Tuwali Dictionary Grammar Sketch

Grammar Sketch
This Grammar Sketch largely consists of edited excerpts from the full grammar, The
Communicative Grammar of Tuwali Ifugao.
Abbreviations
ADJM adjective marker LK linker
ADJU adjunct MOD modal
ASP aspect NEG negative
C consonant NOM nominalizer
CAUS causative NP noun phrase or non-past tense
COMP comparative O object - in affix gloss, the
CONT continuative object is cross-referenced; in
CR cross-reference/ing pronoun gloss, it is the object
CV reduplication form P past tense
CV(C) reduplication form PART participatory
DEM demonstrative (the number PASS passive
following refers to the set) PL plural in pronoun gloss;
DEMPRED demonstrative predicate topicalized place in affix gloss
DET determiner POSS possessive
DEV derivation PROC process
DEV-N derived noun REC reciprocal
DIST distributive REFL reflexive
DO direct object S subject - in affix gloss, the
DUAL dual pronoun subject is cross-referenced; in
EXC exclusive pronoun gloss, it is the subject
EXIS existential predicate SG singular
FT free translation STA stative
HAB habitual T topicalizer
IN inclusive V verb or vowel
INC inceptive aspect 1 first person
INT intensifier 2 second person
INTPRO interrogative pronoun 3 third person
IO indirect object
1.0 Introduction to Morphophonology
1.1 Phonological changes resulting from affixation
1.1.1 Consonants
Assimilation
Prefixes ending in a nasal consonant assimilate to the point of articulation of the consonant
which follows, i.e. the root initial consonant. The canonical forms of the dictionary entries for
three prefixes are as follows: muN-, nuN-, iN-.
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Tuwali Ifugao Dictionary and Grammar Sketch © 2014 by the Linguistic Society of the Philippines
12 Grammar Sketch
nuN- + pulig  numpulig ‘rolled down’

muN- + dadaan  mundadaan ‘to prepare’
muN- + kadap  mungkadap ‘to crawl’
iN- + bayu  imbayu ‘pounded with instrument’
iN- + dikhal  indikhal ‘split wood with an ax’
iN- + gakod  inggakod ‘tied with a specific tie’
When the infix -in- co-occurs with roots of the Co.CV(C) pattern and there is syncope of
the o vowel in the root form, the infix nasal assimilates to the medial C of the root.
-in- + domog  dimmog ‘trampled it’

-in- + bolak  binlak ‘spilled water on a surface’
-in- -an + boka  bingkaan ‘dug the yam’
The alveolar nasal can be postulated as the underlying form since no assimilation occurs
before the glottal stop, and the alveolar nasal is the coda consonant of the prefixes noted above.
mun- -amo  mun-amo ‘to bathe’

mun- -ang-ang  mun-ang-ang ‘to see’
Another kind of assimilation to the medial consonant of a root occurs when one of the
members of the prefix set, maN-, naN-, or paN-, is prefixed to a root of the form Co.CV(C).
A member of this set of affixes assimilates to the root initial consonant according to the
assimilation rule above, but following assimilation the prefix invokes deletion of the root-
initial consonant (see Deletion below). Following that deletion, syncope of the o vowel occurs
and that process brings the nasal of the prefix into the proximity of the medial consonant of
the root. If the medial consonant is an alveolar or bilabial, the assimilated or unassimilated
consonant of the prefix does not usually assimilate to the point of articulation of the medial
consonant, but if the medial consonant is a velar, the consonant of the prefix usually assimilates
to the velar point of articulation.
maN- + gopak  mangpak ‘he will be the one to stamp’

maN- + domog  manmog ‘he will be the one to trample’
maN- + dongol  mangngol ‘he will be the one to hear’
maN- + poka  mangka ‘he will be the one to hold in his hand’
This particular assimilation rule differs with individual speakers and may even alternate
in its application with a single speaker. This evidence would indicate that assimilation to the
medial consonant with this set of prefixes is optional.
Deletion
The members of the prefix set, maN-, naN-, paN-, when attached to a root invoke a
deletion of the root-initial consonant. Before deletion of the initial consonant, the alveolar
nasal of the prefix assimilates to the point of articulation of the root-initial consonant.
maN- + kapya  mangapya ‘he will be the one to make’

maN- + banno  mamanno ‘he will be the one to borrow’
maN- + tibo  manibo ‘he will be the one to see’
maN- + hu-up  manu-up ‘he will be the one to fasten together’
Grammar Sketch 13
Insertion
When verbs ending in a vowel are suffixed (all suffixes are vowel initial) or have the
vowel-initial pronoun, ak ‘I’ attached as a clitic, a consonant is inserted between the root-final
vowel and the initial vowel of the suffix or pronoun.
Verbs ending in the front vowels i and e: the semivowel y is inserted between the root-
final vowel and the vowel of the suffix or the pronoun.
umali + -ak  umaliyak ‘I will come’

duke + -on  dukkayon ‘to lengthen’
hani + -an  haniyan ‘to hide/protect something’
pili + -an  piliyan ‘to chose something’
Verbs ending in the central vowel a: the glottal stop, i.e. the hyphen sumbol -, is inserted
between the root-final vowel and the vowel of the suffix or pronoun.
dala + -an  nadala-an ‘covered with blood’

dapa + -on  dapa-on ‘to feel it’
hangga + -on  hangga-on ‘to face something’
humiga + -ak  humiga-ak ‘I am exhausted’
mumbaga + -ak  mumbaga-ak ‘I am asking’
Verbs ending in back vowels u or o: the semivowel w is inserted between the root-final
vowel and the vowel of the suffix or pronoun.
bayu + -on  bayuwon ‘to pound the rice’

damu + -on  damuwon ‘to meet someone’
amo + -on  amowon ‘to tame it’
bano + -on  banowon ‘to scoop the food out of the cooking pot’
Metathesis
When roots of the form -oCV(C) are prefixed with CV forms resulting in a vowel
immediately preceding the root, the o vowel of the root is lost and the initial consonant, a
glottal, metathesizes with the medial consonant.
na- + -ogah  nag-a ‘it was dropped’

ka- + -opat  kap-at ‘the fourth’
paki- + -odon  pakid-on ‘to join in carrying’
na- + -odop  nad-op ‘extinguished fire’
Gemination
The members of the prefix set, naka-, maka-, paka-, invoke a gemination of the root-initial
consonant.
maka- + higid  makahhigid ‘loves to sweep’

maka- + keke  makakkeke ‘he loves to swim’
impaka- + gatang  impakaggattang ‘intensive – buying everything’
paka- + dongol  pakaddonglon ‘listen very well’
14 Grammar Sketch
Another gemination rule is that for root medial voiceless stops. When roots are affixed,
if the medial voiceless stop is positioned between two central vowels, a, the stop geminates.
iN- + gatang  inggattang ‘he sold it’

ma- + gatang  magattang ‘the merchandise can be bought’
naka- + laka  nakalakka ‘it’s very easy’
idat- + -an  idattan ‘will give some’
1.1.2 Vowels
Syncope
The o vowel is the usual one to undergo the syncope process. Prefixes of the form CV- and
infixes of the form -VC- when affixed to roots of the form Co.CV(C) invoke syncope of this
vowel in the first syllable of the root.
ma- + pohod  maphod ‘good’

impaka- + dongol  impakadngol ‘heard everything’
na- + bodad  nabdad ‘loosened tie’
-um- + bole  bumle ‘to be tired’
Roots of the form CV.Co(C) when suffixed may lose the o vowel in the second syllable of
the root.
ki- -an + tibo  kitib-an ‘sign’

-an + datong  datngan ‘arrival place’
na- -an + gakod  nagakdan ‘it is tied’
Roots of the form Co.CoC when suffixed lose the o in the second syllable of the root.
homok + on  homkon ‘to pity someone’

hogop + an  hogpan ‘entrance’
pohod + on  podhon ‘to like/want/love something’
When circumfixes are added to roots of the form Co.Co(C), the vowel o in the first syllable
of the root is the one that is lost.
ki- -an + pohod  kiphodan ‘benefit’

mi- -an + kodo  mikdowan ‘to be asked for something’
mi- -an + dongol  midngolan ‘to be influenced’
There are some examples of words with high back vowel u which follow the o vowel
syncope pattern.
impa- + -ubun  impab-un ‘caused to sit’

naka- + lu-um  nakal-um ‘it is very ripe’
Grammar Sketch 15
Deletion of one vowel
When a prefix of the form Ci- is affixed to a root with the initial syllable being of the form
glottal stop and vowel i, the initial syllable is deleted.
mi- -an + -idat  midattan ‘it will be given’

mi- + -ilmu  milmu ‘one can sense it’
When roots of the form Co.Ca are suffixed by -an or -on the a vowel of the second syllable
is lost. The insertion of the glottal stop between the two vowels takes place first with the
glottal stop remaining in the final form.
boka + -on  bok-on ‘to dig in the ground’

moma + -on  mom-on ‘to chew the betel nut’
dopa + -on  dop-on ‘to measure it with outstretched arms’
hoka + -on  hok-on ‘to rest hand on someone’
Vowel harmony
Root final vowel e moves back to become a when suffixed with an -an or -on. The
insertion of the semivowel y takes place first and remains in the final form.
bihe + -on  bihayon ‘will divide and share it’

boge + -an  bogayan ‘to plant rice seedling bed’
duke + -on  dukkayon ‘to make it long’
Root final vowel o may optionally become a when suffixed. The insertion of the semivowel
w takes place first and remains in the final form.
amo + -on  amawon ‘to bathe someone’

banno + -on  banawon ‘to scoop food out of pot’
ako + -on  akawon ‘to steal it’
kodo + -on  kodawon ‘to ask for something’
1.2 Phonological changes resulting from clitic attachment
1.2.1 Pronoun attachment
The vowel u of the pronouns ku ‘I’ and mu ‘you’ deletes when the pronouns are attached
to verbs and nouns that end in a vowel.
ingkeke + mu  ingkekem ‘you swam across it’

ibaga + ku  ibagak ‘I will ask it’
tibo + mu  tibom ‘you look at it’
huki + ku  hukik ‘my foot’
kadwa + mu  kadwam ‘your companion’
The n of suffixes -an and -on deletes when pronouns are attached.
guyudon + na  guyudona ‘he will pull it’

kalyon + ku  kalyok ‘I will say it’
gabuton + mu  gabutom ‘you will pull the weeds’
16 Grammar Sketch
1.2.2 Linker attachment
When the linker di is attached to a word ending in a vowel, the d is deleted and the i
becomes semivowel y.
wada di  waday ‘there is’

duwa di  duway ‘two’
Pedro di  Pedroy ‘Peter’
ad-adi di  ad-adiy ‘something is not done well’
1.2.3 Determiner attachment
The i vowel of the determiner hi and the a vowel of the determiner ad are deleted when
the determiners are attached to words ending in a vowel.
imme + hi  immeh Pedro ‘Peter went’

kumali + hi  kumalih Pedro ‘Pedro was speaking’
imme + ad  immed Kiangan ‘He went to Kiangan’
immali + ad  immalid Kiangan ‘He came to Kiangan’
2.0 Introduction to Morphology
Tuwali Ifugao is a polysynthetic language with the fusion of morphosyntactic features

in the morphemes. Morphemes are considered to be the smallest meaningful units of the
language; they code referential, syntactic, and semantic information. Some forms can be easily
segmented, and in this case a one-to-one relationship can be distinguished between segments
of the form and morphosyntactic features, but in other forms the fusion is complete.
Types of morphemes. Roots,1 words, affixes, reduplicants, and geminates are different types
of morphemes in the language and are distinguished by form, position within words, and
distinctive syntactic and semantic features. Every morpheme is treated as a lexeme within the
dictionary. Each lexeme is entered as a major entry or subentry.
Morphemes may be decomposed into semantic and functional components. On the
basis of both types of components, root and word morphemes have been classified into four
functional categories: predicational, referential, modificational, and relational. Parts of speech
are related to these functional categories.
Semantic components. The semantic components of morphemes are defined as those that are
correlated with the features of referents in the Ifugao referential world and differentiate one
lexical unit from another. These semantic components also distinguish primary, secondary,
and figurative senses of lexemes. Semantic components provide the meaning needed to write
the definitions in the dictionary entries. They are also the basis for the semantic categorization
displayed in the Classified Dictionary (see 2.0 Entry Fields, Section 2.11 Semantic Domains)
and decisions regarding Lexical Relations (see 2.0 Entry Fields, Section 2.10).
1 In this grammar, the term “root” refers to the base form of a word stripped of all affixes and is the
form that undergoes word formation processes.
Grammar Sketch 17
Functional components. The functional components of morphemes are those that relate to
feature assignment, selectional restrictions, and inflectional and derivational potential. It is
these functional components that distinguish the morphosyntactic characteristics of lexical
categories from one another; they predict and explain affix selection possibilities, and constrain
which words can co-occur within phrases, clauses, and sentences. Functional components also
provide the basis for Part of Speech classification (see 2.0 Entry Fields, Section 2.1) and Stem
classes (see 2.0 Entry Fields, Section 2.13).
2.1 Roots and words
2.1.1 Roots
Roots are subdivided into two types: bound and free; this division is based on form
in context, i.e. whether or not they may occur without affixation. Verbal roots functioning
as predicates, with very few exceptions, are bound forms, i.e. they do not occur without
affixation. One subclass of adjectives requires affixation, but the other adjective classes and
nouns are free forms, i.e. they may occur without affixation.
Pronouns, demonstratives, determiners, adverbs, adjuncts, and conjunctions are also free
forms and do not undergo inflectional or derivational processes. However, adverbs, adjuncts,
and conjunctions may undergo a compounding word formation process.
Although nouns and adjectives may be inflected and undergo derivational processes,
verbal roots, in particular, have highly patterned and very productive word formation
processes. The number and types of affixes which may co-occur and the functions and change
of meaning resulting are statistically higher with verbal roots than any other lexical category.
The resulting verbal predications govern the semantic role and grammatical relations of co-
occurring NP constituents and the referential ranking of those constituents in discourse.
2.1.2 Words
The term “word” in Tuwali Ifugao refers (1) to any free form that does not require
affixation, and also (2) to the final form of affixed roots. As mentioned previously, nouns,
most classes of adjectives, pronouns, demonstratives, determiners, adverbs, adjuncts, and
conjunctions are all free forms and therefore are considered to be words without affixation.
2.2 Affixes
There are six morphological processes by which Tuwali Ifugao roots and words can be
formally altered to adjust their meanings to fit their syntactic and communicational contexts:
prefixation, suffixation, infixation,2 reduplication, gemination, and compounding. Many
affixes have multiple functions depending on the semantic and functional components of the
roots with which they co-occur.
2.3 Word formation processes
Tuwali Ifugao words have been analyzed as being members of four functional categories:
predicational, referential, modificational, and relational. Each of the functional categories
consists of the following lexical categories (Parts of Speech):
2 Tuwali Ifugao also has discontinuous morphemes which are called circumfixes. In this grammar we
include infix and suffix combinations as circumfixes, along with the usual prefix and suffix combinations
that linguists call circumfixes. Both types are combinations of affixes that function as single morphemes,
and fit within paradigmatic affix sets.
18 Grammar Sketch
• Predicational – verbs, adverbs, nouns, adjectives, demonstratives

