formulation that the self ’s activity is that by which
the being-related and being-distinguished of the relata within the struc-
ture of representation occurs.
We have asked why we could not be satisfied merely with a relation be-
tween subject and object, between self and not-self, which is simply the re-
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lation of representation. Fichte responds to our question by saying, first,
that we would miss the structure of the relationship itself, and thereby fail
to understand what “to represent” means. In a word, we cannot think of
representation only as a relation. So too, second, we would miss the pecu-
liar problem of subjectivity—this ambiguous constitution of the subject as
one relatum and simultaneously, somehow, as the entire relationship. If the
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not-self is not only an opposite of the self, but is also in the self, how is this
opposition possible at all? Fichte raises this question in the Meditations.
3. Fichte’s infamous answer to his own question is this: there must be
some intermediary in consciousness that is partly identical with the self
and partly identical with the not-self.6 But this step is importunate for two
reasons. First, the assumption that there is something in consciousness
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that can belong equally to the subject and to the object does not solve the
problem of how we can conceive the being-opposed of the object to the
subject in consciousness (if there is a problem at all). Interpolating an in-
termediate element does not eliminate the fact that there is something op-
posed to the subject in consciousness—which was the starting point of
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Fichte’s consideration. To concede that the opposition must be resolved,
and then to do nothing but interpolate something in between the opposi-

6. J. G. Fichte, RA, pp. 57–60; English: AR, pp. 71–72.
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192 Fichte
tion, is to admit the insolubility of the problem rather than to advance a

solution.7
Second, Fichte cannot justify the way in which he uses the idea of inter-
polation here. We can imagine a case in a scientific theory in which a basic
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term logically precludes the introduction of another term that we also
need to accomplish the purpose of the theory. We would then have to look
for a more basic term that would somehow justify the use of the two other
terms, adjusting their meaning to this new context. Thereby, we would si-
multaneously reconcile and make acceptable the two terms. This is the log-
ical operation we employ when establishing theories.
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Fichte, however, confuses the logical procedure with a physical image. He
has in mind the acting of two forces on one body, even though they do not
affect each other directly. This thought experiment calls to mind his ear-
lier attempt to imagine a model for the third element in consciousness
that might mediate, through interaction, subject and object. This was the
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model of substance and cause, in which Fichte imagined the intermediary
to be both an accident of the subject (= substance) and a causal act of the
object. He quickly abandoned these early experiments as soon as he recog-
nized the arbitrariness of his introduction of these terms. It was little more
than a deus ex machina—a miraculous appearance of a solution from no-
where to address a theoretical crisis.
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4. Fichte’s second thought experiment did not end here, however. As he
pursued it, this experiment became an even better justification for the
third step (the introduction of the idea of an interpolation between the
two opposites).
Indeed, the third step opens up a way for him to conceive the manner in
which mediation takes place. This in fact will become the fourth step in his
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argument. Fichte tries to establish a direct transition from the self / not-
self relation to the concept of the third term, which mediates between the
two of them.8 To do this, he starts again from a consideration of what the
subject in the relation is: the subject does the relating; the subject is privi-
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7. This was substantially Hegel’s criticism of Fichte—namely, that Fichte tries to solve the
opposition in a way that in fact establishes it as definite. See G. W. F. Hegel, Differenz des
Fichte’schen und Schelling’schen Systems der Philosophie [1801], ed. Hartmut Buchner and
Otto Pöggeler, in GW, vol. IV (1968), pp. 34–61; English: The Difference Between Fichte’s and
Schelling’s Systems of Philosophy, trans. H. S. Harris and Walter Cerf (Albany: SUNY Press,
1977), pp. 119–154.
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leged. But in light of this reexamination of what the subject is, Fichte
claims that it is even more. The subject is self-sustaining, self-asserting,
and nothing but such self-assertion. For this reason, the subject is some-
how self-sufficient. We might even say, with Fichte, that it is reality, all real-
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ity. Then it would follow that the opposite of this self, the not-self, is noth-
ing but negative. It is opposed to the subject as that which, so to speak,
attempts to reduce the reality of the self. For, if the self is all reality, there
can be nothing else in the world except the potential reduction of that
reality.
This is a shift of far-reaching importance. To this point, we have been
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speaking of the not-self as logically, and also really, opposed to the self.
That did not at all exclude the reality of the not-self, in spite of its non-
reciprocal part in the relationship. Now, however, Fichte departs from
speaking of the relationship of being-opposed with a privileged position
for one of the relata and takes up a very different proposition. He says that
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in the relation of opposition there are two real particulars in interaction.
Owing to the privileged position of one of the relata, which we call “the
self,” we accord to the other the name of “not-self,” simply by making use
of a negative term. In light of this move, Fichte declares that the not-self is
to be conceived as a particular, whose essence is nothing but negation.
This use of the term “negation” is not without precedence. It actually de-
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pends on Kant’s distinction between logical and real opposition, which he
introduced in his “Attempt to Introduce the Concept of Negative Magni-
tudes into Philosophy” (1763–1764).9 In Kant’s Table of the Categories, we
find the category of ontological negation—something that has the onto-
logical status of being a negative. In other words, it is the reduction of the
degree of reality of A, or, what is the same, the reduction of the degree of
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reality in some particular. An example will help us here. According to Kant,
we cannot account for speed in an exclusively quantitative terminology. We
need another element, intensity (a “quantity of a quality”), and with refer-
ence to this “quantity of a quality,” we can understand the diminishing of
reality. Since the degree of reality can be reduced, there is really negation in
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the world: the intensity of color can be greater and smaller, just as can be
the intensity of energy and strength. Kant actually uses numerous exam-
9. I. Kant, “Versuch den Begriff der negativen Grössen in die Weltweisheit einzuführen”
[1763], ed. Kurd Lasswitz, in AA, vol. II (1912), pp. 165–204; English: “Attempt to Introduce
the Concept of Negative Magnitudes into Philosophy,” in TP, pp. 203–242.
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194 Fichte
ples, among which is the intensity of morality. The moral potential of a

man, according to Kant, is not a quantitative entity, but in fact a quality
that can be determined in quantitative respects.
Of course, Kant takes it for granted that such a reduction of reality in
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one particular is due to a real force in another particular. He is saying in ef-
fect that, in the world, the ontological status of being a negative particular
depends, in some respect, on some other particular’s being positive. By way
of contrast, Fichte assumes that all reality has to be found in the self. He
therefore cannot avoid saying that the not-self is nothing but an X that re-
duces the self ’s reality. This is the origin of Fichte’s infamous and unset-
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tling theory of the Anstoss—the impulse that takes place in the activity of
the self and brings about its reflecting on itself.10 Of this I shall have more
to say shortly.
Let us recur to Fichte’s theory that we find all reality in the subject, for
such a theory certainly stands in need of justification. In his Meditations,
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Fichte’s assumption that there is absolute reality in the self depends en-
tirely on his smuggling in a real ontological negation, by way of the nega-
tive element in the term “not-self.” Fichte simply calls the object the not-
self, and then he introduces the idea of its being negative. Now he means
that the being negative of the not-self is an ontological negativity, and only
negative in this sense. This is obviously a philosophical sleight-of-hand, a
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shell game, in which Fichte shifts the meaning of his terms. He would later
try to repair this defect by his analysis of the (absolute) Self in which he at-
tempted to show that the assumption that there is reality somewhere other
than in the Self is a meaningless claim. But at this earlier point, he had yet
not made this move. Indeed, he had not even introduced the idea of the
absolute Self. He had ventured no further than to claim that the self is a
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relatum in the relation—albeit certainly a privileged relatum—and to con-
ceive of it as originally related.
It is futile to believe that we might discover a justification of this theory
apart from an analysis of the subject. We have before us only Fichte’s the-
ory of opposition, whose merits and obvious logical weaknesses we are
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considering. But in order to assess the introduction of a mediating element
in a productive way we must, for the sake of argument, accept the reality-
10. For a view implicitly differing from Henrich’s, see Daniel Breazeale, “Check or Check-
mate? On the Finitude of the Fichtean Self,” in The Modern Subject: Conceptions of the Self in
Classical German Philosophy, ed. Karl Ameriks and Dieter Sturma (Albany: SUNY Press,
1995), pp. 87–114.
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negation analysis of the structure of consciousness and concede, as well,

that the Self is absolute. Only with these assumptions in hand can we now
justify Fichte’s introduction of a mediating element. We would reason in
the following way: if the Self is absolute reality itself, its reality cannot be
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reduced. Since the relation between the subject and the object is the rela-
tion between the real and the negative, no real relation between the real
and the negative is possible. Therefore, only a logical relation that excludes
any real relation between the two of them will do. A real relation between
the two of them presupposes some third mediating element. This element
must have the character of the subject to a certain degree, and just as this
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element has the character of the self only to a certain degree, so also is it af-
fected by the object.
In this third element, the Self itself is not limited: the limitation of the
Self would be impossible, if the Self really is all reality. Nonetheless, there is
something that is limitation, which has an ontological character of limita-
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tion (in the sense Kant accords to this category). So conceived, limitation is
an entity that makes the relation between subject and object possible. In
this respect the limited relation between subject and object is the elemen-
tary ontological status of representation. The limited relation between sub-
ject and object is this third element that Reinhold presented as representa-
tion. But unlike Reinhold, Fichte has offered a basis for understanding
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representation in terms of the limited reality of the self.
These, in summary, are the four important steps: (1) opposition; (2) self
and not-self; (3) the requirement of a mediating term; and (4) reality-ne-
gation as the manner of mediation. In these steps, we may find the entire
framework for the first part of the Science of Knowledge (1794–1795).
Fichte uses the idea of the absolute subject without developing or even pre-
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senting it. On the basis of this foundation, he tries to develop a few further
deductions; among them are the deductions of space and time. Though in-
sufficient, they are nonetheless inviting.
Let me sketch briefly the deductions of space and time in order to give
some sense of the force of this way of thinking.11 Fichte designates the on-
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tological category of limitation that mediates between self and not-self
with the terms A and -A, and C, which designates limitation inasmuch as it
is partly A and partly -A, or what is the same, partly self and partly not-self.
Inasmuch as there are many cases of particular degrees of limitation imag-
11. J. G. Fichte, GgW, pp. 334–339; English: SK, pp. 170–174.
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196 Fichte
inable, the idea of an indeterminate number of limitations of the self is,

therefore, imaginable. This amounts to saying that there is a set of limita-
tions that will govern our thinking about the relations between the various
cases of the representations. In other words, we have to conceive of a rela-
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tional system among the various limitations of the self, inasmuch as, with
respect to the self, any number of its limitations are equally possible. In ad-
dition to this relational system of possible limitations to the self, we have
also to introduce the idea of something that is actually the limitation of the
self, and which occurs in this relational system. Such actual limitation is
the effect of -A, depending as it does on the negating power of -A. By rea-
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soning in this way, Fichte believes that he can deduce, first, the spatial
structure as a purely relational system, and, second, space as something in
which matter can appear. A thing in space, accordingly, would be much
like a thing in the Kantian analysis—a determinate appearance in an in-
finite framework of possible appearances. This infinite framework is what
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we mean by “space.”
In like manner, we can summarize briefly Fichte’s analysis of time.12 In-
asmuch as all these limitations are related to the self in exactly the same
way, there must be as well a structure of this sameness of all these represen-
tations, their differences as determinate limitations of the self notwith-
standing. From the perspective of the infinite reality of the Self, the self ’s
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being-limited is, in any imaginable case, the same, even though each par-
ticular limitation differs. From this sameness, Fichte attempts to deduce
the structure of time. From the perspective of the structure of time, every
moment within it is identical to every other moment. Because the self is
representing each moment, it is impossible to have two moments at the
same time. Moreover, the elementary act of the self ’s representing must be
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of such a kind that it can only represent one representation. This leads to
the Kantian idea of the successive syntheses.13
In the course of his Meditations, Fichte became aware that an unsatisfac-
tory aspect haunted the development of his theory. He had started from
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13. I. Kant, KrV A183/B226; English: CPR, pp. 300–301. Here Kant suggests that the ele-
ment can be occupied by only one sensation, and that therefore successive synthesis is un-
avoidable. Henrich maintains that this is one of the weaker arguments Kant offers for his
epistemology. Fichte tries to interpret the order of time as a subjective process in exactly the
same way as Kant, but he wants to arrive at the point from which Kant set out. Fichte later
refined these analyses, which made quite an impression on the philosophical public.
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the relation between subject and object, but as long as this duality re-
mained basic, the mediation of the opposition between the two of them
increasingly seemed to him to be impossible. When he started from the
opposition between self and not-self, Fichte used, but did not account for,
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the idea of the absolute ego. To be sure, he had provision for the ego, but he
had not yet developed a theoretical basis for its status as “absolute.” He
therefore felt as though he had to interpolate more and more elements in
order to make the relation intelligible.
Suddenly, and unexpectedly, an idea occurred to him: Why not start
from the concept of the subject alone rather than from the relation? Why
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not deduce the relation from the concept of the subject? From the outset,
Fichte had accepted Reinhold’s idea that one has to start from relation,
even though he developed it in a way that differed from Reinhold. Now,
however, he changed course, and began to believe that we should start
from the idea of the self. In his diary, Fichte writes:
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A spark of light: with only the formal principle, I cannot advance. It
drives me in an unending regress, without making possible the fact [of
consciousness]. Therefore I must have an unconditioned absolute [prin-
ciple]—a highest unity. That would possibly be the law of sufficient rea-
son—ultimately the categorical imperative. Until then, I would have to
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grasp the next principle, and again the next, and so forth. I might even
have to concede entirely new facts of consciousness. The self and the not-
self are in themselves absolutely conditioned.14
At this point, Fichte obviously became resigned. As related in a previous

lecture, several anecdotes tell of how Fichte, pausing from his long medita-
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tions and crossing the room from his desk to warm himself before the win-
ter stove, was seized by the thought that only the “I” can serve as the high-
est principle of philosophy: self and not-self are absolutely conditioned.
(That was the result that depressed him.) But can it be true also as far as
the Self is concerned? He returned to the desk and wrote: ‘Yes—the Self!
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14. J. G. Fichte, EM, p. 48. See also Lecture 10, note 17. Henrich observed that this posi-
tion comes very close to what Peter F. Strawson would say: nothing more can be found here.
Strawson writes: “What is meant by the necessary self-reflexiveness of a possible experience
in general could be otherwise expressed by saying that the experience must be such as to
provide room for the thought of experience itself. The point of the objectivity condition is
that it provides room for this thought.” Peter F. Strawson, Individuals: An Essay in Descriptive
Metaphysics (New York: Anchor Books, 1959), p. 107.
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198 Fichte
Pursue the Self ’s being-absolute.’ From the self as absolutely conditioned,

Fichte’s association of thoughts moved to the being-absolute of the Self:
“Gehe der Unbedingtheit des Ichs nach” (I must pursue the being-uncondi-
tioned of the Self). With this prospect, he felt much more comfortable.
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This is the origin of the “absolute Self ” in Fichte. Even the term origi-
nates here, although he already made use of the being-absolute of the Self
in his analysis (when he made all those bad mistakes, using negation in an
entirely different way, etc.). Fichte did not really pursue this idea immedi-
ately. In a sense, he already had presupposed it, but it is interesting to see
that he was in possession of important parts of his theory before he arrived
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at the concept of the absoluteness of the Self. Thus, the idea that opposi-
tion is basic to the mind is a different theory from the founding of philoso-
phy upon the concept of the Self.
One of the most significant achievements to emerge from the Medita-
tions is Fichte’s introduction, in conjunction with the absolute Self, of
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imagination. By virtue of his conception of imagination, Fichte came to ex-
ert far-reaching influence over the philosophy of art and even over the po-
etry of his age. Fichte conceived of art as an uncovering of the secret life of
the mind. It is not difficult to discern the problems Fichte encountered that
led him to introduce the notion of imagination.
Fichte had said, although in a way that he had yet to justify, that the Self
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is all reality. In C we have reality and negation, or what is the same, limita-
tion. How, we might ask, is this possible? In other words, if the Self is all re-
ality, how can there be reality in C? Fichte presupposes that there is reality
in C, but how can he presuppose this? The solution he proposes is that
there must be an activity in the self that is not only the occurrence of C,
but also the occurrence of C in a way that corresponds partially to A. Bear
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in mind that only A can give reality: according to Fichte’s presupposition,
A is all reality. So reality has to be given, inasmuch as there is no reality out-
side of A. But without having reality in C, there can be no mediation be-
tween reality and negation. It follows from this that only the Self ’s activity
can transfer reality from itself to C. Fichte is explicit in his choice of the
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term “transference.” By this transference of reality from A to C, C becomes
a representation. Now in itself, the Self (A) cannot be limited; and there is
no limitation unless there is a certain amount of reality in that limitation.
The activity of the Self that transfers reality to C is imagination. Without
this transference, representation (C) would be impossible.
This is actually a deepening of Kant’s theory of the creative role of the
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imagination. In Kant’s epistemology, the productive imagination generates

perceptions. Perception is, thus, according to Kant, an effect of the mind’s
activity—an insight that no one before Kant had grasped.15 Fichte is ac-
tually fascinated with the prospect of understanding this activity more
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profoundly. He invokes linguistic aspects of the term “imagination” that
might otherwise seem irrelevant, but that, in his use, gain significance.
A superficial definition of “imagination” might be that it is a faculty that
produces images (Latin imago, Greek eidos). Inasmuch as the word “im-
age” depends on the Greek eidos (form), however, another association is
possible. If image is form, imagination would be a faculty that also gives a
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definite shape to something. In German, the two senses of “image” and
“shaping” are the same as in the Greek: bilden simultaneously associates
“image” and “building something,” in a way roughly equivalent to the
sense of the English verb “to build.” Einbildungskraft (imagination) carries
with it the associations of the English verb “to build” and of the Greek
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noun eidos: perception and definite form. It is important to grasp how
these two senses correlate with one another. Just as something that we
build must be built into a Gestalt from a material, so also does perception
have a salient Gestalt. So understood, imagination generates a determinate
reality as it gives form to something. We may describe building or estab-
lishing something as bringing something in front of us so that we are able
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to look at it. With almost childlike glee we say: “Look! There it is, I have
built it.” What we have built has a stable, enduring form that permits us to
look at it. It is precisely this stability that keeps it from disappearing.
By transferring reality, imagination not only creates images, it also
brings something in front of the self. Within Fichte’s theory of the transfer-
ence of reality, this means that imagination’s bringing something in front
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of the self is conceptually identical with the process of transferring reality
to C. We can describe imagining ontologically as a transference of reality,
and we can describe imagining phenomenologically as a kind of building
of a reality in front of us.
But what does it mean to say that we have a “reality in front of us”? In
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15. I. Kant, KrV A120; English: CPR, p. 239. Kant writes in a note: “No psychologist has
yet thought that the imagination is a necessary ingredient of perception itself. This is so
partly because this faculty has been limited to reproduction, and partly because it has been
believed that the senses do not merely afford us impressions but also put them together, and
produce images of objects, for which without doubt something more than the receptivity of
impressions is required, namely a function of the synthesis of them.”
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200 Fichte
Fichte’s terms, it means we represent something; we look at it; we have a

representation of it. This is tantamount to saying that we can interpret
“representation” in terms of imagination’s transference of reality. This is
precisely what Fichte believes: imagination is a transference of reality,
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which is the same as bringing a determinate reality in front of us. This, he
claims, is exactly what we mean by representation. To speak as Fichte does,
by way of an ontological terminology, is simultaneously to build a termi-
nology that is useful for describing mental phenomena. This, after all, is
what Fichte wanted to accomplish.
But there is more. Imagination, as the process of the transference of real-
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ity, describes what representation is. Imagination not only interprets repre-
sentation; representation also interprets imagination. In this latter sense,
we can begin to elucidate another important aspect in the process of imag-
ination. For re-presentation (linguistically speaking) implies presenting
something in a reflexive way. The “re” in representation stands for the
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reflexive element, and the “presentation” stands for the giving of some-
thing, in the sense we have in ordinary usage of a “present” that we give to
somebody, or a “presentation” that is given on stage. So the element “to
present” is already incorporated linguistically in the meaning of “represen-
tation.”
We can summarize all of this by saying that by building reality into C,
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imagination represents. But since representation implies presentation, it
also presents something. At this juncture, Fichte shifts from the term vor-
stellen (representation), to the word darstellen (presentation). But what
now does representation present? As soon as I have arrived at presentation
from representation, the question “What is represented?” has an entirely
different meaning. In representation, of course, it would be the object that
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is represented. But what is presented in the representation in the sense of
darstellen? The answer is obvious: the self! For what was representation?
The transference of reality from A to C. So, in the ultimate analysis of rep-
resentation, a presentation takes place, a presentation of the self. Now, for
whom does it take place? For itself, certainly. If I analyze representation, it
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is on the surface a representation in the insignificant sense of something,
of a mere object. In a deeper analysis, however, it turns out to be a presen-
tation of the subject for itself.
We must, of course, keep in mind that all this can be gained only by a
linguistic analysis of what imagination means, of the ambiguity between
“building” and “having” images. It is also clear, however, that Fichte’s anal-
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ysis does not depend entirely on linguistic discovery. It is rather the other
way around: his idea of the transference of reality makes it possible to re-
discover this forgotten meaning of the term, a meaning that already de-
pends on Greek philosophical insights. What Fichte accomplishes by his
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analysis of imagination is the establishment of a connection between the
genuine Greek idea of form and the genuine modern idea of the self: in
imagination, the self gives a determinate form to itself (for-itself).
Perhaps we are now gaining some access into the way Fichte’s mind was
working. To be sure, he committed serious logical errors in the course of
developing this insight. Nonetheless, he was at least able to open a new
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prospect for philosophical inquiry. At the same time, he was keenly aware
that he could not yet define fully the theoretical underpinnings such a
prospect required. Hence his plea: ‘Please don’t make me a professor now!
I need more time.’ But the plea was not heeded.
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Fichte The Science of Knowledge (1794–1795)
14
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The Science of Knowledge
(1794 –1795)
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Fichte’s philosophy has the reputation of being one of the most paradoxi-
cal and opaque undertakings in the history of Western thought. I am con-
vinced, however, that we can make sense of this philosophy, but only by
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way of a genetic analysis of the conceptual constellations out of which the
idealistic positions emerge. Such an analysis allows us to understand the
conditions under which Fichte generated his philosophy, the intentions he
held that underlie his arguments, and the various attempts he made to
structure his theory. Once we have gained some familiarity with this back-
ground, it becomes possible for us to move more freely inside Fichte’s sys-
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tem. Apart from such knowledge, we would doubtless recur to the carica-
tures of Fichte’s philosophy that derive from the paralyzing effects of its
paradoxical theorems, its unstable terminology, and its apparently unjusti-
fied premises.
Once we leave the critics of Kant and begin to engage Fichte, the density
of philosophical thoughts and the preoccupation with systematic concerns
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increase significantly. Fichte is, after all, the first philosopher who tried to
carry through an idealistic system of philosophy. At the very least, we owe
him credit for the novelty of his program. I think, as well, that we must
grant him some leeway in light of the external pressures that were brought
to bear on him regarding publication. Fichte was well aware that these
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pressures prompted the premature presentation of his system, which he
very much regretted. Despite these regrets, Fichte would claim a decade
later that the Science of Knowledge, if read in the right way, already con-
tained everything for a complete interpretation of an idealistic system
of philosophy. Such pressures and revisionist thinking notwithstanding,
Fichte was, nonetheless, the first philosopher after Kant to conceive of a
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202
The Science of Knowledge (1794–1795) 203
philosophical theory in terms of which we can develop a comprehen-

sive image of human life. Even more, his theory encouraged and initiated
deeper experiences of this life. In spite of its weaknesses and its premature
publication, the influence of the Science of Knowledge was almost as great
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as that of the Critique of Pure Reason and Kant’s critical philosophy of free-
dom. The effects of Fichte’s work continued throughout the nineteenth
century and have not yet ceased. They have been most obviously evident in
the attempt to understand experiences captured and conveyed in modern
art and literature.
We have seen that there are two discoveries (right or wrong—they are at
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least original theories) on which Fichte founded his Science of Knowledge.
The first is the statement (against Reinhold) that opposition is the basic
structure of consciousness. The second is the statement (against Schulze)
that the self-referential character of consciousness is its basic feature, re-
quiring any analysis of the mind to be oriented entirely toward its self-ref-
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erential structure. It might well seem that these two discoveries are insepa-
rable from each other. In point of fact, Fichte made them independently of
one another, as he was developing his Science of Knowledge. From the point
of view of theory—as we have seen in Lectures 12 and 13 in our interpreta-
tion of Fichte’s Meditations—these two discoveries are also separable, to
some extent, from one another. Indeed, the separation, both factual and
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theoretical, of these two discoveries informs my method of interpreting the
Science of Knowledge.
Specifically, I intend first to abstract from Fichte’s theory of the absolute
Self (the highest principle of his philosophy) and to concentrate on those
parts of the Science of Knowledge in which he analyzes the structure of the
mind as opposition. I propose then, second, to turn to Fichte’s theory of
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self-consciousness. There is, no doubt, something artificial in this method,
inasmuch as we have seen that the way in which Fichte works out his idea
of the antithetical structure of the mind already depends on the assump-
tion that the Self is absolute. But to depend on the assumption is not to
build on an elaborated theory of the absoluteness of the Self. In the Medi-
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tations, Fichte does not make this assumption explicitly. He does so implic-
itly, however, and this is the root of a severe fallacy—namely, the step from
the stipulation that the object is simply opposed to the self to the defini-
tion of the not-self as entirely negative in character (by a contrast with a
Self that is all reality). We can only assume the legitimacy of this step in
terms of Fichte’s theory of the absoluteness of the Self, but he had not yet
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204 Fichte
developed that theory. The upshot of this is that we must place the first
part of our interpretation under a proviso: we can only justify Fichte’s as-
sumption of the absoluteness of the Self on the basis of analyses he devel-
oped later. So we must say that in order to eliminate the arbitrary and par-
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adoxical appearance of the absolute Self in the Meditations, we will have to
make the assumption meaningful by appealing to later theoretical develop-
ments.1
Under this proviso, it has been possible for us to explore Fichte’s deduc-
tions of time and space, as well as to pursue an interpretation of Fichte’s
theory of imagination. Imagination is that particular activity of the mind
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that makes the reconstruction of representation possible. According to the
analysis in Fichte’s Meditations, there must be a transference of reality to
what mediates between self and not-self in order for any mediation at all to
exist. By virtue of this transference, the self brings itself before itself, which
is equivalent to saying that it brings its own reality before itself. The self
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makes itself present to itself, and that is exactly what Fichte thinks “to rep-
resent” means. Understood in just this way, representation depends on
imaginative activity. To the extent that he could show that representation
was dependent on the structure of imagination, Fichte accomplished his
aim of digging deeper into the structure of mind than had Reinhold. In
delving into the imaginative life of the mind, Fichte found a way to arrive
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at the structure of representation, which had been the point of departure
in Reinhold’s analysis. We could, for the purposes of understanding the re-
lation between Fichte and Reinhold on this point, imagine the following
dialogue:
Reinhold: In consciousness there are subject and object.
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Fichte: Because self and not-self are there in opposition to one another.
Reinhold: And there is representation.
Fichte: Because the opposition has to be mediated.
Reinhold: The three of them are distinct from one another.
Fichte: Because they are thesis, antithesis, and synthesis.
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Reinhold: They are related to one another.
Fichte: Because imagination makes a real relationship possible.
Reinhold: And they are distinguished and related by the subject.
Fichte: They are distinguished because all positing, even the positing in
1. See Lecture 16, where Henrich takes up Fichte’s theory of the absoluteness of the Self.
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the antithesis, depends on the self; and they are related because
imagination is the transference of reality by the subject to
representation. Don’t you have to agree?
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This imagined dialogue is a rereading of Reinhold’s proposition on con-
sciousness from the point of view of Fichte’s elementary philosophy. It un-
derscores again the importance that we must attach to understanding the
context and theoretical disputes in whose midst Fichte developed his own
theory.
However much Fichte’s theoretical advances were watersheds for philo-
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sophical thinking, they were not what most impressed the public. It was,
instead, Fichte’s original and paradigmatic theory of the imagination that
had such enormous impact. Indeed, its effect extended beyond aesthetic
theory to the practicing arts and even further to the interpretation of basic
experiences of human life that neither psychology nor anthropology had
yet noticed.2
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What were the significance and the peculiarity of this theory of imagi-
nation? It achieved the dissolution of mental phenomena and mental states
into one single dynamic process that is mental. In this process, there are no
states and no phenomena, but only one basic activity of the mind and
those states into which it enters. This theory uncovered a deeper structure
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underlying our ordinary belief that the mind depends on the appearance
of bodies in the external world. It also demonstrated why conceding that
the mind’s structure is at least analogous to the persistence of physical sub-
stances is an inadequate and superfluous move: the mind’s structure is of
an entirely different kind. Accordingly, we need another ontology to ac-
count for the mind. The displacement of an ontology of things with an on-
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tology of processes occurs in Fichte’s interpretation of imagination.
The early readers of Fichte’s theory experienced it, above all, as a power-
ful confirmation of Kant’s defense of freedom. Not only is freedom the
keystone of the system of philosophy and the concept in terms of which we
can connect everything in a meaningful whole, but also some aspect of the
process of freedom seems to be identical with everything. In a word, free-
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dom becomes not merely the “keystone” but the single exclusive subject of
philosophy. To follow Fichte is to interpret everything in terms of a mental
process that turns out to be identical with what Kant meant by “freedom.”
Philosophers were also impressed with the prospect that one could carry
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206 Fichte
through an idealistic program. At the very least, Fichte seemed able to ar-
gue powerfully in favor of one of idealism’s most impossible claims—that
we can interpret the perception of things in terms of the mind’s relation to
itself. That Fichte rendered this paradoxical claim defensible was one of the
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impressive aspects of his theory of the imagination. For it is, after all, the
theory of the imagination that carries the burden of this proof. It offers the
demonstration in concreto that we can understand the world in terms of
the self-referential nature of the mind.
Fichte’s reconstruction of the genesis of our belief in the existence of an
external world is complex. To grasp it, we must include far-flung elements
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from various parts of the Science of Knowledge. In other words, the theory
of imagination is fundamental, but it is not complete. I shall try, first, to
present this complete account. Thereafter, I shall turn to the way in which
three of the most important and most influential doctrines, which were al-
most directly derived from it, actually used Fichte’s theory of the imagina-
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tion. These three are the theories of Friedrich Schlegel and Friedrich von
Hardenberg (Novalis), the two founders of the romantic theory of art, and
of Friedrich Hölderlin, the founder of a poetic theory. While these are pri-
marily theories of art, they are at the same time theories of the mind and
theories about the structure of historical processes. They derive both posi-
tively and negatively from Fichte, incorporating criticism of some of the
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basic general assumptions of Fichte’s Science of Knowledge, without which
these theories would not have come into existence. The existence of this
relation between the romantic theory of poetry and Fichte’s Science of
Knowledge is well known; unfortunately, despite extensive scholarship on
the subject, no explanation succeeds in being more than superficial. This is
due, in large measure, to the difficulties that have impeded successful
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Fichte interpretation.
To understand more fully Fichte’s investigation of our belief that the
mind depends on the appearance of bodies in the external world, we must
first look at the structure of the Science of Knowledge of 1794–1795.3 There
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3. During his lifetime, Fichte published three versions of the Grundlage der gesammten
Wissenschaftslehre. The first appeared under the title Grundlage der gesammten Wissen-
schaftslehre als Handschrift für seine Zuhörer, which the Leipzig publisher Christian Ernst
Gabler issued in June 1794 and July/August 1795. The second appeared with the “Grundriss
des Eigenthümlichen der Wissenschaftslehre” under the title Grundlage der gesammten Wis-
senschaftslehre und Grundriss des Eigenthümlichen der Wissenschaftslehre in Rüksicht auf das
theoretische Vermögen von Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Neue unveränderte Auflage. The Tübingen
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are three basic principles in this book, and I shall deal with these principles
later when we turn to the theory of self-consciousness. For now, we have to
accept them in their paradoxical form.
The first proposition is this: the Self begins by an absolute positing of its
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own existence. The second is as follows: the not-self is absolutely opposed
to the self. The third (leading to the introduction of the category of quan-
tity and the establishment of the relationship between the self and the not-
self via the category of limitation in the Self) is this: I oppose within the
Self a divisible not-self to the divisible self. We have to accept these propo-
sitions as they are, although we should read them in the tentative sense that
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we developed in our analysis of the Meditations. These three propositions
constitute the first three sections of the book.4
Section 4 has an ambiguous function in the book. First, Fichte tries to
show that this third principle—that in the Self I oppose the divisible not-
self to the divisible self (Section 3)—implies two further principles. The
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first—that the Self posits the not-self as limited by the self—is the princi-
ple that says that a limitation is imposed upon the not-self. The second—
that the Self posits itself as determinate by the not-self—is the principle
that says that limitation is imposed on the self.
These two implied principles are the basic propositions of two sciences
of knowledge that correspond to one another: the theoretical science of
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knowledge and the practical science of knowledge. The second of these
seems to be associated with ethics (cf. Kant’s practical philosophy and
practical reason), but this is not the meaning of the term that Fichte in-
tends. He has in mind instead the old meaning of the philosophia practica
universalis (universal practical philosophy) as Christian Wolff had devel-
oped it. But Fichte also has in mind even more than we can find in Wolff.
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publisher Johann Georg Cotta’sche Buchhandlung issued this version in January 1802. In the
same year, the third version was issued in Jena and Leipzig by Christian Ernst Gabler under
the title Grundlage der gesammten Wissenschaftslehre als Handschrift für seine Zuhörer von
Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Zweite verbesserte Ausgabe. More than twenty different presentations
of the Wissenschaftslehre survive in Fichte’s literary remains, many of which remain unpub-
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lished. The 1982 Heath and Lachs edition of the Wissenschaftslehre incorporates important
variants of the three versions listed above, although it primarily follows the F. Medicus
(1922) edition, which in turn is based upon the Jena-Leipzig edition.
4. J. G. Fichte, “Grundsätze der gesammten Wissenschaftslehre,” in GgW, pp. 255–282;
English: SK, pp. 93–119. Henrich here provides signposts to the structure of Fichte’s Wissen-
schaftslehre in order to enable the reader to find where the various elements of Fichte’s ge-
netic analysis of our belief in the existence of the external world are located.
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208 Fichte
He finds, for example, elements to be basic in cognition itself that tradi-

tionally had been separated from cognition and connected instead with
pleasure and action. Therefore, in Fichte’s Science of Knowledge, practical
philosophy becomes for the first time a part of epistemology, although it
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also includes the principles of ethics. Thus we have two corresponding sci-
ences of knowledge, the theoretical and the practical, both of which are
necessary in order to understand the generation of our image of the world
as an object of our knowledge.
Fichte’s arrangement of the Science of Knowledge into eleven sections is a
complete failure. Section 4 covers (1) the distinction between the two parts
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of the Science of Knowledge, and then (2) the foundation of the theoretical
science of knowledge, which is the investigation that leads ultimately to the
definition of imagination. (3) There is still a third part in Section 4 that
amounts to a sketch of the entire theoretical science of knowledge itself,
which leads, among other things, to understanding just in what “represen-
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tation” consists.
One would expect that Section 5 would at least correspond to the sec-
ond part of Section 4 and present the foundation of the practical science of
knowledge. Unfortunately, it does not. Instead, it is a new introduction to
the Science of Knowledge. We can explain the presence of this new intro-
duction in light of the fact that Fichte wrote the book throughout the en-
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tire year of 1794, distributing parts of it in class, with the result that he
wrote Section 5 nine months after he began to write the first three sections.
I urge you to read at least Section 5 of the Science of Knowledge (1794–
1795). Fichte himself always recommended it highly; he believed that he
had been able to find a better entrance into the foundation of the Science of
Knowledge in this section than he had in the book’s beginning. This new
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“entrance” into the Science of Knowledge in general is also a foundation of
the practical part of the Science of Knowledge; thus, the concept of striving
is basic here.
Returning to Section 4, imagination is the fundamental structure of the
theoretical mind, and it accounts (in the second part of the section) for
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what Fichte calls sensation (Empfindung). In the third part of Section 4, we
have a sketch of the theoretical science of knowledge, including under-
standing and the unity of apperception. Self-consciousness in the theoreti-
cal sense is entirely different from what Fichte means elsewhere when he
refers to the absolute Self, because apperception is something that is rele-
vant only for the mind as knower.
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Then we have Sections 6–11, which treat all the structures of the practi-
cal science of knowledge, and among which we shall explore references to
drive, feeling, and longing. (I have changed a little of what you will actually
find in the Science of Knowledge on perception, following Fichte’s short
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book of 1795. That year he took a leave of absence because of student un-
rest at the university—they threw stones through his window and he left
the university in protest. Capitalizing on his unexpected free time, he
authored a short work that became one of his finest: Grundriss des Eigen-
thümlichen der Wissenschaftslehre.5 There he makes those distinctions that
are not actually made in the Science of Knowledge itself.)
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This brief digression into the structure of the book affords us a glance at
Fichte’s integration of theoretical and practical structures into one an-
other. We might summarize its structure thematically in the following way:
looking for the foundation of our belief in the existence of the external
world, we have to concentrate on the structure of imagination, which cov-
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ers the structure of sensation; then the structure of perception (intuition);
and ultimately, the structures of drive, feeling, and longing. We could also
include the structure of understanding, but that is derivative and does not
constitute our original image of the world—it, rather, organizes it. So we
have three elements in the generation of our image of the world: first,
imagination as that which explains sensation; second, intuition (or percep-
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tion) as the way in which the mind becomes aware of sensation as such
(and for that reason of something that is different from sensation and cor-
related to it); and, third, drives, feeling, and longing, and the interrelation
between these practical structures and the theoretical structures of the
mind.
I will postpone for now the question of method, of the way in which
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Fichte deals with these structures. It is important to give such an analysis,
because Fichte has different ideas as to how opposition can be mediated in
consciousness; he has no monolithic definition of the dialectical method.
This is important in light of Hegel, particularly the distinction between the
dialectic in Hegel’s Logic and in his Phenomenology—these also are differ-
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ent formal structures. The distinction between the two of them depends on
various types of dialectical argumentation that Fichte first introduced in
the Science of Knowledge. For instance, the dialectic of the Phenomenology
corresponds to the method Fichte uses when he moves from sensation to
5. J. G. Fichte, GEW; English: ODCW.
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210 Fichte
intuition to understanding, and ultimately to self-consciousness. It is in-