• Referential – nouns, determiners, and personal, demonstrative, and interrogative
pronouns
• Modificational – adjectives, adverbs, adjuncts
• Relational – linkers, conjunctions
There are three word formation processes that members of these lexical categories may
undergo:
• Inflectional – The inflectional process adds one or more affixes to a root. The
lexical category of the root does not change. It retains the semantic and functional
characteristics that resulted in its being classified as a member of that category.
• Derivational – The derivational process also adds one or more affixes to a root.
However, the lexical and functional categories of a root are changed with the
derivational process.
• Compounding – The compounding process is a less productive word formation process
in that it applies only to three lexical categories: conjunctions, adverbs, and adjuncts;
demonstratives and determiners compound only with the plural morpheme da.
2.3.1 Inflection
Tuwali Ifugao inflection is an important process in the word formation of the members
of three lexical categories: verbs, nouns, and adjectives. Verbs have the most extensive and
complex range of potential inflectional possibilities; the range for nouns and adjectives is less
broad and less complex.
2.3.1.1 Verb inflection
There are eight classes of Tuwali Ifugao inflectional affixes. Their classification has been
based on their grammatical and rhetorical functions. There are six verbal root classes. Each
root class and each of its associated subclasses own certain sets of the inflectional affixes from
each of the eight classes. One set of affixes from the Basic Cross-Referencing Class is assigned
as the default set for each of the six verbal root classes. The reason for this is that the functional
properties of the default set of affixes match the inherent properties of their verbal root class.
This combination of the inherent properties of the root class and the functional properties of
the default set of affixes results in the least morphosyntactic complexity in a clause. See 4.2
Inflectional affixes for tables showing the forms and an explanation of their functions.
Tense
Tuwali Ifugao has a binary tense system: past and non-past. The binarity of affix forms is
obvious in the forms that are used. However, the actual relationship between the tense features
of affix forms and time reference in context is much more complex.3 The use of tense affix
forms is always related to a communication situation that is set at the “now” point on a time
line, but which specific affix form is chosen is dependent on 1) whether there are time settings
in the constructions in the context and 2) whether the construction in which the verb occurs
3 There has been a long-term debate among linguists that is still ongoing as to whether such affixes
in Austronesian languages are encoding tense or aspect. Although we have chosen to define the affixes
as encoding tense with further description of their functions in context, we acknowledge that there often
seems to be an aspect component that would introduce a binarity between completive and incompletive
aspect. Also, the affixes that co-occur with Class 6 stative and process verbs, and affixes that derive
passive verbs, are clearly encoding completive or incompletive aspect, rather than tense.
Grammar Sketch 19
is dependent or independent. The greatest complexity is in the use of the non-past forms that
co-occur with active and activity verbal roots. Also, the default affixes encoding tense have
inherent aspect components that parallel the durative or punctiliar aspect components in the
verbal roots that own them.
Except for the past form -imm-, all other prefix and infix forms encode past tense with
the formative4 n.
There is an intentional modal morpheme, ahi, which reflects a future tense time concept
when added to a construction.
Aspect (see 4.2.4 Time aspect affixes)
Verbal roots are partly classified on the basis of their inherent time aspect components.
Active verbal roots have either inherent punctiliar or durative aspect components, while stative
and stative-process verbal roots allow for either completive or incompletive aspect; the co-
occurring affix form encodes the appropriate aspect in context. Affixes and reduplication forms
can add aspect meaning or change the inherent time aspect of verbal roots. The reduplication
forms co-occur with tense inflectional forms. There are four main aspects:
• Inceptive - refers to the beginning of a state or activity immediately preceding the
“now” point on a time line.
• Iterative - refers to an action done repeatedly; the aspect usually refers to a punctiliar
aspect action and, in contrast to the habitual aspect, may have reference to a time.
• Continuative - refers to an action or activity that continues over a period of time in
reference to a time line; the aspect expresses a single uninterrupted continuing act.
• Habitual - refers to an action or activity that is customary but has no reference to a
time line.
Mode (see 4.2.3 Modal affixes)
The modality system encoded in the inflection of verbs characterizes one of the following:
• the ability, expertise, or pretense of the agent of the action or activity
• the tendency or facility of an experiencer or undergoer to be affected by an action
or activity
• the intensity of the action, experience, or state encoded by the verb.
2.3.1.2 Affix selection and the cross-referencing system
There is a correlation in each Tuwali Ifugao clause between the affixes occurring on
the verb, and one of the NPs in the clause. However, affix selection and cross-referencing in
Tuwali Ifugao is a complex system. Discourse reference, morphosyntactic processes, and lexical
semantics all relate to verbal morphology and the cross-referencing of a NP in a clause. The
selection of affixes in any context will have morphological constraints, grammatical relations
constraints, and referential constraints.
Morphological constraint – lexical semantics, verbal root classes, and affix selection
There is an inherent morphological preference for matching certain components of roots

and affixes (see 4.1 Verbal root classification).
• Default affixes – Each verbal root class has a set of default affixes. The default affixes
match certain inherent semantic components of the class relating to aspect, spatial
notions, valence, and the set of semantic roles owned by the root class. A non-default
4 The word “formative” is used to refer to a single part or segment of a morpheme.

20 Grammar Sketch
affix may co-occur with a verbal root, but when it does so, that affix modifies the
expression of the inherent components of the root.
• Aspect – Each verbal root class has one inherent aspect component. In the case
of Classes 1-5 active verbs, this aspect is either punctiliar or durative, and in the
case of Class 6 stative and stative-process verbs, this aspect is either completive or
incompletive. A default affix will have the same inherent aspect as the verbal root
with which it co-occurs. If a non-default affix co-occurs, the verb has a marked aspect
that changes the inherent aspect of the verbal root.
• Spatial – Most of the verbal root classes have inherent spatial components that are
related to the direction of an action or activity, e.g. away from or toward the agent, a
path, a site, a source, or a goal-destination.
• Lexical valence and semantic role sets – Each verbal root class has an established
number of valents (1-3) that match a set of core semantic roles. Valents are
obligatorily encoded in argument NP constituents in clauses, having one or more of
the grammatical relations, subject, direct object, and indirect object depending on the
transitivity of the verbal root (see Table 3 Semantic Roles and Grammatical Relations).
Many verbal root classes also have some peripheral semantic roles that may be
promoted and encoded as an argument constituent. The resulting constructions are
considered to be derived.
• Transitivity – Roots that are inherently intransitive may undergo derivation to become
verbs that we call derived-transitive verbs and roots that are inherently transitive
may undergo derivation to become verbs that we call derived-intransitive. We use the
term “derived” because the verbs do not lose their inherent transitivity features. The
derived constructions are motivated by pragmatic rhetorical strategies that control
referential identifiability and prominence ranking of co-occurring NP constituents. See
11.6 Morphosyntactic derivation for further discussion and explanation.
Table 3 Semantic Roles and Grammatical Relations
Semantic Role Definition Grammatical Relations
Agent A volitional doer of an activity, action, Subject

or action-process.
Causative Agent* An agent who causes another agent to Subject

do an action or causes an experiencer to
respond cognitively or emotionally.
Experiencer One who undergoes an emotion or Subject

process.
Participatory A participatory agent is one that Subject

Agent* participates in an action, along with
the agent.
Existent A thing, person, or place about which Subject

existence is asserted.
Statant A thing, person, or place that is Subject

identified or described.
Ambient Meteorological phenomenon. Subject is not expressed
Grammar Sketch 21
Conveyed A thing that undergoes movement from Direct Object

one place to another.
Patient A thing that undergoes a structural or Direct Object

state change or a person that is affected
by an action.
Site A place that undergoes a change of state. Direct Object
Instrument* An implement that is used in an action. Indirect Object
Benefactive* One who benefits from another’s Indirect Object

action.
Source* The beginning point of a movement. Direct Object
Goal and Path* The goal tends to express the purpose Direct Object
for the movement, and the path
expresses the way through which an
agent passes.
*The semantic roles that are marked with an asterisk are peripheral roles, and are considered to
be derived grammatical relations. The constructions that encode the roles in constituent NPs are also
considered to be morphosyntactically derived. See 3.2 for a description of morphosyntactic derivation.
Grammatical relations constraints
There are three grammatical relations in Tuwali Ifugao: subject, direct object, and indirect
object. Each is defined on the basis of 1) the canonical word order of clauses, 2) the contrastive
semantic roles that each relation may encode, 3) the cross-referencing of NP core arguments
by verbal affixes, and 4) the syntactic processes that are related to pragmatic reference. The
evidence for these grammatical relations constraints is the following:
• Affixes cross-reference either subjects or objects, except when a fronted5 constituent is
a time or place; in this latter type of construction the time or place is cross-referenced.
• The core semantic roles of verb classes are those that are generally encoded as
grammatical relations arguments and cross-referenced by default affixes. However, if
a discourse context requires the preferential treatment of a peripheral semantic role, it
will be promoted to a grammatical relations argument, and will be cross-referenced by
a non-default affix.
• The number of obligatory argument constituents in a non-derived construction matches
the valence of the verbal root class. For example, a trivalent verbal root will have three
obligatory argument constituents: subject, direct object, and indirect object.
Referential constraint – rhetorical strategies in discourse
Rhetorical strategies in discourse express two referential goals:

• to introduce and track referents
• to indicate the significance of each referent at any point in a discourse through
prominence ranking
The affix selection and cross-referencing system described above feeds into the goals of Tuwali
Ifugao rhetorical strategies. The deictic system works in conjunction with the morphological and
5 An NP that is fronted occurs preceding the verb, and is pragmatically cross-referenced by the affix
on the verb.
22 Grammar Sketch
grammatical relations constraints. Determiners, personal pronouns, and demonstrative pronouns

occurring in subject and object positions are cross-referenced by affixes. Although every affix
cross-references a subject or an object NP, there are two sets of affixes, basic and complex, that
help to define this cross-referencing system more clearly. These two sets are related to two
rhetorical strategies – Focusing Referential Strategy and Topicalizing Referential Strategy.
Referential focusing. The Basic Cross-Referencing Affixes function at the clause level to
cross-reference the subject or object NP. The cross-referenced NP expresses the semantic role
that has preferential treatment in the clause. This preferential treatment focuses attention on
the NP in question and is motivated by either identificational tracking or prominence ranking
at that point in a communication context. See 4.2.1 Basic cross-referencing affixes for a table
showing the forms and sentence examples.
Referential topicalizing. The Complex Topicalizing Affixes coordinate with the syntactic
movement of an NP to the pre-verb position in constructions. The members of this set may
cross-reference a subject, an object, a time, or a place. The set functions rhetorically to
indicate the introduction, reintroduction, or contrastive reference to a discourse participant,
prop, time, or place. See 4.2.2 Complex topicalizing affixes for a table showing the forms and
sentence examples.
2.3.1.3 Affix combining
Affixes that function independently may combine to form multimorphemic units that
function differently than the independent forms. This process can be compared to the
compounding of words in order to form new linguistic units that have unique functions
and meanings. In some cases, the combined affixes result in circumfix forms; each of these
circumfixes functions as a single morpheme. Also, there are some combinations of affixes,
reduplicants and/or geminates that have single meanings or functions.
2.3.1.4 Noun inflection
There are three quantifying notions encoded in the inflectional affixes of Tuwali Ifugao
nouns: number, grouping, and distributive concepts. Number is encoded in a reduplicant form.
The grouping concept is encoded in a prefix, and the distributive concept is encoded in a
combination prefix and reduplicant. These are the only three forms used to inflect nouns (see
7.1.1 Inflectional affixes).
2.3.1.5 Adjective inflection
The lexical category of adjectives is small in comparison to verbs and nouns. There are two
subcategories of adjectives: qualifying and quantifying. The quantifying category of adjectives
is the most productive. This subcategory is classified into three categories: dimension, size,
and number. Dimension adjectives require the prefix a-/an-. This category may also take
intensifier, comparative, and superlative inflection (see 8.1.3 Inflectional affixes).
2.3.2 Derivation
Lexical derivation has traditionally been called grammatical derivation. In Tuwali Ifugao,
lexical derivation is the process by which the lexical category of a word is changed. There are
three main types of lexical derivation in Tuwali Ifugao.
Grammar Sketch 23
2.3.2.1 Denominalization – noun  verb
The derivational operation of denominalization is an extremely productive one in Tuwali

Ifugao. There are semantic classes of nouns which, with affixation, form predictable verbal
paradigms.
babuy ‘pig’  mumbabuy ‘to raise pigs’

kail ‘wine’  mungkail ‘to make wine’
allama ‘crab’  mangallama ‘to catch crabs’
2.3.2.2 Verbalization – adjective  verb
duke ‘long’  dukkeyon ‘to lengthen something’

godwa ‘half’  godwaon ‘to halve something’
2.3.2.3 Nominalization
There are two main types of nominalizing derivational operations: lexical and clausal.
Lexical nominalization is the term used to refer to the process of forming a noun from a
verb or adjective. Clausal nominalization refers to a process of forming a nominalized
clause from an underlying verbal clause; this latter type of nominalization is considered to
be a morphosyntactic process, rather than a simple lexical process. See 3.2 Morphosyntactic
derivation, 4.3 Derivational affixes, and 12.2 Nominalized clauses for more information about
nominalization.
Lexical nominalization
Verb  Noun
hagob ‘to fetch water’  hagoban ‘a place to fetch water’
hable ‘to hang something’  hablayan ‘a place to hang things’
Adjective  Noun
bilog ‘wide’  kabilog ‘width’
duke ‘long’  kadukke ‘length’
2.3.3 Compounding
The compounding word formation process in Tuwali Ifugao is one in which linguistic
units that may function independently combine to form a unique unit both grammatically and
semantically. Only adverbs, adjuncts, and conjunctions may undergo the compounding word
formation process, and it must be noted that not all members of these three lexical categories
can undergo the process. The plural morpheme da may become a pro-clitic or an enclitic
of demonstratives and determiners, but this does not appear to be the same type of word
formation process as compounding.
There are two types of compounding: 1) compounding within a lexical category, e.g. two
conjunctions or two adjuncts, and 2) compounding across lexical categories, e.g. a conjunction
and an adjunct or an adverb and an adjunct.
24 Grammar Sketch
3.0 Morphosyntactic Processes
3.1 Valence6
Lexical valence refers to the number of arguments that are inherently owned by a verbal root.
Verbal roots may be avalent, monovalent, bivalent, or trivalent. The valent arguments express core
semantic roles that are encoded in subject, direct object, or indirect object grammatical relations in
a clause. Each verbal root also owns a set of peripheral semantic roles that may be encoded as non-
argument NP constituents. The core semantic roles that are encoded in grammatical relations have
natural pragmatic prominence. However, there are morphosyntactic derivational strategies for
pragmatically 1) increasing the prominence of a peripheral semantic role, e.g. adding a causative
agent, or 2) decreasing the prominence of a grammatical relations argument, e.g. deleting an
agent-subject in a passive construction. See 11.6.1 Augmentation of syntactic arguments and
11.6.2 Reduction of syntactic arguments for discussions about changes in valency.
3.2 Morphosyntactic derivation
3.2.1 Clausal nominalization
A verb may be nominalized resulting in a nominalized clause. An intransitive verb that

is nominalized has one argument which appears in the subject position if the agent-subject
is definite or specific. A transitive verb that is nominalized has two arguments, one in the NP
subject position and the other in the NP object position. Nominalized clauses may occur as the
argument of equative or existential predicates or as subordinate clauses in complex sentences.
See 4.3.2 Clausal nominalizing affixes for the two sets of affix forms and more sentence examples.
Also, see 12.2 Nominalized clauses for a description of their rhetorical function.
bayad ‘to pay’ + paN-  pamayad ‘the paying for/payment of’
Opat an gatut an pihuh di pamayad na nah luta.

Four hundred pesos was his payment for the land.
koga ‘to cry’ + puN- -an  pungkogaan ‘place of someone crying’
Hidiyen kaiw ya nginadanan dah pungkogaan da

As for that tree, they named it the place of their crying.
3.2.2 Syntactic derivation
In this grammar, syntactic derivation refers to a process that is related to the addition or
reduction of NP arguments in a sentence, and to the ranking of NP arguments for referentiality
and prominence. The lexical categorization of the roots expressing the predicate does not
change. For this reason, this type of derivation is in contrast to lexical derivation, the
process that changes the lexical category of roots. For a more in-depth description, see 12.0
Introduction to Complex Sentences.
6 Crystal (1997, 407) defines valency as follows: A valency grammar presents a model of a sentence
containing a fundamental element (typically the verb) and a number of dependent elements (variously
referred to as arguments, expressions, complements or valents) whose number and type is determined
by the valency attributed to the verb.
Grammar Sketch 25
3.3 Changes in basic meaning concepts
3.3.1 Renominalization
The renominalization process is another type of lexical derivation. In this case, affixation
changes the semantic class of a noun, not its lexical category. For example, the circumfix puN-
-an derives container-nouns from those referring to entities that are conceptually associated
with placement in containers.
ahin ‘salt’ + puN- -an  pun-ahinan ‘salt container’
4.0 Verbal Predicates
Verbs have the most extensive and complex range of morphological variety, making use
of affixation, reduplication, and gemination word formation processes.
4.1 Verbal root classification
Six classes of verbal roots have been semantically and grammatically classified. The
following are factors to be considered in understanding the classification of verbal roots.
• Verbal roots may refer to actions, activities, experiences, processes, or states in the
referential world.
• There are subclasses of the six main classes, and the meaning components of each
class constrain the choice of co-occurring affix, reduplicant, and geminate morphemes.
• Verbal roots have inherent time aspect components and those components are
particularly important in determining which reduplicant morphemes encoding other
aspects may co-occur.
Affixes:
• Each verbal root class has a set of default affixes that are compatible with the
meaning and grammatical components inherent to the members of the class. For
example, durative and punctiliar aspects are inherent in both roots and default affixes;
non-default affixes that co-occur signal changes or modification of the inherent
components of the root.
• Each default affix cross-references either the subject or an object (direct or indirect) of
a clause. This particular grammatical component of the affixes matches the transitivity
component of the members of the root classes. The application of a non-default affix
can change the cross-referencing process. Nevertheless, all affixes, whether default
or non-default, cross-reference either the subject or object with one exception. The
affixes that co-occur with verbs in clauses with topicalized fronted times or places
cross-reference the fronted time or place. See 4.2.2 Complex topicalizing affixes,
Tables 6, 7, and 8.
With that background, consider the six classes of verbal roots and their characteristics.
4.1.1 Class 1
Class 1 verbal roots are active,7 intransitive verbs; they are classified as activity8 verbs
because a durative time aspect is inherent to them. The primary valent of the members of
7 The term “active” is used in contrast to “stative” and “passive”.

8 The term “activity” is used in contrast to “action”. These terms are used to differentiate verbal root
classes that contrast in regard to inherent durative (activity) and punctiliar (action) aspects.
26 Grammar Sketch
Class 1 is a volitional agent-subject.9 The default affix set for Class 1 is muN-/nuN-. These
prefixes cross-reference the agent-subject in a sentence.
There are five subclasses; two of the subclasses refer to movement from one place (source)
to another (destination). Subclass 1A has a manner component that is important, and the
other, 1B, has a directional component that is important. Subclass 1C is a general class; the
members of this subclass have criterial components that are unrelated to movement, and are
varied in their criterial components. Subclass 1D has the criterial component of sound. The
members of subclass 1E have the criterial component of physiological functions.
Class 1A Movement with a manner component
The categorizing semantic components for Class 1A verbal roots are:

• Agentive movement
• Durative aspect
• Manner, i.e. the manner in which one moves is criterial
Examples of 1A are: dalan ‘to walk’, keke ‘to swim’
Class 1B Movement with a directional component
The categorizing semantic components for Class 1B verbal roots are:

• Agentive movement
• Durative aspect
• Directional, i.e. the direction in which one moves is criterial
Examples of 1B are: dayyu ‘to descend’, tikid ‘to ascend’
Class 1C General class
The categorizing semantic components for Class 1C verbal roots are:

• Agentive involvement
• Durative aspect
This class has several different criterial components that differentiate the following
subclasses:
• Types of work, e.g. abono ‘to work without pay’, adod-on ‘to do housework’
• Types of behavior, e.g. taldong ‘to be still, not moving’, ihhik ‘to argue’
• Types of attitudes, e.g. hinnun ‘to be hesitant or undecided’, ngohe ‘to be obstinate’
• Purposeful actitivies or actions, e.g. dag-u ‘to stop someplace’, talinaad ‘to reside
permanently in a place’
• Tastes, odors, and other features of entities, e.g. tablo ‘to be tasteless’, aguteet ‘to
have a bad odor’
• Appearance of someone or something, e.g. hubul ‘to resemble’, mukaag ‘to be in
disarray’, huliyap ‘to look angry or displeased’
Class 1D Sounds
The categorizing semantic components for Class 1D verbal roots are:

• Sounds
• Agentive - human, animal or inanimate thing
• Durative aspect
9 In this Grammar Sketch an agent is defined as someone or something that is capable of producing
an effect.
Grammar Sketch 27
Examples of 1D verbal roots are: alagaag ‘for pigs to squeal’, kililing ‘to make a
tinkling sound’
Class 1E Physiological functions
The categorizing semantic components for Class 1E verbal roots are:

• Agentive involvement
• Durative aspect
• The body’s physiological functions
Examples of 1E verbal roots are: yaop ‘to gasp’, al-al ‘to pant, as a dog’, aminul ‘to salivate’
4.1.2 Class 2
Class 2 verbal roots are also active, intransitive verbs; they are divided into three main
subclasses: actions, experiences, and processes. The actions subclass is divided into two
movement subclasses: both have a punctiliar time component, but one encodes movement
from one place to another, and the other encodes simply a change of position. The experiences
subclass is further divided into verbs encoding emotions and sensations and verbs encoding
physiological functions. The emotions subclass is further divided into verbs encoding feelings
and verbs encoding sounds that are made related to those feelings; with these subclasses, the
punctiliar time component might be better described as an episodic time component. The final
subclass, processes, is divided into those verbs encoding meteorological phenomena and those
encoding non-meteorological processes. The primary valent of all Class 2 verbs is a volitional
agent-subject. For all Class 2 verbal roots, the default affix set is -um-/-imm-. These infixes
cross-reference the agent-subject in a sentence.
Class 2A Movement from one place to another

• Agentive movement from one place to another
• Punctiliar aspect
Examples are: ali ‘to come’, e ‘to go’
Class 2B Movement, change of position

• Agentive movement resulting in change of position
Examples are: taddog ‘to stand up’, ubun ‘to sit down’
Class 2C Emotion and sensation

• An agentive-experience of an emotion or sensation
Examples are: takut ‘to be afraid’, amo ‘to be jealous’
28 Grammar Sketch
Class 2D Vocal sounds expressing feeling

• An agentive response or reaction to an emotion or sensation
Examples are: palak ‘to groan’, koga ‘to cry’
Class 2E Body/Physiological functions

• Agentive physiological function
Examples are: uk-uk ‘to cough’, tuppa ‘to spit’
Class 2F Meteorological
Although we have set up a class for meteorological verbal roots, they may be derived
from nouns; as nouns, the roots may occur unaffixed.
The categorizing semantic components for Class 2F verbal roots are:
• Meteorological events
• No explicit subject constituent
Examples are: udan ‘to rain’, kidul ‘to thunder’
Class 2G Processes
The categorizing semantic components for Class 2G verbal roots are:

• A gradual change of something that brings about a resultant state
• Non-volitional experiencer role encoded as subject, may be an animate or inanimate
experiencer
• Processes that are durative
• Incompletive and completive aspect expressed, rather than tense
Examples are: bayak ‘to fade’, kapuy ‘to become weak’
Class 2H Behavior
The categorizing semantic components for Class 2H verbal roots are:

• Agentive behavior in social situations or social interaction
Examples are: bahhut ‘to disturb or disrupt’, ila-ila ‘to court trouble’
4.1.3 Class 3
The core meaning component of Class 3 verbal roots is the movement of an object away
from the agent. Each subclass has a core component expressing what is done with the object
after being moved, e.g. positioned, released, combined, or attached. Punctiliar aspect is
an inherent component of all members of Class 3. The core semantic roles associated with
this class are agent-subject, conveyed-object, site-object. Other possible semantic roles are
causative agent, and participatory agent. The default affix set for this verbal root class is i-/
iN-. This affix set cross-references the conveyed-object. The passive affix set for this class
is mi-/ni-. Some of the subclasses are ditransitive and allow for a site semantic role to be
Grammar Sketch 29
cross-referenced, and in that case, the non-past suffix -an or past circumfix -in- -an is used to
cross-reference the site-object. The affix set mi- -an/ni- -an cross-references an indirect object
that is promoted to subject in a passive construction. In a discourse context, when the agent-
subject is being reintroduced or contrasted with another, it is preposed before the verb and
the inflectional affix set mangi-/nangi- is used to cross-reference it with this verbal root class.
Class 3A Move and position object at site

• Volitional agent as subject
• Movement of a conveyed object
• Release of conveyed object at a site
• Most of the members of this class are ditransitive.
Examples are: talu ‘to hide something’, ha-ad ‘to place something’
Class 3B Move and release object