compatible with the dialectic he uses in Section 4, however, where he ar-
rives at the structure of imagination. (We won’t worry about this now;
we’ll just postpone the problem.)
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We have finally arrived at Fichte’s second analysis of imagination—the
first one (from the Meditations) we discussed in Lecture 13.6 There are six
steps to be distinguished in this second analysis; and, of course, we have to
use the terminology of the first sections that we have not yet discussed.
Therefore, we will have to use the terms in an unjustified way, in order to
understand what he says about imagination and the generation of the im-
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age we have of the world.
1. The self has to limit itself. This was the second principle implied by
the third general proposition—namely, that the self posits itself as deter-
mined by the not-self. The self has to limit itself; and such limiting is possi-
ble only if it excludes something from itself and attributes to the not-self
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what is excluded from the self as soon as it becomes a determinate (lim-
ited) self. “Being limited” means “not being characterized in terms of
something,” that is, of a certain series of predicates; and saying that the self
is not characterized by those predicates means attributing those predicates
to the not-self.
2. But how is it possible that the self can be related to the not-self, so that
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its determinate sphere of reality is related to the opposed reality, which is
attributed to the not-self? According to the ultimate principles of the anal-
ysis, nothing but the self can perform the relating that is required in order
to have a limited self at all. Without any relation between the self and the
not-self, there would not be any limited self. Having a relation between the
not-self and the self, however, requires explanation (as we saw in the pre-
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ceding lecture). Therefore, in order to have the self as limited (and it has to
be posited as limited, according to the principles of the theoretical science
of knowledge), the absolute activity of the Self somehow has to intervene
between the self and the not-self and to establish the relationship between
the two of them. The establishment of this relation cannot be accom-
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plished by a limited self, but instead must be done by an (absolute) Self, in-
sofar as it is not limited.
3. This absolute activity that intervenes cannot, however, be the activity
of the self that is in the state of being limited. Therefore, it must be the ac-
6. Fichte’s second analysis of imagination occurs at various places within the Wissen-
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schaftslehre, but most specifically in GgW, pp. 358ff; English: SK, pp. 193ff.
tivity of the Self that is independent from any particular limitation; the ac-
tivity of the Self, not of the (in a particular way) limited self, is the one that
accounts for the possibility of a relationship between the self and the not-
self, insofar as the self is limited. So we have the self twice: the limited self
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in the correlation and the absolute Self as somehow establishing the corre-
lation.
4. But the activity that intervenes and mediates is also identified with the
self that is limited, for this mediation is nothing but the mediation between
the determinate self and the determinate not-self. Its operation is nothing
but an operation between the two limited states. The Self is nowhere
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“above” the relation. For that reason, saying that it is the Self ’s absolute ac-
tivity, and saying nothing but that, amounts to identifying the limited self
entirely with that absolute activity. That, of course, cannot happen. The
limited self, because of its being limited, cannot have an absolute activity.
5. Accordingly, the specific limitation into which the Self has entered
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also has to be annihilated. The absolute activity that establishes the rela-
tionship has to free itself from this particular limitation, in order to be able
to accomplish what it is supposed to do—namely, to mediate between de-
terminate states. We can express this in an ordinary way: consciousness is
always more than any one of its particular states.
6. But of course, the absolute activity, which, in order to mediate, also
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has to separate itself from the limitation, cannot separate itself entirely
from all limitations. It cannot eliminate the not-self altogether, for every-
thing stands under the premise of the being-posited of the self as limited.
Thus limitation in general cannot be ruled out. This leaves only one way
for the operation of this absolute activity: it has to dissolve any particular
state of limitation. But any single dissolution leads immediately to the es-
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tablishment of another state of limitation of the mind, and that state again
has to be annulled. As Fichte sometimes expresses himself, the absolute ac-
tivity as absolute—as being different from the activity of the limited self—
cannot free itself entirely; it has to enter another state of limitation, again
and again, infinitely.
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This is the process of imagination—the bringing about of a determinate
state in the mind; abolishing it, thus proving the absoluteness of the medi-
ating activity; and then entering into another state, and so on. Fichte de-
scribes all this in the language of action:
This interplay of the self, in and with itself, whereby it posits itself at once
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as finite and infinite—an interplay that consists, as it were, in self-conflict
212 Fichte
and is self-reproducing, in that the self endeavors to unite the irreconcil-

able, now attempting to receive the infinite in the form of the finite, now,
baffled, positing it again outside the latter, and in that very moment seek-
ing once more to entertain it under the form of finitude—this is the
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power of imagination.7
This is the language of action, but the entire process should not be under-
stood as an attempt to eliminate the not-self, even though it is ordinarily
described that way in the secondary literature. Rather, the process is en-
tirely self-referring. For that reason, Fichte can also easily change his lan-
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guage, so that the language of action disappears and the process of this in-
terplay becomes much more playful and much smoother.
The entering of the state, the abolishing of the state, and the reentering
it is a continuous process. When Fichte has these images in mind, he
uses the term schweben—“wavering” and / or “hovering” are the standard
translations of this term. We can distinguish two elements in the process of
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wavering. The first consists in the one who wavers, and as he has an incli-
nation toward two sides, performs movements toward both sides inter-
changeably. The one who can move that way—and this is the second ele-
ment—flows in the air, being independent from any fixed state; he hovers,
or freely relates to the opposite inclinations that he has. I do not really
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know which is the better word, “wavering” or “hovering”; it is important
that the term covers both elements, this double inclination to two opposite
sides and this moving freely in the air. The German term schweben has
both meanings—possibly there is no English word that covers it in exactly
the same way. One has to have in mind a glider or a sea gull in order to
have an image of this process. The word schweben associates the sea gull
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flying against a light wind.
With this theory, Fichte wants to explain, first, that any determinate state
of the mind is continued. That is a rather trivial observation, but it also fo-
cuses on a fact that is quite basic to the mind. For Fichte wants to explain,
in terms of this doctrine, time—the temporal dimension of the mind. The
flow of time: What is it originally? It is the annihilation and the restora-
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tion, the immediate restoration, of any finite state of the mind. The mind is
in a certain state: this would be a nontemporal situation, but then the state
is sublated—it comes to an end, but only the state, not the content of it.
Rather, its coming to an end is almost identical with its being reestablished
7. J. G. Fichte, GgW, pp. 358–359; English: SK, p. 193.
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again, state followed by state. Therefore, no sensation is merely momen-

tary; it is continued. The continuation of a sensation is to be analyzed basi-
cally in terms of an activity of the mind; it is the mind that does it.
For this reason, the mind always foresees the future; it is originally re-
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lated to the future. The existentialist analysis and the phenomenological
analysis of time consciousness appear here for the first time; such analyses
are not present in Kant, who always has a basic gulf between the structure
of the self and the temporal structure of experience. Fichte tries, in terms
of his analysis of imagination, to prove that the temporal structure of the
mind is not contingent, but is rather one of the basic features of any imagi-
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nable self. Time is not imposed on the mind; the mind finds itself only in
the temporal sequence of its states.
The second point Fichte wants to make involves the change in the con-
tent of sensations. He does not claim that sensations are caused by imagi-
nation; the idea of a cause of the content of sensations does not emerge
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until his practical science of knowledge. Once different sensations occur,
however, the mind can freely recompose and change them. In fact, it ac-
tually has to do that. This is another aspect of the mind: the productive en-
ergy of imagination. Because the basic energy of the mind involves con-
stantly placing itself in different states, the mind at some time has to play
with all the sensations that occur to it. This implies—although Fichte does
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not say so—that dreaming is an essential element of human life. Dreaming
is, so to speak, one of the elementary experiences of freedom.8
So far, of course, we do not have any object. This is an important point to
note for understanding Fichte’s theory. The not-self is only the idea of
what is not represented now, of what is representable, but it is not at this
time part of my acquaintance. The not-self is only a limiting principle in
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the absolute Self. (We shall see that more clearly when we turn to the anal-
ysis of self-consciousness.) The sensations of imagination—the states in
which imagination puts the mind—are not related to the world, which is
8. For Henrich, the explanation of dreaming stands as an important philosophical sub-
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ject. He views Fichte as the first philosopher to offer a theory that could possibly account for
the continuity of dreams. Fichte’s theory turns on a notion of a particular activity that builds
a world. Within this activity, consciousness in a state of dreaming can be understood as re-
lated to itself so that it experiences itself as wavering, or as moving into and out of states
freely. It is thus not really determined by anything that could adequately be described as an
object. At the same time, however, this consciousness also experiences itself as recomposing
all the elements of the world that had earlier been made available to the mind.
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214 Fichte
entirely different from the self. The idea of such a world has not yet come
to the mind, which is still nothing but the sensing mind, nothing but imag-
ination. That this relation to a world (which is different from the mind) is
generated is to be explained, says Fichte, by a methodological principle—
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one with which we are already familiar, although not in this particular ap-
plication. The principle is the general one that “the mind is only for the
mind” (or, “the faculty of representation exists only for the faculty of rep-
resentation”). This has an implication that we will come to again when we
analyze Fichte’s theory of self-consciousness. The implication suggests that
what happens in the mind must be posited for it; that is, the mind must
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have an awareness of it.
In terms of this methodological principle, Fichte makes his initial steps
toward the deduction of the belief in an external world. First, sensations
are nothing but states of the mind. In order to know them as mental, that
is, to have them for the mind as such, we must distinguish sensations from
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something that is not mental at all. In other words, in order for sensations
to be mental, we need to differentiate them from what is not mental.9 In
order to become aware of itself, the mind has to introduce freely a mental
construct of something that corresponds to the sensations, which is the
image of the external world.
Second, once we are able to think of sensations as somehow having
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something corresponding to them, we have perceptions. So construed, sen-
sations are not now states of the mind; they are correlated to something
that is not mental: they are of something. At this point, the closed, self-re-
lating system of the mind is opened for the first time. What all interpreta-
tions heretofore missed is the important point that the not-self is different
from the self in quantity. This means that the not-self is also something dif-
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ferent from the self with respect to its qualities and its properties. If the self
is “sensing red,” for instance, an opposed concept of the not-self would be
“green.” Obviously we would not say that red is “of green.” The correlation
between the self and not-self is not the same as the one that pertains be-
tween a perception and the object of that perception. The object of a per-
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ception corresponds to the quality of the sensation. It differs only insofar
9. J. G. Fichte, GgW, pp. 436–437; English: SK, pp. 272–273. Fichte’s statement is tanta-
mount to saying that the “me” requires an “it,” a claim serving as a powerful argument
against a private, i.e. solipsistic, language. Fichte does in fact make use of this kind of argu-
ment here, although the strategy only became widely known with Wittgenstein. See L.
Wittgenstein, PU, pp. 871–888, §§ 240–293; English: PI, pp. 88e–100e.
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as it is not mental. Otherwise, it has basically the same properties as the

mental state. What corresponds to the sensation in quality is, therefore, a
construct of the mind. Moreover, it is a necessary construct, because the
mind has to know the mental as mental. To the question “What is the
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world?” we may now offer the following answer: it is the indeterminate di-
mension of correlates to the states of our minds. This is the second element
in Fichte’s explanation of the origin of our belief in the external world.
We still lack the third element. So far we have merely the idea of correla-
tion. We do not have an idea, however, of an external cause that would lead
us to construe the perception as caused by an object. In Fichte’s terminol-
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ogy, there is no “transference” of the idea of activity into the external
world. We do not have “the thing” that effectuates something, that “affects”
our sense organs (in Kant’s terminology), and so forth. At this point we do
not yet have the body, which Fichte deduced entirely in the practical Sci-
ence of Knowledge.
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To complete this image will be to see the origins of the romantic theory
of art and the romantic temperament. While Fichte wants to account for
all mental phenomena, I have selected this single topic for the lecture that
follows because it is decisive for the justification of an idealistic system. We
can then turn to Fichte’s theory of self-consciousness.
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Fichte Theories of Imagination and Longing
15
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Theories of Imagination and Longing
and Their Impact on Schlegel,
Novalis, and Hölderlin
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It is now possible for us to imagine something of the impression that
Fichte made when he offered his philosophical theory.1 Within the context
we have established, we can see that Fichte’s theory is both idealistic and
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not at all absurd. So far I have interpreted two aspects of Fichte’s theory
about our belief in the existence of an external world, both of which he
treats in the theoretical science of knowledge. The first aspect is that the
mind introduces a mental construct of the external world; the second is
that this world is the indeterminate (i.e., nonmental) dimension of corre-
lates to the states of our minds. Fichte treats the third aspect, which con-
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cerns the external cause of our states of mind—the body—in his practical
science of knowledge, thereby completing his answer to this decisive ques-
tion for any idealistic position. Having dealt with imagination and intu-
ition (or perception), that is, with the establishment of a correlate between
the states of the mind and something that is not mental, we still have not
gotten to the idea of an external cause of our states of mind. We have no
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idea of the world insofar as it might resist our activities—of the thing that
has power, for instance, and the world where there are energies, and so on.
So far, we have only structural correlates in perception.
1. Two problems will remain after this lecture: first, Fichte’s primary and most interesting
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philosophical achievement—the introduction of the theory of the self-referential structure
of consciousness into philosophy. That is a problem connected with the highest point of his
philosophy, to which Henrich will turn in the next lecture. Second, there is also the problem
everyone will encounter right at the start in reading Fichte, namely, the relationship between
that strange “Self,” that is in some sense absolute, and the individual self. This is traditionally
stated as the problem of a relationship between the absolute and the empirical self. It was
one of the problems with which Fichte was constantly struggling and could not solve.
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216
Theories of Imagination and Longing 217
The belief that the things in the world are powerful, have force, and af-
fect our minds depends on the practical nature of the mind. In other
words, this belief depends on another way in which the self responds to the
basic fact of its being opposed to the not-self. Here we need to recall the
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third proposition in the Science of Knowledge: in the (absolute) Self, I op-
pose the divisible self to the divisible not-self. In this proposition, we
found two further principles: one is the guiding principle of the theoretical
science of knowledge; the other, the guiding principle of the practical sci-
ence of knowledge. This latter principle states the following: the Self posits
the not-self as being limited by the self. The relationship between the self
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and the not-self permits only limited states of the self. Fichte calls the pro-
cess of entering and leaving these states “imagination.” In addition, he es-
tablishes the correlates of these states, which are perceptions. The classi-
fication of these states and of other ways of ordering them is, finally, the
intellectual activity of understanding, which (naturally enough) depends
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very much on what imagination has already accomplished.
In the practical science of knowledge, however, Fichte establishes a dy-
namic relation between self and not-self. This is a somewhat tricky point
for us to interpret, in that Fichte still wants to have the not-self as an ab-
stract, unspecified opposite of the self. He does not want to account for
the existence of contingent states of the mind—red, sweet, and so forth—
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in terms of the not-self. Indeed, he actually concedes that he has no ac-
count of the existence of these states. In his view, philosophical theory can-
not explain them. They are, so to speak, an absolute contingency, but,
nonetheless, an absolute contingency in the mind. The not-self remains
only an abstract opposite to the structure of the self as such. You will recall
from Fichte’s Meditations that all limitation belongs neither to the original
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not-self nor, of course, to the Self as such, but only to the mediating pro-
cess. Fichte observes this important implication of the Science of Knowl-
edge in his practical theory, as well. All practical states of the mind are
nothing but ways in which the original opposition is worked out in con-
sciousness. In the practical domain, the self is originally and actively op-
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posed to the not-self, so that it not only responds to its being limited by the
not-self, but also opposes itself directly to any limitation. As a conse-
quence, the self develops a sequence of states of awareness of this active re-
lationship with the not-self.
This sounds a little paradoxical, even as an interpretation of Fichte’s par-
adoxical theory. A careful reader of the Science of Knowledge will soon find
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218 Fichte
out, however, that this is, as a matter of fact, the structure of the practical
science of knowledge. Somehow the structure is still self-referential: the ac-
tivity of the self does not really affect the not-self. Instead, the self operates
simply in opposition against the abstract not-self. It is not difficult to dis-
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cern why the practical science of knowledge has this structure. Even moral
consciousness, the ultimate state of the development of practical aware-
ness, results from a process in which the self assimilates the limitation of its
original activity. Moral consciousness does not eliminate the not-self in
any possible sense, but is a self-assimilation of the being-limited of the self.
Although this sounds very much like the Freudian notion of “sublima-
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tion,” it differs considerably in that moral consciousness is also the highest
awareness of the active nature of the self that is possible.
Let me outline briefly the practical structures of the Science of Knowl-
edge. The self tries to limit the not-self, but it cannot abolish it. The not-
self ’s limiting activity is opposed to the self ’s limiting activity. Construed
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in just this way, the self ’s original practical constitution is a striving.2 Fichte
describes this striving as infinite with respect both to its intention and to
its extent. This striving is not in any sense limited internally. Nonetheless,
as striving, it is associated with limitations. Fichte describes this activity in
a sketchy way: it is a cause that is not a specific actual cause, but instead a
striving that is not limited internally.
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Fichte now applies the law of the necessity of reflection.3 There must be
a consciousness of this striving, which means that striving becomes an ob-
ject of thought. But if striving becomes an object of thought, it becomes
something determinate. What begins as indeterminate striving becomes
determinate, once it is an object of thought. We may well wonder what this
object is which simultaneously has the nature of striving. Fichte’s answer:
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“This object is a drive.”4 The distinction between striving as origin and
drive as determinate makes it possible to explain the self-reproducing
structure of the striving: the striving continues itself in existence as a par-
ticular and determinate drive and not an abstract striving to which we can
attribute nothing concrete.
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We come now to the next step in Fichte’s account: in the drive, only the
striving-as-such is posited.5 Striving-as-such is the active element in the
3. J. G. Fichte, GgW, p. 419; English: SK, p. 254.
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practical opposition between self and not-self. The being-limited of the

self in striving also has to be posited, however; there needs to be an explicit
awareness of the limitation of the self in striving in the same sense in
which there is an explicit awareness of the striving-as-such. This con-
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sciousness of limitation must be incorporated into the consciousness of
the drive itself. This is due to the fact that consciousness of limitation and
consciousness of striving-as-such are usually dependent on one another.
Indeed, in Fichte’s view, there is posited in the drive that with reference to
which the limitation takes place. For this reason, drive and its limitation
have to be posited in a way that permits the two of them to be incorpo-
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rated into one another. Fichte describes the state of having such an aware-
ness as a “feeling.”6 In his view, feeling presupposes the existence of a drive.
Being in a state of feeling, then, is tantamount to the explicit awareness of
the being-limited of the drive’s fulfillment.
Fichte’s analysis of drive structures brings us to the third constituent of
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our belief in the external world: drive structures in themselves reveal a lim-
itation.7 As Fichte understands them, these structures are a forced, al-
though active, self-reference. They go together with the feeling of being put
into a particular state. This amounts to saying that a particular state, one
that does not derive from the drive itself, is imposed on the drive structure.
What emerges from this is a double awareness of an internal determinate-
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ness of a striving (i.e., the drive structure) and of the feeling that goes with
it (i.e., the feeling of an imposition on the mind). It is this double aware-
ness that marks the origin of our belief in an active external world. In a
word, only the practical nature of the mind affords us an explanation of
why we experience the world as a source of our limitation. It is, indeed,
only in this practical dimension of the mind that we can attribute energy
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to the correlates of our sensations. So while we have established the idea of
a correlate to our sensations (image of the world) and the indeterminate
nature of these correlates (as the nonmental), it is actually only in the prac-
tical dimension that these correlates gain energy.
We can further elucidate this idea by saying that the self is aware of itself
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as being in a particular state. This particular state is the state of feeling as-
sociated with a drive. Such a state is not compatible with the self ’s nature
as striving, as infinitely trying to limit only the not-self and nothing more.

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220 Fichte
For this reason, an awareness of an active process of transcending all par-

ticular feeling has to be generated. This awareness of transcending all par-
ticular feeling cannot, however, annihilate the not-self. Fichte conceives of
this awareness as a quasi-drive that goes beyond all imaginable finite states
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of the mind; he calls this quasi-drive longing, and it is a longing for the per-
fect self, for the entirely independent self. Indeed, it is a yearning for the ul-
timate overcoming of all limitations imposed by the not-self.8 In its ac-
tuality, longing operates in our mind in a way that is nothing but the
process of transcending all particular finite states, and of defining all imag-
inable states of the mind as those that are not the one for which the self is
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longing. Longing is thus as infinite as striving; it extends beyond any imag-
inable concrete mental states. Whether or not we know it, all of us are in
this state of longing, according to Fichte. Even more, this drive to tran-
scend all finite states of the mind operates simultaneously as a drive to ex-
change any feeling we actually have. So understood, the infinite alteration
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of the states of mind in which we find ourselves can be seen as a conse-
quence of the existence of longing in the mind.
To pursue this theory of longing is to see that it is the origin of a mani-
fold in the mind. This is a manifold not only of temporal states, as was the
case when we interpreted imagination, but also of concrete contents. Ac-
cordingly, longing corresponds to the wavering of imagination, the process
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in which the mind enters and leaves its various states.9 These states can dif-
fer with respect to their content, or can be merely a temporal continuation
of the same state. So understood, longing accounts for the mind’s nature
insofar as it exchanges its states (i.e., content) as rapidly as possible. To put
this in another way, longing accounts for the restlessness of the mind.
Up to this point we have no more than states of the mind. We have not
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moved beyond Fichte’s special kind of an adverbial theory of sensations,
even though we do have, theoretically speaking, correlates to sensation
(perception). What remains is the task of incorporating the notion that the
feelings in the structure of perception are “caused.” We need not pursue
the further steps of this theory, however, as the idea of this idealist program
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has certainly become clear enough.
It is now possible for us to see one of the basic difficulties of an idealistic
system. While such a system can account for the origin of our belief in the

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external world by depending on the self-reference of the mind, it cannot

explain the concrete feelings and sensations we actually have, such as red
or sweet. Fichte, surprisingly, has enough courage to declare that he cannot
explain the existence of the particular, concrete manifold of feelings and,
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further, that he does not think any such explanation can be given. He flatly
asserts that a transcendental theory is the only possible philosophical the-
ory, and that it cannot give such an explanation. Fichte is also consistent
enough to avoid saying that the not-self is that which explains the occur-
rence of these concrete states. Had he said that, he would have weakened
his entire theory. The not-self has to remain the abstract opposite of the
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structure of the self as such in order for us to arrive at an idealistic theory.
In sum, then, Fichte offers the first idealistic theory that concedes and ac-
cepts an absolute contingency of the particular qualities of senses. Even so,
these qualities are phenomena of the mind and only of the mind; we can-
not attribute them to anything outside it. What is outside the mind is
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nothing but a construct of the self-reference of the mind itself, so this con-
tingency lies in the mind itself, in the form of concrete sensations.10
10. Fichte writes: “As we have said, we produce an image spontaneously; it is easy to ex-
plain and to justify how we are able to view this image as our product and to posit it within
ourselves. But this image is also supposed to correspond to something outside of us—to
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something which was neither produced nor determined by the image, to something which
exists independent of the image and in accordance with its own laws. It is not easy to see
what right we have to make such a claim, or even to see how we could ever come to make
this claim at all—unless we have at the same time an immediate intuition of the thing. If we
convince ourselves that such an immediate intuition is necessary, we will not be able to resist
for very long the conviction that the thing [which is directly intuited] must lie within our-
selves, since we cannot act directly upon anything except ourselves. . . . The thing is posited
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in this way insofar as the completely determined image is related to it. There is present a
completely determined image, that is, a property (the color red, for example). In addition, a
thing must also be present if the required relationship is to be possible. Both are to be syn-
thetically united by an absolute action of the I. The thing is supposed to be determined by
the property. The thing must not, therefore, be determined by the property prior to the [ab-
solute] action or independent of it. The thing must be posited as something to which this
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property can either pertain or not pertain. For the I, a thing’s set of properties or constitu-
tion is posited as contingent only because an action is posited. And precisely because its con-
stitution is contingent, the thing shows that it has been presupposed to be a product of the
I—a product to which nothing pertains except being. . . . The result of our inquiry is the fol-
lowing proposition: If the reality of a thing (qua substance) is presupposed, all the properties
of the thing are posited as contingent. Hence they are indirectly posited as products of the I.”
J. G. Fichte, GEW, pp. 181–184; English: ODCW, pp. 280–283.
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222 Fichte
It is not difficult to see that longing and wavering are two very appealing
terms. As elementary ways of the self ’s self-awareness, so-called higher
forms of awareness depend on them. Among these are the moral self and
the subject as knower (Kant’s transcendental apperception), which are ade-
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quate realizations of the mind’s nature. Hence it is sometimes incorrect to
say, as does Kant, that longing and wavering are inferior states of the mind
compared to morality and intellectual discourses. For Fichte, imagination
is absolutely basic, and without longing, imagination is empty. Doubtless,
the relationship between what was traditionally construed as reason and
other structures of self-awareness does not accord perfectly with the sur-
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face impression Fichte’s philosophy makes on us—the impression of a the-
ory of an excessive activism. That impression is probably based more on
Fichte’s moral sermon on the transformation of the world into a civilized
universe than by his transcendental theory. Put another way, this notorious
sermon is both supported and made possible by his transcendental theory,
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which has a markedly different structure and ethos that arise from the ba-
sic processes of wavering and longing.11
Fichte’s infamous claim that “freedom is all” is doubtless subject to cari-
cature, but we can read this claim with nuance and subtlety. To say that
freedom is all is an identification, which means that we can say equally that
all is freedom. Hence, imagination is already freedom. In Fichte’s philoso-
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phy, we cannot confine, as does Kant, the rise of freedom to the appearance
of the universe. Freedom is also the rise to nobility of what has tradition-
ally been excluded from freedom—imagination and longing. Hence, what
does not seem at all to be freedom is really freedom. This is the arresting
paradox of his analysis.12
To see the prominent position of imagination and longing in Fichte’s
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theory is to see how romantic theory could emerge from the Science of
Knowledge. As we have seen, Fichte introduces longing and imagination as
elementary structures of consciousness in order to account for such a basic
11. J. G. Fichte, Die Anweisung zum seeligen Leben, oder auch die Religionslehre [1806],
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ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Gliwitzky, in GA, vol. I,9 (1995), pp. 1–212; English: The Way
Toward the Blessed Life, or the Doctrine of Religion, trans. William Smith (London: John
Chapman, 1849).
12. This is also one of the important presuppositions for Fichte’s later Wissenschaftslehre.
Without it, the transformation of the Wissenschaftslehre into a theory of God as infinite
life—a theory that borders on the mystical, in some sense—would be absolutely unintel-
ligible.
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phenomenon as time. Imagination and longing are part of the theoretical

construction of the unity of the mind. It is by no means accidental that we
can associate imagination and longing with forms of mental experience
more common to our ordinary discourses. The mind is, after all, a contin-
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uum, but other than in this elementary discourse Fichte never offered an
analysis of imagination and longing in an ordinary sense. While longing
and wavering as transcendental structures account for such basic features
of mental life as temporal sequence, they also can assume a range of other
resonances. We readily associate other features with imagination and, espe-
cially, with longing. And Fichte not only avoids opposing himself to such
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associations, but also encourages them. He wants to say that what seems to
be only an occasional state in which we find ourselves—for example, long-
ing—is in fact an omnipresent, underlying feature of all our experiences.13
And only by thus showing that they are omnipresent, underlying features
can the reconciliation of life and philosophy take place, declares Fichte in
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the Science of Knowledge. Theoretical analysis and an enlightened life thus
speak the same language.
Romantic theory does not embrace Fichte’s epistemological idealism in
the austere sense that all we actually know is the self-reflection of the self.
In one way or another, the romantics subscribed to the criticism that,
emerging as early as 1795, targeted the foundation of Fichte’s system. A
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new combination of a one-dimensional philosophical system and the phi-
losophy of immediacy issued from this criticism.14 Indeed, Hegel’s encoun-
ter with this criticism of Fichte marked a decisive turn in his philosophical
biography. As we shall soon see, Hegel depends almost entirely on this
early criticism of Fichte for his interpretation of him. This criticism was
indeed telling, and it illuminated the reasons why most of Fichte’s follow-
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ers believed it unavoidable to break the circle of the self ’s being enclosed in
itself. This belief was tantamount to the conviction that the mental process
Fichte had outlined now had to be cast in another context.
Within the context of the Science of Knowledge, Fichte actually uncov-
ered a process of the manifestation of some infinite principle, which differs
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from the self ’s relation to itself in the dynamic process of the mind, but
which nonetheless manifests itself within the mind. Even though this dis-
13. For Henrich, this makes Fichte in some sense the first existentialist. What intrigues
Henrich is that Fichte, unlike many existentialists, actually has a theory—most of the others,
Henrich laments, tend to lack such an apparatus.
14. See the table in Lecture 5, p. 77.
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224 Fichte
covery contradicts decisive premises of the Science of Knowledge, it is not

entirely absurd. Indeed, Fichte confirms this path of interpretation in the
later versions of the Science of Knowledge (from 1801 on). To be sure, these
later versions remain incompatible with the romantics’ intentions, as well
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as with Hegel’s philosophy. For this reason, it is entirely wrongheaded to
claim that romantic poetry and, especially, the romantic theory of art and
literature are nothing other than Fichte’s theory of the infinite self-assur-
ance of the finite self. Interestingly enough, Hegel mistakenly interpreted
the romantics in just this way. The romantics themselves, however, thought
differently. Their view was that the ultimate reality cannot be found by an
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analysis of the objective world, but instead reveals itself in the life of the
mind. In this respect their views accord with Fichte’s.
Where the romantics differ from Fichte is their conviction that the mind
operates in various directions and along many lines. The antagonism of
the mind’s performances and its tendencies, and the various ways in which
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the mind is involved in parts and affairs of the world, and, indeed, the ex-
periences to which those tendencies give rise, have to be incorporated into
the interpretation of mental life. But no one of them can be conceived as
the ultimate adequate relationship to the unfolding of life. Instead, all of
them are equally legitimate. They are necessary moments in the approxi-
mation of what there is in an image of the world that is not to become one-
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sided, and, as such, inadequate. So what there “really is” we may best de-
scribe as the sum of all to which we can possibly be exposed, as well as all
that we can possibly perform and undergo.
Now, we have access to the internal unity of this sum of experiences only
in the coherent, meaningful sequence of the experiences themselves. This
amounts to the claim that there is no direct access to what manifests itself
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in the mind. Rather, the unity of all these things is the way in which the
manifestation takes place, and only in this sequence do we become aware
of this underlying unity. It is precisely in this sense then that the romantics
say that the way is the truth: it follows, then, that the one who understands
the way knows all one can know about life. But this also means that all
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finite states of the way (of the mental process) have to be transcended. Be-
fore we can understand the unity of the way, we must first learn that we
cannot arrive at any final destination or resting place. The true ‘destina-
tion’ for the romantics is simply being enlightened about the way. In this
enlightenment we find our ‘rest.’ Simply put, it is the inner restfulness of
the traveler.
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It would not require much of us to imagine how these ideas might

evolve into a theory of the work of art. At the same time, the extent to
which these theories depend on Fichte’s discoveries would become readily
evident. To see how this might be so, let me sketch briefly the fundamental
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insights that Friedrich Schlegel, Novalis (Friedrich von Hardenberg), and
Friedrich Hölderlin developed.
In the journal Europa, which he edited in 1803, Schlegel writes: “The
present epoch of literature began with Fichte. Any positive presentation
of the totality turns inevitably into poetry.”15 Or again, in the journal
Athenaeum that he edited:
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Romantic poetry is a progressive universal poetry; its destination is not
only to re-unify the separated kinds of poetry and to bring poetry into
contact with philosophy and rhetoric. It intends also sometimes to mix,
sometimes to melt, poetry and prose, originality and criticism. . . . There
is no form of art that is made to express the spirit of the author en-
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tirely. . . . Only this kind of poetry can, like the epic poem, become the
mirror of the entire surrounding world, an image of the epoch.16
Schlegel continued:
And yet this poetry can waver between the writer and what he presents,
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free from all real or ideal interests, on the wings of poetic reflection—it
can waver in the midst, to raise reflection to a higher power and to multi-
ply it, as if in an infinite row of mirrors. It alone is infinite, and it alone is
free. And it recognizes as its first law that the choice of the poet does not
tolerate any law above it.17
It is obvious that these quotations depend entirely on Fichte’s theory and
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that his ideas and terms are omnipresent. Nevertheless, Schlegel’s fragment
116 is a well-known declaration of the independence of poetry and of the
15. Friedrich Schlegel, ed., “Literatur,” in Europa. Eine Zeitschrift (Frankfurt am Main:
Wilmans, 1803, repr. Stuttgart: Cotta, 1963), p. 46.
16. F. Schlegel, Charakteristiken und Kritiken I (1796–1801), ed. Hans Eichner, in FSA, vol.
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2 (1967), pp. 182–183; English: Frag, p. 175. This is the origin of Georg Lukacs’ (1885–1971)
problematic of the epic of the modern world, which he addresses in Die Theorie des Romans.
Ein geschichtsphilosophischer Versuch über die Formen der grossen Epik [1916], 13th ed.
(Frankfurt am Main: Luchterhand, 1991); English: The Theory of the Novel: A Historico-
Philosophical Essay on the Forms of Great Epic Literature, trans. Anna Bostock (Cambridge,
Mass.: MIT Press, 1971).
17. F. Schlegel, Charakteristiken und Kritiken I, pp. 182–183; English: Frag, p. 175.
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226 Fichte
mind of the poet. Schlegel here sets out the experimental and explorative
character of a work of literature, underscoring the aesthetic value of the
paradox.18 He is committed to the view that poetry also has to integrate
into itself theoretical discourse. This amounts to the assertion that only the
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poeta doctus (learned poet)—the poet of the modern world, the romantic
poet—writes poetry.
More than his close friend Novalis, Schlegel stresses that in poetry, the
mind proves its independence from all finite states of affairs by actually
transcending these states. Because poetry is exploration, the new unity of
life that it can bring about depends on the absence of all restriction in the
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process itself. Romantic poetry is the poetry of freedom. It is precisely
imagination and longing that forms and interprets this freedom.
In contrast to Schlegel, Novalis does not stress the transcending process
by which all finite states are overcome. Instead, he preserves the distance as
well as the connection between the process and the highest point from
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which it originates, claiming the existence of a certain direct relationship
to the highest point that underlies all mental performances. Here he draws
on Fichte’s concept of the (absolute) Self. But in contrast to Fichte, Novalis
thinks the Self is not to be confused with the freedom that we claim for our
finite lives as persons. “This ultimate fact has by all means to be conceived
as spiritual, not as particular, not in time—at most, as an instant that com-
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prises the eternal universe, an infinite fact that occurs in any moment en-
tirely, an identical eternally operating creativity—the Self.”19
Novalis’ reconstruction of Fichte’s doctrine leads to the clear conclusion
that we do not refer to the finite self-consciousness as Fichte at least ap-
pears to do in his language. To be sure, we are not always aware of the ulti-
mate spiritual fact, even though our life takes place within it. Accordingly,
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18. F. Schlegel, Charakteristiken und Kritiken I, pp. 182–183; English: Frag, pp. 175–176:
“Romantic poetry is in the arts what wit is in philosophy, and what society and sociability,
friendship and love are in life. Other kinds of poetry are finished and are now capable of be-
ing fully analyzed. The romantic kind of poetry is still in the state of becoming; that, in fact,
is its real essence: that it should forever be becoming and never be perfected. It can be ex-
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hausted by no theory and only a divinatory criticism would dare try to characterize its ideal.
It alone is infinite, just as it alone is free; and it recognizes as its first commandment that the
will of the poet can tolerate no law above itself. The romantic kind of poetry is the only one
that is more than a kind, that is, as it were, poetry itself: for in a certain sense all poetry is or
should be romantic.”
19. Novalis (1772–1801), “Bemerkungen zur Wissenschaftslehre” (1795–1796), ed. Rich-
ard Samuel, in NS, vol. II (1960), p. 267.
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it is the task of philosophy, as well as of poetry, to reveal the secret life of

the mind as it originates from this spiritual domain. These are more or less
quotations from Novalis’ Philosophical Manuscripts, which have only re-
cently been published in their entirety: “It is an arbitrary prejudice to deny
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to man to be consciously beyond his senses.”20 That is what philosophy and
poetry are all about. “What Schlegel characterizes as irony, is (for me)
nothing but the consequences of genuine discretion of the true presence of
the spirit.”21 And then Novalis’ important identification: “Being free means
to waver between extremes [as in Schlegel] that have to be united, and also
to be separated necessarily. From the light point of the wavering radiates all
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reality; object and subject exist through it, not it through them.”22 We find
here Novalis’ criticism of Fichte in which he interprets Fichte’s theory dif-
ferently, even while preserving the structure of Fichte’s theory in a way that
does not alter it.
Novalis shares Schlegel’s view that there is no stable or formal structure
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to which the process of the revelation of the infinite in the mind and in po-
etry might lead. An openness on all sides, or what is the same, an infinite
indeterminate must thus remain in this process. As the discovery of the se-
cret life of the mind, poetry remains a quest: à la recherche de l’univers se-
cret. We could reckon this phrase as an apt interpretation of what Novalis
did: he sought the ultimate on the inward path. By way of contrast,
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Schlegel emphasized the progressive manifestation of the inaccessible ulti-
mate in the process of overcoming all finitude. In effect, the difference
between them, after each had undertaken years of serious philosophical
investigation, rendered Schlegel the critic and Novalis the poet. Indeed,
Schlegel would become the advocate of a new poetry, whereas Novalis
would embody the paradigm of the romantic poet, pursuing the way be-
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yond sensible reality.
To turn now to Friedrich Hölderlin is simultaneously to turn away from
romanticism. Hölderlin was never a romantic, and we would err seriously
if we subsumed him under that designation. He was, however, a student of
Fichte. He advocated perfection in the formal composition of poems. In
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this he differed from the romantic theory of art that embraced the notion
of “free wavering” as fundamental. The poems Hölderlin wrote are superb
20. Novalis, “Vermischte Bemerkungen” (1797), in NS, vol. II, p. 420.

21. Novalis, “Vermischte Bemerkungen,” in NS, vol. II, p. 426.
22. Novalis, “Bemerkungen zur Wissenschaftslehre,” in NS, vol. II, p. 266.
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228 Fichte
and, in the view of critics (including August Schlegel), qualitatively beyond

comparison with anything else of the age. Hölderlin believed that poetry
could help establish a new form of life, one that would exhibit the internal
stability and satisfaction that the Greek republics had provided. But such a
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life would, he argued, appear in the modern world, and would, therefore,
by no means be a mere resurrection of the Greek world. As is no doubt evi-
dent, his theory of poetry depends entirely on the philosophical system he
developed while he was Fichte’s student.23
While Hölderlin based his philosophy on a criticism of Fichte, his
poetics and his theory of literature subsequently elaborated are entirely
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Fichtean. Here he retains Fichte’s internal structure, even though he de-
ploys it in a way that is critical of Fichte. Hölderlin does this by distin-
guishing three incompatible tendencies of life. No two of these, he says, can
ever dominate a human life at the same time; but all are essential for a fully
developed humanity. Owing to this threefold antagonism, our actual expe-
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rience of life is a risky, unstable path. Life, then, amounts to an experiment
with various compromises, which are always unsuccessful. For this reason,
Hölderlin claims that the life of humans is “an eccentric path.”24 Even so,
the life of humans points to an end, which is the understanding of the
essentiality of all that we undergo. So we look back on our own lives to try
to understand their internal dynamisms, and we attempt to repeat the al-
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terations of the tendencies in imagination (or in recollection). We strive to
do this in a harmonious way, thereby reaching completion and peace with-
out resignation. For once we understand that all these antagonistic tenden-
cies and all our attempted compromises in our lives are somehow essential,
we can attain peace without resignation. In this way we can come to un-
derstand internal unity and relate ourselves to the infinite origin of our-
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selves and of all that there is, which is always presupposed.
We begin to grasp the dynamism of life and also of history in a beautiful
work of art. But we can only understand such dynamism adequately in po-
etry, because poetry is at once successive and symbolic. Poetry must be
symbolic because of the three different tendencies of life that associate
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with different types of words and phrases in a language. The three tenden-
23. See D. Henrich, HuH; English: HaH.