• Release of conveyed object
Examples are: wahit ‘to scatter something’, wele ‘to throw away something’
Class 3C Move something and combine it with or attach it to something else

• Combine or attach conveyed-object to site-object
Examples are: kamo ‘to mix something with another thing’, hu-up ‘to fasten two
things together’
Class 3D Move an object with a resulting change of state

• Change of state of the object
Examples are: ha-ang ‘to cook something’, hibak ‘to boil something’
Class 3E Move an object directionally

• Directional movement is criterial
Examples are: gege ‘to rock back and forth’, wagot ‘to shake up and down’
30 Grammar Sketch
Class 3F Move something along with oneself
The categorizing semantic components for Class 3F verbal roots are:

• Manner of carrying object is criterial
Examples are: pah-on ‘to carry something on shoulder’, abba ‘to carry in a shawl’
Class 3G Move body or body parts directionally
The semantic components of Class 3G verbal roots are somewhat different than the other
subclasses. The default affix set does not always cross-reference a conveyed object. Since it is
body parts that are moved, the affixes may cross-reference the site-object. The site-object in
those cases reflects the direction of the movement.
The categorizing semantic components for Class 3G verbal roots are:
• Movement of a body part object
• Direction of movement is often related to a site-object
• Some of the members of this class cross-reference a goal-object with the affix set
-on/-in-. The goal-object cross-referencing reflects the purpose of moving the body part.
Examples are: wingi ‘to turn head to side’, balungango ‘to raise head’
Class 3H Conversive action process
This action is a bidirectional movement of an object. For example, if an agent-subject

is cross-referenced, the affix set muN-/nuN- identifies the agent-subject as the seller and the
affix set -um-/-imm- identifies the subject as the agent-buyer. If an object is cross-referenced,
the affix set i-/iN- identifies what is being sold by the agent-subject and -on/-in- (gatang,
polak) or –an/-in- -an (hulul, balal) identifies what is being bought by an agent-subject.
The categorizing semantic components for Class 3H verbal roots are:
• Movement of an object
• Bi-direction of movement is important – away from agent or toward agent
Examples are: gatang ‘to buy or sell’, hulul ‘to exchange/barter’
4.1.4 Class 4
There are many actions and activities which involve contact with an object; the degree of
pressure on a contact is important in how much of an effect the contact has on an object. The
pressure may vary from gentle contact that has little effect on the object to forceful contact
that will change the structure of the object. Punctiliar aspect is an inherent component of all
members of Class 4. The core semantic roles associated with this class are agent-subject, and
patient-object. For some subclasses an peripheral instrument semantic role may be highlighted
and encoded as a direct object. The default affix set for this verbal root class is -on/-in-. The
passive affix set is ma-/na-. In a discourse context, when the agent-subject is being reintroduced
or contrasted with another, it is preposed before the verb and the inflectional affix set maN-/
naN- is used to cross-reference it with this verbal root class.
Members of the class may be divided into the following subclasses by distinguishing the
semantic components of the actions (these components contrast with the semantic components
of Class 3 and Class 5 members):
• changing the structure of an object
• tactile – touching an object
Grammar Sketch 31
• moving an object toward the agent

• releasing, removing, or detaching an object
• perception and cognition of an object
• adjacency/adjoining – movement toward point of contact with an object
Class 4A Change the structure of object10

• Changing the structure of an object
Examples are: dadag ‘to destroy something’, banguy ‘to bend something’
Class 4B Touch contact

• Touching an object – degree of pressure; a continuum from light touching to forceful
striking is criterial in distinguishing the members of the class.
Examples are: duntuk ‘to punch someone’, hiknul ‘to nudge with elbow’
Included in this subclass are roots that relate to the concept of abstract touching that
includes influencing or affecting someone in some way, e.g. tugun ‘to give advice’, a-aluk
‘to comfort’.
Class 4C Convey/bring object toward agent

• Moving an object toward the agent
Examples are: ala ‘to get something’, kanon ‘to eat something’
Although all the members of Class 4C have these two components, there are members
that would appear to differ as far as a volitional agent being responsible for moving an object
toward himself. For the example, hood ‘to wait’, dammu ‘to meet’, and tawid ‘to inherit’ all have
volitional agents who actively receive something or someone coming toward them; another
agent is required in each case. However, the categorizing semantic component for each root is
that something or someone encoded in an object grammatical relation is moving toward the
obligatory volitional agent.
Class 4D Release, remove, or detach object

• Releasing, removing, or detaching an object
• Ditransitive – There is a site-object from which the object is being released, removed,
or detached.
Examples are: kaan ‘to remove something’, ubad ‘to untie something’
10 The “changing the structure of an object” is the criterial component of the prototypical verbal roots
for Class 4. However, the “change of the object” can relate to the features of an object or the appearance
of an object. For example, bao ‘to cool hot food’ simply changes a temperature feature, not the structure
of the food. Another example is binat ‘to stretch something’.
32 Grammar Sketch
The amount of exertion to remove or detach something distinguishes the words in Class
4D. These verbal roots also have a site semantic role which is encoded in an indirect object
grammatical relation. The site-indirect object may be cross-referenced with the affix set -an/
-in- -an.
Class 4E Perception and cognition

• Perception and cognition of an object
Examples are: adal ‘to learn something’, tibo ‘to see something’, dongol ‘to hear something’
There appear to be semantic components that categorize perception and cognition verbal
roots as forming a subclass of Class 4 “Contact with an object” verbal roots. They can be stated
as follows:
• The senses and/or the mind make contact with objects in the referential world.
• The object is abstracted and conveyed/brought to the experiencer-agent’s senses or mind.
Perhaps a more adequate basis for placing members of Class 4E with the other subclasses
is the fact that their functional components result in their fitting the morphosyntactic patterns
of this class.
Class 4F Adjacency/Adjoining of an object

• Adjacency/adjoining – movement toward point of contact with an object
Examples are: unud ‘to follow’, pudug ‘to chase’
Criterial components of each member of this class relate to the purpose of an action and
thus distinguish each one from the others.
4.1.5 Class 5
The main semantic component of most of the members of Class 5 verbal roots is a
state-change action on a site-type object. That means the site-object stays in place and
intact while another object is added (Class 5A) or subtracted from it (Class 5B), changing its
state but not its structure. A third subclass (Class 5C) has a different categorizing semantic
component, i.e. the site is the goal of the action. The default affix set for all Class 5 verbal
roots is -an/-in- -an. The passive affix set associated with Class 5 is ma- -an/na- -an. In a
discourse context, when the agent-subject is being reintroduced or contrasted with another,
it is preposed before the verb and the inflectional affix set maN-/naN- is used to cross-
reference it with this verbal root class.
Class 5A Changing state of site by adding something

• Changing state of site by adding something
Examples are: abbel ‘to repair terrace walls by adding mud’, galubgub ‘to stoke fire by
adding fuel’
Grammar Sketch 33
Most of the verbal roots of Class 5A are very specific as to the type of site, and the
object(s) that may be added to it, though a few like hani ‘to protect with cover’ and umut ‘to
obstruct path’ have a broader range of application.
Class 5B Changing state of site by removal of something

• Changing state of site by removal of something
Examples are: gadgad ‘to scour or scrape something off surface’, pukpuk ‘brush something
off surface’
Although Class 5B has the default affix set, -an/-in- -an that cross-references the site, the
class also allows the particular thing being removed to have referential prominence rather
than the site. In this situation, the inflectional affix set -on/-in- cross-references the noun
expressing the thing being removed. See the pukpuk entry in the dictionary for sentences
illustrating this difference in affix function.
Class 5C Goal-oriented sites

• Action is directed toward a goal-site
Examples are: adug ‘to guard something or someone’, gamgam ‘to pursue something’
The objects of Class 5C verbs are less affected, by addition or removal, than the objects
of Class 5A and Class 5B verbs.
4.1.6 Class 6
Class 6 verbs are state and state-process intransitive verbs that express non-agentive,
descriptive states or processes. These verbs express properties of entities that undergo what
is perceived of as non-agentive change. When a human is involved, as in physiological
state-processes, the human is perceived of as an experiencer rather than a volitional agent.
The default affixes for state and state-process verbs are ma- and na- for incompletive and
completive aspect. To encode process, the default affixes are the infixes -um- and -imm-. All of
these default affixes cross-reference the subject in a sentence.
Class 6A Physiological process – state

• No volitional agent
• The core semantic role is experiencer.
• The grammatical subject is the person who experiences the physiological process-state.
• No inherent aspect; aspect is expressed by the affixes, completive, incompletive, and
inceptive-ongoing. The incompletive aspect expresses the concept that the person-
referent will undergo the experience, and the inceptive-ongoing expresses the process
aspect of an experience.
Examples are: agang ‘to be hungry’, uwo ‘to be thirsty’
34 Grammar Sketch
As stated above, the default affixes for the state of process-state verbs are na- completive
aspect and ma- incompletive aspect. There is an infix set and one prefix that encode the
process concept of these verbs: the -um-/-imm- infix set and the prefix mungka-.
Class 6B Characteristics of human nature or life situation

• The core semantic role is statant – the state describes a person.
• The grammatical subject is the person who is described by the stative verb.
• No inherent aspect; aspect is expressed by the affixes that express completive and
incompletive.
Examples are: imut ‘to be selfish’, ule ‘to be gentle/kind’, higa ‘to be lazy’
Class 6C Process or state of inanimate objects

• The core semantic role is statant – the state describes a thing.
• The grammatical subject is the thing that is described by the stative verb.
incompletive.
Examples are: tigub ‘to be blunt/dull’, danglol ‘to be slippery’
Class 6D Descriptives

• The core semantic role is statant – the state describes a thing or person.
• The grammatical subject is the thing or person that is described by the stative verb.
incompletive.
Examples are: ligat ‘to be hard or difficult, as in life or work’, lam-ay ‘to be an easy life’
4.1.7 Speech verbs
Although the morphosyntax of speech verbal roots differs little from the basic six classes
of verbal roots, it is helpful to look at the difference in the purpose of the speech acts. The
same criteria used in classifying other verbal roots are used for distinguishing the subclasses
of speech verbal roots.
• Semantic role sets: All speech verbal roots have an obligatory volitional agent role. The
members of the subclasses vary as to the other core roles that are a part of their set.
• Grammatical relations: The volitional agent is always encoded in the subject; other
core roles are encoded in either the object or indirect object grammatical relation.
• Affixation: The agent-subject of the members of the subclasses may be cross-
referenced by either the muN-/nuN- or the -um-/-imm- affix sets depending on
whether the durative or punctiliar aspect is being expressed in the verb. Other co-
occurring affixes will be noted in the subclass sections.
Speech verbs – general
The members of the general class have a broader range of meaning, and can take a
number of different affixes depending on what semantic role is significant in the context.
Grammar Sketch 35
Examples are: kali ‘to speak’, humang ‘to answer’
Speech verbs – manner of speaking
There are two types of speech verbal roots related to manner:

• articulation, e.g. ayyong ‘to mumble’, bohwang ‘to speak audibly’
• the purpose for speaking, e.g. haut ‘to deny’, hadak ‘to clarify’
Speech verbs – purpose is to evoke a response
The purpose of this class of verbal roots is to evoke a response from the hearer. The
response may be either speech or behavior.
Examples are: awis ‘to persuade’, tutut ‘to argue’
Speech verbs – purpose is to affect recipient
The purpose of this class of speech verbal roots is to have an effect on the recipient. Some
of the members of the class are ritual words for cursing someone.
Examples are: hugut ‘to tease someone’, dug-a ‘to curse someone’
Speech verbs – purpose is to entertain
The purpose of this class of speech verbal roots is to entertain. Through the years, there
have been members of the community who were known as effective storytellers, and there
were those who were able to tell about a day’s events in song.
Examples are: a-apo ‘to sing a story’, bonwe ‘to sing as in a dialogue’
4.2 Inflectional affixes
4.2.1 Basic cross-referencing (CR) affixes11
These affixes are called “basic” because their co-occurrence with active verbal roots
results in the least complex morphosyntactic constructions. Each member of these sets cross-
references either a subject or an object that is either definite or specific and has a higher
referential rank in the context than any other co-occurring NP constituent in that clause. The
choice of a basic affix is constrained by the meaning components and lexical valence of a root,
and discourse identifiability factors. The set is related to the rhetorical Focusing Referential
Strategy (see 2.3.1.2 Affix selection and the cross-referencing system).
Each set of basic affixes is the default set for one of the five classes of active verbal roots.
The benefactive and instrumental affix sets are exceptions to the default principle; neither of
these sets is associated with a particular verbal root class. Instead these two affix sets may co-
occur with any verbal root class that allows for their associated peripheral semantic roles. The
components of a default set have the following characteristics:
• The affixes match the inherent aspect and spatial components of the root class.
• The affixes cross-reference either the subject or the object in a construction.
• The affixes clarify, along with the root, the semantic role encoded in the cross-
referenced grammatical relation.
The basic affixes may function both inflectionally and derivationally. When the affixes co-
occur with any grammatical class other than verbal roots, they function both derivationally,
11 This set of affixes has traditionally been called “focus affixes” in linguistic studies of Philippine
languages.
36 Grammar Sketch
deriving verbs from the roots of the non-verbal class with which they are co-occurring, and
inflectionally to realize the functions listed above. When they co-occur with verbal roots, they
function only inflectionally.
The inflectional function of the basic affixes is complex in that a given form may function
in more than one way, depending on whether or not it can co-occur with verbal roots belonging
to a class other than its own. The semantic components and lexical valence of verbal roots
are very important factors in the choice of inflectional affixes in Tuwali Ifugao language use.
For example, when the set -um-/-imm- co-occurs with transitive verbal roots, the set cross-
references the grammatical object and adds a quantifying concept meaning that the action is
performed on only ‘some’ of the noun referent.
Table 4 Basic Cross-Referencing (CR) Affixes
Tense Subject CR Object CR

Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Class 4 Class 5 Benefactive Instrumental
past nuN- -imm- iN- -in- -in- -an iN- -an iN-
non-past muN- -um- i- -on -an i- -an i-
Class 1 default affix set

Wordform: Dakol day nahpung ya munhagge.
LexEntry: dakol da di na- hupung ya muN- hagge
LexGloss: many 3.PL LK STA sprain LK NP.S limp
FT: There are many with sprained (arms and legs) and limping.

Wordform: Immali da Juan ad Kiangan.
LexEntry: ali -imm- da Juan ad Kiangan
LexGloss: come P.S 3.PL.S John DET Kiangan
FT: Juan and his companions came to Kiangan.

Wordform: Intaluk nan papel.
LexEntry: iN- talu ku nan papel
LexGloss: P.O hide s.t. 1.SG.S DET paper
FT: I hid the paper.

Wordform: Dingngol nay kinalik.
LexEntry: dongol -in- na di kali -in- ku
LexGloss: hear P.O 3.SG.S DET say something P.O 1.SG.S
FT: He heard what I said.

Wordform: Dan-iyam nan taklem te
LexEntry: dan-i -an mu nan takle mu te
LexGloss: wipe off NP.O 2.SG.S DET arm/hand 2.SG.POSS because
Grammar Sketch 37
nalugit.
nalugit
STA dirty
FT: Wipe your hand because it is dirty.
The stative-process affixes shown in Table 5 also belong to the class of Basic Cross-
Referencing Affixes but they have been placed on a separate chart because the Class 6 verbal
roots with which they co-occur are semantically different than Classes 1-5 verbal roots; also
the syntactic constructions in which they occur are different. See 4.1.6 for a description of this
class of verbal roots. The differences that are characteristic of Class 6 verbal roots are shown
in the following ways:
• The verb encodes a state or a process rather than an action or activity.
• The inherent aspect is neither durative nor punctiliar, instead the aspect is either
completive or incompletive.
• The subject grammatical relation does not encode a volitional agent semantic role;
rather the core semantic roles of the verbal root class and subclasses are Statant or
Experiencer.
The stative-process affixes shown in Table 5 co-occur with Class 6 Stative verbal roots;
they function inflectionally. The prefixes, na- and ma- are the default affix set for that class.12
The components of all the affix sets are the following:
• They express either the completive aspect or the incompletive aspect.
• They cross-reference the subject.
The forms that encode “Intense State” have a segment C1. This symbolizes that the initial
consonant of the root is geminated, and the geminate co-occurs with the prefix form. There
are subclasses of Class 6 stative verbal roots, and the function of the stative and process affixes
may differ depending on the subclass of the co-occurring root.
Table 5 Stative and Process Affixes
Aspect Stative Intense State Process Durative Process
Completive na- nakaC1- -imm- nungka-
Incompletive ma- makaC1- -um- mungka-
Stative
Wordform: Naatuh ina an mumbayu.
LexEntry: na- atu hi ina an muN- bayu
LexGloss: STA tired DET mother LK NP.S pound with pestle
FT: Mother is tired from rice-pounding.
Process
Wordform: Kon tuwali waday kimmadangyan hi
LexEntry: kon tuwali wada di kadangyan -imm- hi
LexGloss: INTPRO actually EXIS LK become rich P.PROC.S DET
12 The stative prefixes ma-/na- have the same form as the passive set for Class 4 verbal roots
(see 4.1.4).
38 Grammar Sketch
tugal?
tugal
gamble
FT: Rightly so, was there ever one who became rich through gambling?
Durative Process
Wordform: Indani ya mungkapnu nan lata.
LexEntry: indani ya mungka- punu nan lata
LexGloss: later LK NP.PROC.S fill DET can
FT: After a while the can was almost full (lit. was filling).
4.2.2 Complex topicalizing affixes
There are four classes of topicalizing affix sets.

• Topicalizing agent-subjects
• Topicalizing times and places with transitive verbal roots
• Topicalizing times and places with intransitive verbal roots
• Topicalizing instruments
The affix sets that are members of these four classes differ from the Basic Cross-
Referencing Affixes in that they function rhetorically at a higher level. They cross-reference
the NP constituent that has been syntactically moved to the initial position of a clause (i.e.
pre-predicate) to encode the introduction of participants, or to contrast or reintroduce
participants, props, times, and places. The preposed constituent is linked to the remaining
clause constituents by the form di or its allomorph y. The set is related to the Rhetorical
Topicalizing Referential Strategy (see 2.3.1.2 Affix selection and the cross-referencing system).
If the grammatical object is topicalized, the Basic Cross-Referencing Affixes are used rather
than the Complex Topicalizing Affixes.
The Complex Topicalizing Affixes function in the same way with the verbs of interrogative
sentences, i.e. they cross-reference the question words “who”, “what”, “where”, and “when”.
See 7.7 Interrogative pronouns for the Tuwali Ifugao forms. The Tuwali Ifugao question words
occur in the same pre-verb position as those NPs that are moved to the pre-verb position in
declarative/statement sentences.
The Complex Topicalizing Affixes also co-occur with the verbs of relative clauses. The
relativized noun or NP precedes the relative clause and is in the pre-verb position in the
relative clause; this is the same position as a topicalized constituent or question word in a
main clause.
Table 6 Topicalizing-Question-Relative Clause Affixes
Tense Fronted Object Fronted Agent-Subject Fronted

Instrument
Class 3 Class 4 Class 5 Class 3 Class 4 Class 5
past iN- -in- -in- -an nangi- naN- naN- impuN-
non-past i- -on -an mangi- maN- maN- puN-
Grammar Sketch 39
Class 3 topicalizing affix set

Wordform: Hi Mariay nangiha-ad hi papel nah basket.
LexEntry: hi maria di nangiha-ad hi papel nah basket
LexGloss: DET Maria LK P.T.S place DET paper DET basket
FT: Maria was the one who put the paper in the basket.
Class 4 topicalizing affix set

Wordform: Dimmatong dah maal-algo ot
LexEntry: datong -imm- da hi ma- CV(C)- algo ot
LexGloss: arrive P.S 3.PL.S DET STA INT noon and then
ipayu dan e mampap mu tultulluy dimpap

i- payu da an e maN- dopap mu CV(C)- tulu di dopap -in-
NP.O go directly 3.PL.S LK go NP.T.S seize but INT few LK seize P.O
da
da
3.PL.S
FT: They arrived at noon and they went directly to the river to catch crabs, but
they only caught a few.
Topicalizing of a time or place in statements, questions, and relative clauses
When a topicalized time or place is a constituent of the clause, and not just a time setting,
the phrase will be linked to the clause with the form di or its allomorph y. There are two sets
of affixes that cross-reference the preposed times and places.
• Topicalizing times and places with Classes 1 and 2 intransitive verbal roots
• Topicalizing times and places with Classes 3, 4, and 5 transitive verbal roots
Table 7 Topicalizing Time or Place – Classes 1 & 2
Tense Class 1 Class 2
past nuN- -an -imm- -an
non-past puN- -an -um- -an
Class 1 topicalizing time or place affix set

Wordform: Nakaluggit nan eyu nungkekeyan.
LexEntry: nakaC1- lugit nan e yu nuN- -an keke
LexGloss: MOD dirty DET go 2.PL.S P.T.PL swim
FT: The place you went swimming is very dirty.
40 Grammar Sketch
Table 8 Topicalizing Time or Place - Classes 3-5
Tense Class 3 Class 4 & 5
past nangi- -an naN- -an
non-past pangi- -an paN- -an
Class 3 topicalizing time or place affix set

Wordform: Daanay nangitanoman da nadah bulhe.
LexEntry: daan di nangi- -an tanom da nadah bulhe
LexGloss: where LK P.T.PL plant 3.PL.S DET bean
FT: Where did they plant beans?
4.2.3 Modal affixes
There are three main types of modality in Tuwali Ifugao:

• Agentive – Agentive modality involves the concepts of pretense, abilitative, and
expertise.
• Undergoer – Undergoer modality involves the concepts of tendency or facility.
• Predicative – Predicative modality involves intensification.
Agentive modal affixes
The Agentive Modal Affixes do not encode tense or aspect.
Table 9 Agentive Modality
Pretense Abilitative Negative Expertise

Abilitative
kahin- -on ma-/maka- (adi) paka- makaC1-
Agentive pretense affix

Wordform: Kahindongdongollona hi kinalik.
LexEntry: kahin- -on CV(C)- dongol na hi kali -in- ku
LexGloss: MOD CONT listen 3.SG.S DET say something P.O 1.SG.S
FT: He pretends to be listening to what I have said.
Agentive abilitative affix

Wordform: Makataddog mo nan golang.
LexEntry: makataddog mo nan golang
LexGloss: MOD stand up now DET child
FT: The baby can stand now.
Negative agentive abilitative affix

Wordform: Athidi bon nah hilong ta adi ka
LexEntry: umat hidi bo an nah hilong ta adi ka
LexGloss: like DEM4 also LK DET night so that not you
Grammar Sketch 41
pakahuyop.
pakahuyop
MOD sleep
FT: The same is true at night so that you cannot sleep (lit. It’s also like that at
night so that you cannot sleep).
Agentive expertise affix

Wordform: Makakkeke.
LexEntry: makaC1- keke
LexGloss: MOD swim
FT: He swims very well.
Undergoer modal affixes
The two Undergoer Modal Affixes function to express the tendency or facility characteristics
of an undergoer entity. The tendency affix expresses the propensity of an undergoer entity
toward a particular type of thought or action. The facility affix expresses the fact that the
features or characteristics of an undergoer entity promotes the ease of an action with regard
to it. The affixes do not express tense.
Table 10 Undergoer Modality
Tendency Facility
kaCV(C)- ka- -inn-
Undergoer tendency affix

Wordform: Kapupuhik nan basu.
LexEntry: kaCV(C)- puhik nan basu
LexGloss: tendency break DET glass/cup
FT: The cup is breakable.
Undergoer facility affix

Wordform: Kaginnabyon nan luta.
LexEntry: ka- -inn- gabyon nan luta
LexGloss: MOD hoe DET soil
FT: The soil can be easily spaded.
Predicative modal affixes – intensifiers
Predicative modal affixes function to express the intensity of an action, activity, experience,
or state. The objects of transitive verbs are promoted to subject and cross-referenced by the
sets of affixes related to the three transitive verbal root classes and the stative verbal root class.
The affixes are combined with consonant geminates (C1 or C2).
42 Grammar Sketch
Table 11 Modality – Intensity of Action, Activity, Experience, or State
Intensifiers
Transitive Stative
Tense Class 3 Class 4 Class 5 Class 6
past nakaiC2- impakaC1- impakaC2- -an nakaC1-
non-past makaiC2- pakaC1- -on pakaC2- -an makaC1-
Class 3 intensifier affix set

Wordform: Mahapul an makaikammo nan binokbok.
LexEntry: mahapul an makai- kamo nan binokbok
LexGloss: necessity LK MOD mix DET kind.of.leaf
FT: The yeast must be well-mixed with the rice.

Wordform: Kon tuwali ot adim pakannomnomon
LexEntry: kon tuwali ot adi mu pakaC1- -on nomnom
LexGloss: INTPRO actually would don’t 2.SG.S MOD mind
on kinalim.
on kali -in- mu
DET say something P.O 2.SG.S
FT: That is really the way you are (lit. isn’t it true), you don’t think carefully
before you say things.

Wordform: Impakahiggidan dah maphod.
LexEntry: impakaC2- -an higid da hi ma- pohod
LexGloss: MOD sweep 3.PL.S DET STA good
FT: They swept it very well.
Class 6 stative intensifier affix set

Wordform: Maphod di makaddikhal nan itungu
LexEntry: ma- pohod di makaC1- dikhal nan i- tungu
LexGloss: STA good LK MOD split wood DET NP.O fuel a fire
te gagala ya mahap-ayan.
te gagala ya ma--an hap-e
because quickly LK PASS dry
FT: It is good if the firewood is well split because it dries quickly.
Grammar Sketch 43
Distributive modality
Subject distribution
When the prefix set mumpuN-/numpuN- co-occurs with a verbal root, it functions to
distribute the activity among plural agent-subjects. Activities are durative in aspect.
Object distribution
When the prefix set mumpaN-/numpaN- co-occurs with a verbal root it distributes the
action among plural objects. Actions are perceived as punctiliar aspect, i.e. both the beginning
and the end of an action are perceived and then encoded as a single point in time.
Table 12 Inclusive and Distributive
Distributive
Tense Distributive S Distributive O
past numpuN- numpaN-
non-past mumpuN- mumpaN-
Distributive subject affix set

Wordform: Hanadan mahluy mumpuntanom.
LexEntry: hanada an ma- hulu di mumpuN- tanom
LexGloss: DEM1 LK STA industrious LK NP.S.DIST plant
FT: Those industrious ones will be the ones to plant.
Distributive object affix set

Wordform: Adida mun-ap-apu tuh luta ya
LexEntry: adi da muN- ap-apu tu hi luta ya
LexGloss: not 3.PL.S NP.S ruling this DET soil and
adida mumpangapyah o-ongal an boble.

adi da mumpaN- kapya hi CV(C)- ongal an boble
not 3.PL.S NP.O.DIST make DET INT big LK village
FT: They will not rule this land, and they will not build big cities/villages.
4.2.4 Time aspect affixes
Table 13 Time Aspect
Inceptive Iterative Continuative Habitual
ka--/ka-i- -an- CV(C)- CV(C)CV-
44 Grammar Sketch
Time – Inceptive
The prefix form ka- phonologically has a glottal stop coda. In Table 13, the first
hyphen symbolizes the glottal stop, and the second symbolizes the fact that the form is
a prefix.
Wordform: Ka-iha-ad da nan basket nah ubunan.