24. F. Hölderlin, H. In the “Vorrede” to “Fragment von Hyperion,” Hölderlin writes: “The
eccentric path man, in general and particular, travels from one point (more or less pure in-
nocence) to another (more or less perfect cultivation) appears to be, in its essential direc-
tions, always the same” (FvH, p. 163).
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cies of which Hölderlin is thinking are (1) the tendency toward indepen-
dence; (2) the tendency toward surrender to the finite in love; and (3) the
tendency toward awareness of an ideal that reaches out to the origin of the
world. Now it is in terms of these tendencies and their antagonisms (as
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well as their association with different constellations of language) that
Hölderlin interprets impressively the experiences we have in our lives.
These types of linguistic elements in literature he calls “tones”—using the
association with music. We have to combine these elements by alteration
in the work of art. Note that this is an entirely formalistic approach to the
work of art in which we conduct the alteration in a regular way. By means
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of this alteration, we can become aware of the common source from which
all the tendencies spring. So poetry makes us “feel ourselves as equal and
one with everything in the original source of all the works and deeds of
man.”25
But poetry has to bring about more than a harmonious alteration we
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can enjoy when we look at its structure. Indeed, poetry has to build into
the structure of the poem itself an awareness of the reconciliation of the
underlying unity. This is Hölderlin’s decisive contribution to poetics, one
that upends the misleading analogy from visual perception that prompts
the aestheticians into thinking that we have only to describe structures at
which we are “looking.” For if the awareness of the reconciliation of the
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underlying unity is not built into the structure of the poem itself, the poem
could not itself become a perfect image of life. And since this awareness of
the unified structure of the antagonism is presumably part of life itself, it
has to be built into the poem. Only in this way can the poem help to bring
this awareness into being. So there must be a unifying element in the poem
that is not identical with the alteration of the various tones, the types of
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words and phrases. Accordingly, in a harmonious sequence of the poem an
interruption must occur somewhere. The interruption is not arbitrary, but
is, in fact, required by the harmony structure of the poem. This amounts to
saying that poetry must be composed in a way that harmoniously incorpo-
rates the interruption into the formal structure of the poem itself.
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This harmonious interruption is the “perfect moment,” according to
Hölderlin. We can even reach ultimate aesthetic satisfaction if reconcilia-
25. F. Hölderlin, “Der Gesichtspunct aus dem wir das Altertum anzusehen haben” (1799),
ed. Friedrich Beissner, in StA, vol. IV,1 (1961), p. 222; English: “The Perspective from which
We Have to Look at Antiquity,” in Friedrich Hölderlin: Essays and Letters on Theory, trans.
and ed. Thomas Pfau (Albany: SUNY Press, 1988), p. 40.
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230 Fichte
tion takes place in the flow of time, within the structure of the poem. This
“perfect moment” is the moment in which the poem itself as a totality can
be realized inside of the poem, as I am reading it, or as I am singing it (tak-
ing the Greek singer, Pindar, as the example of the lyric poet). Hölderlin
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also calls this moment the “divine moment” or the “transcendental in-
stant.” As is no doubt evident, he derived this idea from Fichte, but de-
ployed it in a way that made it a powerful means for an analysis of superb
aesthetic structure.
Recall Fichte’s theory of the mediating role of the imagination between
self and not-self—between the finite relationship of the two of them, and
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the absolute activity of the Self. There we already have three elements: self,
not-self, and the absolute activity of the Self. To quote from the Science of
Knowledge:
The positing self, through the most wondrous of its powers, . . . holds fast
the perishing accident long enough to compare it with that which sup-
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plants it. This power it is—almost always misunderstood—which from
inveterate opposites knits together a unity; which intervenes between ele-
ments that would mutually abolish each other, and thereby preserves
them both; it is that which alone makes possible life and consciousness.26
Hölderlin’s doctrine of the transcendental instant is based on this pas-
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sage. This is an obvious and a remarkable case of the transformation of
Fichte’s transcendental theory into a theory of what had been conceived of
previously only as applied philosophy, namely, a philosophy of fine art.
That this is possible cannot immediately be taken as a confirmation of the
transcendental theory itself. But the theory encourages and was implicitly
intended to encourage applications of this kind. One might suspect that
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the transformation is possible because the terminology of the Science of
Knowledge is itself anthropomorphic. That is why the transformation of
the transcendental theory into such a theory is so easy. Even one who is not
inclined toward this (anthropomorphic) explanation would have to praise
and congratulate Fichte for having had these followers. Because of them,
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he enjoyed an almost incomparable influence on the intellectual life of his
time, and also on the change toward the kind of modernity that can be
ours today, as well.
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Fichte Foundation and System in The Science of Knowledge
16
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Foundation and System in
The Science of Knowledge
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We have now arrived at the point at which it is possible to discern specific
instances in which Fichte was a creative thinker, and the extent to which
his interpretation of the nature of humans was evidently relevant to the in-
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tellectual climate in which he was writing. Starting from the premises that
Fichte introduced, we can now see how one might carry through the possi-
bility of an idealistic program of philosophy. Still more, we have been able
to bring into view the hidden structure and dynamic of the mind as Fichte
understood it and to delineate ways in which others used it to reach a new
understanding of the dynamism of human life. Indeed, considerable en-
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thusiasm emerged among those who used this structure in a new analysis
of the task of interpreting the formal structures of art and literature that is-
sued in obviously modern and hitherto unseen assessments.
Through the reconstruction of Fichte’s path to the foundation of the
Science of Knowledge, I have attempted to demonstrate the specific kind of
creativity in which he engaged and from which a sketch of an idealistic
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philosophy emerged. For this accomplishment alone Fichte would indeed
merit recognition, as no one before him had been able to develop such a
program. What he accepted as the highest principle of the Science of
Knowledge was the idea of the Self ’s absolute being. His arguments
throughout the Science of Knowledge depend on this assumption, even
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though he had not yet made it explicit. In the absence of this explicit as-
sumption, certain weaknesses accrued to the arguments that he developed
as he attempted to make his way through his Science of Knowledge. This is
somewhat puzzling, inasmuch as he had first suggested that philosophy
should be founded on the concept of the Self during his stay in Königsberg
while visiting Kant. He later reported that he made this suggestion to the
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231
232 Fichte
mathematician Schultz, who was Kant’s friend, only one year after he had
studied Kant’s writings.1 This suggests, at least, that the idea of the absolute
Self was deeply rooted in his mind, even if he had not yet made the as-
sumption explicit.
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Perhaps one reason for this omission was that he did not yet have avail-
able to him the theoretical potential for justifying this idea. That potential
evolved after he developed his criticisms of the work of Reinhold and
Schulze. By virtue of these criticisms, the possibility for developing the the-
ory of the absoluteness of the Self came into view for Fichte.
I now want to turn to this theory in which we can in some way describe
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the Self as absolute. This theory constitutes Fichte’s new contribution to
philosophical thinking. To make some sense of it will be to establish a
foundation for all that we have said about Fichte under the proviso that the
implicit assumption of the absolute Self could be made explicit.2
Fichte defines the Self in the Science of Knowledge (1794–1795) as that
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whose being or essence consists simply in the fact that it posits itself as ex-
isting. From the context of the Science of Knowledge, we know that we can
describe this positing as a process that leads over a sequence of states. The
process is tantamount to an attempt to prove the Self ’s independence. In
this sense it is a process of freedom on its way to self-fulfillment. For this
reason, Heath and Lachs (in their edition of the Science of Knowledge)
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translate the awkward term “self-positing” as “self-assertion.” They inter-
pret Fichte to mean that the self asserts its own independence in the pro-
cess of overcoming the restrictions of the not-self. To look at positing in
this way is adequate only insofar as one is dealing with the system of the
Science of Knowledge. But it will not do if our concern is with the founda-
tion of the Science of Knowledge, which is the theory of self-consciousness.
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To put this another way, to say that our concern is with the theory of the
Self is to direct our attention to the foundation of the Science of Knowledge.
So we have to put aside what we know about the self-development of the
self through the different stages as the Science of Knowledge describes them.
To look now at the term “positing,” or “self-positing,” requires a different
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vantage point from which we can assay its use in the analysis of self-con-
1. J. G. Fichte, “Zweite Einleitung in die Wissenschaftslehre” [1797], ed. Reinhard Lauth

and Hans Gliwitzky, in GA, vol. I,4 (1970), p. 225; English: SK, p. 46.
2. Recall Henrich’s earlier comment in Lecture 14, pp. 203–204, that everything had to be
worked out under the proviso of the claim to the absoluteness of the Self. We are now in a
position to follow Henrich’s exposition of the significance of this claim.
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Foundation and System in The Science of Knowledge 233
sciousness. In this context, self-consciousness refers to the basic elemen-

tary phenomena in the structure of consciousness; so, in this context, it is
utterly incorrect to interpret “positing” as “self-asserting.”
Let us recall Fichte’s last argument against Schulze’s criticism of tran-
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scendental philosophy.3 Fichte claimed that Schulze had failed to think
about the mind as different from a “thing” and, so, had fallen prey to the
problems of the reification of the immaterial. His argument ended with
an assertion that implies a definition of what the method of philosophy
should be: “the faculty of representation exists only for the faculty of repre-
sentation.” This assertion contains Fichte’s greatest insight: one has to look
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at transcendental philosophy from the point of view of the being-for-itself of
the mind, and the method of transcendental philosophy must correspond to
this basic structure.4 It was this insight that impelled the Science of Knowl-
edge along its course. Fichte’s formula in the Aenesidemus Review—that the
faculty of representation exists only for the faculty of representation—cor-
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responds to his later formula that the Self posits itself absolutely. We must
interpret “positing” with respect to the absoluteness of the Self primarily in
terms of this correspondence between Fichte’s formula in the Aenesidemus
Review and his later formula of the positing of the Self. This means that
positing is that which interprets the being-there-for-itself of the mind. In a
word, “positing” is an interpretation of the nature of self-consciousness.
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Let me now say something about the way in which this is so. The Ger-
man word for “posit” is “setzen,” which literally means “to put.” “Setzen”
has a richness of connotations, and Fichte constantly plays with them. For
instance, setzen brings to mind such words as “constitution” (Satzung). To
posit implies to constitute something, to establish it originally as a state
that comes into being by way of the establishment of its constitution. This
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contrasts with the idea of an already-existing state creating for itself a con-
stitution. Another association with setzen is the word “law” (Gesetz); and
still another is “investiture” (Einsetzung), in the sense of a ruler or prelate
being “invested.”5 The point we want to take away from these observations
is this: there is a broad range of linguistic associations evident in the Ger-
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man that are simply lacking in the English term “to posit.”
Just as much as these connotations determine Fichte’s use of setzen, so
4. D. Henrich, FuE; English: FOI.
5. These three are in addition to those associations cited by Heath and Lachs. See Peter
Heath and John Lachs, “Preface,” in SK, pp. xiii–xvi.
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234 Fichte
also does its background in philosophical theory. The Greek tithêmi is the
etymological root of “hypothesis” and of “thesis.” One puts something in a
“thesis,” as, for example, a claim that one then tries to defend. Tithêmi (to
put) corresponds to the Latin ponere, which is related to the English word
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“proposition” in exactly the same sense in which tithêmi is related to the
word “hypothesis.” The philosophical meanings of tithêmi and ponere are
similar: a proposition (propositio) is something that one “puts” or “places”
here, and, by so putting or placing it, simultaneously claims it to be true
and defensible. What we associate with both “hypothesis” and “proposi-
tion” is also present in the German setzen. In German a “proposition” is a
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Satz, and a hypothesis is a Voraussetzung. The German here entails the
same duality as does the Greek—to place and to defend. So, for example,
an academic “thesis” implies a “hypothesis” that is first “put,” and then
“defended.” In a similar vein, setzen correlates to Voraussetzen, in the sense
that it is a presupposition that precedes a defensible proposition.
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In accord with this philosophical background, the term setzen (to posit)
has three elements of meaning, two of which are primary. The first is that a
hypothesis has to be made; it is not merely an assumption that is simply
given, but depends on some activity of mind. Hence, I actively assume
something, and in terms of that assumption, I can justify further proposi-
tions in which I am interested. There is always an active element: the Greek
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hupo- means “under” in the sense that I put something underneath some-
thing else in order that it might be able to bear what is founded on it. Anal-
ogously, it is my activity by which a hypothesis is brought about, and the
activity is a founding. But in a sense, a hypothesis is also a thesis. In order
to have a thesis that really supports something, I have to put another thesis
underneath it.
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The second element of philosophical meaning for the term setzen is that
any hypothesis has to be specific. Simply put, this means that any hypothe-
sis has to be differentiated from other possibilities. This holds true equally
in the case of a thesis. Any proposition I make must be determinate: this is
what I am claiming—not that—or, at least, not the opposite of “this.” Thus
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the concept of “determination” enters into the idea of positing.
The third element, about which I will have to say more in the next lec-
ture, has to do with immediacy. The relation between the process of hy-
pothesizing and the result is “immediate” in the sense that there is no gap
between the process and the result.
To sum up: the idea of positing (setzen) implies both the activity of the
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one who posits—the direct, independent, intentional activity of the one

who makes the hypothesis—and the specific, determinate nature of the as-
sumption made by one who posits. Thus this activity is also one of deter-
mining. “To posit” always means “to posit something determinate.”
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We now need to correlate these two principal elements with aspects of
self-consciousness. To say, “I am becoming aware of myself,” means that it
is I who develops that awareness, just as it also means awareness of me and
of nobody else. As I become aware of what I am, I become aware of what
makes me different from other people. Thus “to posit” means to be actively
related to myself in a way that I become aware of what distinguishes me
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from all others.
Let me spell out in greater detail the significance of applying this con-
cept of positing to the phenomenon of self-consciousness.
1. To begin, we have an element of activity. But what is self-conscious-
ness? Self-consciousness is an awareness and something of which there is
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awareness; but we would not call this awareness “self-consciousness” if we
could separate the awareness from its object. What we mean by self-con-
sciousness is an awareness whose description is, at best, awkward, because
it is an awareness of itself as subject of its own awareness. This is tanta-
mount to saying that it is aware of itself as object of its awareness. More-
over, the awareness of itself as object of its awareness can be attributed to
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the subject of this awareness. So self-awareness is the awareness that be-
longs to its own object. However awkward this way of putting the matter
may be, it rules out any external importing of awareness into the object of
awareness. In other words, we are not speaking, first, of some general
structure of awareness into which we might import the element of its be-
ing (aware) “of itself.” This amounts to the claim that self-consciousness is
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an awareness that is originally there, rather than somehow being imposed
on the object of awareness. Furthermore, it makes sense to say that the one
whose awareness it is can develop it—that the one, whose awareness it is, is
its subject and its object. In support of this claim, we always attribute to
states or items, which we describe as self-conscious, the ability to reflect on
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themselves. By this we mean the capacity to concentrate on what they are,
to draw their awareness away from anything else, and to focus entirely and
exclusively on themselves.
Because there is this possibility of a development—a clarification of
the being-of-the-self of this awareness—within the structure of self-con-
sciousness, we can say that the self depends on itself, insofar as it is a self.
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236 Fichte
There is an activity within the self that is at the disposition of the self and
only of the self. This is certainly true of reflection: we attribute to the mind,
if it is conscious of itself, the ability to reflect spontaneously on itself. We
do not think of reflection as something that has to be initiated continually
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by something that happens to the mind or by something that occurs to the
mind. Reflection is a performance. A performance is, at least partially, at
the disposition of the mind itself. As far as self-consciousness is concerned,
the mind is a closed system, related only to itself, and it has this internal ac-
tivity that is at its own disposition.
To this point, however, we have said nothing of the being-absolute of
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this activity of the Self. I have described the activity in such a way that re-
flecting still depends on something preceding it—namely, the reflecting
mind. This clearly is not the sense of absolute activity that Fichte wants to
invoke: positing, yes; but not yet absolute positing.
2. We turn now to the second element: the self is for the self (this was an
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essential implication of Fichte’s description of the faculty of representa-
tion). How are we to understand this “for”? The term “self ” doubtless im-
plies the “for,” which we use in self-reference. But we have not yet clarified
this use. If the self is for the self, presumably the self knows about what it is.
If the self is conscious of itself, it must know that what it is conscious of is
what it is; or better, if the self is conscious of itself, it has to know that what
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it is aware of is itself and nothing else. It could be the case that somebody
knows something that, as a matter of fact, is he himself, but that he does
not know that what he knows is he himself. It can happen to anyone: sud-
denly, I see a hand in a mirror, for instance, and it frightens me; but I then
realize that it was my own hand that was mirrored.
We can easily imagine beings who have awareness, but not self-aware-
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ness, who are always conscious of themselves, but not conscious of them-
selves as themselves—they do not know that they are conscious of them-
selves. A good example would be the lobster, whose eyes are placed so that
he is always in his own field of vision. We do not attribute to the lobster
self-consciousness. Therefore, we have to say that he is in his own field of
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vision, and that he is conscious of something we describe as himself, but
that he does not know it. (It is rather easy here to write Kafkaesque stories,
inventing people who are actually conscious of themselves, but whose con-
sciousness is structured in such a way that they can never be sure that what
they encounter actually also belongs to themselves, and so forth—very
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unhappy people, we assume.) The point is that we would not speak about
self-consciousness unless we attributed to the self-conscious mind a
knowledge that what it is conscious of is itself—and that means its own
being-for-itself. There is thus a cognitive element included in self-acquain-
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tance. There is never simple, undifferentiated self-acquaintance. Self-
acquaintance is always interpreted self-acquaintance, which means a deter-
minate knowledge of what the one is who is acquainted with herself. This,
of course, is the other aspect of the literal meaning of the term “to posit”:
one posits something determinate. So we have both the performance of
positing and the determinateness of the posited.
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All this notwithstanding, we have not yet reached the predicate “abso-
lute” in a way that can be utilized with reference to the self. We have simply
said that the self is a closed system and that it is structured in a way that in-
cludes a determinate acquaintance with itself. Why should we then de-
scribe it as an “absolute” self-positing?
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In order to arrive at this more extensive claim, we have to understand
Fichte’s genuinely important contribution to the theory of self-conscious-
ness. At least we will have to understand its first constituent, in the sense
that Fichte was continually developing this original insight. By virtue of his
formula, “the faculty of representation exists only for the faculty of repre-
sentation,” Fichte was convinced that he had opened a new field of investi-
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gation. At the same time he was deeply aware that he could not yet articu-
late fully the theoretical problems that emerge as soon as one enters this
dimension of analysis. He did not arrive at a definitive interpretation of
this dimension of the “forness,” or the original being-for-itself of the mind,
until his 1804 Science of Knowledge.
Perhaps it would be helpful to give a few hints about the various ver-
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sions of the Science of Knowledge that one could and should read, and those
that are better left to the side. The critical scholarly edition of Fichte’s
works from the Bavarian Academy has not as yet been completed.6 Most of
the versions of the Science of Knowledge appear in the complete works as
they were edited by Fichte’s son in the first half of the nineteenth century.7
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He based some of these versions on Fichte’s own lecture notes, but as these
notes are very difficult to decipher, his son thought it impossible to publish
6. J. G. Fichte, GA.
7. J. G. Fichte, FW.
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238 Fichte
them in their original state. Consequently he edited and “corrected” them

extensively. Thus some versions of the Science of Knowledge are “improved”
lectures of Fichte.
Fichte’s 1794 Science of Knowledge presents two accounts of self-con-
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sciousness. In the first three paragraphs, Fichte presents the self as positing
itself absolutely. In 1795 Fichte wrote paragraph 5, in which he provides
another account of self-consciousness that improves on his earlier formu-
lation. Whereas the first formulation conceives of the “I” as absolutely pos-
iting itself absolutely, Fichte now emphasizes the conceptual aspect in self-
consciousness with this formulation: “The ‘I’ posits absolutely itself as pos-
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iting.” In this latter formulation Fichte advances two elements: the activity
of the self ’s being related to itself, which he incorporates in his notion of
positing, and the condition of the self ’s being for itself, which Fichte incor-
porates in the phrase “as positing.” In order for the self to know what it is,
it must possess the concept of itself as self-knowing, which differs from the
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activity or the performance of turning on itself. Only by making use of a
concept of itself can the self turn on itself. It is for this reason that Fichte
asserts that the self posits itself as positing. This is a crucial development in
Fichte’s thinking, apart from which the closed character of the system of
self-reference immediately dissolves. The 1794 and 1795 versions of the
Science of Knowledge are available in published form.
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In addition, Fichte wrote a short essay on the foundation of the Science
of Knowledge in 1797, which he published in his Philosophisches Journal.8
This differs again from the 1798 version of the Science of Knowledge (which
was first published in 1937). This 1798 version is based entirely on notes
taken by a student in Fichte’s class. It appears in a collection that Jacob ed-
ited under the title Fichtes Nachgelassene Schriften (Fichte’s literary re-
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mains).9 Only the second volume of Fichtes Nachgelassene Schriften ap-
peared, as publication was interrupted by the war. The 1797 and 1798
version of the Science of Knowledge are close to one another in many re-
spects, but differ with regard to the conception of the relationship between
the foundation and the system.
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Let me emphasize again the difference between the foundation and the
8. J. G. Fichte, “Versuch einer neuen Darstellung der Wissenschaftslehre. Erstes Capitel”

[1797–1798], in GA, vol. I,4, pp. 271–281; English: ANPW, pp. 106–118. See Lecture 1,
note 17.
9. J. G. Fichte, Wnm; English: FTP. Traces of this kind of argumentation also appear in
J. G. Fichte, SSPW; English: SE.
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system throughout Fichte’s work. In effect, Fichte maintains two different

discourses at all times. The theory of self-consciousness is the foundation
of the system and proceeds with one discourse, but there is another dis-
course that describes the building up of this system, such that imagina-
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tion, striving, and longing emerge from the structure of self-consciousness.
Fichte’s most arresting insights developed within the context of his theory
of self-consciousness. He would then always try to restructure the rest of
the system, in order to connect it more securely with the kind of founda-
tion on which he wanted it to rest. This is why, for example, Fichte revised
the entire internal structure of the Science of Knowledge in 1798. He was ea-
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ger to make use of the potential of the new analysis of the structure of self-
consciousness. The 1798 Science of Knowledge, therefore, is important, de-
spite its entire reliance on student notes. As of this time, the 1798 version
has not been translated.
There is another edition of the Science of Knowledge that Fichte devel-
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oped in 1801, which is in Volume 2 of I. H. Fichte’s version of his father’s
collected works.10 The importance of this manuscript lies in the fact that
his son did not make improvements on it, inasmuch as his father was pre-
paring a new book in this manuscript. Most of this manuscript is in
Fichte’s own writing and, therefore, differs from all the other versions ed-
ited by his son. This edition documents an entire change in Fichte’s con-
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ception of the Science of Knowledge, which in turn depends on still fur-
ther improvements of his analysis of self-consciousness. Here the pivotal
development is Fichte’s exploration of the idea that the self exists only for
itself.
We come now to the last and most famous edition of the Science of
Knowledge. This is the 1804 Science of Knowledge of which we now have
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three distinct versions, each of which is edited. One of these is from
Fichte’s original lecture notes for his first lecture series, which Hans
Gliwitzky published in 1969.11 The other (the second version) is in Volume
10 of Fichte’s collected works, which I. H. Fichte edited.12 Fortunately, his
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10. J. G. Fichte, DW.
11. J. G. Fichte, Erste Wissenschaftslehre von 1804, ed. Hans Gliwitzky (Stuttgart: Kohl-
hammer, 1969). This version now appears under the title “Vorlesungen der W. L. Im Winter
1804,” 17 January–29 March 1804, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Gliwitzky, in GA, vol. II,7
(1989), pp. 33–235.
12. J. G. Fichte, “Die Wissenschaftslehre. Vortrag im Jahre 1804,” in FW, vol. X (1834).
This version now appears under the title “Die Wissenschaftslehre [II. Vortrag im Jahre
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240 Fichte
editing is less extensive, because he found the manuscript in much better

condition. The third is the most recent edition.13
It is important to recognize that the Science of Knowledge of 1801 and
1804 are not coextensive. The 1801 version tries to present the entire sys-
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tem, including ethics, and so forth. By contrast the Science of Knowledge of
1804 concentrates entirely on the foundation. It is clearly the most con-
densed and attractive speculative text Fichte ever wrote. The entire series of
lectures covers only the first three paragraphs that Fichte set out in his
1794 Science of Knowledge. If there is anything in Fichte’s works that we
could compare to Hegel’s logic, with respect to the degree of refinement of
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speculative argumentation, it is definitely this 1804 Science of Knowledge.
This is decidedly the version that anyone who is interested in Fichte, and in
his manner of experimenting with new possibilities for theoretical recon-
struction in the philosophy of mind, should read.14
This brief survey of the editions of the Science of Knowledge has been the
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occasion for me to note improvements that Fichte made in his analysis of
self-consciousness. By now, I hope that it is evident that this includes im-
provements to the foundation of the Science of Knowledge. One of the deci-
sive steps Fichte made occurred when he switched from the formula that
“the self posits itself absolutely” to the formula that “the self posits itself as
positing,” thereby strengthening the conceptual aspect. The next (and per-
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haps the most decisive) change in his analysis occurred before he devel-
oped the 1801 edition of the Science of Knowledge. In this development,
Fichte concedes that it is impossible to analyze the self-reference of the self
in terms of its own activity. This change in conception amounted to a turn
from the theory of the absoluteness of freedom toward a Spinozism of free-
dom. As you may recall from my introductory observations in Lecture 6, a
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Spinozism of freedom was the ultimate goal toward which all the philo-
sophical developments of the time were pointing.15
To understand this development, we must now recur to my observation
that Fichte still lacked an argument that justified the absoluteness of the
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1804.],” 16 April–8 June 1804, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Gliwitzky, in GA, vol. II,8
(1985).
13. J. G. Fichte, “3ter Cours der W.L. 1804.,” 5 November–31 December 1804, in GA, vol.
II,7, pp. 301–368.
14. It is also available in French: Johann Gottlieb Fichte, La Théorie de la Science. Exposé
de 1804, ed. Didier Julia (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1967).
15. See Lecture 6, pp. 92–95.
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positing of the self. To be sure, we now understand what “positing” is sup-

posed to mean, but what we know thus far does not permit the use of the
predicate “absolute.” But once Fichte begins to insist on the notion that the
self is for the self, much comes into play in this apparently innocent for-
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mula. How are we to understand this?
The standard interpretation of how the self is for the self relies on the
fact that there is reflection on the self that can develop into a fully articu-
lated awareness of the self as the self. The fact that there is such a reflection
is ordinarily built into an interpretation of the general structure of the self,
as such. So we say the self is for-itself, because the self can freely initiate an
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act of reflecting, in which it turns on itself and generates knowledge of it-
self. (This is the interpretation of self-consciousness with which we are all
readily familiar. Philosophers who have made use of self-consciousness as a
paradigm of philosophical certainty and of absolutely unshakable insight
did rely on this model, as did Kant, who exploited it continuously.)
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As intuitively apt as this interpretation of the self-relationship of the self
to itself may seem, it is nonetheless circular. In order for me to turn my at-
tention to something, so that I might concentrate upon it, it must already
be present to me. I obviously cannot focus on something that has thus far
entirely escaped me. Of course, it could simply occur to me that it is there,
so that the emergence of that on which I focus would be simultaneous with
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the activity of my focusing. If this were so, however, then the operation of
reflection could not account for the structure of the self-reference of the
mind, because the occurrence would already have to be described in a way
that offers an account of the being-present of that on which I focus my at-
tention. Even if we were to grant that reflecting is the use of attention, and
further, that attention presupposes some implicit awareness of that to
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which we are directing our attention, we would still encounter the impos-
sibility of this interpretation at another level.
So even ceding the possibility that the self could originally turn to itself,
we would still have to answer the question of how the self knows that what
it turns to is itself. It might well arrive at something, and indeed this some-
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thing might even be itself. But the self could never know that what it ar-
rived at is itself—even if it is—unless it already knew in advance what itself
is. What the self encounters it has to identify with itself; apart from this, no
self-knowledge occurs. But in order to be able to identify what it encoun-
ters as itself, the self has to have prior knowledge of what itself is.
How can we account for that kind of self-knowledge? The interpretation
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242 Fichte
of reflection as self-reference presupposes self-knowledge. We cannot, ac-

cordingly, interpret original self-acquaintance—the original knowledge of
oneself—in terms of reflection: any account of what reflection is presup-
poses it. This means that reflection cannot interpret self-consciousness.
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Any theory of self-consciousness that makes use of reflection as a basic
structure of the mind inevitably culminates in circularity. Because re-
flection presupposes that self-knowledge is already available, we have to
assume an original self-awareness of the self that precedes all acts of re-
flection.
To account for this original self-consciousness, which precedes all possi-
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ble reflection, Fichte uses the term “positing.” In his 1798 Science of Knowl-
edge (nova methodo), Fichte declared:
Hitherto, one had argued thus: we cannot be conscious of opposed things

or external objects without being conscious of ourselves, that is, to be an
object for ourselves. Through the act of our consciousness, of which we
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can become conscious by again thinking ourselves as object, we attain
consciousness of our consciousness. We become conscious of this con-
sciousness of our consciousness only when we turn it into an object, and
thereby arrive at consciousness of the consciousness of our conscious-
ness, and so forth, endlessly. But by this means, our consciousness has not
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been accounted for, or there is according to it no consciousness at all,
since consciousness is taken as a condition of the mind or as an object,
and therefore always presupposes a subject, but the presupposed subject
is never found. This sophistry lay at the root of all systems hitherto—
even the Kantian.16
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While this argument differs somewhat from those I have just outlined, we
may substitute either for the other and make substantially the same point.
In sum, the point comes to this: we have to look at self-consciousness in
a way that differs entirely from the standard (reflection) model operative
in traditional philosophy. Inasmuch as the standard model has dominated,
or at least was not excluded by Western thinking for a few thousand years,
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not only our philosophical understanding of self-consciousness, but also
our common assumptions and discourse about the origins of self-con-
sciousness seem to be deeply rooted in what turns out to be a mistake. In
light of the weight of our assumptions, it is doubtless evident that we will
16. J. G. Fichte, “Vorläufige Anmerkung,” in Wnm, p. 30; English: FTP, pp. 112–113.
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not be able to solve easily the problem of an adequate theory of conscious-

ness.
Nevertheless, at least we are now in a position from which we may dis-
cern the sense in which “positing” might possibly account for the structure
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of self-consciousness that precedes all reflection. Fichte relies on one ele-
ment of meaning in “positing” that emphasizes the instantaneity of the act.
To posit or put something seems to be an act that requires a minimal
amount of time. I, for example, sit down right away. It is simply not the
case that I first do something, and then follow it with something else, re-
sulting in an entire process that I can describe as sitting (or putting) down.
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Our ordinary mode of discourse reinforces this observation: I say that I am
doing something, and when that is done, I sit down. In the same sense, the
Greek tithêmi (to put) means something that we do without the expendi-
ture of time: it is an act that issues instantaneously in its result.
We need the concept of an instantaneous act in order to account for the
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original being-related-to-itself of self-consciousness. So when Fichte says,
“The self posits itself,” he means that the self ’s being-there and its being-re-
lated-to-itself (i.e., its being-aware-of-itself) are two states of affairs, or oc-
currences, that happen simultaneously. We cannot conceptualize a self and
its subsequent turning back on itself (in the sense in which one can walk
somewhere and then sit down), for that would be a repetition of the re-
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flection model. By this same token, we cannot have the self unless the self is
already aware of itself. Or again, having the self means having it in such a
way that there is an awareness of itself. The existence of the self, and the ex-
istence of an awareness of the self as self, are inseparable states of affairs. To
put this another way, the existence of the self and the existence of the self ’s
awareness of itself are contemporary states of affairs in the logical sense of
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“being at the same time.” Ancient philosophy had a term for this lack of a
temporal interval, which describes the logical state of affairs when there
is no intervening reason or step: sine alia ratione interveniente, which,
roughly translated, means “without a further step or reason intervening.”
This is very much in keeping with Fichte’s point: the self is there and thus it
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is aware of itself. To fail to grasp this point is to be ignorant of what self-
consciousness is. And it is precisely this basic fact of mental life that all
philosophy hitherto had overlooked.
With these observations in mind, it becomes readily apparent that
Fichte’s use of the phrase “positing itself ” in reference to the self consti-
tutes his attempt to escape a theoretical paradox: “to posit” is the opposite of
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244 Fichte
“to reflect.” To eliminate the circularity into which reflection theories of

consciousness fall, and to eliminate the distinction between the self and its
being related to itself, we have to introduce a term that brings into view
both problems. Fichte’s choice of term to this end is “to posit.” While he
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might well have picked another term, he was obviously drawn to “setzen”
by virtue of its rich range of connotations. Principal among these are the
active nature of positing as a way to speak of the self and the determinate
feature of positing, which permits the introduction of the essential con-
ceptual element in the self ’s self-reference. Fichte not only brought this
new problem into view, but also believed that his rather simple move
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would lead into the deepest dimensions of the philosophy of mind.
As is doubtless evident, Fichte’s proposed move from the theory of re-
flection to the theory of positing entirely alters our ordinary image of the
mind. Our ordinary, everyday image of the self-conscious mind is roughly
this: there is, first, the self, and subsequent to this it sometimes happens
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that the self reflects on itself. The self can always reflect on itself, but it
doesn’t have to. There is always the life of the self and, sometimes, the
mind performs acts of reflection. Fichte entirely upends this view: rather
than saying that there is the self and then sometimes occasional reflective
performances, he insists that where the self is, there is always self-aware-
ness, continuously. Self-awareness can never stop without the self itself
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coming to an end. Furthermore, inasmuch as the awareness of the self in-
cludes an active element, we can no longer say that there is a self that some-
times actively relates to itself, in addition to its being there. On the con-
trary, says Fichte, because its self-reference is continuously an element of
its very essence, the self itself is active all the time.
These are Fichte’s replies to the standard interpretation of self-con-
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sciousness: it is not true that the self is only sometimes self-conscious; and,
for the very same reason, it is not true that the self is only sometimes ac-
tive. The nature of the self is being-self-acquainted, and thus its nature is
also activity. Fichte needs this continuous activity of the mind in order to
carry through the idealistic program, because the analysis of imagination
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was an analysis of the mind’s activity. This notion of continuous activity is
the connecting link between the foundation and the developed system. But
what we have achieved so far is no more than the introduction of the prob-
lem. It remains for us to say what the itself of “positing itself ” means, as
well as to make sense of the claim that the mind is originally for-itself.
Had Fichte done no more than to hold up the reflection model of con-
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sciousness for closer scrutiny, and to expose its false assumptions, his
would have been a notable accomplishment. Sometimes all that philoso-
phy accomplishes is to eliminate false theories. We can see the way in
which this was so for Aristotle. He provided an ontological framework that
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was, in fact, a correction of Plato’s previous philosophical framework; but
Aristotle’s framework achieved hegemony and predominated in European
thinking for more than a millennium.
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Fichte The Paradoxical Self-Relatedness of Consciousness
17
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The Paradoxical Character
of the Self-Relatedness
of Consciousness
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Self-reference is one of the oldest problems in philosophy. Its importance
in the history of philosophy has continuously increased. Among the early
instances of the problem of self-reference, the concepts of a motion that
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continues itself by itself, or of a change of the body that depends entirely
on the nature of the body itself, are especially significant. They emerge in
the Greek concept of ‘life,’ which is essentially embodied motion that de-
pends on itself. Other instances of the problem of self-reference include
the early origins of the problem of propositions that make reference to
themselves, for example, the ‘paradox of the liar.’ The examples I have just
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cited are instances of self-reference in ontology and logic, but they do not
belong to the thematic field of the philosophy of mind.
There are among the instances of discussion about self-reference, how-
ever, some that are essential for what we call the ‘mental.’ Aristotle, for ex-
ample, attributes to any perception an awareness of itself. In On the Soul as
well as his Metaphysics, Aristotle says that mental states and acts—visual
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perception, for example—carry with them an awareness of themselves (as
a parergon = accessory).1 There is no vision unless there is an aisthêsis, a
1. “Therefore it must be itself that thought thinks (since it is the most excellent of things),
and its thinking is a thinking on thinking. But evidently knowledge and perception and
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opinion and understanding have always something else as their object, and themselves only
by the way. Further, if thinking and being thought are different, in respect of which does
goodness belong to thought? For being an act of thinking and being an object of thought are
not the same. We answer that in some cases the knowledge is the object. In the productive
sciences (if we abstract from the matter) the substance in the sense of essence and in the the-
oretical sciences the formula or the act of thinking, is the object. As, then, thought and the
object of thought are not different in the case of things that have not matter, they will be the
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246
The Paradoxical Self-Relatedness of Consciousness 247
perception of the vision itself. We always know that we are seeing if we see
something. There is also, in Aristotle, the famous case of the First Mover,
the ultimate principle of all movement in the world.2 It must be spiritual in
nature, and the performance of this spirit is the contemplation of its own
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essence. Hegel quotes this Aristotelian doctrine at the end of his Encyclope-
dia as the ultimate conclusion of all speculative philosophy.3
In neo-Platonism the highest form of the unification of a manifold de-
pends on self-determination. In other words, unification of a manifold de-
pends on something determining its own unity. Put in just this way, it be-
comes evident that neo-Platonism presupposes that the particular entity—
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the highest possible form of unity in a manifold—turns to itself. The neo-
same, i.e. the thinking will be one with the object of its thought.” Aristotle, Metaphysics XII
8–9, 1074b30–1075a5, in The Complete Works of Aristotle, rev. Oxford translation, vol. II, ed.
Jonathan Barnes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), pp. 1698–1699. See also Aris-
totle, On the Soul II 2, 413b1–414a3, in The Complete Works of Aristotle, vol. I (1984),
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pp. 658–659.
2. Aristotle, Physics, in The Complete Works of Aristotle, vol. I, pp. 315–446. “Since every-
thing that is in motion must be moved by something, let us take the case in which a thing is
in locomotion and is moved by something that is itself in motion, and that again is moved
by something else that is in motion, and that by something else, and so on continually: then
the series cannot go on to infinity, but there must be some first mover” (Physics VII 1,
242a50–54).
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3. G. W. F. Hegel, Enzyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse [1830],
ed. Wolfgang Bonsiepen and Hans-Christian Lucas, in GW, vol. XX (1992), p. 572; English:
Hegel’s Philosophy of Mind: Part Three of the Encyclopedia of Philosophical Sciences (1830),
trans. William Wallace (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), p. 315. Hegel claims a similar status
for Aristotle elsewhere: “First of all we saw the abstract in neutral form: then abstract
thought in its immediacy, and thus the one, Being. These are pure thoughts, but thought
is not yet comprehended as thought; for us these thoughts are merely universal thoughts
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to which consciousness of thought is still lacking. Socrates is the second stage, in which
thought appears as self, the absolute is the thought of itself; the concrete is not only deter-
mined, e.g. Being, the atom, but is concrete thought, determined in itself and subjective. The
self is the most simple form of the concrete, but it is still devoid of content; insofar as it is
determined it is concrete, like the Platonic Idea. This content is, however, only implicitly
concrete and is not yet known as such; Plato, beginning with what is given, takes the more
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determinate content out of sensuous perception. Aristotle attains to the highest idea; the
thought about the thought takes the highest place of all; but the content of the world is still
outside of it.” G. W. F. Hegel, Vorlesungen über die Geschichte der Philosophie II, in Werke: Auf
der Grundlage der Werke von 1832–1848. Neu edierte Ausgabe, vol. XIX, ed. Eva Moldenhauer
and Karl Michel Markus (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrhamp, 1971, repr. 1986), pp. 487–488;
English: Hegel’s Lectures on the History of Philosophy, vol. II, ed. and trans. E. S. Haldane and
Frances H. Simon (New York: Humanities Press, 1968), pp. 451–452.
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248 Fichte
Platonists called this process epistrophê—the turning on itself, which is the

literal Greek paradigm of what we would call “reflection” (re-flectio). Any-
thing that can turn to itself must be immaterial; turning-on-itself would
thus also be a mark of the mental. As I mentioned previously, the Stoics
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believed that all self-preservation, which is an essential activity of every be-
ing, requires in the very essence of each being an adequate disposition to-
ward itself. It must be well disposed toward itself in order to preserve itself.
In the case of the rational being, this disposition toward itself has to be de-
scribed as an acquaintance with itself, as “self-consciousness.”
From these examples of self-reference in Greek philosophy, we may
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draw two observations.
1. Self-reference can be mental, but it does not have to be identical with
the self-reference of a person. Indeed, for Aristotle, self-reference is a struc-
tural accessory to the individual mental state. Even in the later Fichte we
can find such a self-referring of the cognitive state that precedes the struc-
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ture of the person. In sum: we have self-reference not only as a definition
of the self (the person) or of the single mental state, but also of a structure
that is not mental at all.
2. Greek philosophy, and all subsequent philosophy until Fichte, as-
sumed that the structure of self-reference—and in particular the structure
of mental self-reference—is something that we can find to be the case. The
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neo-Platonic and Aristotelian systems use the structure of self-reference for
various purposes that are primarily metaphysical, but they never analyze
the structure of self-reference as the basic structure of the mind. Instead,
they merely identify and then go on to presuppose and use the structure of
self-reference. Even when the self-reference of the mind became the basic
issue of all philosophy, this state of affairs did not change. This develop-
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ment, appearing first in Descartes, marks the beginning of modern philos-
ophy. Later thinkers severed the links between the metaphysical problem of
the self-reference of the mind and the metaphysical problem of what life or
a substance is. In consequence of this, the problems of the philosophy of
mind, set free from their captivity to metaphysical interests, enjoyed au-
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tonomy for the first time.
This happened simultaneously in Leibniz and Locke. Leibniz tried to in-
troduce the concept of a substance starting from the characters of self-con-
sciousness. He offers the first deduction of the concept of substance from
self-consciousness. (“Ce moi que dit beaucoup,” that self that tells so much,
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is one of his phrases.)4 We can learn from the self what a substance is, not
the other way around. Here Leibniz makes an important theoretical move,
for it follows that the unity and self-dependence of substance are charac-
teristics toward which we move in analyses that start from the concept of
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self-consciousness. To put the problem in this way is to make a significant
move toward the autonomy of the philosophy of the mind. John Locke
made a corresponding move: he realized that we cannot interpret our be-
lief in the identity of the person in terms of the sameness of the substance
over time.5 These two theoretical moves by Leibniz and Locke should have
precipitated an investigation into the self-referential structure of the mind,
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but they did not. Such an investigation was not even attempted, with the
exception of one paragraph in Reinhold’s Theory of Representation, until
Fichte began his philosophical explorations.6
The Leibnizian and the Lockean moves merged in the thought of Kant.
Kant combined the Lockean idea—that while the mind is self-referential
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we can never interpret it as substance—with the Leibnizian idea—that the
self-reference of the mind allows us to deduce our notion of substance as
well as to justify the use we can make of it. (This we do even though the
mind is not itself an instance in which we can make use of this applica-
tion.) Even so, despite Kant’s important step toward reorienting modern
philosophy by emphasizing the applicability of this self-referential struc-
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ture of mind, it was rather its internal problems that captured the attention
of succeeding philosophers. Kant’s refusal to discuss in detail his ultimate
principles was tantamount to the refusal to develop what we would now
call a theory of self-consciousness. Indeed, we can find no such theory in
Kant, and what he does say about self-consciousness is actually contradic-
tory. He sketched out some theories of self-consciousness, but he never
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elaborated any of them. This prompts the recognition that the Critique of
4. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Discours de Métaphysique et Correspondance avec Arnauld
[1686, first printed 1846], ed. Georges Le Roy (Paris: J. Vrin, 1988), p. 73; English: Discourse
on Metaphysics, trans. Peter G. Lucas and Leslie Grint (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1953), p. 58. See Lecture 3, note 12. See also D. Henrich, FuE, p. 15; English: FOI, p. 18.
5. John Locke (1632–1704), An Essay Concerning Human Understanding [1690, 4th ed.
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1700], ed. Peter H. Nidditch (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975, repr. with corrections 1979).
See especially Chapter XXVII, “Of Identity and Diversity,” pp. 328–348.
6. K. L. Reinhold, VTV, pp. 332–338. Here Reinhold touches on the problem of the self-
referential structure of the mind. For an exposition of Reinhold’s investigation, see D.
Henrich, ATS, esp. pp. 147–159; English: OTS, pp. 64–75.
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250 Fichte
Pure Reason, while a theory based on self-consciousness, nowhere treats