LexEntry: ka- i- ha-ad da nan basket nah ubun -an
LexGloss: P.INC NP.O place 3.PL.S DET basket DET seat DEV-N
FT: They just (a few minutes ago) placed the basket on the seat.
Time – Iterative action
The -an- infix co-occurs with infix -um- and transitive verb suffixes, -an and -on; the
infix always co-occurs with verbal roots that have an inherent punctiliar aspect. The iterative
concept implies that the starting point and finishing point of an action is always in view for
each repeated action.
Wordform: Bumanidbidak hi liblu nah bakasyon.

LexEntry: bidbid -um- -an- ak hi liblu nah bakasyon
LexGloss: read NP.S repeatedly 1.SG.S DET book DET vacation
FT: I do nothing but read books (repeatedly) during vacation.
Time – Continuative
The first syllable reduplication CV(C) expresses an aspect of an activity that is of

uninterrupted duration. The actual form CV or CVC that the continuative reduplicant takes
depends on the morphophonological process of resyllabification. Also, in some cases, the
medial consonant of a root will be geminated.
Wordform: Kabigabigat on nangin-innum da ya

LexEntry: ka- CV(C)CV- big’at on naN- CV(C)- inum da ya
LexGloss: NOM INT tomorrow LK P.T.S CONT drink 3.PL.S and
nunhahamul da nah muyung.

nuN- CV(C)- hamul da nah muyung
P.DEV.S CONT feasting 3.PL.S DET forest
FT: Every day these men feast (continuously) and drink (continuously) in the forest.
Time – Habitual
This reduplicant form, CV(C).CV, expresses a habitual aspect. The activity or action is
not done continuously at a single point in time; instead there is a regularity to the activity or
action over a period of time.
Wordform: An daana udot di pangal-am hi em

LexEntry: an daan na udot di ala mu hi e mu
LexGloss: INTPRO where 3.SG perplexing DET get 2.SG.S DET go 2.SG.S
Grammar Sketch 45
itugatugal?
i- CV(C)CV- tugal
NP.O HAB gamble with
FT: Where do you get the money to be habitually gambling?
4.2.5 Participation and inclusion in actions and activities
The inflectional affixes which are members of this set differentiate between participation
in actions, and inclusion in an action. That means that volitionality versus non-volitionality is
an important conceptual component. Participant-subjects are generally agents that volitionally
participate in actions, while objects are non-volitionally included in the effects of actions.
Reciprocal and reflexive
The reciprocal and reflexive affixes co-occur only with transitive verbal roots. Clauses with
reciprocal verbs have subject and object NP arguments combined in a single coordinate phrase
occurring in the subject position; the subject argument encodes the volitional participants
while the object argument encodes the non-volitional participants affected by the action or
activity. In the case of pronominalization, both arguments are encoded in a single plural
pronoun in the subject argument position. In clauses with reflexive verbs the subject argument
encodes a single participant that is both the volitional agent and the non-volitional undergoer.
The single argument constituent is encoded by a proper name NP or a single pronoun.
Reciprocal
The circumfix set muN- -inn-/nuN- -inn- encodes the reciprocal concept. In a clause with
a reciprocal verb, both participants in NP arguments are volitional agent-subjects as well as
undergoer-objects (see 11.6.1.3 Addition of a reciprocal agent).
Reflexive
The prefix set muN-/nuN- encodes the reflexive concept. In a clause with a reflexive
verb, both the agent-subject and undergoer-object are the grammatical subject. A simple
NP or pronoun will occur in the subject position of a clause with a reflexive verb (see
11.6.2.3 Reflexive).
Table 14 Reciprocal and Reflexive
Tense Reciprocal Reflexive
past nuN- -inn- nuN-
non-past muN- -inn- muN-
Reciprocal
Wordform: Mun-innapput da nan hintulang.
LexEntry: muN- -innapput da nan hiN- tulang
LexGloss: REC compete 3.PL.S DET UNIFIER sibling
FT: The two brothers are competing with each other.
46 Grammar Sketch
Reflexive
Wordform: Mungkaan hi ngununa.
LexEntry: muN- kaan hi ngunu na
LexGloss: REFL remove DET work 3.SG.POSS
FT: He will remove himself from his job.
Subject-participation and object-inclusion
There are three sets of affixes that cross-reference subjects and objects. Unlike many
affixes, these sets do not differentiate between the possible semantic roles encoded in the two
grammatical relations. Although the affix combinations look as though they could be segmented
and the form ki- would then appear to express the participation and inclusion concepts, the
combination is instead treated as a single morpheme form. The reason for this is that each of the
combinations expresses a unique function that cannot be explained easily by simply describing
the meaning and function of the parts (see 11.6.1.2 Addition of a participatory agent).
• Subject Cross-referencing
• Object Cross-referencing 1
• Object Cross-referencing 2
Table 15 Subject-Participation and Object Inclusion
Tense Subject Object 1 Object 2
past naki- impaki- naki- -an
non-past maki- paki- paki- -an
Subject
Wordform: Nakitanom hi amana ke dakami.
LexEntry: nakitanom hi ama na ke dakami
LexGloss: PART plant DET father 3.SG.POSS DET 1.PL.EX.O
FT: His father planted with us.
Object 1
Wordform: Pakiala day kinadangyan diyen boble.
LexEntry: pakiala da di kadangyan -in- diyen boble
LexGloss: PART get 3.PL.S LK enrich P.O DEM5 village
FT: They will also get the wealth that enriched that village.
Object 2
Wordform: Dahdiy nakiayan Maria?
LexEntry: dahdi di naki--an e maria
LexGloss: who LK PART go Mary
FT: Who did Maria go with?
4.2.6 Causative affixes
The causative inflectional affixes mark the presence of a causative agent NP in the
sentence (see 11.6.1.1 Addition of causative agent). The affix forms have a fusion of causative,
Grammar Sketch 47
the cross-referencing function, and tense and aspect inflection. The different cross-referencing
forms differentiate which NP constituent is highlighted among three possibilities:
• Causative agent
• Agent
• Undergoer-object13
The undergoer-object cross-referencing forms also indicate which of the three prototypical
verbal root classes are involved.
4.2.6.1 Causative-agent cross-referencing
The causative-agent prefix set numpa-/mumpa- cross-references the subject grammatical

relation, and identifies the “causer” as the most significant role at that point in a discourse.
4.2.6.2 Agent cross-referencing in causative constructions
The prefix set impuN-/puN- cross-references the agent that is the NP constituent occurring
in the object position in the clause. The agent is the one actually doing the activity or action,
and indicates that the “agent” role is significant at that point in a discourse.
4.2.6.3 Undergoer cross-referencing in causative constructions
In causative transitive constructions, objects may be cross-referenced. However, there

seems to be a preference for having a single agentive constituent when an object is highlighted;
usually only the causative agent or the agent is identified. The semantic class of the transitive
verbal root constrains which affix set may be used in the cross-referencing task.
• Class 3 verbal roots co-occur with the impi-/ipi- prefix set; pi- is a shortened form of ipi-.
• Class 4 and 5 verbal roots co-occur with the impa-/ipa- prefix set; pa- is a shortened
form of ipa-.
Table 16 Causative
Tense Object CR
Caus.Ag.CR Agent CR Class 3 Class 4&5
past numpa- impun- impi- impa-
non-past mumpa- pun- -on ipi-/pi- ipa-/pa-
Causative agent cross-reference affix set

Wordform: Hi amana di numpagaud ke
LexEntry: hi ama na di numpagaud ke
LexGloss: DET father 3.SG.POSS LK P.CAUS.S spade ground DET
hiya.
hiya
3.SG.O
FT: His father was the one who had him spade.
13 Undergoer is a general semantic role used for three specific semantic roles: conveyed, patient, and
site. Each of these is encoded as an object grammatical relation.
48 Grammar Sketch
Agent cross-reference affix set

Wordform: Impunggaud na hi Pedro.
LexEntry: impuN- gaud na hi Pedro
LexGloss: P.CAUS.O spade ground 3.SG.S DET Pedro
FT: He had Pedro spade.
Class 3 object cross-reference affix set

Wordform: Impiha-ad nan mittulu nan ubunan
LexEntry: impiha-ad nan mittulu nan ubun -an
LexGloss: P.CAUS.O place DET teacher DET seat DEV-N
hi papel.
hi papel
DET paper
FT: The teacher had paper placed on the seats.
Class 4 object cross-reference affix set

Wordform: Impadngol nay kantana.
LexEntry: impa- dongol na di kanta na
LexGloss: P.CAUS.O hear 3.SG.S DET song 3.SG.POSS
FT: He caused his song to be heard.
4.2.6.4 Causative – emotion verbs
With emotion verbs, the subject grammatical relation encodes the causative-agent and the
object grammatical relation encodes the experiencer of the emotion. The prefix set immipa-/
umipa- cross-references the subject and the prefix impa- and circumfix pa- -on set cross-
references the experiencer-object.
Table 17 Causative - Emotion Verbs
Tense Caus.Ag-subject CR Experiencer-object CR
past immipa- impa-
non-past umipa- pa- -on
Causative agent subject cross-reference affix set

Wordform: Umipabungot nan inat Pedrito.
LexEntry: umipabungot nan -inat Pedrito
LexGloss: NP.CAUS.S angry DET P.O do Pedrito
FT: The thing Pedrito did makes one angry.
Causative experiencer-object cross-reference affix set

Wordform: Impaamo da nan unga.
LexEntry: impaamo da nan unga
LexGloss: P.CAUS.O jealous 3.PL.S DET child
FT: They made the child feel jealous.
Grammar Sketch 49
4.2.6.5 Causative agent and topicalization
With these sets of affixes, the pragmatic Rhetorical Topicalizing Referential Strategy
becomes a component of the function. As with most affixes, these affixes encode tense
and cross-reference one constituent of a clause. The affixes on the verbs in these syntactic
constructions cross-reference the fronted NP of the clause. They differentiate causative-agent,
agent, place, and time.
Table 18 Causative-Topicalizing-Question Affixes
Tense Caus.Ag. Agent Place/Time
past nangipa- nangipa- -an nangipa- -an
non-past pangipa- pangipa- -an pangipa- -an
Causative agent topicalizing affix set

Wordform: Hi inanay nangipaha-ad hi makan
LexEntry: hi ina na di nangipaha-ad hi makan
LexGloss: DET mother 3.SG.POSS LK P.T.CAUS.S place DET food
nah basket.
nah basket
DET basket
FT: It was her mother who had food put in the basket.
Agent topicalizing-question affix set

Wordform: Dahdiy pangipaalian da nadah liblu?
LexEntry: dahdi di pangipa- -an ali da nadah liblu
LexGloss: who LK NP.T.CAUS.O bring 3.PL.S DET book
FT: Who will they have bring those books here?
Time topicalizing-question affix set

Wordform: Kakon-anay pangipagaudana.
LexEntry: kakon-ana di pangipa- -an gaud na
LexGloss: when LK NP.T.CAUS spade ground 3.SG.S
FT: When will he have it spaded?
4.2.7 Passive
There are three sets of affixes that encode the passive voice in Tuwali Ifugao (see 11.6.2.2
Passive). The affixes differentiate among the semantic classes of the transitive verbal roots.
• Class 3 – the prefix set ni-/mi- cross-references the conveyed-object semantic role
when it is promoted to the subject grammatical relation.
• Class 4 – the prefix set, na-/ma- cross-references the patient-object semantic role
when it is promoted to the subject grammatical relation.
• Class 5 – the circumfix set, na- -an/ma- -an cross-references the site-object semantic
role when it is promoted to the subject grammatical relation.
50 Grammar Sketch
Table 19 Passive
Tense Class 3 Class 4 Class 5
past ni- na- na- -an
non-past mi- ma- ma- -an
Class 3 passive affix set

Wordform: Bokon ha-on nan tagun deke on bumtik
LexEntry: bokon ha-on nan tagu an deke on butik -um-
LexGloss: is not 1.SG.O DET person LK if DET run NP.S
ta e mitalu.
ta e mitalu
so that go PASS hide
FT: I am not the kind of person to run away in order to be hidden.

Wordform: Mu adi maang-ang di buuk na
LexEntry: mu adi maang-ang di buuk na
LexGloss: but not PASS see DET hair 3.SG.POSS
te nunhukyung hi mangitit.
te nuN- hukyung hi mangitit
because P.S veil DET black
FT: But her hair could not be seen because she was wearing a black veil over it.