self-consciousness as its subject.7
Fichte developed the first theory that treats self-consciousness as its sub-
ject. The conclusions he drew from his analysis had important historical
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consequences. Principal among these conclusions was that there is no im-
mediate, undifferentiated structure of self-reference in the mind. This is
tantamount to rejecting the view that self-reference accompanies single
perceptions (as in Aristotle, or again, later, in Brentano and Husserl, who
re-introduced this Aristotelian idea into philosophical inquiry).8 Fichte
proposes, in its stead, the notion that mental self-reference is a highly com-
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plicated structure that the apparent transparency of the mind to itself
hides.
Fichte had even more to say in his post-1800 versions of the Science of
Knowledge: self-reference is neither the only, nor even the primary, struc-
ture of the mind. It is rather an implication of more basic processes that
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underlie the mind, but in a way that these processes necessarily constitute
the mind’s self-reference. From the results of his analysis of self-conscious-
ness, Fichte derived the dynamic monism that propelled his systematic
analysis of all mental structures. This analysis, in turn, led to the theories
of the self (the term “self,” as we use it today, emerged at the same time) in
existentialism, as Kierkegaard, Heidegger, and Sartre elaborate them.9
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7. Dieter Henrich, “Kant’s Notion of a Deduction and the Methodological Background of
the First Critique,” in Kant’s Transcendental Deductions: The Three ‘Critiques’ and the Opus
postumum, ed. Eckart Förster (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989), pp. 29–46. In this
essay Henrich shows why Kant believed such a theory of self-consciousness to be impossible.
8. See Franz Clemens Brentano (1838–1917), Psychologie vom empirischen Standpunkt
[1874, 2nd ed. 1924], ed. Oskar Kraus (Leipzig: Felix Meiner, 1924); English: Psychology
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from an Empirical Standpoint, ed. Oskar Kraus and Linda L. McAlister, trans. Anton C.
Rancurello, et al. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973); Edmund Husserl (1859–1938),
Logische Untersuchungen [1900–1901], 2 vols., ed. Elmar Holenstein and Ursula Panzer, in
Husserliana. Edmund Husserl, Gesammelte Werke, vols. XVIII–XIX,2, ed. H. L. van Breda
(The Haag: Martinus Nijhoff, 1975/1974); English: Logical Investigations, trans. J. N. Findlay
(Amherst: Humanities Press, 2000).
9. See S. Kierkegaard, Sygdommen til Døden, ed. A. B. Drachmann, in Sv, vol. XV (1963);
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English: The Sickness Unto Death: A Christian Psychological Exposition for Upbuilding and
Awakening, ed. and trans. Howard V. Hong and Edna H. Hong (Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press, 1980); Martin Heidegger, Sein und Zeit [1927], in Gesamtausgabe, vol. II, ed.
Friedrich-Wilhelm von Hermann (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1977); Eng-
lish: Being and Time, trans. Joan Stambaugh (Albany: SUNY Press, 1996); Jean-Paul Sartre,
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If we look at the structure of self-reference as a basic phenomenon in the

mind, it becomes much more complicated. To be sure, there are superficial
phenomena of self-reference, but they actually depend on something that
is far more complex. The mind’s original self-reference is not that accessory
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state in perception. Nor is it identical with an accidental reflection that the
mind performs on itself, but that it is not bound to do necessarily (this is
the kind of reflection that Kant thematized in the “‘I think’ that can possi-
bly accompany all my representations”). Moreover, self-reference is not
even identical to the reflexive relationship of the mind, our description of
this relationship as continuous notwithstanding. Original self-reference, as
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Fichte and all the existentialists would say, not only leads to but also al-
ready implies a process. This is tantamount to claiming that original self-
reference is a kind of developing of mental life, which can also include and
explain the moral and active aspects of human life.
Fichte’s interpretation of personal identity fundamentally altered the
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significance of the question as it had predominated in philosophy. It
moved away from the dominance of the Lockean–Humean problem,
which was essentially directed to the criteria, over time, for the identity of a
person. With Fichte, the question of identity becomes the development of
a personal value system over various stages of an integrated motivational
structure. Seen from just this point of view, the emergence of Fichte’s new
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construal of the problem of identity helps us to grasp the historical rela-
tionship between Fichte and various forms of psychological and psychoan-
alytic theory. We could even say that the notion of the psychological iden-
tity of the person as we find it in today’s psychological theory bears the
imprint of Fichte’s orientation.
These brief observations on the historical importance of Fichte’s view of
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identity do not replace the need for a philosophical assessment of the mer-
its of his theory. I have begun such an examination, but owing to the com-
plication of the problems, my presentation amounts to little more than an
introductory sketch. I am attempting here only to present Fichte’s princi-
ple projects and their main arguments, so I am not making the claim that
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what I present exhausts the texts. Indeed, much of what I will outline de-
La transcendance de l’égo: esquisse d’une description phénoménologique [1936–1937], ed. Syl-
via Le Bon (Paris: J. Vrin, 1988); English: Transcendence of the Ego: An Existentialist Theory of
Consciousness, trans. Forrest Williams and Robert Kirkpatrick (New York: Octagon Books,
1972).
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252 Fichte
pends on my reconstruction of Fichte’s writings, which I have undertaken

in an attempt to render his work more intelligible.
When Fichte developed the formula “the faculty of representation exists
only for the faculty of representation,” he believed that he had opened an
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entirely new dimension of philosophical discourse. He pursued a path of
inquiry into an idea that all the great philosophers had used, in one sense
or another. But he believed that his approach brought into view features
of this idea that other philosophers had overlooked. The difficulties sur-
rounding Fichte’s investigation were daunting, and he never claimed to
have achieved definitive resolution of them.
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The traditional use of the idea of the self-reference of the mind invoked
mental phenomena that actually occur, even though these phenomena ex-
press merely what lies at the surface of the mind’s self-referential nature.
Natural language, too, depends on surface cases of self-reference when it
invokes seemingly innocent terms like “reflection” and “self-awareness”
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(despite their theory-laden character). When, however, we advance to anal-
ysis of the deeper, more elementary structures of the mind, our natural
language, as well as our traditional philosophical language, prove insuf-
ficient. The understanding of the real life of humans, which is presumably
what the Science of Knowledge is all about, requires not only exceeding ab-
straction, but also an intense struggle with language. For this reason, Fichte
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tried to develop various differing terminologies for the Science of Knowl-
edge. In the 1804 version of that work, for example, he offered three differ-
ent lecture courses within one year, in part to the same audience. In each of
these, he used different approaches and different terminologies in order to
address the conceptual difficulties of which he was very much aware.
To this point, I have proposed an interpretation mainly of the basic term
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setzen (to posit) in Fichte’s Science of Knowledge. I have tried to show that
we can find three elements of meaning in this term that make it suitable
for use in a theory of self-consciousness of this type. Let us review them
briefly, in order to have them clearly in mind.
1. “To posit” is an activity (although we could substitute the word “pro-
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cess” and come closer to what Fichte actually discovered) that does not de-
pend obviously on any antecedent condition. Positing seems to be an inde-
pendent process, in much the same sense in which reflection seems to be
freely at our disposal.
2. As an activity, positing leads to a determinate result: Bestimmtheit
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(determinateness). We can distinguish the determinate result of positing

from what differs from it. Because positing brings about a determinate
state, we can conceive of self-consciousness analogously to this self-deter-
mining process. Hence, I know what I am by being self-conscious, which
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also means that I know what I am not, by way of its opposition to what I
am. Recall the formula: “the self posits itself as positing.”10 This formula is
essential. Apart from it, we do not have the self as a closed system but re-
quire an “outsider” who looks on the self; but then that would be the self,
and we still would not have really accounted for the self. Instead, we would
have a self outside of the structure that we developed, even though we
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might well not be aware of this assumption.
3. The third structural property to which “positing” refers is the immedi-
acy of the relation between the process and the result. No further condition
intervenes where positing occurs. Moreover, we can say that the occurrence
of the process and the appearance of the result are indissolubly linked.
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There is no gap whatsoever between process and result. Hence we may say
that there is no act of positing that is not correlated to the existence of the
position.
What is crucial for our investigation is that the three elements and
meanings of the term “positing” correlate to three aspects of self-con-
sciousness. Self-consciousness is (1) a closed system that (2) includes a
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cognitive element, and (3) is originally self-referring. The second and third
elements are of particular importance. The “determinate” result of posit-
ing is the conceptual aspect. Having a concept is not identical with per-
forming an activity. Moreover, I can refer to myself as something determi-
nate only by virtue of the conceptual element that is implied in this self-
referring structure. The fact that self-reference includes a cognitive ele-
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ment corresponds to the fact that we have a determinate result from the act
of positing. With respect to the original self-reference of the self, we have to
avoid the claim that the self is there before the reference takes place. Fichte
avoids presupposing the self by insisting on an immediacy between the act
of positing and the position positing brings into being: there is no positing
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without the position. Only in his later Science of Knowledge did Fichte be-
gin to see clearly that the self-reference of the mind is original. He con-
trasted the view that the mind makes reference to itself with his own dis-
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254 Fichte
covery that the mind is actually this self-reference. For this reason, we must
interpret the mind’s activity in ways that differ from our ordinary assump-
tions.
We can show that Fichte, by proving that the elements of conceptual-
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ity and immediacy are essential for any possible interpretation of the ba-
sic structure of mind, discovered in his concept of self-consciousness the
starting point for building up his Science of Knowledge. The active element
(positing), and the element that we cannot conceive as active (the concep-
tual), are both required for self-reference. This amounts to an antagonistic
dynamic in the basic structure of self-reference, which becomes essential
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for the mind’s primary structure, as well as for the entire system of the Sci-
ence of Knowledge.
In his 1798 version, Fichte first justified the systematic structure of the
Science of Knowledge in terms of his analysis of the principle of self-con-
sciousness. There he eliminated the parallelism between the practical and
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theoretical Science of Knowledge, deriving all the structures of the mind—
both theoretical and practical—directly from an analysis of the self-refer-
ring structure of consciousness. The structure he derives includes the two
antagonistic elements of activity and conceptuality, that is, being active
and, simultaneously, referring to itself only by an element that we cannot
conceive of as being active.
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To understand that the standard models that attempt to analyze self-
consciousness fail is to understand why Fichte adopts the term setzen for
his own analysis. By now it should be evident that we should not construe
setzen as a symptom of Fichte’s exaggerated emphasis on the independence
of the mind. He simply does not have in mind the resonances of the neu-
rotic person’s inflammatory claim—“I posit myself!” Once we listen to this
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from a theoretical point of view, an entirely different resonance begins to
sound. It is the sound of an almost desperate attempt to overcome the ba-
sic conceptual weaknesses of entire epochs of philosophical apparatus. I
should say, parenthetically, that I have come to believe that we can look
at almost all important concepts in the history of philosophy in this way.
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For instance, Plato’s “Idea” sprang from much the same attempt to over-
come philosophical weaknesses in his time. In an analogous way, Aristotle’s
energeia attempts to overcome problems with which he became acquainted
in Plato’s school. To these examples we might add that of Wittgenstein’s
language games. There are doubtless many more. Fichte’s “to posit” is cer-
tainly one instance among these revisionary ideas.
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We may well wonder why the standard models that attempt to under-
stand self-consciousness fail. Philosophers always presupposed these mod-
els but never really developed them. We know now that self-reference is
suspect, insofar as it leads ineluctably to paradoxes. As we have seen, there
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are many paradoxes in logical self-reference, for example, the paradox of
the liar in the self-referential proposition. But these differ from the para-
doxes of mental self-reference, wherein self-reference occurs within an act
of knowing. I believe that we may find three paradoxes rooted in the tra-
ditional assumptions about self-consciousness. Although Fichte nowhere
works them out explicitly and, indeed, was not fully aware of them, he
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nonetheless did try to escape them. All his efforts point toward the elimi-
nation of paradoxes from an analysis of self-consciousness. Of course,
when paradoxes arise in any theory (and they are never entirely eradica-
ble), the theory that tries to overcome them becomes both very compli-
cated and runs counter to common sense. To be sure, this is precisely what
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happens in Fichte’s theory. He claims that it is the paradoxical character of
the apparently natural ideas about consciousness that ultimately makes the
enterprise of the Science of Knowledge scientifically necessary. (I say “scien-
tifically” to distinguish this impulse for justification from others that func-
tion within the Science of Knowledge, such as the reconciliation of life and
theory.) Let me briefly recount these three paradoxes.
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The first is the paradox of the theory of self-consciousness through re-
flection. In it we assume, with Kant and others, that reflection accounts
originally for self-consciousness. This assumption obligates us immediately
to consider the fact that reflection is a directed activity. We have to explain
how reflection becomes concentrated attention on something and in this
case, of course, on the reflecting self itself. If this is an appropriate consid-
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eration, however, it becomes quickly evident that an awareness of the self
must precede reflection. I cannot concentrate on something unless there is
already some awareness of it. In a word, I cannot bring into being an
awareness of that on which I am concentrating merely by my concentra-
tion. This is obviously circular. Rather, reflection can only make an aware-
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ness I already have explicit. Moreover, it might possibly lead to a descriptive
knowledge about the self, but reflection does not account for the original
self-awareness. Accordingly, self-awareness is presupposed in the reflection
account of self-consciousness.
The second paradox is the theory of self-consciousness as an original
self-acquaintance. In our examination of the theory of reflection, we con-
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256 Fichte
ceded that reflection might lead to a conceptual knowledge of the self, but
only if an original self-acquaintance were presupposed. In the theory of
self-consciousness as original self-acquaintance, we retract this concession
that the act of reflection might generate the conceptual element of self-
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consciousness for the first time. In its stead, we assume that there was an
original self-acquaintance. This acquaintance would not qualify as self-ac-
quaintance, apart from the co-presence of an awareness of its nature as
self-referring. We might then speak of self-consciousness as “original en-
joyment” of itself, or as “self-enjoyment as instantaneous reflective infer-
ence,” as did, respectively, Samuel Alexander11 and H. J. Paton12 in the
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twentieth century. The mere fact of being subject to an acquaintance does
not already identify that “subject” with the one with whom it is acquainted,
however. In other words, to assume that Y is an original acquaintance of X,
does not automatically mean that X = Y. I can be originally acquainted
with something that is me but still not know this fact, in which case I have
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still not reached self-acquaintance. The examples above of the lobster and
the Kafkaesque characters illustrate this point. It follows, therefore, that we
must attribute an original knowledge to the act of the person who is self-
acquainted. This original knowledge consists in an idea of what it is to be
acquainted with oneself.
Attributing an original knowledge to the act of self-acquaintance obliges
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us to conclude that this original knowledge already contains self-con-
sciousness. This original knowledge not only has to define what an instance
of self-acquaintance would be—so that I could recognize it in anyone—
but also, and primarily, has to be such that I know what it means to be ac-
quainted with myself. In other words, I need both to know what the struc-
ture of the self ’s self-acquaintance is and to be capable of applying this
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knowledge about the structure directly to myself. How could I do this
without already knowing who I am? Of course, to know about myself is
precisely the structure of self-consciousness. Once again, we have to pre-
suppose that for which we are seeking an account. Even importing an orig-
inal knowledge into a structure of self-acquaintance that is not the out-
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11. Samuel Alexander, Space, Time and Deity: The Gifford Lectures 1916–1918, vol. I (Lon-
don: Macmillan, 1920), pp. 12–18.
12. H. J. Paton, “The Idea of the Self,” The Nature of Ideas, in The Philosophical Union:
University of California Annual Lectures, vol. VIII (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1926), pp. 73–105.
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come of reflection, but that exists, so to speak, eternally, proves no help. We

are still riddled with paradox.
The third paradox is the completeness of direct self-consciousness,
which, among the paradoxes I have outlined, is probably the best known.
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We use the term “self-consciousness” to mean that somebody is acquainted
with herself. It has now become evident for us that we must include within
this meaning the idea that the self-conscious person has original knowl-
edge of what she is. There is more, however; for part of what she is includes
her own self-consciousness about the fact that she knows who she is. In other
words, she has to know that she is a knower of what she is, or she would
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not really be in possession of complete self-consciousness. And we do, in-
deed, assume that self-consciousness is complete. What is more, we are
obliged to make this assumption, for if self-consciousness is immediate,
there is no possibility of saying that it is in any sense limited. Here, un-
avoidably, the infinite regress crops up again. Being acquainted with what
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self-acquaintance is and knowing that self-acquaintance is of myself are the
two aspects the second paradox covers. She knows that she knows and she
is acquainted with her self-acquaintance, and so forth. Now the second-or-
der knowledge about herself requires, in turn, a third order; and, with
good reason, we cannot simply conclude here. Indeed, we must proceed ad
infinitum.
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The upshot of this paradox has been a number of desperate claims
about self-knowledge. In effect, they claim: “Well, that is exactly what self-
knowledge is all about. It is an infinite sequence of referring. Whenever
there is self-reference, there is already, and always will be, an infinite num-
ber of stages of self-referring.” This sort of response is wrongheaded, if not
absurd. The very fact that the sequence of reference is infinite means pre-
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cisely that there is no state at which we can arrive and declare it to be the
state in which self-reference occurs. Some have even advanced this kind of
claim in recent literature; and, doubtless, many might expect to find some-
thing of this sort in Fichte or Hegel. I can assure you, however, that neither
of them makes any claim remotely connected with this.
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Can one escape all three paradoxes? Presumably, one has to escape all
three of them or fail at mounting a theory of self-consciousness. We might
ask, secondly, whether Fichte escaped them? At one level, these two ques-
tions are distinct; but at another, they cannot be separated.
With respect to the first question—whether one can escape these three
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258 Fichte
paradoxes—I am committed to the view that it is of utmost philosophical

importance. To escape from the paradoxes should not lead to a situation
in which it becomes impossible to account for any mental phenomena.
Within the constraints of this investigation, I can only assert, without
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proving, the following conclusion: an examination of nineteenth- and
twentieth-century theories of the mind leads either to a reductiveness be-
yond all plausibility (with respect to the existence of mental phenomena),
or to the failure to escape from one or another of the three paradoxes. To
fail to be aware of these paradoxes, of course, is to run the best chance of
encountering them. (This would be the subject of another lecture, system-
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atic rather than historical.)
With respect to the second question—which asks if Fichte escaped from
the three paradoxes—I am of the view that it is possible to correlate his es-
capes from the three paradoxes with his three stages of the Science of
Knowledge. Specifically, we may correlate Fichte’s escape from the paradox
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of the theory of self-consciousness as reflection with the Science of Knowl-
edge of 1794–1795. We may correlate his escape from the paradox of self-
consciousness as original self-acquaintance with the Science of Knowledge
of 1798. And, finally, we can correlate his escape from the paradox of the
completeness of direct self-consciousness with the Science of Knowledge of
1804, et sqq. Let me now try to spell this out.
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1. With respect to the first paradox, I have already sketched out how the
assumption of the positing self accounts for an immediacy of self-refer-
ence. The idea of the positing of self rules out the theory of reflection in
which the concentration of attention on something brings it into being. In
the Science of Knowledge, Fichte assumes that to call the self a positing of it-
self is to show that self-subject and self-object are inseparable. This is
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equivalent to saying that the self-subject is not the ground of the self-ob-
ject. In contrast to the view that self-subject is the ground of self-object,
Fichte claims that they come into existence at the same time. To be sure,
the 1794–1795 Science of Knowledge retains an ambiguity that we can often
observe. If we construe self-reference as original relation, and if we define
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the self in terms of this relation, it is obviously impossible to say that the
self does the positing. The most that we can say (and with good reason) is
that the self is the positing—the process of being posited—of an activity
that refers to itself. This amounts to saying that the self is the coming forth
of the relation, which admits of no further cause or condition.
Although this is the most Fichte can say, he nevertheless says more. He
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attributes the generation of the self to the self itself, and he pursues a de-
scription of the self that is similar to a sort of causa sui (a self-causing of
the original self-reference). Fichte now uses the term “Self ” as an explana-
tory device to account for the generation of self-reference. The structure of
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this theory obligates him, first, to describe the structure of self-conscious-
ness. Fichte has to do this in order to avoid describing the structure inter-
nally, which would trigger contradiction. This is the role that the term
setzen—“to posit”—plays. Serving as a description of the structure of self-
consciousness, setzen (as simultaneously activity and determinate result)
affords Fichte relief from the first paradox. Using setzen descriptively pre-
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cludes its use explanatorily to account for the generation of the entire rela-
tionship. This account would require another term or, at the very least, the
recognition that we have to distinguish between two different aspects of
the self-referring structure of the self: its description and the process of its
coming forth. The only sound way of distinguishing between the structure
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of self-consciousness and an absolute Self is by taking the former as a de-
scription of the mind and the latter as an explanatory construct, intro-
duced for good reasons. This is, indeed, the structure of Fichte’s late Sci-
ence of Knowledge. Fichte here, however, no longer uses the “Self ” as an
explanatory device to account for the being-there of the original self-refer-
ring structure. This move requires of him a conceptual apparatus that lo-
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cates the self elsewhere. But Fichte had certainly not developed such an ap-
paratus in 1794.
As soon as Fichte struck the distinction between the explanatory and de-
scriptive uses of the term “self,” and embraced the idea that the descriptive
use is what matters, a change in the architecture of the Science of Knowledge
came close to hand. As F. C. Copleston rightly notes, Fichte turned his Sci-
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ence of Knowledge into a speculative theology by 1801.13 While the 1799
controversy and debate over his “atheism” may have been a motivating fac-
tor, it is decisive to see that Fichte’s move toward speculative theology was
by no means simply an accommodation to the situation. The early prob-
lematic of the Science of Knowledge—the problem of the structure of the
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being-for-itself of the faculty of representation—motivated the theoretical
change that underlies his new language. He could just as well have arrived
at the same theoretical structure without the charge of atheism. Whether
13. Frederick Charles Copleston, Fichte to Nietzsche, in A History of Philosophy, vol. VII,1
(New York: Image, 1963), p. 110.
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260 Fichte
he would have then used the same theological terminology to describe his
ultimate structure remains an open question.
2. The early Science of Knowledge taught that the essence of the self must
be revealed to it. Although present in the earlier version, the idea of the
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self ’s positing itself, understood as positing itself as itself, did not become
dominant until the 1798 Science of Knowledge. When in 1798 this formula
did ascend to the role of the ultimate principle of the Science of Knowledge,
it included the following considerations. The self posits itself. While it ap-
parently posits itself as knowing about itself, the sense in which we can say
this requires explication. The self posits (i.e., what it is originally correlated
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with) the notion of itself, and its product, so to speak, is its own thought of
what it is.
This is not yet enough. For it is not clear how the thought could refer to
that activity. In other words, can a thought of something that might be
there, but that is in empty space, already refer to anything? No. So the ac-
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tivity must somehow be present in order to apply that thought. Here Fichte
returns to his idea of the “intellectual intuition”—an awareness that goes
with the activity. This awareness is not already self-referential in the sense
of a mental self-reference. It is only tightly connected with the activity. This
is tantamount to saying that there is an activity and—as that activity takes
place—there is an awareness of the activity. It is not the activity’s awareness
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of itself. If we were to conceive of the matter in this way, we would immedi-
ately fall back into paradoxes. Instead, the activity goes with the intuition.
But even more, there must be a notion of the entire structure. This notion,
by way of the intuition that is already there, applies to the entire structure
(to intuition plus activity). It does so in such a way that the notion articu-
lates what the activity is like.
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The notion of the entire structure brings about a knowledge of what the
activity is. It is interesting to observe that this is still not self-reference, even
though Fichte was not aware of this at the time that he was writing. In-
stead, it is something that we can describe as a closed system. We can de-
scribe the activity, the intuition, and concept as inseparable and apply the
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concept to the intuition plus activity. While this yields a closed system,
we cannot say that this is the self-reference of the activity. Instead, it is the
immediate emergence of the knowledge of the activity together with the
activity.
What we call self-reference is not really complete self-reference at all, but
a structure in which activity and knowledge of the activity emerge imme-
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diately together. Real self-reference is the conceptual interpretation of this

structure as a self-reference. Such self-reference is not present at the outset,
but is instead a result of a development of the structure. We are led to the
conclusion that we must regard this as Fichte’s ultimate insight.14
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The 1798 Science of Knowledge still lacks one element. Fichte feels that it
is not yet enough to incorporate the notion of the activity that is immedi-
ately aware of ‘itself ’ into the system.15 What is still lacking is the knowl-
edge that the activity is originally correlated with a notion. What I know in
this notion is that there is an activity that goes together with an awareness
of it. We can say, therefore, that a particular action is going on, without
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knowing what motivated it. But what, we might ask, is the nature of that
action? In Fichte’s view, the nature of that action is that it is correlated with
a notion of it.
Now, this fact—that the activity is correlated with the notion—has to be
incorporated in the notion. This requires a second appearance of the no-
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tion in the activity. As we have seen, there must already be a conceptual as-
pect in the activity; but this conceptual aspect is not of the activity—it is
merely and originally related to it. We can already see what kind of a
notion this will be: it will be a “practical” notion. Fichte means by this a
conceptual structure of which we are not explicitly aware, that somehow
guides that activity. A conceptual structure that guides an activity of which
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there is an original awareness, is not a concept of that activity. As long as we
do not have the notion of all this that is applied to the activity, we have no
knowledge of the activity. It amounts to nothing more than a presence of
the activity, and some conceptual structure then influences it. Understand-
ably, Fichte wants to get to the law right away. He has in mind, of course,
the categorical imperative, because Kant’s “law” in the Critique of Practical
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Reason is not about action, it is for action. As such, it allows for an analysis
that does not already rely on self-reference.
The basic structure that we ultimately can call the self-reference of the
mind consists of (a) the activity, (b) the immediate awareness that goes
with it, and (c) the law that guides it. While these three together constitute
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14. Henrich has continued to wrestle with the problems surrounding mental self-refer-
ence. See in particular, D. Henrich, “Bewusstes Leben. Einleitung und Übersicht zu den
Themen des Bandes,” in BL, pp. 11–48; id., “Selbstbewusstsein und spekulatives Denken,” in
Fluchtlinien. Philosophische Essays (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1982), pp. 125–181.
15. Henrich will interpret this notion as the original case in which we use the term ‘self-
reference’ in the description of a system. See Lecture 18, pp. 263–272.
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262 Fichte
the basic structure, we can only call it self-referential after further concep-
tual development, in which both the existence and irreducibility of this
structure become clear. These moves help illuminate Fichte’s presentiment
that escaping the paradoxes entails two things at the same time. The first is
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to complicate the idea of the basic structure of the mind; the second is to
accept that there is neither an immediate nor a complete self-acquaintance
of the mind with itself. Hence the real self-acquaintance that the mind can
have with itself is understanding what it is. So only in the rational being can
there be adequate self-reference. This second point, however, also implies
that in the original structure of the mind we cannot find complete self-
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reference.
3. What remains for us to discuss is the paradox of the completeness of
direct self-consciousness. I have already sketched out some of the theoreti-
cal foundations in Fichte’s work that permit him to escape this paradox.
Once we have said that the self-reference cannot be complete in its primary
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structure, I have the tools for avoiding, at least potentially, an infinite re-
gress. As long as I hold that self-reference is elementary, infinite regress is
inescapable. We need, of course, to say more about this as well as about the
theoretical conclusions Fichte draws from it. Indeed, we should attempt to
delineate the sense in which Fichte believes that his theoretical conclusions
already amount to a speculative theology. In light of the current interest in
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the potential of modern philosophy for the development of theological
terminology and systems, I find it important to touch on this issue in the
following lecture, even though a full exploration of these matters falls out-
side of the purview of this current undertaking. Above all, I think we
should touch on Fichte’s speculative theology because he is, in my opinion,
one of the best modern theologians. In this respect, Fichte is virtually un-
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known.
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Fichte The Turn to Speculative Theology
18
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The Turn to
Speculative Theology
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Analyzing systematically the three paradoxes that recur in the usual inter-
pretation of self-consciousness has opened a path for me to interpret the
various stages of Fichte’s theory of self-consciousness. I am proposing that
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it is possible to construe the three stages of the development of Fichte’s Sci-
ence of Knowledge as attempts to escape each of these paradoxes in turn.
Fichte effectively resolves the first paradox—the paradox of the theory
of self-consciousness as a reflective act—through his introduction of the
notion of the self as positing, which is simultaneously act and determinate
result. Fichte’s complicated analysis of the elements of self-consciousness
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that appears in the 1798 Science of Knowledge aims at resolving the second
paradox—the paradox of the theory of self-consciousness as original im-
mediate self-acquaintance.
Fichte’s analysis of self-consciousness in the 1798 Science of Knowledge is
prolix, so I shall briefly recapitulate my reconstruction of his argument.
The important point is that the self not only posits itself, but also posits it-
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self as positing. This way of putting the matter yields at least two elements:
(1) the positing act, with an accompanying immediate awareness that is
not yet self-referential; and (2) the conceptual knowledge of what the act
is. This formulation represents a significant change from the 1794–1795
Science of Knowledge: now the knowledge of the act is no longer the deter-
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minate product of the activity; instead, the act and the knowledge of it oc-
cur simultaneously from the outset. Fichte attempts to show that the recip-
rocal interdependence between them proves their inseparability. He argues
that the concept that provides knowledge of the act refers to the act as ba-
sic, yet the concept itself is also basic, insofar as it directs the act. If we were
to pursue the analysis of this concept that directs the act, we would find
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263
264 Fichte
that it is fundamentally identical with the moral law. Thus the moral law is
somehow a concept that precedes the act.
Any knowledge that is simultaneously a demand implies a closed struc-
ture. This structure is just as closed as the structure of the single, simple ac-
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tion itself, in which both the act and the awareness of the act are insepara-
bly linked. Nonetheless, this elementary structure of action is actually
simpler than the structure of positing as positing.
Inside the structure of positing as positing, a knowledge can develop
that knows about itself. This is a knowledge by the structure about the
structure. To grasp this point is to grasp, as well, a far-reaching result of the
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theory of self-consciousness: there is never immediate self-reference in the
mind. In other words, mental self-reference is always the implication of a
complicated structure. The simplicity with which we reflect on ourselves as
the subjects of knowledge is utterly misleading. While it is, indeed, imme-
diate, it is also parasitical in relation to a more basic complexity. And it is
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only in terms of this more basic complexity that we can analyze original
self-reference.
We could well call this basic complex structure the “Self.” But then we
would have to distinguish carefully between this Self and self-conscious-
ness. Self-consciousness would now mean a consciousness of the Self that
the elementary mental structure generates. We would then conceive of the
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Self as containing self-consciousness as a necessary, albeit secondary, struc-
ture inside of it. Conceiving of the Self in this way means that the self-ref-
erential aspect would not be imposed on it. The absence of such imposi-
tion is essential. For if self-reference could be imposed upon it, we would
once again fall into the paradoxes that accrue to immediate self-reference.
Let me now recur to a somewhat fuller exposition of the third paradox,
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which is of the completeness of direct self-consciousness. We might also
describe this as the paradox of the presupposition of an infinite number of
orders of acts of knowing in self-consciousness. The knower knows that he
knows, and he has to know that he knows that he knows, ad infinitum. If
we were to construe self-consciousness as immediate self-knowledge, and
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did not invoke this complex structure that we are now calling the “Self ”
(which precedes all self-reference), then this third paradox would necessar-
ily arise. But, since Fichte construes self-consciousness as this complex
structure that I have outlined, he can also avoid the third paradox. This is
how he does so: in the structure of the reciprocal interdependence of the
active and the conceptual elements, the knowledge of this complex struc-
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The Turn to Speculative Theology 265
ture develops. Since we also now know that this knowledge necessarily de-
velops inside of the structure, we can say with Fichte that the knowledge is
knowledge of the structure in a two-fold sense. In the first sense, knowl-
edge is about the structure. In the second sense, knowledge belongs to the
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structure. Of course, in order to recognize the second sense of knowledge,
there must be the possibility of making reference to the knowledge about
the structure. If this is so, this knowledge must also be known.
The decisive point, however, is that we have no need to assume that this
knowledge of the knowledge is itself self-referential. It simply occurs. Be-
cause the structure is complex, and not just a simple turning on itself,
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we have means to account for occurrences of knowledge inside of it that
are not identical with the knowledge of the structure about itself. Apart
from the complexity of this structure, such an account would be impossi-
ble. Indeed, we would then be obliged to account for all aspects of self-
consciousness in terms only of its original undifferentiated self-reference.
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As is doubtless evident, to pursue such a path would lead into infinite re-
gress. Our knowledge of consciousness would have equally to be knowl-
edge of itself as knowledge. And we would have to introduce a second or-
der of knowledge for the very same reason we introduced the first. And if
we fail to avoid this, we fall into the grips of infinite regress.
It seems to be natural and plausible to find a way to avoid this conun-
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drum. Almost everyone would concede that knowledge resulting from re-
flection on myself, for example, and knowledge about my reflection on my-
self are of different types. It seems entirely plausible to make the step to the
second order, which is mere knowledge about myself. It is, however, quite a
different matter to proceed to the third order, in which I explicate knowl-
edge about my knowing myself. In the absence of an adequate account of
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the basic structure of self-consciousness, we would be hard pressed to ex-
plain why we have this natural impression that there is a distinct difference
between second- and third-order knowing. By contrast, in light of my ad-
mittedly sketchy reconstruction of Fichte’s theory, it is at least possible for
us to account for our natural belief in this difference. Now we can explain
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it as the difference between two occurrences inside of the original struc-
ture, both of which are states of knowledge, but only one of which is self-
referential.
Once Fichte realized that a conceptual element in the knowledge of the
Self about itself is not only required, but is also just as primordial as the ac-
tivity, he changed his terminology. What he had not admitted in the 1794–
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266 Fichte
1795 Science of Knowledge he now conceded openly: the concept of the Self
is not a product of the activity, but comes immediately with the activity. At
this point he invokes a new metaphor to express this immediate intelligi-
bility of the activity, which is inseparable from the activity itself. The meta-
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phor he uses is “das Auge” (the eye): there is a seeing that is connected with
the activity. Thereafter, his formula for the essence of the Self became:
“This Self is an activity into which an eye is inserted (eingesetzt).”1 Al-
though eingesetzt also has the sense of “incorporated” or “implanted,” the
sense of “to insert” indicates the inseparability of activity and of the under-
standing (“seeing”), as well as their equal primordiality.
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Now, eingesetzt seems to presuppose two things: something that can be
inserted and that into which it can be inserted. To appropriate these senses,
Fichte adapts his metaphor, extending his third formula of self-conscious-
ness. He had begun by saying that “the self posits itself absolutely,” and
then revised this formula by saying “the self posits itself as positing.” Even
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his revision retained the possibility that the “as positing” is a product of
the act of positing. To eliminate this possibility, he revised his formula
with the addition of a new metaphor. Now he says: “The Self is an activity
into which an eye is inserted, and, inseparably from that, is an activity of
an eye.”2 Here, particularly in the second part of the formula, Fichte es-
tablishes the reciprocal relationship between the activity and knowledge
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about it. That the formula has two parts is doubtless evident. In the first
part we learn that the self is activity, but by itself this is inadequate, because
we could interpret the activity as preceding the inserting. In the second
part, Fichte links the metaphor of the inserted eye inseparably with the ex-
pression “of an eye,” referring to the guiding function of the concept of the
activity inside of the activity itself. As we have already discovered, this is
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the starting point of his moral philosophy—the “practical” aspect of the
Science of Knowledge. Owing to the equiprimordial character of the two el-
ements, both a theoretical and a practical aspect in the Self necessarily ex-
ist. The “eye” is not built into an activity that already exists: the activity
comes into existence together with the knowledge of it, which means that
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1. J. G. Fichte, DW, p. 150. See also J. G. Fichte, SSPW, p. 48 (n.d): “Es werden Augen
eingesetzt dem Einen”; and id., Die Bestimmung des Menschen [1800], ed. Reinhard Lauth
and Hans Gliwitzky, in GA, vol. I,6 (1981), pp. 145–311; English: The Vocation of Man, trans.
Robert Chisholm (New York: Liberal Arts Press, 1956).
2. J. G. Fichte, DW, p. 167. For further discussion of the contexts within which the “eye”
metaphors occur, see D. Henrich, FuE, pp. 25–37; English: FOI, pp. 31–43.
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the two elements are mutually dependent on one another. There is no act
of insertion that succeeds the activity. It is originally inserted.
One element in the ordinary meaning of “to insert” is, however, pre-
served and, indeed, emphasized. To wit, if there is something coming forth
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into which something else is already “inserted,” we cannot account for the
duality of the activity and the eye in terms of one of them alone. To look
for an account of the existence of this structure is to be obligated to tran-
scend the structure itself. In Fichte’s new formula, he defines the structure
in a way that excludes any account of its existence in terms of one of its two
elements. Neither the eye nor the activity can provide this account. In this
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moment, the idea of a ground of the structure becomes indispensable, and
it seems to be the case that we must distinguish the ground from the two
elements and from the complex in which both elements originally occur.
In the 1794–1795 Science of Knowledge, Fichte had virtually assumed
that there was such a ground, and that we have to refer to it. I remarked in
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passing that in the 1794–1795 Science of Knowledge the concept of Self is
also in some sense explanatory.3 As you doubtless will recall, Fichte had
tried to account for the irreducible existence of self-reference in terms of
the Self as an absolute activity. This concept is explanatory, because it re-
fers to something that is not itself mental. What the concept means to ex-
plain is that there is something that is mental. In this early version of the
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theory, Fichte claimed that what is mental is immediately self-referential.
Nonetheless, in the 1794–1795 Science of Knowledge, the explanatory func-
tion of the concept of the Self was hidden for plausible reasons. Fichte’s
methodological postulate that “the faculty of representation exists only for
the faculty of representation,” meant that no reference should be made to
anything that is not an element of the structure of consciousness itself.
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There was the further caveat that anything belonging to this structure is
also subject to an awareness. That was the weapon Fichte deployed against
Schulze’s criticism: any step toward an explanatory conceptual framework
violates this methodological requirement. Strict observation of this meth-
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3. See Lecture 17, p. 259: “Fichte now uses the term ‘Self ’ as an explanatory device to ac-
count for the generation of self-reference. The structure of this theory obligates him, first, to
describe the structure of self-consciousness. Fichte has to do this in order to avoid describ-
ing the structure internally, which would trigger contradiction. This is the role that the term
setzen—‘to posit’—plays. Serving as a description of the structure of self-consciousness,
setzen (as simultaneously activity and determinate result) affords Fichte relief from the first
paradox.”
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268 Fichte
odological requirement rules out all talk about the origin of the structure
of the mind.
Fichte’s criticism of Schulze notwithstanding, his language from the
outset was, in fact, partially explanatory. And once he introduced the for-
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mula about the activity into which an eye is inserted, it became impossible
for Fichte to avoid ceding this fact. While Fichte could have chosen to re-
vise his approach, and eliminate all explanatory moves from his theory, he
did not do so. This would have reduced the scope of the theoretical claims
he wished to make, and would have constituted an admission that all we
can do is describe the elementary situation that exists as the mind, that is,
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the activity into which the eye is inserted. Beyond that we could not go.
From this concession, there would be the haunting remainder of insuf-
ficiency, inasmuch as we would have to own the concession that the struc-
ture is not intelligible in terms of itself. We would be obliged to construe
the structure as some sort of compound, albeit of a very peculiar kind.
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But Fichte did not adopt this path. Instead, he pursued the course of a
different explanation, rather than no explanation at all. He chose an ex-
planatory language suitable for the new interpretation of self-conscious-
ness (in terms of the “eye’s” activity). Fichte offers no justification for his
choice, although we might be able to reconstruct some course of reasoning
that would lend support to it. Even this exploration, however, would turn
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out to be only partial. We have to conclude that this choice, which he
clearly made, embroiled him from the outset in the violation of his own
strict methodological postulate. This violation pursued him to the very
end of his attempts to delineate his Science of Knowledge.
I am constrained to acknowledge that Fichte does give evidence in some
respect for this postulate. He shows this by introducing a new condition for
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all possible explanatory accounts of the structure of self-consciousness. We
may state this condition as follows: that which explains (the explanans)
self-consciousness should not only show sufficient explanatory power
(that is trivial, for of course, any explanation should do so), but should
also be conceived so that self-consciousness should not be explained as an
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accidental event. It should explain it in such a way that the very idea of this
explanans already includes the existence of self-consciousness. What ex-
plains self-consciousness should not be only its ratio essendi, but also be
that of which self-consciousness is an essential attribute. In other words,
the explanans should not simply account for the possibility of imagining
self-consciousness or for the fact of the existence of it. Instead, the ex-
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planans should in itself imply self-consciousness as a necessary attribute of

its own essence. Fichte’s (very dubious) postulate at least connects, as
closely as possible, the ground of self-consciousness with self-conscious-
ness. There is no such ground unless there is self-consciousness, and vice
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versa.
If we could establish this connection, then self-consciousness could be
incorporated into the ground rather than only being, as it is presently, an
effect of it. In turn, we could interpret the self-reference of the mind in
terms of another self-referential structure. Our reasoning might take the
following form: if self-consciousness (the knowing self-reference) is an es-
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sential attribute of its ground, and if self-consciousness is nothing but
knowledge about what it itself is, then we could say that in self-conscious-
ness, a knowledge of the relationship between the ground and its “manifes-
tation” (Fichte’s term) is generated. From this perspective, we could then
say that in self-consciousness, the ground enters into a relationship of self-
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reference, because what it grounds belongs to it, and what belongs to it is
knowledge about itself.
We must pause now to note that we are here dealing with another self-
referential structure, one differing from that which we analyzed in our in-
vestigation of self-consciousness. Because Fichte does not distinguish them
clearly, he mixes the two structures all the time, moving with ease from one
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to the other. But it is clear that the structure with which we have been con-
cerned until now is an epistemic self-reference. This new structure about
which we are now speaking is basically an ontological self-reference. The
force of this distinction becomes clear when we see that in the Science of
Knowledge of 1794–1795, the “Self ” was the explanatory concept that de-
lineated the self-reference of self-consciousness. With this new method-
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ological maxim, however, we now find that the “Self ” is nothing but activity
that constitutes self-consciousness. If we look at this explanatory term in
its own terms, it is nothing but that which generates self-consciousness. In
other words, it is what it is only in that which it constitutes. This is clearly
an ontological, self-referential structure.
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Now we must clearly distinguish between these two types of self-refer-
ence. There is simply no good reason for moving from the epistemic self-
reference to the ontological self-reference of self-consciousness without ex-
tensive justification. Unfortunately, such justification is entirely lacking in
Fichte’s Science of Knowledge.
If we were to suspend our reservations, however, and accede to this
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270 Fichte
move for the time being, a third type of self-reference comes into view that
combines epistemic and ontological self-reference. By virtue of this type,
we interpret the knowledge of the product about itself and its origin as an
ontological relation between the ground and itself, by way of its essential
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product, the mind.
We have used the 1794–1795 Science of Knowledge term “Self ” as an ex-
ample. But we know that, with the progress to the third formula (that the
Self is an activity into which an eye is inserted), the concept of the Self
loses any explanatory potential. The Self is now this structure, the activity
into which an eye is inserted. Fichte emphasizes that neither of the two ele-
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ments accounts for the existence of the other element or of the entire
structure. If we are to proceed to the ground at all, we cannot proceed
to the concept of the Self in a way that provides an explanation of the
existence of self-consciousness. In other words, the explanans and the ex-
planandum cannot now be essentially linked to each other. Another term
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has to be introduced.
Fichte’s choice of a new term is not really surprising. Indeed, it consti-
tutes one of his steps toward speculative theology. In the context of specu-
lative theology, the question was natural enough: What might that entity
be, for which the following conditions hold? First, it is not the Self. Second,
it generates the self. Third, it generates the knowledge about itself. What
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kind of a ground might that be?
The category of “emergence,” which is the best conceptual tool that we
have to account for the existence of mental events and complexes in na-
ture, would not do here. Of course, with no philosophy of science available
at that time, the category of emergence was not a possible choice for Fichte
anyway. Even so, emergence does not allow for an interpretation that ful-
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fills the requirement of the mutual interdependence of the explanans and
the explanandum. Indeed, emergence means that such reciprocity cannot
take place; and it is restricted in that it prohibits any possibility of predic-
tion that is not ex eventu.
At this point Fichte introduces the concept of God into his Science of
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Knowledge,4 although its use had been foreshadowed in the Aenesidemus
Review.5 What is his idea of God? First, God is a reality that excludes all
other realities from any existence that might be independent. It is interest-
4. J. G. Fichte, DW, pp. 318ff.

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ing to note, in passing, that this concept of God follows from a method-
ological claim: if we do not conceive of God in this way, we will necessarily
introduce the thing-in-itself. To do this would oblige Fichte to drop his
second methodological condition (that the faculty of representation exists
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only for the faculty of representation), a condition he had imposed even on
his own illegitimate step into the explanatory dimension. Thus God must
be the singular ultimate reality. Second, God must also be the manifesta-
tion of the divine essence, because it is the mind that is generated. Third,
because God is nothing but absolute manifestation (this is also essential
for the introduction of an explanatory framework here), that manifesta-
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tion takes place if it becomes manifest that God is nothing but manifesta-
tion. But what is the manifestation? It is the manifestation that God is
nothing but manifestation. God is becoming-manifest as manifesting. (No-
tice the analogy to the second definition of the self!) Fourth, since God is
this manifestation, God’s essence is process, because manifestation is a pro-
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cess. And since this process is self-referential, it can be called “life.” So
Fichte defines life as a self-referential process. This is tantamount to saying
that God is life and nothing but life. Since this particular life—this self-ref-
erential process—is the manifestation of its very nature, and amounts to
knowledge about what God is, we can call life “spiritual” life. In sum, God
is nothing but spiritual life. The result of this combination of the two
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senses of self-reference and its product amounts to a reinterpretation of
the ratio essendi of the mind, which Fichte now understands to be God. In
a word, God is nothing but this process that is the manifestation of itself.
Now, in light of these speculative theological observations, it becomes
necessary to reinterpret the entire process of knowledge. We have distin-
guished between the structure of self-consciousness and the dynamism of
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the mind, as the Science of Knowledge describes it, that Fichte bases on the
description of the structure of self-consciousness. We arrived at the specu-
lative theology from the starting point of the theory of self-consciousness.
We have not, however, in this discourse, mentioned the Science of Knowl-
edge in its concreteness, which we must now reinterpret.
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Fichte described this process in the Science of Knowledge, first, as the
positing of the self and the not-self as limited; and, second, as the con-
scious understanding of that process, ending with apperception and with
moral consciousness. Now we have to interpret this process as the manifes-
tation of the ground of the Self as itself. In this ultimate understanding, the
Self gains an adequate understanding of what it ultimately is. From this
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272 Fichte
perspective, we can interpret the later stages of the process of mind, as

Fichte describes them in the Science of Knowledge, as a sequence of prelimi-
nary steps of self-consciousness toward its ultimate and only adequate self-
interpretation. In this ultimate self-interpretation, self-consciousness re-
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lates itself to the absolute ground and presupposition of its activity; but
self-consciousness also relates itself to itself, because the ultimate ground
and activity is nothing but the manifestation of itself in self-consciousness.
It is not the case that self-consciousness, which interprets itself in this way,
would surrender to an ultimate proposition. Rather, it would be immedi-
ately justified in its understanding as a self-referential activity.
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To construe thusly the process of self-consciousness also justifies what
we earlier described as the “moral image of the world.” You will doubtless
remember that Fichte emphasized that every moral agent believes that
there is a world order into which all her activities are incorporated. The ac-
tivities are essential for the process: we must describe the world order as an
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active ordering in terms of them. We must not look on this world order as
a requirement for the possibility of the fulfillment of our individual wills
as moral agents, however. The very fact that moral consciousness and the
belief in the world process are necessarily linked interprets the moral con-
sciousness itself in a new way. This assumption—that the order exists—in-
corporates us as moral beings into this order. This amounts to saying that
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we are cooperating in the production of a world in which moral indepen-
dence is ultimately completely manifested. But it also means that this pro-
cess of the world is absolutely justified by virtue of itself. We are only essen-
tial elements in it, “essential” only as vehicles for it. The manifestation takes
place in and by ourselves, but what is manifested is not our own individual
nature. If we believe that the world is a process of continuous improve-
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ment, political and ultimately moral, as well, and that this process is only a
manifestation of our own nature, we remain at a state of interpretation of
self-consciousness that is not ultimate, although it is presumably the state
that is characteristic for Kant’s moral philosophy.
Thus we can see, even from my sketchy presentation, that Fichte’s Sci-
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ence of Knowledge is also a theory of the stages on life’s way. It is actually the
first modern moral philosophy that has an epistemological and even onto-
logical background, and is, simultaneously, a theory of the stages of human
life. These stages also include what we may call “moral wisdom”—namely,
the distinction between various interpretations of what morality is and the
critical comparison of those interpretations. The ultimate state requires
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that we understand that morality is absolutely different from subtle self-

pride. All that we, as moral agents, believe does not heighten the value we
can give to ourselves. Rather, it is the other way around: we have to un-
derstand ourselves as functioning in a world order. Erik Erikson says that
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the ultimate achievement of a human being is to see herself as nothing but
an element in the process of the world.6 This is what Fichte also tries to
point out.
All this, of course, depends on Fichte’s speculative theology, and on the
theoretically problematic move that leads to it. I should point out two
properties of this theology in order to clarify some connections between
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the late Science of Knowledge and what I have said about the process of the
generation of idealism.
First, Fichte’s speculative theology really is a “Spinozism of freedom,”
which was the requirement that the young generation imposed on any sat-
isfactory philosophy. This theology met the deepest needs of the time: it is
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actually the first modern theology and perhaps the only one—Hegel’s, of
course, being the alternative. It qualifies as the first modern theology be-
cause it contains a potential for overcoming the antagonism between free-
dom and religion. Fichte conceives of the concept of God in such a way
that, by definition, God cannot impose any restrictions upon freedom.
God is manifestation, and the manifestation takes place in free self-refer-
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ence. For this reason, it is absolutely unintelligible to think of God as a per-
son who imposes demands on human beings. Fichte’s conception of God
precludes this antagonism. Those familiar with nineteenth-century theol-
ogy know of the resurgence of this antagonism. Because Fichte never pub-
lished his theology, it remained unknown for decades, and today we only
know it from his manuscripts that are available in his son’s edition of
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Fichte’s works.7 It was Fichte’s perspicuity to conceive of God as a jus-
tification of freedom. In this sense, to understand what God is means pre-
cisely to understand what freedom is. This was exactly what the call for a
“Spinozism of freedom” was seeking. It was a position for which, at the
time of Jacobi and Reinhold, neither the perspective nor the conceptual
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tools existed.
The second feature of Fichte’s speculative theology is that it is a docta
6. Erik Erikson, “The Problem of Ego Identity,” in Identity and the Life Cycle [1959] (New
York: Norton, 1980), pp. 108–175.
7. J. G. Fichte, DW; and id., “Die Wissenschaftslehre [II. Vortrag im Jahre 1804.]” [1834],
ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Gliwitzky, in GA, vol. II,8 (1985).
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274 Fichte
ignorantia, a learned unknowing. This is another, and significant, reason

for looking at his theology as a modern position. It tries, at least, to start
from an absolutely undetermined concept of God. Fichte thinks of God
only as the ground of self-consciousness, in accord, that is, with the meth-
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odological rule. God is nothing but that. If we were to say more about God,
we would be back with the thing-in-itself. In Kant, as well, the thing-in-it-
self is nothing but the ground of sensation. Kant believed this definition of
the thing-in-itself to be compatible with his criticism of metaphysics. Any
further predicate would be incompatible with this critical limitation of
knowledge. Fichte tries to preserve this methodological condition to the
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extent that it is compatible with his own. In other words, he tries to ob-
serve the Kantian demand that one should not say anything about the
ground of the mind, except that it is the ground of the mind. This is
roughly equivalent to the way in which Fichte attempted to preserve his
own methodological strictures.
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Even so, Fichte introduces God as the ground of self-consciousness in a
particular way. He uses his claim that consciousness is essentially consti-
tuted by the ground as a device. This definition makes it possible to express
God’s essence with reference to the mind only. The outcome of this move is
to define God almost directly as spiritual life. By saying nothing about
God, one says everything about God. To say that God is the ground of the
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mind and that nothing more can be known about God means that God can
be known to be spiritual life. This move is surprisingly elegant and, of
course, very speculative. It is especially intriguing to see that Fichte could
achieve such a result with this very restrictive set of tools, the legitimacy of
the result notwithstanding.
It is precisely this move that makes Fichte’s theology a docta ignorantia.
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It is a learned unknowing because it denies all access to any “essence” of
God that is independent of his relation to our knowledge. In this sense,
there is no metaphysics, no synthetic judgments about things-in-them-
selves. At the same time, it is a learned unknowing. This is obviously not
just unknowing. It is learned unknowing in a very strong sense: it defines
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God’s essence by acknowledging that we do not know God. This acknowl-
edgment satisfies the strict requirements of rational theology, while simul-
taneously satisfying the deepest experiences of humankind. Again, defin-
ing God merely as the ground of the mind, and nothing more, means that
we know God as spiritual life.
Owing to this extremely significant move, Fichte’s speculative theology
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serves as a justification of the theology of the spirit. As I mentioned in my

discussion of the Kantian and post-Kantian theological situation, the sup-
pressed theology of the spirit had been gaining increasing influence. The
attack of Kantianism on traditional theology aided and abetted the theol-
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ogy of the spirit and its resurgence. The theology of the spirit had al-
ways, of course, been sectarian. Many looked on it as excessive, advancing
implausible suggestions about the nature of our relation to God. What
Lessing had been looking for, Fichte finally articulates for the first time: a
theoretical justification of the theology of the spirit that is superior to the
traditional orthodox system. It is superior not only to traditional theology,
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but also to the skeptical positions in philosophy. So Fichte’s speculative
theology is both a “Spinozism of freedom” and a theology of the spirit.
Apart from Hegel, there is nothing similar to this outlook in the history of
philosophy or theology.
I regret that it is not possible here to trace a last move that leads imme-
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diately to Hegel. It is, however, easy for us to see that, after we reach the
theology of the spirit and the Spinozism of freedom, another problem
arises. Interestingly enough, this problem haunted Fichte’s philosophy
from the very beginning. This is the problem of the relationship between
what Fichte calls the “Self ” or what he later calls “Knowledge,” and the ob-
vious fact that there are many individual selves. As long as the Self func-
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tions in the explanatory dimension, Fichte could simply remain discreetly
silent about the fact that there are many selves. Of course, we badly need an
account for their existence. But in the 1794–1795 Science of Knowledge, he
simply does not mention the problem. The problem is obviously there, but
Fichte ignores it. This is certainly odd, as historically he was the first moral
philosopher who claimed that fraternité is just as basic as égalité and liberté.
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In his lectures On the Duties of the Scholar, Fichte offers a philosophical
justification of the concept of brotherhood.8 These were the first popular
lecture series he gave, and they stand in marked contrast to his “scientific”
lectures on the Science of Knowledge. His popular lectures attracted large
audiences and were the principal way he made a lasting impression on the
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public. In these lectures, Fichte stresses the point that there is no morality
without moral cooperation.
8. J. G. Fichte, Einige Vorlesungen über die Bestimmung des Gelehrten [1794], ed. Reinhard
Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. I,3 (1966), pp. 1–68; English: “Some Lectures Concerning
the Scholar’s Vocation,” in EPW, pp. 144–184.
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276 Fichte
The problem of the multiplicity of minds and the relationship among

them, which we might call the philosophy of intersubjectivity, was, there-
fore, not simply a theoretical issue confronting Fichte. In his public lec-
tures, he emphasized the importance of moral cooperation. His public
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posture, accordingly, mandated something more than theoretical silence.
The idea that the moral world order implies the idea of moral coopera-
tion turns on the idea of the multitude of selves. The pressing question, of
course, is: How could Fichte account for this? I reluctantly conclude that he
could not, although he tried in his Science of Ethics and in some of his later
versions of the Science of Knowledge. Despite his failure, he nonetheless was
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the first philosopher to emphasize the importance of this problem. Hence,
his speculative theology already depends on moves that he cannot fully
justify in terms of his own methodological postulates. There were pros-
pects he might have pursued to justify them, but this would have been at
the price of violating most of his own most basic methodological maxims.
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This prompts us to surmise the following: If it is already the case that
Fichte was violating his maxims at the beginning of the late Science of
Knowledge, and if, further, the price of preserving these maxims precluded
the possibility of introducing a theory of intersubjectivity, must there not
be something decidedly wrong with his methodological maxims?
This, of course, is the conclusion that Hegel drew, albeit in a very super-
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ficial way. He never delved deeply into the Science of Knowledge. We now
have, however, and so we may be able to approach Hegel in a way that can
become convincing to someone who really understands Fichte. We need to
sketch briefly the kind of argumentation that might lead to this con-
clusion. This will be our point of entry into Hegel, who always aimed at
a philosophy of intersubjectivity that could be derived within his own
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philosophical project.
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PA R T
IV
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Hölderlin
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Hölderlin The Place of Hölderlin’s “Judgment and Being”
19
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The Place of Hölderlin’s
“Judgment and Being”
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Within the course of his speculative theology, Fichte shifts from a concep-
tual framework of epistemic self-reference to one of ontological self-refer-
ence. Although he cannot justify this shift theoretically, he is constrained to
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make it in order to complete his theory. In much the same way, Fichte’s
theory of intersubjectivity requires that he postulate something for which
the Science of Knowledge cannot account within the strictures of the meth-
odological requirements established as early as the Aenesidemus Review.
Despite this theoretical juggernaut, Fichte was strongly committed to a
theory of intersubjectivity. His first popular Jena lecture, “On the Duties of
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the Scholar,”1 emphasized moral community as an essential implication of
the very meaning of morality. In this claim Fichte departed from the
Kantian position. We have known for some time that we can develop
Kant’s moral philosophy in a way that does not require the idea of a multi-
tude of persons. To be sure, the categorical imperative gives the impres-
sion that this is not the case. We can show with comparative ease, however,
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1. J. G. Fichte, Einige Vorlesungen über die Bestimmung des Gelehrten [1794], ed. Reinhard
Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. I,3 (1966), pp. 1–68; English: “Some Lectures Concerning
the Scholar’s Vocation,” in EPW, pp. 144–184. See also Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Von den
Pflichten der Gelehrten. Jenaer Vorlesungen, 1794–1795, ed. Reinhard Lauth, Hans Jacob, and
Peter K. Schneider (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1971). In addition to the five published lectures,
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the 1971 volume includes three unpublished lectures that were part of Fichte’s original pub-
lic lecture series on “Morality for Scholars,” together with four “Remarks to the Danish edi-
tion” (1796) that Hans Schulz translated back into German in 1920 as “Zusätze Fichtes zu
seinen Vorlesungen über die Bestimmung des Gelehrten” [Kant-Studien, 25 (1920): 202–
209]. Daniel Breazeale includes translations of Fichte’s three unpublished lectures (“Con-
cerning the Difference between the Spirit and the Letter within Philosophy”) in EPW,
pp. 192–215.
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279
280 Hölderlin
that Kant does allow for an egocentric morality, by which I mean that only
one actor is subject to the moral law. Fichte’s claim changes this Kantian
theme entirely. Indeed, Fichte is the first to import the idea of the moral
community into nonempiricist moral philosophy. To be sure, Fichte had
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no conceptual tools in this early writing “On the Duties of the Scholar”
that would permit him to arrive theoretically at the idea of a plurality of
selves. Moreover, the early versions of the Science of Knowledge speak exclu-
sively about the self in the singular, with no mention of intersubjectivity
appearing.
Fichte’s perspective changed in the late 1790s when he began to write
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works on law and on ethics. In these works, he develops an interpretation
of the concrete relationship among persons. He argues that the relation-
ship among persons is basic even to the self-understanding of the individ-
ual self. Moreover, he holds that the acts both of “recognition” and of “the
request to behave rationally” are necessary in order to build up the con-
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scious personality. The ethical writings of Fichte, then, are actually based
on a theory of intersubjectivity, even though at the time he was producing
his ethical writings, he had not developed this theory within the context of
the Science of Knowledge. More pointedly, we have to concede that within
the theory that interprets the structure of the Self, Fichte cannot yet ac-
count for the existence of a multitude of cognizing and recognizing selves.
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Fichte, indeed, acknowledged this shortcoming within his theory. Recog-
nizing that he had to solve the problem of intersubjectivity inside of the
Science of Knowledge, Fichte encountered difficulties that he was able nei-
ther to solve nor to describe adequately.
If we were to try to defend Fichte’s methodological premise that the self
exists only for the self and, simultaneously, attempt to incorporate into his
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theory the existence of many selves, we could imagine two strategies that
we might pursue.
In the first strategy, we would take our bearings with the late Science of
Knowledge in which Fichte delineates his speculative theology. We could
then say that the ground of the Self manifests itself in a certain number of
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instances. These instances belong to one system, because the complete
manifestation requires cooperation. We could even offer reasons for this,
although the constraints of our current undertaking preclude that just
now. If we were to pursue this strategy, however, the order in which these
distinct selves exist would prove not to be mental at all. In other words, any
individual self is a closed system, and while there are many individual
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The Place of Hölderlin’s “Judgment and Being” 281
selves, the manifestation takes place in all selves individually. In order for
us to account for the existence of such an order of different selves, we
would have to violate Fichte’s methodological principle, because now we
would invoke a nonmental structure that is, nevertheless, essential for un-
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derstanding what the mind is.
In the second strategy, we would start from the assumption that there is,
and only can be, one case of original manifestation. Given, then, that there
is a multitude of selves, we would have to go on to say that the various
selves emerge inside of this original manifestation. These selves are neces-
sary elements of the original manifestation and in the original manifes-
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tation.
Of these two strategies we may make the following observations. With
respect to the first, we can still say that it is the structure of the Self that is
basic. We can account for everything that is knowledge or mental in terms
of this basic structure. By contrast, the second strategy no longer permits
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us to interpret knowledge or the mental in terms of the structure itself.
Here, something that is already knowledge precedes the individual selves.
For this reason, Fichte, having conceded that he cannot address the prob-
lem of the multiplicity of minds and the relationship among them, finds
himself obliged to take his beginnings from an anonymous, ego-less pro-
cess of knowledge, which is not yet individualized. Rather than all knowl-
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edge somehow belonging to the knower (the self-asserting self), now the
knowing subjects have to belong to this nonindividualized epistemic process.
Saying that the self belongs to knowledge is not completely absurd.
Many philosophers have said similar things, among them Heidegger and,
in some sense, Aristotle as well. Aristotle believed that the self-reference of
perception precedes the person, and that we can partially describe the
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person as a bundle of acts of knowledge, all of which are already self-
referring.2 Thus these acts are themselves ego-less, although they are self-
referring. With respect to this point, some among the phenomenological
school—including Husserl, Brentano, and Sartre—have agreed with him.3
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2. Aristotle, Metaphysics XII 8–9, 1074b–1075a, in The Complete Works of Aristotle, rev.
Oxford translation, vol. II, ed. Jonathan Barnes (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1984), p. 1698; id., On the Soul II 2, 413b–420b, in The Complete Works of Aristotle, vol. I
(1984), pp. 658–669.
3. Edmund Husserl, Logische Untersuchungen [1900–1901] V 1, §1–8, 12, ed. Elmar
Holenstein and Ursula Panzer, in Husserliana. Edmund Husserl, Gesammelte Werke, vol.
XIX,1, ed. H. L. van Breda (The Haag: Martinus Nijhoff, 1984), pp. 355–376, 389–391; Eng-
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282 Hölderlin
Let us recur to Fichte, however. After he makes just the move that he
does, he is faced with another choice. Either we say that the various sub-
jects emerging in the process of knowledge have direct access to one an-
other inside of this ego-less, singular, primary knowledge that precedes
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them; or we say that the subjects are partial processes that originate in the
structure of knowledge so that that they are directly aware of the general
structure of knowledge, even though their knowledge of one another is
only descriptive. For reasons that I cannot go into here, Fichte takes the sec-
ond route: all selves have direct access to the anonymous, ego-less knowl-
edge process. They do not have direct access to one another. Their knowl-
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edge of each other is only descriptive.
Never able to offer a satisfactory account of the way in which the many
selves originate in knowledge, Fichte remained highly evasive regarding
this matter. One of the advantages of the 1804 Science of Knowledge is that
it concentrates on the foundation of the abstract, anonymous process of
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knowledge. But because it does not proceed to the point where the prob-
lem of intersubjectivity arises, it is not encumbered with this evasiveness.
However we might account for the origin of the multitude of selves
within this anonymous knowledge, one fact would remain. The method-
ological rule that Fichte pursued from the beginning of his work on the
Science of Knowledge would be intolerably violated, for the knowledge of
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various subjects is necessarily a multitude of cases of knowledge. Even if
these selves had direct access to an original knowledge that cannot become
individualized, they would still have to be conceived as more than mere ar-
ticulations of this anonymous, primary knowledge itself. Even if we gener-
ously granted to Fichte as much as we possibly could to any position oper-
ating under such methodological strictures, we would still not be able to
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rescue the methodological principle of the Science of Knowledge.
This much we could grant. First, the primary, anonymous knowledge,
lish: Logical Investigations, trans. J. N. Findlay (Amherst: Humanities Press, 2000), pp. 535–
551, 560–562; Franz Clemens Brentano, Psychologie vom empirischen Standpunkt, 2 vols.
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[1874, 2nd ed. 1924] I 2, II §8–III §4; II Anhang 2, ed. Oskar Kraus (Leipzig: Felix Meiner,
1924), pp. 176–203 (I), 138–142 (II); English: Psychology from an Empirical Standpoint, ed.
Oskar Kraus and Linda L. McAlister, trans. Anton C. Rancurello, et al. (London: Routledge
and Kegan Paul, 1973), pp. 125–143, 275–278; Jean-Paul Sartre, La transcendance de l’égo:
esquisse d’une description phénoménologique [1936–1937], ed. Sylvia Le Bon (Paris: J. Vrin,
1988); English: Transcendence of the Ego: An Existentialist Theory of Consciousness, trans. For-
rest Williams and Robert Kirkpatrick (New York: Octagon Books, 1972).
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which Fichte always tried to render plausible by appeal to the paradigm of

mathematical evidence (a somewhat Platonic move), is a form of knowl-
edge that we cannot in any way claim to be individualized. Second, the
original relation between this evidence and the knowledge of it is such that
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the notion of the knower, and of a certain structure of what it is to be a
knower, are logically implied by the description of the evidence. We would
concede, first, that there is the evidence, and second that having this evi-
dence already entails having knowledge about the basic features of the
knower. Third, the structure of anonymous knowledge includes a dimen-
sion with respect to which we can distinguish a multitude of individual
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knowers.4 Fourth, all these individual knowers can assimilate to themselves
the anonymous knowledge process. By doing so, they also know that their
knowledge is enhanced within this original knowledge. Fifth, since the
original knowledge contains a dimension with reference to which individ-
ualization takes place, all individuals are already potentially present to ev-
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ery particular individual who assimilates the original knowledge structure.
This means that any of these selves knows, in advance, that there are other
selves, despite having no direct access to their minds.
We might, indeed, after careful elaboration, grant all this. Even so, this
still does not say that the individual knower is nothing but a partial struc-
ture of the original knowledge. It does say that there is no knower without
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an original relationship to this knowledge. And it does say that this rela-
tionship is actually a very specific one, certainly beyond comparison, and,
just as certainly, quite peculiar. Even if we were to assume that Fichte could
account for this adequately—notwithstanding our knowledge that he did
not—the multitude of the knowers would still differ from the multitude of
aspects inside of the original knowledge process. These are precisely the as-
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pects that make it imaginable that a multitude of knowers, with respect to
knowledge, might emerge at all.
To grant all this is not to dissolve individual selves into the anonymous
knowledge. Instead, it is obviously the case that the individual knowers
have to do something. For instance, they have to assimilate the original
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knowledge, and they have to organize it into their individual perspectives
on the universal process of knowledge. Even if one is prepared to grant that
this activity takes place “inside” of the original knowledge (in a sense of
“inside” that we would eventually have to clarify), this “inside” can at the
4. The dimension to which Henrich here refers is spatio-temporal.
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284 Hölderlin
very most mean “originally known by.” But “inside” can never mean only
the “state” or the “activity” of the original knowledge as such.
It would then follow from this that the pure immanence—the anony-
mous knowledge process—knows about itself in selves that assimilate this
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process into their particular perspectives. This knowledge would, however,
preclude selves as such from being reduced to the anonymous knowledge
process. This is the way in which we would have to argue here: the original
anonymous process postulates a dimension of irreducible difference be-
tween selves, although the process is not equivalent to the difference. Let
me make this point another way, with a sort of shorthand. Imagine an ar-
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gument that proves (1) that in order to have A we have to have B’s; and (2)
that A shows (a) certain other features that are prerequisites for any possi-
ble order of B’s, and (b) other features, which are to be integrated into any
individual B. Such an argument does not prove that the order of B’s is a
part of A. Instead, an argument of this kind remains transcendental, and,
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so, cannot become reductive.
We have struck a distinction between two strategies. One strategy estab-
lishes that the ground directly generates the multitude of selves, as it mani-
fests itself in this multitude. The other strategy establishes the claim that
there is an original knowledge, within which the multitude of selves occur.
Whatever good reasons might accrue to striking this distinction, no differ-
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ence ultimately remains between them with respect to the tenability of
Fichte’s methodological principle. He can no longer defend his method-
ological principle in its strictest sense. This is the sense in which we would
say that, in philosophy, we accept nothing that does not fulfill two condi-
tions—one, that it is originally known; and two, that it is originally known
because it belongs to the structure of the faculty of representation (a struc-
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ture that exists only for the structure of representation). Whatever the
structure of the faculty of representation might be—whether the structure
of the positing Self, or of the anonymous, nonindividualized knowledge—
it is nonetheless the case that anything in the mind is originally known be-
cause it belongs to such a structure.
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The upshot of both strategies is that we have to assume the idea of an or-
der of the multitude of selves, which we cannot derive from the structure
of knowledge itself. In the immediate generation of the multitude of selves,
and in the generation of the multitude of selves inside of the preceding
knowledge structure, we postulate an order without any account of why it
is there. We simply cannot understand it in terms of the structure of
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knowledge. It would not advance Fichte’s cause if he were to retreat from

the mystical and doubtless paradoxical position of the existence of the
selves inside of knowledge to the other position, namely, of the direct gen-
eration of the multitude of selves through the self-manifestation of God.
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To summarize: we have discovered that Fichte violates his own method-
ological principle twice. He does so, first, when he introduces the ground
of the Self as self-manifestation, which is not something that is mental,
even though it accounts for what the mind is. He does so again when he in-
troduces the order of the selves that the original structure of knowledge
postulates, but cannot derive from itself. Naturally enough, he tries in both
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instances to minimize the damage to his system. By way of damage control,
he introduces further methodological conditions. He imposes rules on the
new language about the multitude of selves and the self-manifestation of
God that, in turn, impose criteria for determining the possibility of intro-
ducing new structures into the framework of the Science of Knowledge.5
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As may now be evident, the order of the multitude of selves fulfills the
same condition of methodological stabilization. The order corresponds to
the dimension that is inside the primary knowledge, making it imaginable
that there is a relation between the multitude of selves and the structure of
knowledge. While this at first appears helpful, it does no more than con-
tain the damage. In very short order, Fichte introduces the concept of God
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as the process of manifestation and the plurality of individuals as those en-
tities that originate in an original relation to knowledge in a way that pro-
hibits strict observance of the methodological rules. These are structures
that do not belong to the mind. They are, instead, necessary only to enable
the philosopher to account for what the mind is. In the end, both “God”
and “individuals” turn out, at least partially, to be explanatory concepts.
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The secondary rules that Fichte imports are not merely disguises for fail-
ure. Saying that such concepts should always be closely related to the mind,
and that we should introduce them in such a way that we are not forced to
say more about them than what it means for them to exist (in terms of the
completion of the structure of the mind) preserves the results of Fichte’s
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investigations. Nevertheless, these secondary rules precipitate, unavoidably,
a broadening of the scope of a possible philosophical discourse. Suddenly,
5. Henrich touches on this point in Lecture 18 in his account of Fichte’s speculative theol-
ogy. There Henrich shows that Fichte maintains that the generating principle has to be con-
ceived in such a way that it is originally and always in an immediate relation with the mind.
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286 Hölderlin
we need to justify the use of ontological terms such as “God” and “self-
manifestation.” To be sure, the results that Fichte wants to preserve from
his analysis of self-awareness prompt his use of this terminology; but we
can derive neither the range of reference nor the structure of this ontologi-
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cal terminology from the internal aspects of the mental, as such.
Sadly enough, Fichte never achieved this kind of interpretive perspective
in his own work. Had he done so, however, he doubtless would have seen
that an entire new world of problems comes into view, and that certain
questions such as the following become pressing and unavoidable. First,
what is the relationship between a discourse that discloses the internal
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structures of consciousness and an investigation of ontological presuppo-
sitions that we have to make in order to complete that discourse on con-
sciousness? In other words, what is the relation between the justification of
the terms “God” or “order of individuals” and the internal investigation
into the nature of the mind? By now, it has become obvious that the dis-
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course on consciousness cannot remain the ultimate discourse, let alone
the only one, although it might remain primary. Clearly, we have to estab-
lish the relationship between these two discourses, and the discourse on
mind (consciousness) is merely one of them. We are therefore compelled
to ask what the discourse might be by which we can solve this problem of
the relationship between the epistemic and ontological discourses. It can-
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not be a discourse that relies exclusively on the internal self-explication of
the mind.
Second, is there some kind of methodological rule that would permit us
to interpret these discourses as different ways of observing this rule? In
other words, can we replace the highest rule of the Science of Knowledge by
another rule, so that the highest principle is only one instance of its appli-
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cation? There would then be another instance that addresses the ontologi-
cal problem that the Science of Knowledge necessarily generates. Notice how
the old problem that already existed between Reinhold and Fichte has re-
appeared. We have two different kinds of discourse; where, then, is the
highest principle that allows for an ultimate justification?
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Third, can we incorporate these two discourses—the ontological and the
epistemological—into one single systematic structure that has the same
linear constitution as the Science of Knowledge? Must we, instead and of ne-
cessity, retreat from a linear kind of argumentation and turn to a multidi-
mensional line of argumentation? To put this another way, could the out-
come of thinking through the Science of Knowledge be the recognition that
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this kind of linear systematic argumentation is impossible and that we in-

evitably wind up with mutual postulates? This result, of course, would very
nearly approach the outcomes of Kant’s critical method.6 We might cast
this question another way: Will ontological discourse always make use of
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the premise that something can be said about the mind that is not of the
mind, and that the mind can say something that is of the mind about what
is not of the mind, so that the two discourses can never be derived from
one or the other—or even from a third discourse, thereby precluding any
fully intelligible linear formulation?
To ask these questions in just these ways is to point in the direction of
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Hegel’s Science of Logic. The Logic is, first, an investigation that begins nei-
ther with assumptions about the ultimate ontology (a God that manifests
itself), nor with a disclosure of the basic structure of the mental. However,
the Logic claims that it will lead to both results at the same time. It will lead
to the introduction of an ultimate ontology, which Hegel calls the ontology
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of the Idea. He conceives of the “Idea” as the process of self-manifesta-
tion—it is a result, and not something Hegel simply used or imported into
the Science of Logic because he needed it at a particular point in the investi-
gation. The Logic is, second, an interpretation of the mind as a structure
that depends on a highly developed (although not ultimate) stage of the
process of the Idea. By systematically introducing (rather than presuppos-
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ing) the ultimate ontology within this discourse, Hegel is able to arrive at
an account of the structure of the mind. The Logic is, third, a system that
has its own methodological rules. It is a linear system, not multidimen-
sional, as was Kant’s and as was Fichte’s late Science of Knowledge (his ef-
forts to the contrary notwithstanding).
Hegel always criticized Fichte on two accounts. His first criticism was
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that there is a lack of coherence between the principle of the Science of
Knowledge (the absolute Self) and the system of the Science of Knowledge.
The principle is complete self-reference and the system is a process in
which the complete self-reference is never reached, inasmuch as it is only
an infinite attempt to achieve a balance between positing and opposing ac-
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tivities. Hegel believed this theoretical situation was inconsistent. His sec-
ond criticism of Fichte was that there is, in the Science of Knowledge, no
justification for its basic terms. One example he cites is “to posit,” which is
6. Cf. Lectures 2–5 on Kant’s systematic structure as a “multidimensional” rather than

“linear” argumentation.
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288 Hölderlin
never more than a metaphorical term. Another example, toward which he

was particularly hostile, was Fichte’s introduction of the “not-self,” which
remains logically obscure. Hegel accused Fichte of never really providing
an account for this use of negation.
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Our own explorations of the Science of Knowledge would lead us to be-
lieve that these are not unreasonable arguments. Our examination would
also prompt us to observe that it is not entirely obvious that Hegel’s cri-
tiques apply to the later versions of the Science of Knowledge in the same
way that they apply to the 1794–1795 version, to which Hegel always re-
ferred.7 My analysis of the later Science of Knowledge has led me to argue
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that the methodological principle of the Science of Knowledge does not re-
tain its ultimacy. Because Hegel did not have access to these later versions
of the Science of Knowledge, he could not develop the kind of perspective
that I have tried to present here. But I think I have tried to apply my argu-
ment in enough different directions so that we could safely say that no pro-
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posal to improve the structure of the Science of Knowledge immediately
comes to mind that would alter this conclusion: I cannot imagine any im-
provement to what Fichte claims about the limits of meaningful state-
ments in relation to mental structures that could repair the damages he in-
curred to his system when he violated his own methodological principles.
All this notwithstanding, the conclusion I have drawn from this argu-
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mentation does not differ substantially from Hegel’s, which is based on the
1794–1795 Science of Knowledge. Hegel was convinced that any basic philo-
sophical investigation must be entirely (or at least simultaneously) a criti-
cal examination of the equipment with which philosophy can possibly
work. No philosopher can achieve anything if she works with an un-
clarified and perhaps contradictory vocabulary. Hegel suspected that the
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inconsistency between the principle and system of the Science of Knowl-
edge, together with the lack of sufficient justification for the metaphorical
language that Fichte uses, derives from Fichte’s lack of clarity about the
philosophical terminology he employed.
Hegel did not mean that Fichte was talking nonsense. He meant, instead,
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that Fichte simply was not able to articulate in a convincing and justifiable
way that to which he was pointing. Hegel therefore believed that it was
necessary to preserve or salvage Fichte’s principal results. For him these in-
cluded (1) that opposition is the basic structure of the mind, (2) that the
7. It was the only published version available in Hegel’s time.
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self is a closed structure, and (3) that an ultimate problem of the system of
philosophy is the problem of some type of self-reference. For Hegel, how-
ever, the type of self-reference that is the ultimate problem of the system of
philosophy is not the self-reference of the structure of consciousness. In-
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stead, it is the logical structure of negation.8 As a matter of fact, Hegel’s
Logic shares important features with the Science of Knowledge. Moreover,
the features they share stand in contrast with almost every other theory in
the history of philosophy, including Schelling’s. In light of this, it seems es-
pecially significant that Hegel wanted to be buried beside Fichte in Berlin.
Today, Bertolt Brecht lies buried only ten yards away from their graves.
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The features that are common to both of them are much more obvious
if one compares the later, rather than the earlier, version of the Science of
Knowledge with Hegel’s Science of Logic. To illuminate this, I shall try to use
Hegelian terms to describe what Fichte did and Fichtean terms to describe
what Hegel did.
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What is it that they share? First, the ultimate principle is a process of
self-manifestation. We find this idea in the later Science of Knowledge and
in Hegel’s concept of the Idea. Second, the first approach to this principle
in philosophy is not, and cannot be, the adequate one. Fichte starts with
God as Being, and then, by determining the relationship between this
ground of the mind and the mind, he arrives at the adequate concept of
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God as self-manifestation. The same occurs in Hegel. The Logic necessarily
starts with Being, which is an inadequate notion of the absolute, and only
at the end does it arrive at the full-fledged notion of what the Ultimate is.
Therefore, both philosophers could say in almost the same way that “die
Wahrheit ist das Ganze” (the truth is the whole).9 Hegel used this basic as-
sertion to defend his position against those of his closest friends, Schelling
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and Hölderlin. That “the truth is the whole” means that we should not
look at the process that is self-manifestation as a deprivation of the origi-
nal Being. Nor should we look at it only as an ascent to the highest. The
process is already the highest, and, for that reason, the end of the process
refers to its beginning and its course of development, just as the process
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points throughout to an end. This is the self-referential structure of the en-
tire discourse.
For this reason we can also say that “the substance has to be conceived
8. Henrich attempts to demonstrate the logical structure of negation in Lectures 20–21.