Wordform: Mu handi tuwali ugge ni-an nadatngan nan
LexEntry: mu handi tuwali ugge ni-an na- -an datong nan
LexGloss: but DEM2 actually NEG before P.PASS arrive DET
nagtud an algo...
na- gutud an algo
P.PASS set date LK day
FT: But before that appointed day actually arrived…
4.2.8 Passive-causative
The passive-causative affix sets may co-occur with any of the three classes of transitive
verbal roots. The prefix set nipa-/mipa- is fairly commonly used and has only one constituent
argument, the object that has been promoted to subject. The circumfix set nipa- -an /mipa-
-an is not commonly used; there are two constituent arguments, the promoted object and the
cause or causative agent.
Grammar Sketch 51
Table 20 Passive-Causative
Tense
past nipa- nipa- -an
non-past mipa- mipa- -an
Passive-causative affix set

Wordform: Mipatibo an dakol di page da.
LexEntry: mipatibo an dakol di page da
LexGloss: PASS.CAUS see LK many LK rice-grain 3.PL.POSS
Ft: This shows they have rice to spare.
4.3 Derivational affixes
There are two types of nominalization of verbal roots: lexical and clausal. Lexical
nominalization results in a derived noun. Clausal nominalization results in a clause with a
predicate that has noun-like attributes.
4.3.1 Lexical nominalizing affixes
Lexical nominalization is achieved through derivational affixes. The choice of affix

depends on the verbal root class. The resulting nominal expresses a NP constituent.
Table 21 Lexical Nominalizing Affixes
Class 3 Classes 4 & 5 Locations
ki- -an ka- -an -an
Class 3 nominalizing affix

Wordform: Man-uket munggastu takuh pun-iskul
LexEntry: man-uke ta muN- gastu taku hidi pun- iskul
LexGloss: the reason that so that NP.S expense 1.IN.S DEM4 NOM school
yu ya kiphodan yuh udum hi algo.

yu ya pohod ki- -an yu hi udum hi algo
2.PL.POSS LK benefit NOM 2.PL.POSS DET other DET day
FT: The reason we spend money for your studies is it is for your own good/benefit
in the future.
Class 4 nominalizing affix

Wordform: Maid di ena id-um hi kanomnoman
LexEntry: maid di e na i- udum hi nomnom ka- -an
LexGloss: not LK go 3.SG.S NP.O add to DET mind/think NOM
52 Grammar Sketch
ya mumbalin tan kay hiyyahiyya.

ya muN- balin ta an kay CV(C)CV- hiya
and NP.S become 1.P.DUAL LK like MOD boastful
FT: Nothing is added to your wisdom (lit. your thinking) and we may become
proud and boastful.
Location/Site nominalizing affix

Wordform: Adiyu iwahit nadan papel nah ubunan.
LexEntry: adi yu i- wahit nadan papel nah ubun -an
LexGloss: not 2.PL.S NP.O scatter DET paper DET seat DEV-N
FT: Do not scatter the papers on the chair.
4.3.2 Clausal nominalizing affixes
There are two sets of affixes that derive clausal nominalizations. The choice of a clausal
nominalizing affix from the two sets below is dependent on the following criteria:
• Verbal root class
• The number of possible lexical valents that are expressed syntactically as arguments in
a given nominalized construction
• The argument that has referential prominence at that point in the discourse context
Table 22 Clausal Nominalizing Affixes - Set 1
Tense Class 3 Class 4 & 5
past impangi-/impangi- -an impaN-/impaN- -an
non-past pangi-/pangi- -an paN-/paN- -an
The clausal nominalizing affixes encode tense. They also differentiate verbal root classes.
The pangi- -an and paN- -an circumfixes are used more frequently than the simple prefixes
pangi- and paN-. Since the roots these affixes co-occur with are transitive verbs, the likely
explanation is that the object is referentially prominent in the context.
Wordform: Takon ad uwani ya hay pangaan hi dogoy

LexEntry: takon ad uwani ya hay paN- kaan hi dogo di
LexGloss: even DET now LK DET NOM remove DET sickness LK
pangipuunan di dakol an tataguh pangulug

pangi- -an puun di dakol an CV tagu hi paN- kulug
NOM base of s.t. LK many LK PL person DET NOM believe
da.
da
3.PL.POSS
FT: Even now healing (lit. removing of sickness) is the foremost reason (lit. basis
for) that many people have faith.
Grammar Sketch 53
Table 23 Clausal Nominalizing Affixes - Set 2
Tense Non-topicalizing Topicalizing
past — nuN- -an
non-past puN- puN- -an
The non-topicalizing form puN- is neutral for tense and the nominalized clause has
normal constituent order. The topicalizing forms, nuN- -an and puN- -an cross-reference a
preposed constituent.
Wordform: Ya hay gapunah adina pangitikodan ya

LexEntry: ya hay gapuna hi adi na pangi--an tikod ya
LexGloss: and DET reason DET not 3.SG.S NOM stop LK
alanganin di biyag na hi punnomnom na

alanganin di biyag na hi puN- nomnom na
uncertain LK life 3.SG.POSS DET NOM think/mind 3.SG.S
FT: And the reason he does not stop is he thinks (lit. his thinking is) his life would
be uncertain.
Wordform: Matukatukal ka an e makitugatugal
LexEntry: ma- CV(C)CV- tukal ka an e maki- CV(C)CV- tugal
LexGloss: STA HAB awake 2.SG.S LK go PART HAB gamble
te mapat-al ya hilong di puntutugalan yu.

te mapat-al ya hilong di puN- -an tugal yu
because STA shining and night LK NOM gamble 2.PL.POSS
FT: You do not sleep at night because your gambling goes on night and day.
5.0 Non-verbal Predicates
5.1 Adverbial predicates
Adverbial predicates are differentiated from the lexical category adverbs by the
following criteria:
• Adverbial predicates occur in the initial position of a clause, which is the normal
position for Tuwali Ifugao predicates.
• Some of the adverbial predicate classes allow affixation and the resulting forms are
similar to verbal predicates; lexical adverbs do not allow affixation.
• Most of the adverbial predicate classes have embedded clauses in the subject or object
NP position.
There are seven classes of adverbial predicates:

• Evaluative
• Time
• Manner
• Modality
• Limiting or minimalizing
54 Grammar Sketch
• Comparative
• Mathematical
5.1.1 Evaluative adverbial predicates
The forms that are classified as evaluative adverbial predicates are unaffixed.
Table 24 Evaluative Adverbial Predicates
Tuwali Ifugao English
kudukdul better/preferable
gaga-iho bad/evil
maphod good
kapyana customary
man-ut fortunate
sayang wasted
Wordform: Kudukdul na boy makidkid-um kah

LexEntry: kudukdul na bo di maki- CV(C)- udum ka hi
LexGloss: better 3.SG.S also LK PART HAB add to 2.SG.S DET
church activities.
church activities
church activities
FT: It’s better to join in church activities.
5.1.2 Time adverbial predicates
There are five subclasses of time adverbial predicates, largely differentiated on the basis
of affixation.
Class A time adverbial predicates shown in Table 25 are affixed with the i-/iN- set.
Table 25 Class A Time Adverbial Predicates
tikod stop
tuluy continuely
lappu start
dihhan simultaneous
Grammar Sketch 55
Wordform: Ituluy kun ibaga tun wadah

LexEntry: i- tuluy ku an i- bag’a tu an wada hi
LexGloss: NP.O continue 1.SG.S LK NP.O ask for DET LK there is DET
nomnom ku.
nomnom ku
mind 1.SG.POSS
FT: I will continue to ask this that is in my mind.
Class B time adverbial predicates shown in Table 26 are affixed with the -an/-in- -an set.
Table 26 Class B Time Adverbial Predicates
gagala do quickly
gaddud hurry an action
bigla do suddenly/abruptly
Wordform: Ginal-anan tinolgan nadan pumbungbung

LexEntry: galgala -in- -an na an tolgan -in- nadan puN- bungbung
LexGloss: quickly P.O 3.SG.S LK light fire P.O DET NOM explosive
da ot bumtik an e mihani…
da ot butik -um- an e mihani
3.PL.S and then run NP.S LK go PASS be covered
FT: After quickly lighting the dynamite sticks, he ran for cover…
Class C time adverbial predicates shown in Table 27 are affixed with the muN-/nuN- set.
Table 27 Class C Time Adverbial Predicates
atigag-a hurried movement
ul-ule slowly
*halaman (-um-) early
nanong continuing in time
Wordform: Tibom ta mun-ul-ulen malutu.

LexEntry: tibo mu ta muN- CV(C) ule an malutu
LexGloss: see 2.SG.S so that NP.S CONT do slowly LK STA cooked
FT: See that it cooks slowly.
56 Grammar Sketch
Class D time adverbial predicates shown in Table 28 are unaffixed.
Table 28 Class D Time Adverbial Predicates
uhup slowly/long time
oggan sometimes, occasionally
loktat by and by/finally
kanayun always
konan seldom/rarely
ag-aga quickly
tagan constantly/continuously
ehem long time (to do)
damuna meanwhile/during
dandani about to happen
indani/andani later/after awhile
oggan sometimes/now and then
Wordform: Kanayun kan mundasal an mumpasalamat

LexEntry: kanayun ka an muN- dasal an mumpasalamat
LexGloss: always 2.SG.S LK NP.S pray LK CAUS.S thank someone
kan hiya.
ka an hiya
2.SG.S LK 3.SG.O
FT: Pray always to him, thanking him.
Class E time adverbial predicates shown in Table 29 are affixed with the ma-/na- or the
mi-/ni- set.
Wordform: Mabayag ta ahi madatngan di

LexEntry: mabayag ta ahi ma- -an datong di
LexGloss: STA long time so that ASP PASS arrive DET
Christmas.
Christmas
Christmas
FT: It will be a long time before the arrival of Christmas.
Grammar Sketch 57
5.1.3 Manner adverbial predicates
Manner adverbial predicates express a way of doing something. Some occur unaffixed
and others take an affix that cross-references a clause embedded in an object NP position.
Table 29 Class E Time Adverbial Predicates
bayag long time
haynod next in sequence
paddi coincidently
dandani inceptive/frequently
done long time
ladaw late
tun-ud sequential, one after another
Table 30 Manner Adverbial Predicates
daydayuna it is fitting/appropriate
hamad strengthen/stabilize
dogap impartially
dalunu secretly
agannat intentionally
langkuyya regard lightly
Wordform: ...inilam an bokon langkuyyay mun-iskul

LexEntry: inila mu an bokon langkuyya di muN- iskul
LexGloss: know 2.SG.S LK is not regard lightly LK NP.DEV.S school
hi college.
hi kulihiw
DET college
FT: …you know that you are not going to take going to college lightly. (meaning
you have to study hard)
58 Grammar Sketch
5.1.4 Modality adverbial predicates
Some modality concepts are expressed in the affixes on verbs in Tuwali Ifugao; the modality
adverbial predicates have embedded clauses in the subject NP position. They are linked to the
embedded clauses by the linkers an or di. These adverbial predicates express modalities related
to a speaker’s attitude toward the information given in the embedded clause.
Table 31 Modality Adverbial Predicates
damana it is possible/can be
ammuna it is only
mahapul it is necessary
kah-in it is necessary
mabalin it is possible/can be
gulatna it is reason for
ahi intentional
Wordform: Mahapul an mamitlu kan mun-amo

LexEntry: mahapul an mamitlu ka an muN- amo
LexGloss: necessity LK three times it 2.SG.S LK NP.S bathe someone
ohan algo.
oha an algo
one LK day
FT: You have to take a bath three times a day. (lit. It will be necessary to three
times your bathing in one day.)
5.1.5 Comparative adverbial predicates
There are adverbial predicates that are comparisons and, therefore, evaluative in nature,
for example, kay, paddungna, ingngo, the at set – umat, athidi, athitu, athina.
Wordform: “Kay na ot kanan di Lata. Ina, kon wada

LexEntry: kay na ot kanan di Lata ina kon wada
LexGloss: like 3.SG.S almost say LK Lata mother INTPRO EXIS
damdamay nangang-angam ketuwen bibiyo?” kanak.

damdama di nang- -an ang-ang mu ketuwe an bibiy’o kanan ku
also LK P.T.O look 2.SG.S DEM5 LK fairy say I
FT: “It was like she said Lata. Mother, have you also seen this fairy?” I asked.
Grammar Sketch 59
5.1.6 Mathematical adverbial predicates
The mathematical adverbial predicates are derived from the cardinal numbers by affixing
with the set mamiN-/namiN-. The resulting adverbial predicate encodes the number of times
an action or activity takes place.
Wordform: Mamintulu dan umalih tu.

LexEntry: mamiN- tulu da an -umali hitu
LexGloss: NP.S three 3.PL.S LK NP.S ali DEM4
FT: They will come here three times (lit. They will three times come here).
5.2 Nominal predicates
The nouns that function as nominal predicates are limited to those that can specifically
identify a role or feature of the referent encoded in the subject NP constituent of an equational
clause. Examples of such nouns are:
• professions, e.g. abugadu ‘lawyer’, mittulu ‘teacher’
• kinship terms, e.g. ama ‘father’, tulang ‘sibling’
• feature, e.g. lalaki ‘male’, babai ‘female’
The nominal predicate is normally in the initial position of an equational clause; however,
if the subject noun referent is referentially prominent in the discourse, there is a reversal of the
order with the subject occurring in the initial position. This reversal is related to the Topicalizing
Referential Strategy. For an explanation of this strategy. See 2.3.1.2 Affix selection and the
cross-referencing system. In the sentence below, the first clause has the normal constituent
word order, and the second clause has the reversal of the nominal predicate and the subject
NP constituent.
Wordform: Nan lalaki ya hi Luis ya hi Julie nan babai.