9. G. W. F. Hegel, PhG, p. 19; English: PS, p. 11.
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290 Hölderlin
rather as the subject.”10 This substance is an ontological principle that only

underlies the process. It is with reference to the substance that processes
can take place. The subject for Hegel is, however, nothing but the active re-
lationship to itself. In the subject there is nothing underlying its self-refer-
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ence, there is only the self-reference. For this reason, there is only the pro-
cess and nothing underlying it. Philosophical and metaphorical models
such as “emanation” (neo-Platonism) or “expression” (Spinozism) present
the relationship between the infinite and the finite in a way that fails to
characterize what the process (self-manifestation) is. The subject does not
manifest some underlying structure of substance that is hidden. It mani-
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fests itself. But how does it manifest itself if there is no underlying struc-
ture? To return to the Fichtean terminology: it manifests itself as manifes-
tation. This decisive “as” in Fichte’s development of his problematic can
equally well describe the theoretical structure of Hegel’s Logic. I have here
attempted to translate Hegel’s best-known programmatic phrases back
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into the terms of Fichte’s Science of Knowledge, and, by so doing, to point
out that the latter really comes very close to basic features of Hegel’s Logic,
although the two philosophers were not aware of this.
The ease with which we can conduct this mutual translation should
not lead us to conclude hastily, and obviously inadequately, that the two
philosophers are essentially the same. Our examination of the Science of
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Knowledge led us to acknowledge that it requires a discourse that stands
outside its methodological limits. Hegel promised to preserve the essential
features of Fichte’s theory within this discourse. To acknowledge the limits
of Fichte’s theory and to note the promise that Hegel made, however, does
not constitute proof of the superiority of Hegel’s theory. Indeed, this con-
cession and this promise scarcely provide evidence even of a basic unity or
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reconcilability of the two positions. We would still have to show whether
Hegel’s Logic exhibits the superiority he claims for it.
There is an important criterion in terms of which one might judge
Hegel’s theory to be superior. If Hegel is to keep his promise that he
will preserve and ultimately justify the essential features of Fichte’s theory
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(much as Fichte promised to develop the truth of Reinhold’s proposition
on consciousness), he must show that he preserves Fichte’s insight into the
problematic of mental self-reference in his own Logic. We can ask this in a
more pointed way: Is it the case that Hegel accounts for the specific fea-
10. G. W. F. Hegel, PhG, p. 18; English: PS, p. 10.
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tures of the basic mental structure Fichte discovered? More pointed still, is
it the case that Hegel, in his Logic, eliminates the paradoxes of mental self-
reference?
Fichte’s methodological principle that the faculty of representation ex-
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ists only for the faculty of representation motivated his contributions to
the theory of self-consciousness. We have considerable evidence that Hegel
was not really deeply aware of these essential aspects of Fichte’s under-
taking. Hegel never really entered into the point of view that holds as mu-
tually interdependent the methodological rule dominating the Science of
Knowledge and Fichte’s insight that gave rise to the central conceptual de-
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vices for escaping the paradoxes of self-reference.
Both Fichte and Hegel underwent similar early experiences that turned
them into Kantians. We can also say that in their maturity both of them ar-
rived at theories that justify freedom. Nevertheless, the way they developed
from their youthful commitment to Kantian philosophy to their final sys-
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tematic philosophy differed significantly. Fichte started his theoretical ex-
plorations under the impact of the skeptics (Schulze) and of Reinhold’s
failure. In this context he invented the basic devices for a perfectly success-
ful linear system. Hegel was certainly aware that Fichte had introduced the
important terms to the problematic of a linear philosophy; but when Hegel
engaged Fichtean arguments seriously for the first time, he simultaneously
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encountered criticisms of Fichte. Read through these critical lenses,
Fichte’s Science of Knowledge became distorted for Hegel; and Fichte’s basic
methodological principle simply dropped out of sight.
This is a very significant fact in the history of the formation of Hegel’s
system. Often in the history of thought, the weaknesses of a theory become
obvious. This recognition justifies the demand for a new theory. Then
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someone draws a conclusion from these weaknesses that fails to do justice
to the strengths of the theory. This sets in motion a paradoxical situation:
we get a new theory that overcomes the weaknesses of the former theory
while, simultaneously, losing its strengths. There are many examples of this
in the history of philosophy. If the relation between Fichte and Hegel is
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among them, then the image that I suggested by “translating” Fichte into
Hegel and Hegel into Fichte could be thoroughly misleading. We would be
better served if we understood the import of my “translation” to be that
the actual relationship between Hegel and Fichte is much more complex
than either of them was able or willing to see.
Let us now take up the earliest criticism of the Science of Knowledge de-
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292 Hölderlin
veloped by the poet Hölderlin.11 This criticism of the Science of Knowledge

led to the earliest position that we can describe as absolute idealism. By this
I mean an idealism that is not founded on an analysis of the structure of
the mental. Hölderlin never published this theory, but he developed it in
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the same year (1795) in which Fichte completed the Science of Knowledge.
We base our knowledge about this theory on a small piece that Hölder-
lin wrote entitled “Judgment and Being,” which was discovered in the
Schocken library and then purchased at auction by a Stuttgart library.12
We have further evidence for the contents of this idealistic position from
a larger manuscript written by Hölderlin’s friend, Sinclair, and entitled
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Philosophical Reasonings.13
In this early philosophy, Hölderlin targets the ambiguous position of the
self in Fichte’s 1794–1795 Science of Knowledge. We have discussed at some
length the ambiguity of the self that is the mental and the Self that explains
the mental. Hölderlin’s reasoning follows this course: the term “self ” al-
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ways indicates self-consciousness. Self-consciousness, as the core of con-
sciousness, is a correlation of self as subject and self as object. The self is al-
ways a correlate of some object. This correlation between the self and the
object is an original correlation. We cannot transcend this correlation so
long as the term “Self ” is ultimate. If we are not prepared to derive the
term “Self ” from something that preceded it, we will not be able to tran-
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scend the original correlation between self and itself as object. Fichte him-
self did do this, but not until six years after Hölderlin’s demand of 1795.
How can we ascend to such a highest principle, and what can we call it,
given that it cannot be called “Self ”? Here Hölderlin makes a simple, al-
though drastic move, saying that the self occurs originally in a correlation
in such a way that we can say that the self is always there in a separation
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11. Hölderlin occupies a pivotal point on the chart in Lecture 5, p. 77.
12. F. Hölderlin, US; English: JB.
13. Henrich discovered this manuscript years before giving his 1972 lectures at Harvard.
The manuscript is available in a published Heidelberg Ph.D dissertation: Hannelore Hegel,
Isaak von Sinclair zwischen Fichte, Hölderlin, und Hegel. Ein Beitrag zur Entstehungsgeschichte
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der idealistischen Philosophie (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1971, 2nd ed.
1999). Henrich has also shown that the manuscript originated as early as 1795–1796. For a
discussion on Hegel and Sinclair’s meeting, certain details of which have been challenged by
Otto Pöggeler, see D. Henrich, HuH, pp. 24–27; English: HaH, pp. 129–133. See also Otto
Pöggeler, “Sinclair-Hölderlin-Hegel,” Hegel-Studien, 8 (1973): 9–53. Henrich responded in
1987 to Pöggeler’s criticism in D. Henrich, Hegel im kontext (Frankfurt am Main, 1971, 4th
ed. 1987).
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from something that is not the self—namely, the object. But for that reason
we have to ascend; we have to climb higher than consciousness and ask
what the origin of this correlation might be. The correlation is a separation
and an opposition; to look for its ground, we must think of what is undif-
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ferentiated, not separated, in no opposition whatsoever. Such would be the
minimal condition for accounting for the original separation.
Hölderlin calls this undifferentiated ground “Being,” because bare “Be-
ing” seems to be inaccessible to any separation. And he opposes to “Being”
what he calls “judgment.” Judgment describes the structure of the mental
for a very simple linguistic reason: in German Urteil is “judgment,” which
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superficially implies original (ur-) separation (Teilung). Because the mind
is in this original separation, and the ground cannot be in it (since the
ground has to account for the existence of the separation), the ground is
thus “Being” and the mind is “judgment” (hence the title of the manu-
script). Hölderlin does not explain in this fragment why the original
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Urteilung—or separation—takes place at all. It is just a fact from which we
have to start.
Once this separation has occurred and the mind has originated, the pro-
cess of the mind will always depend on its having been separated from that
which is undifferentiated. For that reason, the process of the mind is some-
how a process of unification, the reestablishment of unity in the separa-
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tion. Even at the very beginning, the reference to the subject and object has
to be interpreted in terms of this unifying process.
It is impossible, however, to achieve complete reunification of that
which has been separated (and this is Hölderlin’s next step). There is no
way back into undifferentiated “Being” once the mind has originated.
There is no way to overcome the separation in the finite world, because
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that would mean the mind’s overcoming of its very nature. Therefore,
Hölderlin continues, three ways are available for the mind to relate itself to
its original correlate: (1) the practical process of building a rational world
(this is what Fichte had in mind, and this alone); (2) the recollection of the
origin and subsequent history, by which recollection a transcendence of all
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present finite objects is attempted; and (3) the surrender of the mind to the
“beautiful objects” in the world, which are very special correlates that sym-
bolize the perfect unity sought by the mind. These correlates are the only
objects to which the mind can surrender itself without losing its freedom
and its internal infinity. Hölderlin calls the way in which this surrender
can take place “love,” an attitude for which Fichte could never account.
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294 Hölderlin
Hölderlin believes that the possibility of interpreting love is one of the

main accomplishments of his new system—love as a manifestation and re-
alization of freedom. Freedom can legitimately surrender to the beautiful.
Actually, since humans live in the separation, they must experience all
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three ways of overcoming it—the practical overcoming of the separation
correlates, the recollection of the origin, and the surrender to the beauti-
ful. Therefore, Hölderlin was always deeply impressed by a poetic epitaph
on the grave of Ignatius Loyola: Non coerceri maximo, contineri tamen a
minimo, which means that “the one who was not defeated by the greatest
now lies here in this tiny place.”14 That is the literal meaning, but Hölderlin
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has a very different interpretation. He takes it to mean that it is the nature
of humanity not to be dominated by the greatest (i.e., humans possess
practical freedom), but also to be captivated by the smallest (by the flower
and the beautiful song). Put another way, humanity must experience both
the lack of domination by the greatest and the presence of captivation by
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the smallest in order to be humane. The motto of Hölderlin’s novel (the
epitaph from Loyola’s grave) completes the quotation from the epitaph by
saying that this fulfillment of humanity is “divine,” the presence of the
original unity in human life.15
These three tendencies also correspond to three kinds of literature—
epic, dramatic, and lyric poetry. But what really matters here is, first, that
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we can already see the language of the early Hegel present to a significant
extent. It was Hölderlin, not Hegel, who discovered that love and Kantian
14. Friedrich Beissner and Jochen Schmidt maintain that Hölderlin learned of this epi-
taph from the anonymous Jesuit publication, Imago primi saeculi Societatis Iesu: a provincia
Flandro-Belgica eiusdem Societatis repraesentata (Antwerp: Ex Officina Plantiniana Baltha-
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saris Moreti, 1640), pp. 280–282. The Imago primi was a book of emblems and narratives de-
picting the Jesuits’ view of life scenes, including the triumphal arch that the Flemish Jesuits
erected, a world map, and the epitaph on Loyola’s grave. Beissner suspects that Hölderlin
learned of this volume from the lectures of Christian Gottlob Storr (1746–1805) or Johann
Friedrich Lebret (1732–1807), as the volume was neither in the Tübinger Stift nor in the
university libraries. See F. Hölderlin, StA, vol. III, ed. Friedrich Beissner, pp. 437–438; id.,
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Sämtliche Werke und Briefe, vol. I, ed. Jochen Schmidt (Frankfurt am Main: Deutscher
Klassiker Verlag, 1992), p. 176.
15. F. Hölderlin, FvH. Hölderlin writes: “Man would like to be in everything and above
everything, and the maxim inscribed on Loyola’s gravestone, ‘non coerceri maximo, contineri
tamen a minimo,’ describes just as well the perilous all-desiring, all-subjugating side of man
as it does the most blessed state he can achieve. Each must decide for himself the sense in
which it applies to him” (FvH, p. 163).
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freedom are not opposites. What is of special interest here in our context is
this: although Hölderlin’s criticism of the early Science of Knowledge for the
ambiguity in the position of the concept of the Self is correct, and al-
though his result is rather impressive in its application to his new little sys-
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tem, nonetheless we also have to say that the epistemological problem of
self-consciousness has entirely disappeared. Hölderlin talks about the sub-
ject as being related to itself as object, and he interprets this according to
the opposition of self-consciousness to the world. It was Fichte’s original
insight, however, that this is not the last word about self-consciousness.
There are problems concerning what is mental that precede any possible
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relation to the world. The entire point of the system of the Science of
Knowledge was to show that one could account for the relation of the mind
to the external world in terms of its self-reference. For that reason, Fichte’s
Science of Knowledge is a really idealistic system. Hölderlin’s little system is
not idealistic in this sense at all: he combines the self-reference of the mind
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with its relation to objects and with its relation to its origin. He offers no
examination of the epistemic conditions of this relation. We should, how-
ever, also mention that Hölderlin rightly asserts that the self-referential
mind is not self-explaining, and that we have to presuppose a ground from
which it originates.
You see how easily it can happen that, by a valid criticism of the Science
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of Knowledge and by the development of a system in which this criticism
can be applied so that it also constitutes a valid criticism of Fichte’s moral
philosophy (e.g., in that love is introduced and interpreted), one can at the
same time miss the entire point of the Science of Knowledge. The question
is, did this also happen in Hegel?
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PA R T
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Hegel
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Hegel The Way to the Fifth Philosophy (The Science of Logic)
20
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The Way to the Fifth Philosophy
(The Science of Logic)
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I turn now to an analysis of the systematic structure of Hegel’s work.
Within the confines of this undertaking, I can only hope to provide general
ideas that have to do in the main with the principles on which Hegel’s sys-
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tem was built. Just as I began this investigation with an account of the sys-
tematic structure of Kant’s critical philosophy, I end with a corresponding
account of Hegel’s philosophy, albeit one that is regrettably much more
sketchy than was my account of Kant. Many lecture courses and books
bear the title “From Kant to Hegel.”1 We may consider this title apt only in-
sofar as it refers to the temporal order of the philosophers and their work.
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In most cases, however, the title “From Kant to Hegel” also implies a se-
quence of decisive systematic improvements in a particular kind of philos-
ophy. I think circumspection is warranted here and therefore eschew the
implication of this title that we can assume such improvements from the
outset.
To be sure, during the time “from Kant to Hegel” there was indeed his-
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torical progress. Numerous thinkers were able to give voice to deeper ex-
pression of the most vital ideas and experiences of modern life, and they
introduced experiments with new possibilities of thinking. But to equate
the deeper expression of experiences and the meaningful experiments in
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1. Among these are Heinrich Moritz Chalybaus, Historical Development of Speculative
Philosophy from Kant to Hegel (Edinburgh: Clark, 1854); A. S. Pringle-Pattison, The Develop-
ment from Kant to Hegel (London: Williams and Norgate, 1882); Richard Kroner, Von Kant
bis Hegel (Tübingen: Mohr, 1961); Leonard Nelson, Progress and Regress in Philosophy: From
Hume and Kant to Hegel and Fries (Oxford: Blackwell, 1970); and Wayne Christando, The
Metaphysics of Science and Freedom: From Descartes to Kant to Hegel (Aldershot: Avebury,
1991).
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299
300 Hegel
philosophy with a definite progress in philosophical theory is premature, if

not misleading. For in the course of our explorations, we have seen that
there were good motivations for these experiments and that they contrib-
uted to the potentials of philosophical thinking. It is indeed true that
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Reinhold could begin his investigation by identifying weaknesses in Kant’s
Critique of Pure Reason and equally true that Fichte, in order to block the
advance of Schulze’s skepticism, undertook the Science of Knowledge to en-
hance the prospects of the critical school (including Reinhold). Finally,
both Hölderlin and Hegel developed their own ideas on the basis of valid
criticisms of Fichte’s Science of Knowledge. We have thus seen not so much
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improvements as necessary steps that philosophers made in light of partic-
ular problems with which they were confronted.
The upshot of this is that rather than a sequence of improvements, we
have three significant alternative positions: those of Kant, of the late Fichte,
and of Hegel. And these remain open as possible philosophical approaches.
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I do not dispute that to pursue any one of these would require radical
changes and improvements. We simply cannot commit ourselves to any
one of those positions as they were first elaborated. Present-day philosoph-
ical instruments and problems bring into view fundamental lacunae in
them. But these lacunae do not exclude the possibility that we might find
any one of these positions as close to the truth as possible for their own
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time. We must not forget that neither the complete results nor the ultimate
systematic structures that emerged from these explorations were fully evi-
dent to any of the three thinkers. Fichte and Hegel, for example, did not re-
ally know about the systematic structure of the Critique of Pure Reason.
Similarly, Hegel was not aware of the existence of the late versions of the
Science of Knowledge. So there is a very significant sense in which we must
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say that the real contest amongst these positions did not, and could not,
occur at that time.
It has been one of my aims in the course of these lectures to interpret the
principle positions of that era so that we might reopen a meaningful con-
test among all three of them. By virtue of my interpretations of Kant and
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Fichte, it is manifest that the standard interpretation of this philosophical
era as a necessary movement from Kant to Hegel is insufficient. It simply
fails to grasp the real philosophical achievements of the period. For this
reason, the title “Between Kant and Hegel” is a more apt title for this philo-
sophical era, inasmuch as it leaves open the prospects for choices.2
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2. H. S. Harris and George di Giovanni translated and edited a volume entitled Between
The Way to the Fifth Philosophy (The Science of Logic) 301
We have begun to formulate a criterion for evaluating the success of

Hegel’s undertaking. We have seen that we cannot embrace wholeheartedly
Fichte’s methodological rule—the restriction of all philosophical discourse
to the self-reference of the mental alone. For as Hölderlin was quick to
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point out, we require another discourse. In order to be successful, however,
this “other” discourse must preserve and contain Fichte’s major discover-
ies. Among these are the discovery of the problem of mental self-reference
and (of utmost importance) the solution of the paradoxes of self-reference.
If this “other” discourse cannot accomplish this, and if, especially, Hegel’s
philosophical method cannot do this, then the contest becomes truly an
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open field once again—even the contest between Fichte and Hegel. To see
the issue in this way is to see the prospect of further, considerably more re-
fined systematic structures coming into view, as they did in post-Kantian
philosophy, in a time that might come in an unforeseeable future.
These summary reflections on our work so far will guide my presenta-
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tion of Hegel. We have seen that, despite his valid criticism of the Science of
Knowledge, Hölderlin’s early system obliterates one of the aspects of the
spirit of Fichte. Our natural starting point will be this little system that
Hölderlin developed. We shall see how Hegel incorporated one of its main
results—that love can be an expression of freedom—into his early prob-
lematic. Having taken our beginnings here, we shall then see how Hegel’s
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Logic gradually developed. At this point, we shall be able to turn to a brief,
but I hope useful, account of the central constructive devices Hegel uses in
his Logic. This will permit me to turn, finally, to the application of these
constructive devices in the Phenomenology of Spirit, as well as to some as-
pects of the Philosophy of Right. This sequence of steps should permit us to
achieve a perspective from which we can determine whether Hegel’s sys-
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tem can do justice to Fichte’s major discoveries in his Science of Knowledge.
As it turns out, what we have considered in this course of inquiry is no
more than one-third of what we would really need in order to develop an
adequate understanding of the philosophical processes between Kant and
Hegel. Focusing almost exclusively on the systematic structures of these
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philosophies and the problems they raise, I have laid aside details of episte-
mology and of Kant’s new philosophy of science. Without taking these into
account, however, it is impossible to understand Schelling, and for this rea-
Kant and Hegel: Texts in the Development of Post-Kantianism (Albany: SUNY Press, 1985).
Unlike Henrich, who emphasizes the aspect of ongoing contestation between the systematic
positions of Kant, Fichte, and Hegel, Harris and Giovanni’s use of the word ‘between’ refers
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primarily to a temporal period of philosophical development.
302 Hegel
son, I have said nothing about him.3 I have also excluded Kant’s moral phi-
losophy and his theory of the state, as well as the problems, discussions,
and new conceptions to which they gave rise.4 This context of practical
philosophy is of at least equal importance to the problem of the founda-
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tion of a linear systematic philosophy. But it would require an entire other
course of exploration to treat it adequately.5
That this is so becomes clear as soon as we call to mind the course of
Hegel’s philosophical development. For a long time, he did not consider
himself a creative philosopher. He construed himself, instead, as contribut-
ing historical and critical analyses to the larger task of the liberation of hu-
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manity. He derived his principal concepts and critical devices exclusively
from Kant’s moral philosophy. As a student, he exhibited little interest in
either systematic philosophy or the discussions on the foundations of the
Critique of Pure Reason. Even in the following years, when Schelling sent
his early books to him, Hegel always apologized for not having studied
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them adequately. We have an account from his years in seminary, which re-
ports that whenever the academically gifted students would gather to dis-
cuss Kant and Reinhold and the state of critical philosophy, Hegel would
absent himself and instead read Rousseau.6
So even though Hegel did not give evidence of pursuing the path of cre-
ative philosophy, we can nevertheless observe within his historical and crit-
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ical analyses the dawning of the systematic structure that would become
the distinctive feature of his mature system. To say that Hegel was not a
3. In 1978 Henrich delivered an entirely different lecture course at Harvard tracing
the development between Kant and Hegel. His double points of departure were Fichte’s
“Wissenschaftslehre nova methodo” [ca. 1796–1799] (see Wnm)—which criticizes Kant’s
transcendental unity of apperception in Kritik der reinen Vernunft [1787] (B131–136) as cir-
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cular—and Schelling’s Ideen zu einer Philosophie der Natur [1797]—which criticizes the cir-
cularity of Kant’s definition of matter in Metaphysische Anfangsgründe der Naturwissenschaft
[1786]. Drawing upon these two criticisms of circularity in traditional (Kantian) thinking,
Henrich sketched the way in which their outcomes opened the way for speculative thinking.
4. In 1975 Henrich gave a lecture course at Harvard on Kant’s system that included an in-
terpretation and discussion of Kant’s moral philosophy.
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5. For more extensive treatment of some of these issues, see Dieter Henrich, “Deduk-
tion und Dialektik. Vorstellung einer Problemlage,” in Kant oder Hegel? Über Formen der
Begründung in der Philosophie [1981], ed. Dieter Henrich (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1983),
pp. 15–23; id., “Verständigung über Hegel,” in Hegels Wissenschaft der Logik. Formation und
Rekonstruktion, ed. Dieter Henrich (Stuttgart: Klett-Clotta, 1986), pp. 7–12.
6. Dieter Henrich, “Leutwein über Hegel. Ein Dokument zu Hegels Biographie,” Hegel-
Studien, 3 (1965): 56.
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creative philosopher is not to say that he failed to engage in creative work

at the outset. He did, indeed, contribute to the polemical, critical arsenal of
post-Kantian criticism—and this, to a considerable extent, while he was
still a student. His distinctive contribution was an analysis of the role of in-
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stitutions in the moral life of humans. He was concerned with the emo-
tional aspect of the life of the moral agent. Since moral agents act under
the principle of self-sufficient freedom (which Kantian moral philosophy
could not account for), their motivation to do so should differ from an as-
cetic repression of joy and spontaneous impulses. How can a fully devel-
oped life coincide with moral commitments? Hegel’s answer is the same as
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Kant’s, but he developed it in an entirely different way. In Hegel’s view, reli-
gion can contribute toward that end. Indeed, religion is nothing but the
completion of morality, so that a fully developed human life is compatible
with morality.
Hegel borrows a distinction from the liberal theologians, particularly
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Semler, who flourished during the 1770s.7 According to them there are two
types of religion: “private” religion, which completes the individual life by
providing a moral image of the world, and “positive” religion, which is not
indissolubly linked with the principles of morality. For this reason, positive
religion is, in many respects, superfluous. Now Hegel opposes private reli-
gion, not so much to positive religion, as to “public” religion. Hegel appro-
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priates the notion of public religion from Rousseau and construes it as the
religion of the community, the religion civile. Public religion appeals to
imagination. The cult of public religion, and above all its festivals, is an ex-
pression of a free life in a free state. Public religion involves the individual
citizens in a form of life that allows moral development and deep satisfac-
tion of all worldly needs at the same time. Hegel’s reconstruction of Rous-
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seau’s religion civile is also the image the late eighteenth century held of
the religion of the Greek city-states. For them, Greek religions were public
religions.
By way of contrast, Christianity is a private religion. Concerned only
with individuals, their salvation and their morality, Christianity must of
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necessity remain private in nature. But for historical reasons, Christianity
neither did, nor could, remain private. That Christianity became a public
7. Johann Salomo Semler, in his 1779 rebuttal of the radical rationalist Hermann Samuel
Reimarus, maintained that faith is necessary for understanding religious matters. See Lec-
ture 7, notes 7 and 10.
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304 Hegel
religion explains why it deteriorated once it became the dominant public

religion of Europe. To become dominant, Christianity had to turn into the
opposite of its character. Whereas originally Christianity had been a reli-
gion of freedom too, now it had become a positive religion, which is the
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third alternative. But a positive religion, which depends on miracles and
revelations, severs the links with morality, because neither miracles nor
revelations are concerned with the moral life. Positive religions must, if
they become public, associate themselves with states that are not based on
the principles of freedom (as the Greek states were), but rather upon obe-
dience and tight control of the citizens.
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In this brief analysis, we can discern one of Hegel’s specific interests at
work. He wants to explain the origin of the downfall of rational and ap-
parently complete structures—such as he construes to have been present
in original Christianity. In other words, Hegel wants to account for why
these structures turn into their direct opposite, so that a religion of free-
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dom (original Christianity) becomes involved with a state whose operative
principles are obedience and control.
Hegel’s early analysis does not deviate from Kant’s moral philosophy.
He had no doubt at this point that the categorical imperative is the ulti-
mate understanding of freedom, and therefore thought himself excused
from any requirement to develop a metaphysical program. What does
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seem to be metaphysical religion is simply imagination, which is no more
than a development of the emotional life of the human. In this early ap-
proach, which Hegel developed while still a student, he claims that life in
the community is by itself the best way to become and to express a moral
personality.
All this changed when Hegel encountered Hölderlin’s philosophical dis-
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coveries. To be sure, Hegel’s early development as a creative Kantian critic
prepared him well for this change. Nevertheless, those who hold that this
change would have occurred anyway, and that a step toward a new meta-
physical program was inevitable without the incentive from Hölderlin’s
philosophical discoveries, are wrongheaded in their assessment.8
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What was so stunning about Hölderlin’s system? I believe that it was its
establishment of an ultimate presupposition for all discourse: the absolute
as Being and its internal separation into the world of finitude and a system
8. See, for example, H. S. Harris, Hegel’s Development: Toward the Sunlight (1770–1801)
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972).
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of relations. We can no longer understand this absolute, which separates it-

self internally, as the internal constitution of consciousness, nor can we
understand it as the result of an adequate explication of the self ’s self-refer-
ence. These problems are played down in Hölderlin’s analysis. To be sure,
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his system also introduced three ways in which the finite self has to relate
itself to the absolute, to that Being which exists before all separation
(Urteil). But this means that we have to determine the nature and epi-
stemic status of these diverse ways in which the selves relate to the absolute:
the practical, the idealistic, and the love dimensions of life. Hölderlin does
not provide any epistemological analysis that would permit us to under-
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stand these relations, even though we know that they are at least partially
cognitive.
It is significant to note that despite this encounter, Hegel tried for as
long as possible to preserve his Kantian commitments. Principal among
these are the beliefs that moral philosophy has to open the way to the abso-
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lute and that the evidence of the absolute is moral in nature; or, better, that
the evidence of the absolute is of the same type as the moral. Slowly, over a
sequence of four changes to his systematic structure, Hegel finally arrived
at his Science of Logic, which we may describe as his fifth philosophy. I will
take up the first of these stages in some depth and then summarize briefly
the others.
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After his encounter with Hölderlin’s system, Hegel’s first reaction was to
develop a theory of the various stages of moral life. The last of these arrives
at a metaphysical image of the world that is nearly identical with Hölder-
lin’s. In this theory Hegel pursues the following strategy: he invokes Kant’s
idea of autonomy (complete self-determination) as his criterion, and then
notes that there are various ways in which the individual agent can acquire
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and observe this principle. Among them, some, although dependent on the
principle of autonomy, are not sufficient realizations of it. Now the critical
analysis of the philosopher can show the discrepancy that remains between
the demands of autonomy and the state of consciousness or behavior that
the agent has already achieved. Moreover, the proof of this discrepancy is
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simultaneously the justification of the demand for a higher form of moral
life. This higher form eliminates the defects of the previous one and so
completes it. So we may call the subsequent form a fulfillment of the pre-
ceding form, because it functions as a completion. In this sense, the new
form is a plêrôma (a biblical term commonly associated with the notion of
“fulfillment of the law”). As plêrôma, the new form does not simply replace
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306 Hegel
or eliminate the preceding structure. Rather, the new form requires that
the preceding one remain present, anticipating completion, even though it
is no longer the ultimate form.
Here is an example: the categorical imperative leads the mind of the
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moral agent into an unbearable tension as long as its demands oppose en-
tirely the rest of the agent’s life. Therefore, a person has to develop a state
of being inclined to observe her duties. This state is higher than the prelimi-
nary understanding in which the agent construes her situation only as be-
ing under the constraints of the law. Now this second state requires the
continuous presence of the crucial elements of the first state. Apart from
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these, the moral agent could not remain a moral being in unpredictable
situations for which she has developed neither habits nor inclination. In
such strange and unpredictable situations, the moral agent stands only un-
der the absolute obligation of the categorical imperative. Moral education
does not cover situations of this type, so the harmonious personality can
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develop only if the second stage preserves and “completes” the first.
Another example: various duties collide necessarily under the provisions
of the categorical imperative. The duty to the formal law of the state, for
instance, can conflict with duty to family. We cannot master all the situa-
tions in moral life without violating one or another moral rule, and we can
never settle decisively the questions these conflicts pose by casuistry. Since
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every moral demand carries with it absolute obligatory power, we could
not avoid the dissolution of our autonomy into guilt if we could not intro-
duce another plêrôma (completion).
The plêrôma that appears in this instance is the readiness for forgiveness.
There are significant moral situations in which the choice an agent makes
for one duty, as opposed to another, depends in no small measure on the
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prospect of forgiveness from the agent whose interests are violated. That
there are situations of this kind mandates a willingness to broaden our un-
derstanding of autonomy. We must now incorporate into it the possibility
of surrendering our own existence as moral beings to the will of others, by
asking of them forgiveness. In a word, there can be no morality without
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the readiness to commit our own existence to some sort of moral commu-
nity. Of course, this readiness is precisely Hölderlin’s “love,” as he construes
it in his 1795 system; but Hegel now interprets love as a structure of moral
life rather than as a tendency of life toward the beautiful.
We should not fail to observe that love not only completes but also pre-
supposes morality. Hegel stresses this in a few of the fragments from his
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early theological writings.9 The moral constitution of those who love one
another—a constitution that depends on the principle of love—deterio-
rates without a moral identity both in the first state of conflict between du-
ties and in the second state of readiness for forgiveness. There are many
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forms of love in the world. Most relationships that we call “love” are
among the following kinds: a disguise of vanity (being proud to possess
beauty), sexual dependence, fear of loneliness, need for a comfortable life
that maximizes profits and minimizes risks. These sorts of love are not,
however, a completion of morality.
The sign of what completes morality is that those who love remain
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moral subjects; they can experience their relationship as fulfilling their au-
tonomy. That is real commitment. To enter true love of this kind is to re-
main faithful, by way of the refusal to enter into undeserved commitments,
to the higher understanding of morality. Noting this, Hegel makes the nice
point that there is no love without the potential of bravery; and, conversely,
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bravery is simply knowing that love is not possible at this particular time.
Bravery is superior to inadequate surrender, however. To commit oneself is
a preservation of the Spirit. The young Hegel was a radical politician, and
his diagnosis of his era concludes in the view that we can make no commit-
ment to any existing reality that would simultaneously not be faithful to
the principles of autonomy. This, in brief, was a clarion call toward radical
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social change.
However much love completes the principle of autonomy, it still lacks a
metaphysics. For this reason Hegel introduces the following consideration:
the spirit of love dominates human beings because it is a moral spirit,
which does not depend continuously on situations in which action is pos-
sible. We will recall that in Hegel’s analysis, the preceding stages of moral
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behavior must be preserved so that love may complete them. Hence love is
not omnipresent in moral life. How then can love, which is transitory, be-
come continuously dominant in the mind of the moral agent? The ques-
tion is pressing because love, as the superior interpretation, has to be dom-
inant. To Hegel, the answer is almost obvious: the principle of love as a
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practical structure must become reflexive. We must gain knowledge of that
principle. We must grasp it as the moral, and it must thereby become ac-
cessible in situations that are not actual instances of this commitment to
9. G. W. F. Hegel, “Moralität, Liebe, Religion,” “Liebe und Religion,” and “Die Liebe”
(Frag. 8–10), in TJ, pp. 374–382. These are unfortunately omitted from ETW. See Chapter 2,
note 3.
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308 Hegel
higher morality. We develop this awareness in what Hegel now calls “reli-
gion.” The religion of freedom is nothing but the reflection of the process
of love, and this can issue through both private religion and public reli-
gion. We should not, however, confuse the two ways.
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In the religion of freedom, the world appears as a process that generates
separations, which in turn become possible cases for the development and
manifestation of the spirit of love. In order to have love, you must have at
least a manifold of persons. You also need a variety of situations in which
the principle of love can prove itself. This situation—in which there are a
manifold of persons and a variety of instances in which the principles of
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love can become manifest—has to be generated. Religion looks at the
world from this point of view. It structures the world so that love is possi-
ble. Moral unification is the origin and destination of the world. If they
help to multiply the variety of situations in which the spirit overcomes the
separation, human beings are also integrated into this process.
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The ultimate state of the world process, as well as the ultimate achieve-
ment of humankind, will be the free community: the state that is internally
polymorphic, whose rational constitution and public religion of autonomy
(religion civile) unify it, is the free community. By looking at Hölderlin’s
metaphysical system in this way, Hegel construes it as a sort of postulate of
practical reason. One has this image of the world if one reflects on love as
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the highest form of moral life.
The systematic features of this theory emphasize that it is not a con-
struction of theoretical philosophy. Hegel founds it, instead, on the princi-
ple of practical (moral) philosophy. In this respect, Hegel’s theory differs
entirely from the Science of Knowledge, even though it, too, was a defense of
freedom. But Fichte mounted his defense on the bulwark of elementary
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mental structures, rather than on the evidences of practical life. In his the-
oretical construction of “Spirit,” Hegel tries to preserve what the immedi-
ate awareness of the law implies. With Kant, Hegel claims that theoretical
philosophy does not allow for any interpretation of freedom. Where Hegel
differs crucially from Kant is in his interpretation of autonomy. As neces-
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sarily implying a sequence of states in which it is completed, Hegel’s notion
of autonomy mandates a new vocabulary. Whereas Kant expresses his en-
tire moral philosophy in a vocabulary that is already available in his theo-
retical philosophy, Hegel believes that, in order to develop the principle of
autonomy fully, one needs a new vocabulary. This is the starting point of
his development toward the Logic.
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The second systematic feature of Hegel’s theory is that it is not linear or

one-dimensional, despite its incorporation of sequential states. The theory
is not linear because it includes two discourses that are only correlated to
each other. The first discourse takes its beginnings with the principle of au-
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tonomy and shows that autonomy requires further completion in order to
be realized. The second discourse shows that we have to preserve the pre-
ceding state. In other words, the argument that shows us that we have to
proceed to love does not simultaneously show that we cannot eliminate the
preceding state—we need a different type of argument for this claim.
There is an investigation whose course leads ahead, and another investiga-
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tion that is correlated with the first, that shows that we must “preserve” (to
use a term of the later Hegel) the stages that are left behind. Rather than
eliminating these stages, we must incorporate them into a new state.
A third systematic feature of this theory is that it simply presupposes,
but does not account for, the existence of persons and the manifold of situ-
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ations that require moral action. On the basis of this presupposition, we
turn to the religious image of the world, in which we find no theoretical
connection between the principle of love and the manifold in the world. At
best, this relationship is transcendental: if we do not have the one, we do
not have the other. This, of course, is not a deductive proof.
The fourth systematic feature of Hegel’s theory comes into view when
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we see how it differs from Hölderlin’s. Unlike Hölderlin, Hegel sees the ori-
gin only as the process. There is no idea of turning back to the origin, as
does Hölderlin, nor longing for the reestablishment of the lost unity. Be-
cause Hegel interprets the origin as love, the origin has a destination which
we can understand in terms of the destination: the creation of a manifold
in which this principle is manifest.10 There is neither return to the sub-
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stance nor interpretation of the process as depending eternally on some
origin.
Given all these features, the point toward which Hegel’s system is aiming
has now come into view. What would he have to accomplish in order to de-
velop a structure that could possibly compete with Fichte’s? I think we can
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answer this question by saying that (1) he would have to build a theory
that no longer depends only on practical premises. For only if he does so,
can he possibly account for the new language that he has developed in the
10. Hegel is here already observing the principle that substance be conceived of as sub-
ject—a principle that Henrich discusses in Lecture 19.
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310 Hegel
course of criticizing inadequate states of morality. (2) Hegel cannot restrict

this new language solely to moral phenomena. In the image of the world
that reflects the nature of love, love has already transcended, in some way,
the confines of moral structures, insofar as it postulates a process of self-
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diversification in the world. This transcendence is what makes love as pow-
erful and as polymorphous as possible. (3) Hegel would then have to inte-
grate the discourse that pushes ahead for further completion and the dis-
course that insists on preserving the preceding state into a single discourse.
To achieve this, of course, would be to arrive at a structure that we can call
one-dimensional.
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I cannot fully pursue Hegel’s path to this structure here. That would, as I
have already suggested, entail an undertaking of considerable magnitude. I
will have to content myself, instead, with a brief synopsis of his intermedi-
ate positions that culminate in the Science of Logic.
By 1800, Hegel replaced the concept of love with the concept of life.11
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This marks the beginning of his second position. For him, life seems to be
a structure that might account for self-diversification that the postulate of
the ultimate image of the world incorporates. Hegel thought it possible to
apply this structure beyond the constraints of moral phenomena to, for ex-
ample, nature. While we cannot here interpret the terminology Hegel de-
veloped to examine the structure of the process he called “life,” we can note
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that even after the development of this terminology, life still depends upon
moral premises. In his view, life—because it is a speculative concept, in-
cluding the principle and the manifold simultaneously—is inaccessible to
reason. Although “life” is not a moral concept in itself, it nonetheless re-
mains based on moral discourse. Therefore, we have to show why, in order
to understand the structure to which the moral development ultimately
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leads, we have to introduce such a speculative concept. As only a fragment
of the complete manuscript of the system of 1800 has survived, we can
only speculate about the course of his reasoning. But, fortunately, where
we find this analysis of life is at the end of the system written in that year.
So while the rest of the manuscript is lost, there is sufficient evidence to
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warrant the interpretation that his analysis of life remains oriented to and
depends on moral premises.
When in 1801 Hegel published his first philosophical writing, The Dif-
11. G. W. F. Hegel, “Systemfragment von 1800,” in TJ, pp. 343–351; English: “Fragment of
a System (1800),” in ETW, pp. 309–319.
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ference between Fichte’s and Schelling’s Systems of Philosophy, he entered his

third position.12 Realizing that he had already used abstract terms in the
description of love, and that he had even used them in his description of
life (e.g., “self-diversification,” “unity that is inseparable from the mani-
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fold”), he recognized that he had to have this kind of discourse in order to
articulate what he was trying to say. He had absolutely no sort of justifica-
tion for this kind of discourse, however. And as soon as he attempted to
develop one, the criticism of inadequate forms of discourse became
incrementally more detailed and more concrete. He concluded, accord-
ingly, that we have to launch such justifications and criticisms from an-
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other kind of discourse, which does not lead to the descriptions of what
life and, previously, love, are.
In light of this, Hegel develops a detailed criticism of what he calls the
“abstractions of understanding.” Understanding, or “ordinary” reason, is
the opposite of direct insight, which is the type to which moral insight be-
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longs. Understanding cannot master certain kinds of opposition between
the terms that it has to use. By virtue of a specific critical procedure, we
may correlate another term to any term understanding (Verstand) uses.
Understanding cannot resign from an at least implicit use of these terms,
but it uses the opposite term in order to avoid conceding the original,
indissoluble relationship between any term understanding uses and the
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correlate to it. Understanding tries to disguise this original relationship
between the two terms. Accordingly, philosophy engages in “reflection.”
Reflection, in this context, means bringing into view the opposite term that
understanding wants to eliminate and pointing out that understanding
cannot eliminate this term, which remains present in all finite discourse.
Reflection, in other words, is the critical activity of the philosopher that
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forces understanding into antinomies, or what is the same, into the conces-
sion that another kind of insight must be possible.
Hegel calls this other kind of insight (as, for instance, the basis of the de-
scription of life) “intellectual intuition,” adopting the terminology in the
sense that Schelling had developed. This move does not grant us a founda-
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tion for Hegel’s system that we might compare with Fichte’s Science of
Knowledge. Pointing out that opposites are always present is merely a criti-
12. G. W. F. Hegel, Differenz des Fichte’schen und Schelling’schen Systems der Philosophie
[1801], ed. Hartmut Buchner and Otto Pöggeler, in GW, vol. IV (1968), pp. 1–92; English:
The Difference Between Fichte’s and Schelling’s Systems of Philosophy, trans. H. S. Harris and
Walter Cerf (Albany: SUNY Press, 1977).
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312 Hegel
cal undertaking. To be sure, it leads us to acknowledge that there is an im-

mediate acquaintance with ultimate structures to which we can only point,
insofar as this acquaintance is intuitive rather than discursive. Hegel does
not yet use a dialectical method as a device for constructing the ultimate
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state of affairs. Instead, he restricts his use of this method only to refute in-
adequate approaches to that ultimate reality.
“Intellectual intuition,” however, is not merely an immediate acquain-
tance, but also a theoretical term. Anyone who forces finite reasoning to ac-
knowledge that there is such an insight simultaneously acknowledges that
there is another theoretical dimension available, even if it is only intuitive
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rather than discursive. This move cuts the links between ultimate insight
and practical evidence.
In his first lectures at Jena during the year 1801–1802, Hegel made the
natural step to another discourse, although we have very meager textual
evidence for it.13 In this step, we again have two discourses: the critical
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analysis of finite concepts and the use of the same terms in a distinct dis-
course that articulates, in a methodologically controlled way, intellectual
intuition. The upshot of this is a critical and constructive philosophy. Both
philosophical discourses are discursive analyses of intuition. Both argue
for, rather than merely justifying and then describing, the possibility of in-
tuition. In essence, Hegel has now come to distinguish two essential sys-
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tems of philosophy: the systema reflectionis (system of reflection) and the
systema rationis (system of reason). The system of reflection criticizes un-
derstanding, the finite ways of reasoning. The system of reason develops the
conceptual apparatus that is suitable for describing phenomena like life
and the unification of love in the moral dimension.
I turn now to the step that Hegel took in 1804 toward the Science of
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Logic. Virtually no research exists on the question of why Hegel took this
step.14 As we shall shortly see, however, it has dramatic consequences with
respect to the way Hegel organized his work. As it turned out, his attempt
to elaborate his two different philosophies (reflectionis and rationis) fal-
tered, because he could not finally keep them distinct from one another.
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Without a change in method, Hegel could only conduct his criticism of
13. G. W. F. Hegel, “Fragmente aus Vorlesungsmanuskripten” [1801–1802], ed. Manfred

Baum and Kurt Rainer Meist, in GW, vol. V (1998), pp. 255–269.
14. Klaus Düsing, Das Problem der Subjektivität in Hegels Logik. Systematische und entwick-
lungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zum Prinzip des Idealismus und zur Dialektik (Bonn:
Bouvier, 1976, repr. 1995).
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finite categories in a way that presupposed adequate categories and analy-

ses, which themselves would have to be the outcome of such criticism. At
the very least, this means that there is a continuity between the system of
reflection and the system of reason. The categories of finitude are not just
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inconsistent structures or principles of inadequate discourse. They are only
preliminary and insufficient ways of a real understanding of the categories
of reason. We see a similar development in reason itself. Our analysis of the
preliminary structures in the system of reason leads to the ultimate con-
ceptual framework that allows for an analysis of life and morality, and of
what Hegel had already started to call “Spirit.”
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Once Hegel concluded that he had no methodological distinction be-
tween the critical and the systematic discourses (reflectionis and rationis),
inasmuch as he had structured them in exactly the same way, he separated
the system of reflection from his first philosophy. Thus far, his first philos-
ophy had two parts: the critical system of reflection and the constructive
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system of reason. Both deal with categories or principles of discourse. The
system of reason is at the same time critical, and the system of reflection is
simultaneously the analysis of preliminary structures of the ultimate dis-
course. When, therefore, Hegel realized that there is only one dimension of
this discourse, he separated the task of the system of reflection from his
first philosophy (prima philosophia). By separating it from the system of
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reason, he also changed entirely the content of the critical discourse. The
system of reflection now becomes a refutation of all finite approaches to
philosophy, not just of finite categories or principles of reasoning. Re-
flection becomes an analysis of types of philosophy and stages of conscious-
ness, which are already theory-laden. In other words, reflection is no longer
a criticism of principles of discourse. It is, instead, a criticism of the ways of
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discourse and of positions of consciousness that these types of discourse
presuppose. It is precisely this kind of critical investigation—the system of
reflection—that now leads to the justification of the speculative science.
Now, and only now, does this speculative science become a prima phi-
losophia that is one-dimensional in its constitution.
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The successor to the systema reflectionis is the Phenomenology of Spirit.15
The procreative moment of the Phenomenology is equally the procreative
moment of the Science of Logic.16
15. G. W. F. Hegel, PhG; English: PS.

16. G. W. F. Hegel, WL1 and WL2; English: SL.
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314 Hegel
However general this point, and elusive its relevance, it is nonetheless

crucial for understanding the internal cohesion of Hegel’s systematic work.
In the history of post-Hegelian philosophy, there has always been this am-
biguous attraction to the Logic and the Phenomenology. To understand my
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remarks is to escape this ambiguity and to understand why we have to take
our beginnings with the Logic. The Phenomenology is actually a segregation
of a problem of the prima philosophia. Thus if there is an ultimate analysis
of the mind in Hegel’s system, we have to find its foundation in the Logic
rather than the Phenomenology.
Seen in just this way, much, if not all, falls on the Science of Logic. It has
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to be a one-dimensional analysis of all concepts and principles of dis-
course. It has to be an analysis of these principles as modifications that first
articulate, in a preliminary way, and then apprehend the nature of one
single ultimate principle. What means could Hegel mobilize that would
permit his theory to carry such weight? Love and life were the original
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ultimate terms he had invoked in his first and second post-Hölderlinian
systems. Although we have only examined the first of these, both exhibit
two conceptual aspects. The first is complete self-reference, which corre-
sponds to autonomy in love. Second, love, as the principle that also justifies
surrendering to finitude, nevertheless includes some aspect of separation
and opposition. For in order to surrender, there must be another, different
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from me, to whom I can surrender. Naturally enough, this is a symmetrical
relationship, if there is love at all. So love is both a structure of complete
self-reference, owing to its autonomy, and the principle of the relationship
between one determinate finite being and its ‘other.’
These two aspects of love seem to be in a contradictory unity. The unity
of love really exists, however, and unless we agree that this is so, we cannot
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understand even moral life. Hegel attempted to preserve his earliest con-
clusion for a long time: because love has this conceptual tension inside of it
that seems to lead into a contradiction, there is no rational way of under-
standing what love is. He even says in his Early Theological Writings that
love is a “miracle.”17 Thereafter, Hegel claims that love is disclosed in an
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“intellectual intuition” and is inaccessible to analytic explication. After he
had reached the third and fourth stages of his conceptual analysis, he could
no longer say this. He had to develop theoretical means for the analysis of a
17. G. W. F. Hegel, “Der Geist des Christentums und sein Schicksal” (1798–1799), in TJ,
pp. 337ff; English: “The Spirit of Christianity and its Fate,” in ETW, pp. 295ff.
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structure that is complete self-reference and a position between two deter-

minate beings at the same time.
This is the ‘secret’ of Hegel’s philosophy. His point is that we need in all
discourse a basic theoretical concept or operation, so that if we properly
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understand this operation and use it for the purpose of speculative philos-
ophy, we will find it suitable for the ultimate rational analysis. Saying this
amounts to claiming that such a basic theoretical concept will indeed be
able to carry the exceeding weight about which we have been speaking.
What is the basic concept and the rule governing it that Hegel thinks can
do this? It is “negation.” In order to carry this weight, however, “negation”
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has to undergo a thorough change in meaning and in formal structure.
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Hegel The Logic of Negation and Its Application
21
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The Logic of Negation
and Its Application
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After his encounter with Hölderlin’s nascent system, Hegel developed his
conception of a higher form of moral behavior. His first system of 1800 re-
flected the structure underlying this form, which he had isolated and gen-
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eralized. Its highest concept is the notion of “life.” In his analysis, Hegel
conceives of life as a structure of two elements: the first is a self-referential
totality that disallows any particular element that is not fully incorporated
into it; the second both requires and, according to Hegel, generates indi-
vidual lives. These elements exclude one another, but they are also inter-
nally organized wholes. And they are capable of reciprocal surrender to
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each other. The moral aspect is this reciprocal surrendering in which indi-
vidual lives make exchanges and amalgamations.
The process of life occurs in the generation of the individuals and the
withdrawal of life from them. Outside of individual living beings, there
is no life. Growth and self-preservation, amalgamation and death, occur
within individual living beings.
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Hegel states explicitly that this universal world process is beyond the ca-
pacity of the understanding of reason. The outcome of thinking further
about the method of philosophy and about the implications of criticizing
the potentialities of rational discourse, however, was the draft of a new first
philosophy. In Hegel’s view, this new philosophy would be able to con-
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struct, and to interpret rationally, the structure and the phenomena that he
had previously called “life.”
For this to be possible, we would have to find a formal procedure that
permits the derivation of a structure that corresponds to what Hegel had
described as life. According to the prevailing ideal of what a philosophical
system should be, Hegel would have to found this procedure on one single
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316
The Logic of Negation and Its Application 317
term.1 In turn, Hegel’s ‘term’ would have to fulfill three conditions: (1) it
would have to be acceptable as a basic term of rational discourse; (2) it
would have to be the sole basis for building comprehensive logical struc-
tures; and (3) its issue in a logical structure would have to incorporate (a)
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complete self-reference, and (b) the relationship between opposites so that
they might, in some theoretical sense, amalgamate. Complete self-refer-
ence and the relation between independent (although opposed and amal-
gamating) individuals is the basic structure of life.
Hegel believes that the term that can fulfill these conditions is “nega-
tion.” In whatever distinctive way he might have us look at it, negation will
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nevertheless carry an exceeding weight in the construction of a philosophi-
cal system. The way in which Hegel would use negation bears only remote
resemblance to its role in truth-functional logic. For instance, Hegel wants
negation to be independent from acts such as asserting or disasserting, and
from propositions and the form of propositions in general. He also wants
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it to be the only basic function, despite its requirement, after a few steps, of
introducing at least one more. I cannot here go into the gravity of the
problems that such a view of negation raises. Needless to say, the gravity is
as momentous as the problems are numerous.
I want, instead, to present the ‘key’ to Hegel’s Logic in the same intuitive
way that he presented his system. I think we are bound to proceed in this
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way, because Hegel never developed a second-order discourse that could
interpret what he was doing. I believe that without the key I am offering to
you, the system remains ultimately inaccessible. Indeed, even if we proceed
in this intuitive sense that Hegel followed, we cannot move within the sys-
tem without this key. With it, however, it is possible to make movements,
even though we do not fully understand them. If we had to understand
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every logical movement in Hegel before doing it, no thinking would be
possible.
Let us take our beginnings with negation alone. In this sense, negation is
isolated, and so autonomous negation. Starting only with negation means
having nothing but negation. Now in order to have nothing but negation,
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we need negation more than once. For, in Hegel’s view, negation is rela-
tional in the sense that there must be something it negates. But inasmuch
as there is nothing that negation could possibly negate—owing to the as-
sumption that we have only negation—negation can only negate itself. Ac-
1. See the Reinhold and Fichte discussion in Lectures 5, 8, and esp. 14.
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318 Hegel
cordingly, autonomous negation can only be a negation of negation. This

means that autonomous negation is originally self-referential: in order to
have only negation, we have to have negation twice.
We come now to a typical Hegelian step: to have negation as self-refer-
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ring means to have even more than what we have so far said. Thus far, we
have said that negation is relational. The relation of negation to itself,
therefore, is not a stable, static, logical state. It becomes dynamical to ne-
gate negation, which means to arrive at the logical state of having no nega-
tion at all. This amounts to saying that the negation of negation is not hav-
ing negation. So understood, autonomous negation apparently eliminates
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itself at the outset.
Insofar as we have before us only the term “negation,” we can character-
ize it as being nothing other than the state that is opposed to the state in
which there is negation. We do not have, first, some particular proposition,
and subsequent to this the negation of it, and, then, a further negation of
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the negation that might give us back the proposition. We have only a state
that is opposed to the state in which there is negation. We are obliged,
therefore, to register the following result: if we have only negation, which
necessarily means negated negation, then we have also the opposite of
negation.
In consequence of this, we have the relationship of two opposites—the
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state of negation from which we began and the state of not having nega-
tion. This is the place where Hegel introduces a second structure. He tries
to describe opposition as a structure between these two states whose rela-
tion is determinateness. Hence, the one is what the other is not, and vice
versa.
We can readily observe that it is possible to characterize the opposing
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state to negation only in negative terms. As we said, it is a state in which we
have no negation. The meaning of “no” here depends on what negation is
and enriches its meaning at the same time. This is a peculiar move requir-
ing extensive discussion, which I cannot at present pursue. The upshot,
however, is that this state of not having negation depends on the opposite
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state of the not not being had of negation in a strong sense. It is the equiva-
lent of saying that it is in itself negative. As such, this state is not really the
exclusion of the opposite state that we supposed it to be, on the grounds
that an autonomous negation simply eliminates itself.
After Hegel makes this move, another question naturally appears, re-
quiring another move: to what is the state that is the result of the self-
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referring negation opposed? We have nearly given the answer: the state
of not having negation is opposed to the state of having negation. This
state—that is opposed to the state of having negation—also turns out to be
negative, so what is opposed to ‘having negation’ is also a negative term.
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We are led unavoidably to the conclusion that the state that is opposed to
negation is with the state to which it is opposed in the relationship of self-
reference. Therefore, we are back at the very beginning. The outcome of
the self-elimination of negation is the self-reference of negation.2
In order to achieve this outcome, however, we have to move through the
relationship of determinateness. This means moving through the opposi-
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tion between the state that was described as not having negation and the
state of having negation. This movement turns out to be negation again in
self-reference, although this negation is now built on determinateness.
This is the result toward which Hegel has been aiming. He wants to con-
struct self-reference and determinateness as direct implications of one ele-
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mentary, independent, and autonomous term: negation. Whether or not
we can state such a meaning of negation is the eternal question that haunts
the possible soundness of Hegel’s position.
Such is the key to the Logic. We cannot find it in the Logic itself. We catch
glimpses of it in the chapter on “Reflection” at the beginning of the “Logic
of Essence.” But the basic operation that I have presented here is not coex-
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tensive with the entire Science of Logic. Instead, it is the core and the key.
We might ask, “How could the Logic, which seems to be an entirely
closed structure, contain more than this key?” Again, we might inquire
“What is the sense in which this simple key—fallacious or not—can recon-
struct and enrich the categories of all traditional philosophical theories?”
We have to answer these questions in two steps, in accord with the fact that
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the Science of Logic has one discourse that precedes our treatment of nega-
tion and another that follows it. Both of these discourses are enormous,
comprising many moves.3
Let me turn, first, to the discourse that precedes autonomous negation.
Hegel does not think of his Logic as a deliberately introduced construction
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that permits a rational reconstruction of the structures of moral con-
sciousness and of what he calls “life.” The Logic is not a theory in the sense
2. Dieter Henrich, “Formen der Negation in Hegels Logik,” Hegel-Jahrbuch 1974 (Köln,
1975): 245–256.
3. Dieter Henrich, “Hegels Logik der Reflexion. Neue Fassung,” in Hegel-Studien. Beihefte,
vol. XVIII, ed. Dieter Henrich (Bonn: Bouvier, 1978), pp. 103–224.
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320 Hegel
that the philosophy of science understands theory. Rather, the Logic is a se-
mantic process. Hegel believes that this semantic structure of self-refer-
ring, autonomous negation underlies all possible rational discourse. No
matter where we start, we will arrive at a structure of the type Hegel de-
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scribes. In order to prove the claim that the Logic is not a deliberate opera-
tion, but, instead, the nature of all possible rational discourses, we have to
start from the most elementary thought of which we can think. Then we
have to show that “negation,” in the sense in which we have described it,
follows from the attempt to make this most simple thought consistent.
Hegel starts from the term “being,” which is more dubious than most of
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what we find in his Logic. Accordingly, I do not propose to refer to that
move. In any event, what Hegel calls the discourse that has self-referring
negation as its starting point and basic structure is the “Logic of Essence.”
The preceding discourse he calls the “Logic of Being.”4
The basic feature of the Logic of Being is that all the conceptual struc-
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tures there analyzed by Hegel imply, but never show explicitly, self-refer-
ring structures. As long as one remains in the Logic of Being, it is never
possible to derive all that has to be said about these conceptual tools from
self-referring structures. Determinateness, for example, always remains
distinct from the self-referring aspect of these categories. Hegel’s Logic of
Being (i.e., the logic of determinateness) is a refined exposition of what
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Plato called heterotês (otherness). It is actually an attempt to resume the di-
alectics of Plato’s Sophist within the context of modern philosophy.
We are here best served by considering two conceptual aspects in the
structure of otherness. (1) In the relation of otherness, we have at least two
elements that are dependent on one another. Each is only the ‘other’ of the
other, and it is not conceivable that the one would be there apart from the
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other. (2) They are also conceived of as independent from one another, al-
though, to be perfectly candid, there is a problem in the Logic of Being
with this ‘also.’ If we are willing to bypass this problem for the moment, we
could then say that each one of the two is the one, meaning by this that
only the other is described as ‘other.’ Since, however, this is true of both of
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them, each one of them is ‘the one’ and only the other of ‘the other.’ Hegel
describes this situation by saying that they display the aspect of existing
only ‘for the other,’ and at the same time, display the aspect of having exis-
4. G. W. F. Hegel, “Das Seyn,” in WL1, pp. 33–232; id., “Das Wesen,” in WL1, pp. 241–409;
English: “Doctrine of Being,” in SL, pp. 69–385; “Doctrine of Essence,” in SL, pp. 389–571.
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tence ‘in themselves.’ These two conceptual aspects are, of course, insepara-
ble. This means that their indifference (their ‘in-itself ’ existence) toward
their ‘other’ ultimately turns out to be the way in which Hegel proves the
dependence of the one on its ‘other.’ To claim that there is an existence in-
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itself is to claim another structure of otherness, in opposition to the being-
for-another. So here we have a second-order otherness—the otherness of
the being-for-itself versus the being-for-another.
Once this becomes fully clear at the end of the Logic of Being, the dis-
tinction between the two ‘others’ becomes untenable. Both of them appear
as negatives, and as nothing but negatives. They are negatives in exactly the
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same sense, which is what makes the transition to the Logic of Essence le-
gitimate. Now we have autonomous negation: nothing is left but negation.
Since this means that negation is self-referring, the self-reference of auton-
omous negation remains, and we have the transition from “being” to “es-
sence.” So much for the discourse that precedes the Logic of Essence!
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Let us now turn to the section that follows the Logic of Essence. Earlier,
in our exposition of the self-reference of negation, we suppressed an im-
portant aspect. The self-reference of negation led to otherness, that is, to
determinateness. We had two states—having negation and not having ne-
gation—and both states are negative and nothing but that. So the first big
move was that negation leads to otherness. The second was that otherness
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turns out to be the self-reference of negation. This second move was, as
well, a return to the original structure.
In a way that I think should be closely studied, Hegel shows that these
two structural aspects of essence are in an unstable relation to one another.
Each turns out to be the other, but we do not see clearly why and how. We
only see that it happens and that it has to happen. Sometimes determinate-
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ness and self-reference seem to be independent from one another, and
sometimes they seem to be identical. Hegel describes this theoretical situa-
tion by saying that both are immediately the opposite of themselves (Das
unmittelbare Gegenteil ihrer selbst)—one of his favorite phrases in his early
Jena period. This unstable structure attracted him greatly, because it
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seemed to fulfill the promise to provide a means for describing what life
is—this continuous process of change, organization, and decay all at the
same time.
It is, however, easy enough to show that such an absolutely unstable
structure is not suitable for describing what the structure of mind is. More-
over, such instability is certainly not suitable for providing a categorical
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322 Hegel
framework for interpreting institutions such as the state. For logical rea-
sons, it seems to be necessary to develop this still ambiguous result of the
analysis of double negation into a consistent logical structure free from
these ambiguities, in which each element turns out to be the other. There-
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fore, in the same sense in which the Logic of Being preceded the Logic of
Essence, what Hegel calls the “Logic of the Notion” succeeds the Logic of
Essence.5 The secret intention of the Logic of the Notion is to relate self-
reference (as one structure) to otherness (as another structure) so that we
may assert their mutual dependence, while simultaneously preserving their
distinctive features. Hegel aspires to stabilize this relation and remove its
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ambiguity.
In order to achieve this, Hegel needs to make some moves that I cannot
here mention. But what we can say is that at the beginning of the Logic of
the Notion, Hegel adapts the familiar distinction between the general and
the particular to fulfill this purpose. Naturally enough, this interpretation
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departs as far as imaginable from ones in which the general and particular
function as logical quantifiers. On Hegel’s reading, “Notion” shows these
two aspects: (1) the general, or, in the terms of the Logic, the equality with
itself throughout all differences; and (2) the particular, by which he means
the differences, or the determinateness that Notion implies. Hegel opposes
Notion to all other determinations; and, for this reason, it is a distinguish-
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ing mark of individuals (which applies equally to differing individuals)
that they belong to one class. The equality of the general in the Notion is
not without this particularity or determinateness, but there is not any de-
terminateness that is not the determinateness of the general. Thus the two
are originally inseparable, but they do not disappear into one another, as
was the case with Essence.6 They coexist, forming one single rational struc-
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ture that we can describe as stable.
So construed, Notion is clearly not the name of a type of term that we
use in sentences. Instead, Hegel uses it as a description of something that is
the case, and introduces it in the same sense in which he introduces “nega-
tion” as an ontological term.
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No doubt, some exemplification of this would help just now: Hegel’s
paradigmatic instance of the existence of Notion, as a structure of some-
5. G. W. F. Hegel, “Die Lehre vom Begriff,” in WL2, pp. 11–253; English: “The Logic of the
Notion,” in SL, pp. 575–844.
6. See Henrich’s discussion regarding determinateness and self-reference in the structure
at the beginning of this lecture.
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thing that is the case, is the self. With Kant and Fichte, Hegel assumes that
there is such a thing as the identity of the act ‘I think,’ as well as the ulti-
mate form of the self-awareness of the thinker. This existing structure
shows two aspects that correspond to what Hegel describes as the Notion.
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In a general sense, if one simply thinks the thought ‘I think,’ I think noth-
ing particular, nor do I know anything about my nature. Because this is so,
we concede—as it were, a priori—that all who refer to themselves in this
way do so in exactly the same way. This means specifically that all who per-
form that act ‘I think,’ and are aware of the sameness of the structure of
this act in different possible cases of performances, do so in precisely the
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same way. Whatever the differences between us, the way in which you think
‘I think’ does not differ in any sense from the way in which I think ‘I think.’
This act is not accessible for individualization. In this sense, it is ‘empty,’
general self-reference.
Paradoxically (and Hegel is tempted to present this as “miracle”),7 the
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very act by which we differ in no sense from any other is the way in which
every single self-conscious being opposes itself to all other selves. I say, “I
think,” and by doing this I am aware of me as one single individual being
who differs from other beings. By performing an act that cannot be indi-
vidualized, I gain an awareness of myself as a particular. By the very same
act, the single self opposes itself to all other selves saying “I think.” By say-
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ing “I think,” the self asserts its distinctive existence; but the self also
knows, with respect to the structure of this act, that it does not differ from
other selves. We might well suspect that this identity and difference depend
simply on the functioning of the “I” as an indicator, but we cannot pursue
this problem at present.
For reasons that now may well be evident, Hegel says that the ontologi-
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cal constitution of the self is the structure of the Notion. But even in the
Notion, Hegel detects a deficiency. The relation between generality and
particularity, between self-reference and its corresponding determinate-
ness, is immediate. In self-consciousness, these two elements—the general
being-like-everybody-else and the performance of this being that grasps or
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even constitutes it as an individual—are in an immediate relation: both
things are asserted at the same time. We do not see any transition from one
element to the other. Furthermore, as Hegel says, the logical structure of
determinateness in the Notion is dominated by generality. It is the perfor-
7. G. W. F. Hegel, WL2, pp. 49–52; English: SL, pp. 618–622.
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324 Hegel
mance of this not-individualizable act that also generates the awareness of

myself as an individual.
This determinateness, which is in no sense independent from the gener-
ality of the performance of this act, makes the Notion ‘subjective.’ Hegel
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uses this term in a sense that differs entirely from its ordinary meaning. He
does not use it to mean simply the ‘mental.’ Instead, he uses it to refer to an
ontological structure that permits us to interpret what the mental as op-
posed to the ‘objective’ is. In the mental (this refers to Fichte), everything
depends on the basic structure of the generality of this performance of
self-reference. For this reason, there is no independence of determinate-
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ness. The two elements are not in a reciprocal relationship. Therefore,
the ultimate structure that Hegel wants to introduce is what he calls the
“Idea,” 8 referring again to Plato, as well as to Kant. He builds this structure
on the permutation between (1) the dominance of the general (that already
contains determinateness), and (2) an independence of the particular that
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shows in itself the structure of generality. Thus we have the structure of the
Notion twice in the Idea.9
Let me turn immediately to Hegel’s paradigm of the Idea, in order to
give you some idea of the way in which he uses and applies it. The para-
digm is the will. In the self, we have this immediate coexistence of determi-
nateness and generality: the ‘I think’ was both things at the same time—
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this individual and the general self-awareness. In the will, the situation dif-
fers. We see a process that leads from the general structure to the determi-
nateness of the will, and we shall see the corresponding process in the sec-
ond pair, for, as I just said, in the complete structure of the will as Idea, we
have the Notion twice.
Now in what sense is will the paradigm? Unless I make decisions, there is
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no will. It makes no sense to say “I have a will, but I have never, nor can I
ever, decide.” This would be an empty assertion. To make this claim mean-
ingful, or what is the same, to have a will, I have to decide. ‘Resolution’ is
an example of what we mean when we attribute will to somebody. But
what is a decision? We can describe it as a self-determination of the gener-
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ality of the will. There is the will, which means that an infinite sequence of
alternatives is available. Having a will means that I am not already decided.
8. G. W. F. Hegel, WL2, pp. 236–253; English: SL, pp. 824–844.
9. Dieter Henrich, “Die Formationsbedingungen der Dialektik. Über die Untrennbarkeit
der Methode Hegels von Hegels System,” Revue Internationale de Philosophie, 36 (1982):
139–162.
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When I am born, I have not yet made decisions; but they stand before me
for me to make. Put in just this way, this empty generality of self-awareness
means that it has to precede any single decision that I make.
Now, making the decision entails entering into a determinate state of
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mind. As is by now evident, this does not mean that I give up the general-
ity. Any decision that I make does not mean that my will comes to an end.
Rather, it is the other way around: in making decisions my will becomes
what it is. This means that the generality has to enter the determinateness,
or what is the same, my will is in the particular content that I have decided
to intend. So, if there is an ontological approach to what a decision is, the
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structure that we need is Notion.
This step of the will as self-determination is only the first step. Thereby,
it eliminates only the first deficiency of Notion. It provides a transition that
we can understand from the general to the particular. In the abstract
awareness of the self, we did not have this intelligibility of the coexistence
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of the general and the determinate.
To will something to be resolved, however, means more than deciding
and intending. It is not the case that we would be satisfied if someone said,
for example, that she is a philosopher simply because she decided that she
wills to be a philosopher. It is not enough to determine one’s practical self-
awareness solely by intending. The will can, at least, bring about some-
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thing. When the will intends, it implies more: to intend something already
means, at minimum, to try to bring it about. We are not always successful,
but the structure of the will requires this correlation between the will and
the materialization or realization of its intentions. This is the second step.
This brings us straight to an important move for Hegel’s Logic, as well as
for his entire philosophy. We must now ask this: What is the realization of
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a will whose structure is the Idea (i.e., a self-reference that contains deter-
minateness)? The Idea is that structure in which we have the harmonious
relation of the general and the particular, but twice. In the first instance,
the harmonious relation is under the dominance of the general, or what is
the same, the subjective aspect of decision and resolution. In the second
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instance, the harmonious relation is under the dominance of the particu-
lar, the objective aspect. If, in what the will intends to bring about, we did
not have at least potentially a structure that corresponds to the structure of
the will, we could not have self-reference. The will would resolve to do
something, but what it decides to do would have nothing to do with its
own structure. For instance, the will might decide to strive for happiness
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326 Hegel
and to find it in the enjoyment of all imaginable kinds of sensuous plea-

sures. Unless there is an interpretation of this aim of happiness that would
correlate its structure to the structure of the will, we would not have self-
reference. The will necessarily points to some objective; and the structure
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of the will is the structure of the Idea, which is self-referring. But where in
reality can one really find what corresponds to the structure of the will?
We can express the same connection in this way: the will, as long as it
only decides to do something, is not in complete self-reference. It is not in
complete self-reference if what it wants to materialize, or if what it accepts
voluntarily (in light of an already existing aim), is not of a structure that
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corresponds to the will’s own structure. Complete self-reference exists only
if what it intends corresponds to the structure of the will as subjective. We
know what the distinctive features of the ‘subjective’ and the ‘real’ are: in
the ontological terminology of the Logic, self-reference is dominant in the
subjective and the determinateness (the ‘manifold’) is dominant in reality.
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This determinate must remain integrated, however, into some general fea-
ture that corresponds to the will.
The state in which the will decides something—namely, to bring about,
or to accept a reality that corresponds in structure to its own structure—is
the freedom of the will. The complete self-reference of the will (even in its
object) and freedom mean the same thing. As early as in Kant, freedom was
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independence from anything that differed from me. So freedom was com-
plete self-dependence and self-determination. Never analyzing this, Kant
simply accepted it for reasons we have already discussed. But Hegel tries to
say what complete autonomy of the will is, and it turns out that he must
say more than Kant said about it. Complete autonomy is not only accept-
ing and following the will’s own law, but also involves requiring that there
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be a reality that corresponds structurally to the will’s own structure. This is
an important extension of the idea of autonomy, which explains its pecu-
liar use in Hegel’s system. The intention of the will that wills itself is a real-
ity that is of the will’s own constitution.
This formulation brings to the fore a crucial question: If this is the
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structure of the will, what is its correlative structure in concreto? Hegel’s
answer is that it is the rational state whose good constitution respects the
freedom of its citizens. This is the structure in reality that corresponds to
the internal structure of the will. In the sense in which Rousseau or Kant
would perhaps say it, Hegel cannot say that the state is the will, or an ex-
pression of the will. Rather, the will is the comprehensive structure that in-
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cludes the subjective will and the objective constitution. Insofar as it differs
from the will, the state is a complex institution that satisfies particular
needs and in which determinateness is dominant. As distinct from the self,
the state does not give the absolute integration of everything into every-
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thing. Indeed, Hegel is of the opinion that what originally characterizes the
state is the differentiation of its institutions.
The state displays a harmonious relation between the universal and the
particular in reality, because it is that structure in which we have not only
independent determinateness, but also organization. This organization is
the constitution of independent determinateness into a whole that corre-
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sponds to the structure of the will. Free will does not accept the state be-
cause it satisfies particular needs. To be sure, the state does satisfy particu-
lar needs and has to. The state has to ensure security, supply, control of
antagonistic tendencies in the economy, and so forth. An uncontrolled
economy would produce unresolvable antagonisms.10 In effect, the state in
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which determinateness dominates has to function precisely as a controlling
institution. But this is not entirely self-sufficient. The will does not accept
the state because it provides for the fulfillment of all the needs of the natu-
ral individual. Instead, the will accepts the state because only with reference
to it can the self-reference of the will’s own structure be completed.
As is perhaps evident, Hegel’s most famous and influential book, the
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Philosophy of Right, is simply incomprehensible without a projection of the
Science of Logic and its ontological apparatus into the argument.11 Karl
Marx’s criticism of the Philosophy of Right is an important example: Marx
believed he could show that Hegel’s program collapses because Hegel de-
scribes the state as actually the controller of the civil society, but he defines
the state as autonomous, as the self-sufficient realization of the will. Be-
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cause Hegel cannot carry through programmatically this definition of the
state, he is obliged to describe the state in concreto as a controller of the
civil society. The upshot of this is that bourgeois society, rather than the
state, is ultimate. Therefore the specific society, rather than the state, is in
control, and the specific society runs the state in a way that the state itself
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10. Henrich observed that Hegel was among the first to say that the state has to control
antagonistic tendencies in the economy. See G. W. F. Hegel, GPR, pp. 214–283; English: PR,
pp. 155–223.
11. Dieter Henrich, “Logische Form und reale Totalität,” in Hegels Philosophie des Rechts.
Die Theorie der Rechtsformen und ihre Logik, ed. Dieter Henrich and Rolf-Peter Horstmann
(Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1982), pp. 428–450.
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328 Hegel
cannot acknowledge or understand. The state, accordingly, is simply not

the absolute, even though, as Marx understands him, Hegel claims this to
be so.
Marx’s criticism reflects more on his reading than it does on Hegel’s the-
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ory. Hegel defines the state in a way that both enables and requires particu-
lars to affect it. This definition requires that the antagonisms of civil soci-
ety affect the state. Although this definition is not entirely clear in the
Philosophy of Right, it is part of the way in which Hegel defines the state;
but it becomes evident only when we connect the Science of Logic with the
Philosophy of Right, which Hegel did not thoroughly do.
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Hegel never defined the state as divine, nor did he define the state as the
absolute Idea. What corresponds to his definition of the absolute Idea is
the structure of the correspondence between the will and the state, rather
than the institution of the state alone.12 We become aware of the structure of
the absolute Idea when we grasp structures to which the state also belongs.
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This kind of structural understanding occurs mainly in religion, art, or
philosophical reasoning. By virtue of this, we understand that the state is
only the objective correlate of the will, the fulfillment of its freedom. For
that reason, Hegel is not troubled by the way in which he defines the rela-
tionship between civil society and the state. Had Marx been perspicuous in
his criticism, he would have been led to wonder why Hegel did not discern
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such a far-reaching deficiency. Marx’s rejoinder would be, of course, that
this is because of the ideological function of Hegel’s own theory. Such a re-
sponse would presuppose that there is no consistent theory, and it gives
evidence, as well, of an insufficient understanding of the status of that
theory.
Marx depends on the conceptual apparatus of the Phenomenology of
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Spirit. In his early philosophical development, Marx does not develop a
conceptual apparatus adequate for dealing with Hegel’s real philosophy
(Realphilosophie), which is built on the Notion and the Idea, and not
on the relationship between subject and object. The relationship between
subject and object is the much less rich structure that underlies the devel-
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opment of the Phenomenology of Spirit. As soon as one employs the con-
ceptual framework of the Phenomenology of Spirit as a vehicle for in-
terpreting the Philosophy of Right (of the objective Spirit), the theory of
12. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Philosophie des Rechts. Die Vorlesung von 1819/20 in
einer Nachschrift, ed. Dieter Henrich (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1983).
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the Philosophy of Right collapses, and diagnoses of Marx’s type become

possible.
A Marxist analysis, accordingly, leaves the objective issue between Hegel’s
institutionalism of freedom and socialism (with its theory of spontaneity)
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entirely unsettled. Indeed, such analyses show only that we cannot settle
the issue with the sorts of conceptual moves Marx tried to make when he
was a young man. The conceptual apparatus of Marx’s later writings was
far richer than that which we find in the early criticism of the Philosophy of
Right. At the same time, however, his later writing is much more removed
from the detailed study and criticism of Hegel’s work; so the way in which
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Hegelian structures and arguments function in Marx’s Das Kapital re-
mains virtually unknown.13
But we have wandered somewhat afield. To recur to the problems of the
philosophy of mind, which quite clearly is what Hegel ultimately would
have us to do, we can see that in his Science of Logic he is determined to
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provide categories not only for the description, but also for the logical con-
struction, of the mental. Despite severe constraints of time, I think I can
still show you that he could not succeed.
We examined in great detail the problems of self-reference of the mind
in Fichte, where we encountered the three paradoxes that we have to avoid
if we want to interpret self-consciousness properly. Hegel’s system is also
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founded on a self-referential structure—the structure of autonomous ne-
gation. But the distinctive problem of mental self-reference is the problem
of self-identification. This problem has many aspects, but we can put its
principal point most forcefully by asking: How do I know who I am?
Hegel’s approach is simply bereft of these issues. If we were to examine
more closely the self-referential structure of negation, as Hegel tries to de-
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velop it, we would discover that it differs from the self-referential structure
of the mental, and that it is not possible for us to interpret one of them in
terms of the other. Therefore, we would not be able to avoid the paradoxes
of mental self-reference by making use of Hegel’s self-referential structures
of negation. Hegel implicitly reduces the mental structures to the struc-
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tures of autonomous negation. By doing so, he believes that he has avoided
13. When Henrich delivered these lectures, much of the world was still in the grips of the
Cold War and ‘Marxist’ rule prevailed in a number of countries. For this reason, Marx’s rela-
tionship to Hegel was of compelling interest to many in the Harvard course. Henrich ac-
ceded to their concerns, momentarily digressing from the broader course of his argument.
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330 Hegel
all the failures of the Science of Knowledge. He also has to believe that he
has avoided the paradoxes of knowing self-reference.
By virtue of the manner in which Hegel’s system evolved, which was, in
no small measure, a response to Hölderlin’s system,14 Hegel never encoun-
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tered the problems that Fichte was attempting to solve. Regrettably, Fichte
utterly failed to make himself understood to his successors. If we could
continue this undertaking, we might well expect to find not only the corre-
spondence between the failures of Fichte and the merits of Hegel, but also
that between the merits of Fichte and the failures of Hegel. I believe that
we can summarize this part of our undertaking with a brief, but pointed,
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remark: without a proof of the nonexistence of Fichte’s problems, we can-
not defend the system of Hegel. For we would have to show that all these
perplexities of the self-reference of the mind are illusory, or what is the
same, that they are not real problems. If we could show this, we could
mount a defense of Hegel’s system. Such a proof, however, might point in
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an entirely different direction. Wittgenstein, for example, tried to show
that these perplexities just do not exist and initiated an utterly distinctive
conception of philosophy.
In spite of the claims that Hegel and the Hegelians made, there is no
final, everlasting result of idealism. But the idealists enlarged enormously
the stock of philosophical insights. They also contributed an analysis of
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some philosophical methods that we cannot eliminate from the learning
process of philosophy. Even more important: they offered paradigms for
the successful interpretation of basic features of modern, liberated con-
sciousness in a comprehensive philosophical image of the world. In this re-
spect, nothing that philosophers have written since shows either a compa-
rable generality in its scope of application or a comparable depth in the
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penetration of experiences underlying the modern world.
Every achievement has a price. In this case, the idealists paid the price of
an obvious lack of rigor in some of their individual arguments. Moreover,
they incurred excessive risks in their theoretical moves, owing to their
commitment to this kind of philosophy. As we have seen in Fichte’s theo-
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ries, these risks came at the cost of irreparable theoretical damage.
We would be remiss, however, if we were to forget why they took these
risks. Their aim was the assurance of that particular sense of freedom that
was vital to the founding of the modern world. For theirs was the time of
14. See the discussion of the Hegel’s encounter with Hölderlin’s system in Lecture 20.
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the French Revolution, and theirs was a time, as well, of a far-reaching

change in the intellectual world. Nihilism emerged, as did the political split
between conservatism and a tendency toward superficial prosperity. With-
out a comprehensive philosophy, the idealists could not remain faithful to
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the experiences of their youth. They were ineluctably drawn to the message
of Kant’s philosophy—that freedom is giving ourselves the law and the ca-
pacity to fulfill it.
When he aimed for a position at Jena, Hegel wrote: “The idea of the
youth had to be transformed into its reflexive form, into a system.”15 It had
to be! And Fichte had an even deeper confession in which he invoked the
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biblical imagery of the Fall of humanity: “We began philosophy in wan-
tonness. We discovered our nudity, and since then, we have been philoso-
phizing in an emergency, for our salvation.”16 This quotation expresses the
high spirit of the early years of the Revolution: freedom can be defended. It
also expresses the diminishments of expectations and the discovery of the
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predicament. Above all, it expresses the firm belief that we cannot re-
nounce the objective.
15. G. W. F. Hegel, “Hegel an Schelling,” Frankfurt am Main, 2 November 1800, in B,
pp. 58–60.
16. J. G. Fichte, “Fichte an Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi (in Altona?),” Osmannstädt, 30 Au-
gust 1795, ed. Reinhard Lauth and Hans Jacob, in GA, vol. III,2 (1970), pp. 392–393.
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Index Index
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Index
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Absolute subjective idealism, Jacobi on, 78
Adverbial theory of sensation. See Jacobi,
F. H.; Reid, T.
Alexander, S.: on self-consciousness, 256
“Continental” philosophy, xn3, xxxvii–
xxxviii; origins of, 5; relation to “Anglo-
Saxon” philosophy, 4–8; view of
philosophy from Kant through Hegel, 2
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allotriôsis, 89, 96 Cudworth, R., 69–70
Anaximander, 16
“Anglo-Saxon” philosophy, xn3, xin8, xiii, Derrida, J., xiv
xxxvii–xxxviii; empirically oriented, 4–6; Descartes, R.: and Cartesian proposition,
and relation to “Continental” philosophy, 38, 52; on the problem of self-reference,
1–2, 5–8; and transcendental argument, 248; and self-preservation, xxxv
152n16; view of philosophy from Kant Dews, P., xii
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through Hegel, 1–2 Diez, I. C., xx
Aristotle: accomplishment of, 245, 246–247; Dilthey, W., xvii–xviii, xxx, 87n8. See also
affinity of Kant with, 26–27; Aristotelian “Heidelberg school”
paradoxes of space, 36; in contrast to Dummet, M., xii
Plato, 86, 96; in contrast to Stoicism, 88;
Metaphysics, 246–247; on the notion of Edelmann, J. C., 104
“oneness” as opposed to “Being,” 86, 96; Empiricism, 4, 7; concept of ousia, 15;
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on the reflection theory of consciousness, empiricist psychology, 18; Hegel and, 17;
246–247, 248, 281 Kant and, 27, 35–38, 72. See also “Anglo-
Augustine, St., on “remembrance,” xxxvi Saxon” philosophy
English Hegelianism, 5
Bacon, F., and self-assertion, xv ensoph, 71, 92–95, 100
Böhme, J., 71 Erhard, J., opposition to Reinhold, 126
Brecht, B., 289 Erikson, E., 273
Brentano, F., 250, 281 Existentialism, 4, 9, 250, 281–282n3
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Burke, E., 5, 6
Fénelon, F., 54
Cambridge Platonists, 68–69, 72 Feuerbach, L., 114, 122
Cavell, S., vii Fichte, J. G., 1, 3, 4, 5; and adverbial theory
Chrysippos, 88 of sensation, 118; Aenesidemus Review,
Clarke, S., on space, 36 xxv, 121, 147, 163–173, 174–178, 182,
Compte, A., 26 184, 270, 279; biography, 178–184;
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333
334 Index
Fichte, J. G. (continued) Review, xxv, 163–173, 174–175, 182, 183,

category of quality, 186; charge of 233; Schulze and “post-Kantian
atheism, 84, 158, 164, 259; concept of skepticism,” 77, 79, 83, 147, 153–154,
self, 10, 47–48; confession, xxxvi, 331; 232–233, 268–269, 291, 300; and
contributor to Allgemeine Schulze’s Aenesidemus, importance of,
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Literaturzeitung, 121; criticism of his xxv, 147, 182, 183; on the “slogan” of
system, 223; Critique of All Possible idealism, 97; and speculative theology as
Revelation, 183; defense of Kant’s docta ignorantia, 273–275; speculative
principle of freedom, 182; discovery of theology as “Spinozism of freedom,” 273;
“absolute ego,” 153–154; disputes with as transcendental philosopher, 22–23,
Schelling, 9; doctrine of “The One,” 97; 24–25, 29; on theology of the spirit, 103,
drive structures, 18–19, 218–223; early 273–275; transformation of theory of
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agenda, 15–16; “epistemic” versus mind to speculative theology, 24, 25, 82,
“ontological” self-reference, 269–270, 259, 262, 270–276, 285–286; ultimate fact
279; estimation of Kant, 119, 153; on of philosophy as structure of the “I,”
freedom as essence of reason, 66, 162– 129–130, 135; understood in relation to
163, 205–206; as Kant’s successor, xxv, 8, Hegel, 287–291, 331; universality of
162–163, 181, 200, 205–206, 291, 295, mental structures, 18, 21;
330; importance of henôsis, 87; Weltanschauung, 20n7. See also Fichte,
importance of practical reason, 55; J. G., My Own Meditations on Elementary
EXAM COPY
influence of Kant, 181–183, 202–203, Philosophy; Fichte, J. G., philosophy of
331; influence on Hölderlin, 225, 227– mind; Fichte, J. G., Science of Knowledge;
230; influence on Novalis, 226–227; Fichte, J. G., theory of consciousness
influence on Schlegel, 225–226; Fichte, J. G., My Own Meditations on
introduction of dialectic method into Elementary Philosophy, 154, 184, 187,
philosophy, 177, 209; and Jacobi, 83–84, 203, 217; basic steps in argument, 184–
111–112, 114–115, 116–117, 119, 120, 186; deductions of time and space, 195–
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127, 173; letter to Flatt, 147–148; letter to 196, 204; four major steps in the
Wiesshuhn, 181; maxim concerning argument, 188–195; introduction of
nature of mind, 173; maxim for “imagination,” 198–201; ontology of
philosophy, 172–173; meeting with Kant, things vs. ontology of process, 205;
181–182; Naturrecht, 276; On the Duties opposition, 188–189; origin of “absolute
of the Scholar, 275, 279; opposition as the Self,” 197–198, 203–204; reality-negation
basic structure of mind, 187, 203; as a manner of mediation, 192–195;
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original self-reference of faculty of representation dependent on structure of
representation, 187, 203; and imagination, 204–206; requirement of
“philosophy of immediacy,” 76, 77, 83, mediating term, 191–192; seeking
114, 115, 116–117, 127, 173; position of foundation behind representation, 187;
freedom in philosophical system, 222, self and not-self, 190–191. See also Fichte,
330–331; on “recollection,” xxxii, xxxiv; J. G.; Fichte, J. G., philosophy of mind;
rector of the university of Berlin, 121; Fichte, J. G., Science of Knowledge; Fichte,
and Reinhold, xxv, 164–170, 172–173, J. G., theory of consciousness
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174, 176–177, 203, 204–205; and Fichte, J. G., philosophy of mind, 10, 18–25;
Reinhold’s “one-dimensional” system, 77, discovery of Verstehen, 175–176; first
120, 124–125, 126, 127, 129–130, 135, theory to treat self-consciousness as
140, 142–143, 144, 145–147, 153, 181, subject, 250; mind as activity, 24, 168–
184–186, 187, 188–191, 195, 232, 290, 170, 210–213; mind as self-explanatory
291, 300; relation to romantic theory, and self-revealing, 173, 175–176;
222–230; Schulze critique in Aenesidemus philosophy as attempt to show what
EXAM COPY
Index 335
mind really is, 153, 173; pragmatic absolute Self, 232–237, 240–241. See also
history of mind, 24; problem of Fichte, J. G.; Fichte, J. G., Science of
intersubjectivity, 276, 279–286; rejection Knowledge (1798); Fichte, J. G., Science of
of Aristotelian notions of self-reference, Knowledge (1801–1804)
250. See also Fichte J. G.; Fichte, J. G., My Fichte, J. G., Science of Knowledge (1798),
EXAM COPY
Own Meditations on Elementary 254, 260–262, 263; escapes theory of self-
Philosophy; Fichte, J. G., Science of consciousness as original self-
Knowledge; Fichte, J. G., theory of acquaintance, 254; Fichte’s “ultimate
consciousness insight,” 261; original self-awareness in,
Fichte, J. G., Science of Knowledge, xxvii– 242; self-consciousness and “positing,”
xxviii, 3, 8, 10–11, 15, 16–17, 21–23, 24, 242–245, 263–264; self-referring
30, 31, 44, 51, 73, 75, 77, 79, 80, 83, 84, structure of consciousness in, 254. See
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112, 114, 117, 120, 125, 126, 127, 145, also Fichte J. G.; Fichte, J. G., Science of
153, 163, 164, 171, 178, 182, 183, 184, Knowledge (1794–1795); Fichte, J. G.,
187, 188, 195, 202, 203, 206, 208, 209, Science of Knowledge (1801–1804)
215, 217, 218, 222, 223, 224, 231, 232, Fichte, J. G., Science of Knowledge (1801–
237–240, 242, 250, 252, 253, 254, 255, 1804), 240, 250, 259; escapes theory of
258, 259, 260, 261, 263, 265–266, 267, completeness of direct self-
268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275, 276, consciousness, 258, 262; importance of
279, 280, 282, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 1804 version, 240; introduction of the
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290, 291–292, 295, 300, 301, 308, 330; concept of God, 270–271; metaphor of
antecedents to, 77, 79, 146–147; Hegel’s originally inserted eye, 266–267, 268;
criticism of, 287–291; Hölderlin’s turn toward speculative theology, 259.
criticism of, 291–295; versions of, 237– See also Fichte, J. G.; Fichte, J. G., Science
240. See also Fichte, J. G., Science of of Knowledge (1794–1795); Fichte, J. G.,
Knowledge (1794–1795); Fichte, J. G., Science of Knowledge (1798)
Science of Knowledge (1798); Fichte, J. G., Fichte, J. G., theory of consciousness, 10; all
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Science of Knowledge (1801–1804) reality found in the self, 193; the Anstoss,
Fichte, J. G., Science of Knowledge (1794– 194; attempt to work with a single
1795), 258–259, 263, 267–268; belief in principle, 37, 73, 80, 129–130;
external world, 214–215; escapes theory consciousness as “fact” and “action,” 168;
of self-consciousness as reflection, 255; founding philosophy on concept of self,
foundation of, 232–233; guiding 197–198; on intellectual intuition, 170,
principle of practical science of 260; oppositional character of
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knowledge, 217; guiding principle of consciousness, 166, 174, 177–178, 184–
theoretical science of knowledge, 217; 186, 203, 209–210; on reflection theory
idea of moral consciousness, 218, 222; of consciousness, 241–245, 250–252,
imagination and freedom, 222–223; 254–255; relational character of
imagination and longing, 220–223; consciousness, 169–170; schweben, 212;
imagination and the self, 217; mind in self-referential character of
temporal sequence of states, 212–213; consciousness, 171–173, 176–178, 187,
“positing” and self-consciousness, 252– 210, 203, 217–218, 246, 248, 249, 250,
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253; practical structures, 218–221; 251–252, 255–257, 258–262; theory of
productive energy of imagination, 213; “absolute self,” 194–195, 196–198, 203–
proposition concerning absolute Self, 204, 231–237, 240–241. See also Fichte,
217; and romantic theory, 223–224; J. G.; Fichte, J. G., My Own Meditations
second analysis of imagination, 210–214; on Elementary Philosophy; Fichte, J. G.,
structure and system of, 206–215; philosophy of mind; Fichte, J. G., Science
thematic structure, 209; theory of of Knowledge
EXAM COPY
336 Index
Flatt, J., 143, 147–148n12 staircase theory of philosophical

Franciscan monasteries, 103–104 development, 9, 26; thematic program to
Frank, M., xii reconcile Jacobi and Kant, 80–81; at
French Revolution, xxxvi, 2n7, 17, 55, 73, Tübingen, xxix. See also Hegel, G. W. F.,
80, 110, 331 early philosophical contributions; Hegel,
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Freud, S., xv; “sublimation” and Fichte’s G. W. F., Science of Logic; Hegel, G. W. F.,
notion of moral consciousness, 218 theory of consciousness
Friedman, M., xii Hegel, G. W. F., early philosophical
“From Kant to Hegel,” xvi, 299n1; adequacy contributions, 302–304; on autonomy,
of title, 299–301 308; on Christianity and religion, 17,
303–304; on the importance of practical
Geometry, Euclidean, 30, 60 philosophy, 308; moral constitution and
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Goethe, J. W., 75, 77; Prometheus, 94n20; love, 306–308, 314; moral stages of “life,”
and the Spinozistic formula, 99; in 305–309, 316; nonlinear system, 309;
Weimar, 121; Wilhelm Meister, 75 pleroma, 306; “private” religion and
Grotius, H., and self-preservation, xxxv “positive” religion, 303–304; religion of
freedom, 308; theoretical connection
Habermas, J., xii between love and the manifold missing,
Hegel, G. W. F., xv, 1; aiming at a 309; theory of the origin and destination,
philosophy of intersubjectivity, 275; 308. See also Hegel, G. W. F.; Hegel,
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collapse of system, 3, 4; conflict with G. W. F., Science of Logic; Hegel, G. W. F.,
empiricism, 17; Difference between the theory of consciousness
Systems of Fichte and Schelling, 192n7, Hegel, G. W. F., Science of Logic, 10, 11, 31,
310–311; disputes with Schelling, 8–9; 73, 129, 209, 287–291, 308, 310, 312, 314,
Early Theological Writings, 17n3, 310n11, 317, 319, 320, 325, 327, 328, 329; account
314; encounter with criticism of Fichte, of the structure of mind, 287;
223; English works on, 2n6; Faith and autonomous negation as originally self-
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Knowledge, 74, 84; formation of system, referential, 317–318, 321, 329;
11; importance of henôsis, 87; characteristic of, 287; concept of
importance of love as expression of negation, xxix, 10, 289, 315, 316–330;
freedom, 301; importance of Stoic critique of Fichte, xxix, 182, 287–288,
concepts, 96; influence of Aristotle’s 300; critique of Hölderlin, xxix; critique
theory of First Mover, 247; on the of Kant, xxix; as the fifth philosophy, 305;
interrelatedness of self and world, xxix; “Idea” as process of self-manifestation,
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at Jena, 118, 312, 321; and Kant’s moral 287, 289–290; intermediary positions
theology, 303–304; as Kant’s successor, 8– culminating in, 309–315; key to system
9, 158, 291, 299–300, 331; move to of, 317, 319; linear system, 287; “Logic of
University of Berlin, 121; Phenomenology Being,” 320–321, 322; “Logic of Essence,”
of Spirit, 9, 20, 209–210, 301, 313, 314, 320, 321–322; “Logic of Notion,” 322–
328; Philosophy of Right, 11n18, 301, 324, 325; negation built on
327–329; reaction to Jacobi and determinateness, 318–319; notion of the
“philosophy of immediacy,” 80–81, 84, Ultimate, 289; ontology of the “Idea”
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110; reads Lessing, 106–107; relation to 287; paradigm of the “Idea,” 324–327;
Hölderlin, xxxiii–xxxiv, 294–295, 301, sharing features with, and understood in
304–308, 309, 314, 316; relation to relation to, Fichte’s Science of Knowledge,
theology of spirit, 103, 164; on the 289–291, 300; step that led to
romantics, 224; and Rousseau, 54, 94, development of, 312–313; structure of
302, 305; on the “slogan” of idealism, 97– otherness, 320–321. See also Hegel,
98; on speculative theology, 273, 275; G. W. F.; Hegel, G. W. F., early
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Index 337
philosophical contributions; Hegel, xxxiv; on “remembrance,” xxxi, xxxv;

G. W. F., theory of consciousness student of Reinhold and Fichte, 122,
Hegel, G. W. F., theory of consciousness: 227–228; theory of lost origin, 309; at
and attempt to work with a single Tübingen, xxvi, xxvii. See also Hölderlin,
principle, 37, 73–74; development of F., philosophical program
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principle of identity, 167; development Hölderlin, F., philosophical program: based
of theory of history, 176; mind as on a criticism of Fichte, 227–228, 230,
paradigmatic case for all philosophy, 97; 291–295, 301; based on three
relation between God and humanity, 94– incompatible tendencies of life, 228–229;
95; relation between mind and world decisive contribution to poetics, 228–
image, 20; self-referential character of 230; on love and freedom, 294–295;
mind, 51, 287–291, 329. See also Hegel, point of confluence for Jacobi, Schiller,
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G. W. F.; Hegel, G. W. F., early and Fichte, 77, 80; relation to
philosophical contributions; Hegel, romanticism, 227–228; system capable of
G. W. F., Science of Logic interpreting love, 293–294; system not
Heidegger, M., 5, 250; on the “forgetfulness idealistic, 295; tendencies of life related
of Being,” xiv–xv, xxxv; Heideggerian to literature, 294; thematic program to
wave, 6; on Kant and single origin of reconcile Jacobi and Kant, 80–81;
cognition, 37; on the self belonging to transformation of Fichte’s transcendental
knowledge, 281 theory, 230; ways the mind can relate
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“Heidelberg school,” xin6, xv, xvii, xxii. See itself to the original correlate, 293. See
also Dilthey, W.; Weber, M. also Hölderlin, F.
Heine, H., 2n7 Hume, D.: Jacobi on, 78; on metaphysics,
Hemsterhuius, F., philosophy of unifica- 27; problem of identity, 38–39; on
tion, xxi skepticism, 25
hen kai pan, 88, 91, 94, 98, 99 Husserl, E., 250, 281
henology, 86
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henôsis, 87–88, 96 Idealism, 29; attempt to arrive at a
hen panta, 88, 89 comprehensive interpretation of human
Heraclitus, 88 mind, 125; based on concept of freedom,
Herder, J., philosophy of unification, xxi 15, 25–26; collapse of, 4; doctrine of the
Heydenreich, K., 181 spirit, xx, 85, 103–104, 273–275; and
Historical method/interpretation, origin of, monistic thinking, 96–98; reception of
19–20 Stoic thought, 98; relation to Greek
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Hobbes, T., on self-preservation, xxxv, 56 philosophy, 85–91, 96–97; relation to
Hölderlin, F.: attempt to counter Storr’s use mysticism, 69–73, 80–81, 82, 85, 87, 97;
of Kant’s moral theology, xxvi, xxvii; slogan, 97–98
founder of poetic theory, 206, 227–228; Ideologies. See Marx, K.
Hegel’s defense against, 289; Hyperion, Image (Bild) of the world, 19–21
75; importance of henôsis, 87;
importance of Jacobi’s Spinoza book, Jacobi, F. H., xv; Allwill, 114–115, 117;
xxvii; influence of Fichte’s Science of Concerning the Doctrine of Spinoza in
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Knowledge, xxvii–xxviii; influence of Letters to Moses Mendelssohn, xxi, xxv–
Fichte’s theory of imagination, 206; xxvi, xxvii, 78, 91n14, 98, 108n11, 113,
influence on Hegel, xxiv, xxix, 75, 80, 115, 118n6, 127; connection to Lavater,
294, 301, 304–306, 309, 314, 316, 330; at 180; David Hume on Faith, 67n2, 78, 116,
Jena, 122; Judgment and Being, xxviii, 77, 117n5; Fichte’s relation to, 83–84, 127,
292; on Loyola, 294; on poetic endeavor, 173; Hegel’s relation to, 84; on
xxxiii; on “recollection,” xxxi, xxxiii, “immanent ensoph,” 71; influence on
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338 Index
Jacobi, F. H. (continued) of religion, 10, 98–103, 158–163, 279–

Feuerbach, 114; influence of Kierkegaard, 281; on “recollection,” xxxi–xxxii, xxxiv;
114; on Lessing, 109–110; on “nihilism,” reflection theory of consciousness, 235–
67, 76; as Poeta Doctus, 74; on 237, 241–245, 249–250; relation to
“recollection,” xxxii, xxxiv. See also empiricism, 27, 35–38; relation to later
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Jacobi, F. H., philosophy of immediacy idealism, 8, 9, 24, 65, 67, 73–80, 91–95,
Jacobi, F. H., philosophy of immediacy, 97–104, 124–125, 143, 323; relation to
xxv–xxvi, 76–79, 83, 96–112; and Rousseauian themes, xxxiii, 55–59, 101–
“adverbial theory of sensation,” 117–118, 103, 158n3; relation to Spinozism, 96–
127; criticism of the thing-in-itself, 67, 102; Religion within the Limits of Reason
116–117, 119, 127, 151; inviting Kant Alone, 99n2, 103; solving the problem of
into absolute egoism, 127, 138, 146; on metaphysics, xxiii, 25, 27–28, 31–40, 46,
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the necessity of belief, 109–110, 114, 119, 48–61, 65–67, 74, 80, 272; theory of the
173; response to Kant, 111, 114–120, 129, state, 302; transcendental theory, 21–22,
151; on showing vs. proving, 110–111; on 24, 33–34, 38–42, 46–48, 60–61, 80,
Spinozism as a system of “absolute 152n16; use of term “negation,” 193–194.
egoism,” 113, 115, 127; use of novels, See also Kant, I., systematic structure of
110–111, 114. See also Jacobi, F. H. philosophy; Kant, I., theory of freedom;
Jacobinism and politics, 5 Rousseau, J. J.
Jaspers, K., xx Kant, I., systematic structure of philosophy,
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“Jena Program,” viii, xii 10, 25–28, 31–61, 65–67, 72–74;
cognition and sensation, 35, 45, 46–48,
Kabbalah, 71, 92n17 65–66; descriptions of, 52–54, 61, 66–67;
Kant, I.: “Back to Kant” as motto, 26; doctrine of the two worlds, 51–54;
characteristics of the self, 39–42, 43–44; multidimensional character of system,
concept of mind, 19–20; Critique of 25, 35–36, 39–40, 42–43, 44–45, 46–54,
Judgment, 53, 75n11, 121, 181; Critique of 58–61, 65–67, 72–73, 80, 82, 287n6; as
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Practical Reason, 54, 59, 69, 76, 78n19, philosophy of mind, 51–52; reason
159n4, 160n5, 161n6, 162, 163, 181, 261; distinguished from understanding, 50–
Critique of Pure Reason, 1, 8, 10, 21n10, 51, 65–67; reason and understanding,
27n16, 28, 31n2, 33, 35n5, 37, 42, 43, 44, 49–51; relation between foundation of
46n1, 50, 52n7, 53, 56, 60, 69, 72, 76, 78, system and ontological framework, 51–
84–85, 92, 93, 99n2, 114, 116, 119, 123, 54, 57, 61, 65–66. See also Kant, I.; Kant,
124, 125, 127, 129n2, 130, 138, 146, 151, I., theory of freedom
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152, 157, 181, 196n13, 199n15, 203, 249– Kant, I., theory of freedom, 52–61, 66–67,
250, 302; “Enlightenment,” 60; Essay to 93–95, 98–103; freedom as principle of
Introduce a Concept of Negative system, 66–67, 80; in relation to Hegel,
Magnitudes into Philosophy, 193; ethics, 304, 323; on the moral law, xxiii–xxiv,
10, 52–61; inventor of the philosophical 57–58; opposed to Fichte’s, 222–223;
history of philosophy, 32; the “I think,” philosophy as justification for freedom,
38–43, 246–251; letters to Fichte and 56, 59–60, 66, 326. See also Kant, I.; Kant,
Reinhold, 34–35, 44n13, 46n2; I., systematic structure of philosophy;
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Metaphysics of Morals, 76, 159n4; moral Rousseau, J. J.
theology, 98–103, 158–163, 279–281; Kierkegaard, S., 1, 4, 19, 114, 250; Concept
Opus postumum, 52, 59, 99n2; of Dread, 1; stage theory, 20n8
philosophical orientation, 25, 33, 36–43,
46–47; philosophy as ascent and labor Laertius (Diogenes), 88
(Arbeit), 60–61, 66–67, 73, 74; Lavater, J. K., 180n6
philosophy as mysticism (Alchemie), xxiv, Leibniz, G. W., xv; on identity, 39; linear
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61, 67–69, 70–72, 74, 80, 82; philosophy system, 38; on self-reference, 248–249; on
Index 339
sensation, 35; on space, 36; on Spinoza’s of Fichte’s theory of imagination 206,

philosophy, 93; understood as rationa- 226–227; Philosophical Manuscripts, 227;
list, 72 point of confluence for the philosophies
Lessing, G. E., xx, 91, 94; Nathan the Wise, of Jacobi, Schiller, and Fichte, 76, 80;
106, 109; On the Education of Mankind, student of Reinhold and Fichte, 122;
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106–108, 109; Reimarus papers, 105–106, theory of poetry, 226–227
109; speculative theology, 108; on the
Spinoza controversy, 104–109; theology oikeiôsis, 89–90, 96
of the spirit, 104, 275 One-dimensional post-Kantian system, 77,
Locke, J.: on cognition, 35; linear system, 79–80. See also Reinhold, K. L.
38; on the problem of self-reference, 249; ousia, 15, 16–17
understood as empiricist, 72
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Loyola, I., 294n15 Parmenides: school of, 86
Luria, I., 92n17 Paton, H., on self-consciousness, 256
Luther, M., 104 Paul, Saint, 104
Personality, 29–30
Maimon, S.: critic of Reinhold, 132, 142, Pestalozzi, J. H., 20–21, 180n7
169; on “post-Kantian skepticism,” 77, Philosophy: as conceptual articulation of a
79, 147, 152–153 possible ultimate life form, 30; dialectical
Malebranche, N., 68–70 method, 31; four post-Kantian
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Marx, K., xv, 1, 2; Contribution to the philosophical positions, 77, 76, 78–80,
Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, 83; of human experience, 18; of mind,
2n7; Early Economical Philosophical 16; of nature, 15–16; origins of, 4,
Manuscripts, 1; on Hegel, 110, 122; on “philosophy of love,” xx, 85; problem of
Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, 327–329; on self-reference, 246–262; relation to art, 7;
ideologies, 21; importance of practical shift from ontology to language, 6;
reason, 55; Das Kapital, 4, 329; Marxism, traditional expectations for, 6–7; types of
EXAM COPY
4, 9; on “unite,” 87–88 philosophical mysticism, 70–71. See also
McDowell, J., xxi “Anglo-Saxon” philosophy;
Mendelssohn, M., 78n19, 91, 180n6. See also “Continental” philosophy
Jacobi, F. H. Philosophy of immediacy, 76–79. See also
Metaphysical vs. transcendental theory, Jacobi, F. H., philosophy of immediacy
23–25 Philosophy of unification, xxi
Monism, 96 Plato: heterotês, 320; ideas of, 15–16, 29–30,
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Moore, G. E., x, 5 31, 184, 245, 254; Parmenides, 90; on the
More, H., 36, 69 theoretical project of philosophy, 6, 60–
My Own Meditations on Elementary 61; turn from nature, 18. See also
Philosophy (Fichte). See Fichte, J. G., My Reflection theory of consciousness,
Own Meditations on Elementary problem of; Universality
Philosophy Platonism: central concept of, 85–86; as
henology, 85–86, 96; as main line of
Neology, 107n10. See also Semler, J. European philosophy, 85–91; problem of
EXAM COPY
Neo-Platonism: “emanation,” 290; on “The One,” 96–97; relation to Spinozism,
reflection, 247–248 91–92. See also Neo-Platonism
Newton, I., 36; and self-preservation, xxxv Poetry, romantic theory of, 3, 80, 222–227.
Niethammer, F., opposition to Reinhold’s See also Hölderlin, F.; Novalis (Friedrich
one-dimensional system, 126 von Hardenburg); Schlegel, F.
Nietzsche, F., xv Politics, relation of philosophy to, 5–6,
Novalis (Friedrich von Hardenburg), 77; 327–329
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contrast to Schlegel, 226–227; influence Positivism, 3
340 Index
Post-Kantian skepticism, 77, 79. See also philosophy, 143–146; program of a truly
Maimon, S.; Schulze, G. E. systematic philosophy, 125; proposition
Putnam, H., xii on consciousness, 131–135, 140–142,
144–145, 166; structure of philosophical
Quine, W. V. O., vii system, 135; as theory of faculty of
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“representation,” 129; weakness of
Rawls, J., vii system, 126, 131–133, 134–135, 157–158,
Reflection theory of consciousness, 177–178. See also Reinhold, K. L.;
problem of, 241–245, 246–262; reflexivity Reinhold, K. L., and Kant
of mind and Plato, 16; self-reference as Reinhold, K. L., and Kant: attempt to
mental, 246; self-reference as nonmental, eliminate terminological unclarity, 123–
246. See also Aristotle; Fichte, J. G.; 124, 126, 127–128, 140, 141; dispute
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Hegel, G. W. F.; Kant, I.; Neo-Platonism; regarding the thing-in-itself, 124, 138;
Stoicism importance of Kant’s term
Reid, T., 118–119 “representation,” 129; on the merits of
Reimarus, S., 105–106 Kant, 123. See also Reinhold, K. L.;
Reinhold, K. L., 10; Attempt at a New Reinhold, K. L., development of post-
Theory of the Human Faculty of Kantian one-dimensional system
Representation, xxi, xxiv, xxv, 79, 124, Richter, J. (Jean Paul), Hesperus, 75n16;
128n1, 143, 249n6; Concerning the relation to “philosophy of immediacy,”
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Foundation of Philosophical Knowledge, 78–79
80n25, 125n20, 131n5, 168n12; Romantic theory and Fichte’s Science of
Contributions to the Correction of Knowledge, 222–223. See also Hölderlin,
Previous Misunderstandings of Philosophy, F.; Novalis (Friedrich von Hardenburg);
80n25, 125n20, 128n1, 131n6, 140n1, Schlegel, F.
165n9, 169n13, 170n16; contributor to Romanticism, 3–4
the Allgemeine Literaturzeitung, 121; Rorty, R., xii, xiv, xv
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debate with Maimon, 132–133, 142; early Rosenzweig, F., 122n14
education, 120; “elementary philosophy,” Rousseau, J. J.: concept of freedom, 25, 55–
130, 168–169; evolution of idealism 56, 57n18, 100–102, 170n14; Emile, 53,
between Jacobi and Fichte, 120, 126, 129– 54, 101, 158n3; Hegel’s encounter with,
131; at Jena, 120–121; Letters on the 54, 94, 302, 303, 305; Kant’s encounter
Kantian Philosophy, 123, 158n2; on with, 25, 55–57, 66, 100–101, 158–159n3;
“methodological monism,” 73; neglected Social Contract, 55, 56–57
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manuscripts, xvi; New Presentation of the Russell, B., x, 5
Main Aspects of Elementary Philosophy,
xxiv; On the Destinies Kantian Philosophy Sartre, J.-P., 250, 281
Hitherto Had, 73n9, 123, 128n1; at Schelling, F. W. J., 1, 8, 9, 77, 93, 94, 95, 158,
Weimar, 120–121. See also Reinhold, 289, 301–302, 302n3, 311–312; attempt
K. L., development of post-Kantian one- to counter Storr’s use of Kantian moral
dimensional system; Reinhold, K. L., and theology, xxvi; estimation of Reinhold,
Kant 120, 130; at Jena, 121; relation to “post-
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Reinhold, K. L., development of post- Kantian skepticism,” 77; on the “slogan”
Kantian one-dimensional system, xxiv, of idealism, 97–98; at Tübingen, xxvi
xxvi, 77, 79–80; basic fact of philosophy Schiller, F.: The Aesthetic Education of
as structure of “representation,” 131; Mankind, 75, 77, 79, 143; Dignity and
Cartesian point of departure, 128, 131; Grace, 77, 79; on “doctrine of the unity
Fichte’s critique of, in the Aenesidemus of man,” 77, 80; at Jena, 121; philosophy
Review, 164–171; importance of the of unification, xx
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programmatic ideal, 140; practical Schlegel, A., 228
Index 341
Schlegel, F., Athenaeum, 225; contrast to neo-Platonism, 91; relation to theological

Novalis, 226; Europa, 225; on Fichte’s thinking, 113; revival of, 91–95;
significance, 225–226; founder of Spinozistic writing, 93
romantic theory of art and poetry, 80; Stoicism: allotriôsis, 89, 96; compared to
influence of Fichte’s theory of neo-Platonism, 90–91, 96; hen panta, hen
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imagination, 206; at Jena, 122; kai pan, 88–89, 98, 99; Idealist relation to,
Philosophical Apprenticeship, 77; on 97–98; as materialism, 90; oikeiôsis, 89–
poetry, 226; point of confluence for work 90, 96; origin of the concept of henôsis,
of Jacobi and Fichte, 77, 79 87–88, 96; relation to monist doctrine,
Schleiermacher, F. D. E., 77, 79 96; relation to Platonism and
Schulze, G. E., xv, xx; Aenesidemus, xxiv, 77, Aristotelianism, 88; relation of Stoic
147, 151, 163, 182; criticism of Kant, 147; monism to Spinozism, 91–95; on self-
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criticism of Reinhold, xxiv, 147; impact preservation, xxxv; as self-reference,
of Fichte, xxv, 147; philosophical 248
method, 148–153; on “representation,” Storr, G.: on Kantian moral theology, xxvi;
137–138, 142. See also Schulze, G. E., and on theological discourse, xxvii. See also
development of post-Kantian skepticism Hölderlin, F.; Schelling, F. W. J.
Schulze, G. E., and development of post- Strawson, P., 8n14
Kantian skepticism, 77, 79, 147–151, Substance, category of, 15. See also ousia
157–158, 161–163; distinctive strategy of
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skepticism, 148–151; philosophy as a “Theology of the spirit,” xx, 85, 275
description of the facts of consciousness, Theory of consciousness. See Fichte, J. G.,
150; on the untenable concept of the theory of consciousness; Hegel, G. W. F.,
thing-in-itself, 150–151; on the theory of consciousness
untenable idea of transcendental Theory of freedom. See Kant, I., theory of
philosophy, 150–151. See also Schulze, freedom
G. E. Thomasius, C., 54
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Schütz, C., 121 Tieck, L. 75
Science of Knowledge (Fichte). See Fichte, J. Tindal, M., 105
G., Science of Knowledge Toland, J., 105
Science of Logic (Hegel). See Hegel, G. W. F., Tugendhat, E., xii
Science of Logic
Self-preservation, xxxv, 88–90, 248. See also Union. See henôsis
Stoicism Universality: character of mind as, 19–21;
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Semler, J., 303. See also Neology significance of, 18
Shaftsbury, A., xx, 85
Sinclair, I, Philosophical Reasonings, 292. See Vereinigungsphilosophie, xxi, 87, 104
also Hölderlin, F.
Smith, A., xxxv Weber, M., xviii–xix, xx, xxx, xxxviii. See
Socrates, 76 also “Heidelberg school”
Spinoza, B., 4; Ethics, 93, 188n2; philosophy Weltanschauung, 20
of, 91–95, 184–185, 188; relation to Kant, Weimar, 120
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98–101; as a saint, 104; and self- Wieland, C., 120n12
preservation, xxxv; understood as a Wittgenstein, L., 6n12, 214n9, 254; relation
rationalist, 72 to Plato and Fichte, 18–19. See also
Spinozism, xx, 85; controversy, 76, 78, 104; Universality
Est deus in nobis, 99; “expression,” 290; of Wizenmann, T., 78
freedom, 93, 95, 101, 109, 113, 240, 273, Wolff, C., 32, 104, 139, 207
275; Jacobi on, 76, 78, 91–95, 105; World, relation of to mind, 18–21
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“purified,” 108; relation to Stoicism and World War I, effects on philosophy of, 4–6

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EXAM COPY

BETWEEN KANT AND HEGEL

First Harvard University Press paperback edition, 2008

Henrich, Dieter, 1927–

B2849.I3 H46 2002

EXAM COPY Preface

Textual Notes and Abbreviations xlv

2 Internal Experience and Philosophical Theory 15

4 Freedom as the “Keystone” to the Vault of Reason 46

II. KANT’S EARLY CRITICS

6 Jacobi and the “Spinozism of Freedom” 82

7 Jacobi and the Philosophy of Immediacy 96

8 Reinhold and the Systematic Spirit 113

9 Reinhold and “Elementary Philosophy” 127

10 Schulze and Post-Kantian Skepticism 140

11 The Aenesidemus Review 157

12 “Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy,” I 174

13 “Own Meditations on Elementary Philosophy,” II 187

15 Theories of Imagination and Longing and Their Impact

16 Foundation and System in The Science of Knowledge 231

18 The Turn to Speculative Theology 263

20 The Way to the Fifth Philosophy

21 The Logic of Negation and Its Application 316

welcome his Foreword as a profound and perceptive explanation of the

in the Harvard philosophy department in the early 1970s was a notable

sprang from the general assumption that the philosophical problems of

4. To be sure, followers of Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951), particularly those who have

lantic research project involving American and European scholars of Ger-

Philosophische Aufsätze (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1988); English: Postmetaphysical

some other meta-term—that purports to be possessed of an immanent

14. D. Henrich, ATS, p. 114; English: OTS, p. 36.

Although Henrich judges Heidegger’s account as the only consistent al-

lectual framework within which he interprets classical German philosophy.

our interests in self-preservation, in our relation to others, and in our rela-

23. Dieter Henrich, Fluchtlinien. Philosophische Essays (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,

sitional elements crucial for the interpretation of “conflictual” situations,

29. D. Henrich, KJ, p. 532.

would also overlook the resurgence of the popular “philosophy of unifica-

38. D. Henrich, HuH, pp. 11–15; English: HaH, pp. 121–125.

but with considerable impact on subsequent thought.48 Its shattering effect

tion of conceptual structures to particular spheres, Jacobi went a step fur-

52. D. Henrich, ATS, pp. 159–165; English: OTS, pp. 75–81.

56. Dieter Henrich, “Philosophisch-theologische Problemlagen im Tübinger Stift zur

something unconditioned must precede Fichte’s first principle of opposi-

In his final lectures, Henrich introduces the fifth problem accruing to

minate (the groundless or emptiness) determine the production of real-

man philosophy is not, contrary to some critics, a homogenous drive for

Hölderlin invokes the term “remembrance” (Andenken) to cast a particular

Precisely because we presuppose in all experience the interconnectedness

67. D. Henrich, GdA, pp. 79–80; English: CoR, pp. 220–221.

knowledge of the unconditioned. This implies that recollection is inextri-

of reductionism, they lose by way of historical profundity. In the end, they

70. D. Henrich, GdA, p. 82; English: CoR, p. 223.

to the decisive insight that, in the absence of an order of being proscribing

In the conclusion to his lectures, Henrich invokes Fichte’s confession: “We

kind of interior certitude, a securing of convictions bound to adverse con-

Selected Bibliography of Recent Work on Kant

Works on Kant and post-Kantian thinking with attention to the definition

Literary appropriations of classical German philosophy, with particular at-