LexEntry: nan lalaki ya hi Luis ya hi Julie nan babai
LexGloss: DET male LK DET Luis and DET Julie DET female
FT: Luis was the boy and Julie was the girl (lit. The boy was Luis and Julie was
the girl).
5.3 Adjectival predicates
Nearly all Tuwali Ifugao adjectives may function as adjectival predicates. The adjectival
predicate constructions are simple, consisting of the adjective, the linker di and a noun, a pronoun,
and occasionally a NP. The adjectival predicate does not usually differ from the adjective in
morphological form; however, it does not take verbal inflection so cannot be considered a
derived verb. The analysis of the form as a predicate is based on three facts: 1) there is no other
predicate in the clause, 2) the adjective is in the initial position of the clause, and 3) the form is
linked to a noun or NP with the linker di rather than the inter-phrasal linker an.
Wordform: Uggek ni-an inilan kumayat handi

LexEntry: ugge ku ni-an inila an kayat -um- handi
LexGloss: NEG 1.SG.S before know LK climb NP.S DEM2
60 Grammar Sketch
te ittayak.
te ittay ak
because little 1.SG.S
FT: I didn’t know how to climb trees then because I was little.
5.4 Existential predicate
The existential predicate, wada, has four functions:

• It predicates the existence of an entity.
• It introduces new information into a discourse.
• It predicates the location of a person or entity.
• It predicates possession of an entity.
In all four functions, there is always a component of existence predicated. When the
existential predicate asserts the existence of something or someone, it also has the function of
introducing new information into a discourse.
Table 32 Existential Predicate
Predication Reference Spatial
There is wada — —
there is here wada h tu
there is there wada h na
there is there wada h di
Wordform: Waday tendaan di bulwati, apatut, makan, kaiw

LexEntry: wada di tendaan di bulwati apatut makan kaiw
LexGloss: EXIS LK store LK clothing shoes food tree/wood
ya gumok.
ya gum’ok
and metal
FT: There are stores for clothes, shoes, food, lumber, and hardware.
Wordform: Mabalin an waday utok na...

LexEntry: mabalin an wada di utok na
LexGloss: STA can be LK EXIS LK brain 3.SG.POSS
FT: He probably has a (good) brain…
5.5 Demonstrative predicates
The four sets of demonstrative predicates contrast with one another in both form and
function. The members of each set also contrast with one another in the same two ways. The
y at the end of each form is the allomorph of the linker di. Sometimes a speaker will use the
linker rather than its allomorph. Set 1 combines the existential form with demonstrative forms.
Grammar Sketch 61
Table 33 Demonstrative Predicates
Set 1 Set 2 Set 3 Set 4
Wadah tuy dehtuy hituwey ketuwey
Wadah nay dehnay hinaey kenaey
Wadah diy dehdiy hidiyey kediyey
Set 2 demonstrative predicate

Wordform: Ot kananay “Dehtuy golang hitu,
LexEntry: ot kanan na di dehtu di golang hitu
LexGloss: and say 3.SG.S LK DEMPRED2 LK child here
wada boy mundogo.”

wada bo di muN- dogo
EXIS again LK NP.DEV.S sick
FT: And he commented, “There’s a child sitting here, somebody must be sick
again.” (lit. Here is a child here; there is someone sick.)
Set 4 demonstrative predicate

Wordform: Kenae di nangayan da ad da-ul.
LexEntry: kenaey di naN- -an e da ad da-ul
LexGloss: DEMPRED4 LK P.T.PL go 3.PL.S DET down
FT: That was when they went down.
6.0 Predicate Negation
There are two types of negation that are encoded in five different forms in Tuwali Ifugao:
Negation Predicate and Adverbial Predicate Negation. The five forms of negation are: maid,
bokon, toan, adi, ugge. All forms may be used in isolation in answer to a question.
6.1 Negation predicates
The tense of the negation predicates is understood in context.
6.1.1 Negative of existence
The negation predicate maid asserts that something or someone does not exist; it is the
negation of the existential predicate wada and can be translated in three ways depending on
the co-occurring constituents of a clause:
• there is none
• there is nothing
• there is no one
Wordform: Nate moh apu Casilda ya

LexEntry: na- ate mo hi apu Casilda ya
LexGloss: STA die now DET grandparent Casilda LK
62 Grammar Sketch
maid moy oggan mangialih allaman

maid mo di oggan mangi- ali hi allama an
NEG now LK sometimes NP.T.S bring DET crab LK
nibayuh puhu.
ni- bayu hi puhu
PASS pound with pestle DET banana blossom
FT: After Grandmother Casilda died, there was no one to bring crabs pounded
with banana blossoms.
Wordform: Maid di himmumang.

LexEntry: maid di humang -imm-
LexGloss: NEG LK answer P.S
FT: No one answered.
6.1.2 Negative of identity
The negation predicate bokon ‘it is not’ asserts that something that has been stated or
assumed is not true. It is the negative form of non-verbal predicates, i.e. nominal, adjectival,
and adverbial.
Wordform: Immimih ina ot kananay “Ay,

LexEntry: -imm- imi hi ina ot kanan na di ay
LexGloss: P.S smiling DET mother and then say 3.SG.S LK yes
appaw. Man bokon bibiyoh diye.”

appaw man bokon bibiy’o hi hidiye
obvious certainly NEG fairy DET DEM3
FT: Mother smiled and said, “Oh I see, that isn’t a fairy.”
6.1.3 Negative of denial
The negation predicate toan ‘I don’t know’ is the simple answer to a question stating that
the addressed person has no knowledge of whatever is being asked.
Wordform: Toan ten makulug, mu deket makulug,

LexEntry: toan ten makulug mu deket makulug
LexGloss: NEG when PASS true but if PASS true
ikabing mu anhan tun tugun ku.

i- kabing mu anhan tu an tugun ku
NP.O heed 2.SG.S ADJU this LK advice 1.SG.POSS
FT: Whether or not this is true, I don’t know, but if it is, then, heed my advice.
Wordform: “Toan. Uggemi inila te hinnatkon

LexEntry: toan ugge mi inila te hinnatkon
LexGloss: NEG NEG 1.PL.EXC know because different
Grammar Sketch 63
di kali na.”
di kali na
DET language 3.SG.POSS
FT: “We don’t know (what she said) because her speech was different.”
6.2 Adverbial predicate negation
The adverbial predicate negation forms are adi and ugge. The adverbial predicate adi
‘not’ is a clausal negative, i.e. it negates the entire proposition encoded in either a declarative
or imperative clause. The tense of the verb must be non-past. The predicate can be translated
in three ways depending on the co-occurring constituents of the clause:
• will not
• cannot
• do not
Wordform: Athidi bon nah hilong ta adi ka

LexEntry: umat hidi bo an nah hilong ta adi ka
LexGloss: like DEM4 also LK DET night so that NEG 2.SG.S
pakahuyop.
pakahuyop
MOD sleep
FT: The same is true at night so that you cannot sleep.
Wordform: Mu adi maang-ang di buuk na te

LexEntry: mu adi maang-ang di buuk na te
LexGloss: but NEG PASS look DET hair 3.SG.POSS because
nunhukyung hi mangitit.
nuN- hukyung hi mangitit
P.S veil DET black
FT: But her hair could not be seen because she was wearing a black veil over it.
The adverbial predicate ugge is a clausal negative, i.e. it negates the entire proposition
encoded in the clause. The tense of the verb must be past tense. The use of a past tense affix
usually implies an actualized event that is being described. In this case, whenever the ugge
negative co-occurs with a past tense verb, the two together signal irrealis modality, i.e. the
action, activity, or experience did not happen.
Wordform: “Toan. Uggemi inila te hinnatkon di

LexEntry: toan ugge mi inila te hinnatkon di
LexGloss: don’t know NEG 1.PL.EX.S know because different DET
kali na. Kay na pay punggalgal di

kali na kay na pay puN- galgal di
language 3.SG.POSS like 3.SG.S definitely NOM chew DET
64 Grammar Sketch
kalkalyona.”
CV(C)- kali -on na
CONT say something NP.O 3.SG.S
FT: “We don’t know what she said because her speech was different. It was as
though she chewed on the words she was saying.”
Wordform: “Ugge na kinaliy ngadanan

LexEntry: ugge na -in- kali di ngadan na ke
LexGloss: NEG 3.SG.S P.O say something DET name 3.SG.POSS DET
dakayu?” hinanhanan ina.

dakayu hanhan -in- -an ina
2.PL.O question P.O Mother
FT: “Didn’t she tell you her name?” Mother asked.
7.0 Introduction to Referential Categories
Tuwali Ifugao is a reference-dominated language. This means that although the predicate
is the center of a clause, it is the discourse referential system that sets the parameters of
choice related to the selection of cross-referencing verbal affixes, personal and demonstrative
pronoun sets, and determiners. This section is a description of the referential lexical categories
that are encoded in NPs.
There are six referential lexical categories in Tuwali Ifugao:
• common nouns
• proper nouns
• personal pronouns
• demonstrative pronouns
• interrogative pronouns
• determiners
All of these categories function to refer to the people, things, places, and times that are
being talked about in any communication. However, each category has a unique referential
function to introduce, trace, reintroduce, or contrast the information encoded in the forms.
Four types of referentiality are identified in this grammar in relation to the use of
referential categories. For endophoric reference, i.e. textual reference, the terms “definite”
and “indefinite” are used in relation to the information encoded in the forms of the lexical
categories. For exophoric reference, i.e. extra-textual reference, the terms “specific” and
“non-specific” are used in relation to the information encoded in the lexical forms. Only two
lexical categories differentiate these four types of referentiality: demonstrative pronouns, and
their shortened forms, determiners. See 7.6 Demonstrative pronouns and 7.8 Determiners for
tables showing the forms and an explanation of usage.
Textual referentiality. Endophoric referential forms are those that refer to the relationships
among referents within the structure of a text, providing cohesion. There are two types of
endophoric relations in Tuwali Ifugao: anaphoric, i.e. back reference; and cataphoric, i.e. forward
reference. In either case, the referents are definite. The term “indefinite” applies when reference
is made to new information in a text.
Grammar Sketch 65
Extra-textual referentiality. Exophoric referential forms are those that refer to extra-
textual referents. The forms encode specific or non-specific reference to entities in the extra-
linguistic communication situation.
If a form encodes “specific” reference, there is an identifiable entity in the referential world
that is being referred to. It is not only identifiable, but it is a particular entity that a speaker
has in mind in the context of the communication situation. A form that encodes non-specific
reference identifies general or typical objects. Both types of extra-textual referents, specific and
non-specific, after introduction into a text, become textually referential, i.e. definite.
These exophoric referential forms may encode two types of informational reference:
shared information or unknown information.
Shared information may be of three types:
• Reference is made to a unique object or group of objects; only one exists or has existed
or is identifiable as unique in the context of the communication.
• Reference is made to an institution, practice or tradition shared by the language
community.
• Reference is general or typical for a class of objects.
Unknown information. In this case, the speaker is introducing information into the
communicational context that is unknown to his hearer(s).
Referential strategies. Personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, and determiners

are classified partly on the basis of their function within two main rhetorical referential
strategies, Focusing and Topicalizing (see 2.3.1.2 Affix selection and the cross-referencing
system: Referencing constraint–rhetorical strategies in discourse).
These discourse-pragmatic strategies are used in the following ways:
• to organize information
• to keep information intelligible
• to rank the significance of any piece of information
The analysis of texts has shown that these discourse-pragmatic strategies motivate the
morphosyntax of clauses, and for this reason, this grammar describes Tuwali Ifugao as a
reference-dominated language.
The referential lexical categories work in conjunction with verbal affixation through
cross-referencing to effectively signal the identity and significance of referents.
7.1 Common Nouns
Common nouns require the co-occurrence of a determiner or a demonstrative pronoun.

The determiners and demonstrative pronouns are the forms that indicate the referentiality
status of common nouns. Without co-occurring determiners or demonstrative pronouns, nouns
would be indeterminate in regard to endophoric and exophoric reference.
Prototypical nouns in Tuwali Ifugao have the following distributional characteristics. They
are heads of NPs and have a core grammatical relation with the verb (i.e. subject, direct object,
or indirect object) or they may be heads of NPs that are peripheral (i.e. non-core in regard
to grammatical relations). The NPs occupy various positions in clauses based on the normal
constituent order of sentence types, and their grammatical relations. There are movement
rules which change their constituent positions. These rules are motivated by pragmatic factors.
Morphological (structural) characteristics of Tuwali Ifugao prototypical nouns. The

most notable structural characteristic of Tuwali Ifugao nouns that differentiates them from
verbs is that they can and often do occur unaffixed. Other distinctive characteristics of nouns
66 Grammar Sketch
are the forms of affixes with which they co-occur and the modification of the meaning which
results, and their derivational potential.
7.1.1 Inflectional affixes
Quantification of nouns is a diversified notion morphosyntactically. There are four

quantifying notions expressed through the inflectional morphology of Tuwali Ifugao nouns:
grouping, distributive, number/plural, and diminutive. Distributive is a notion that relates to
number but is expressed through a prefix form.The following table introduces the prefixation
used to express quantification (details to follow).
Table 34 Quantification
Unifier/Grouper Distributive ‘every’ N Plural Diminutive
hiN- kaCV(C)- kaCV(C).CV- CV- CVC-
Grouping and unifying
The prefix hiN- encodes the notion of a group or unity in reference to the noun with
which it co-occurs.
ama ‘father’ + hiN-  hin-ama ‘father and children’
Distributive, inclusive quantity
The prefix form ka- and the CV(C)- or CV(C)CV- reduplicants express the distributive,
inclusive quantity concept of ‘every’. The CV(C)- reduplicant is generally used with place
nouns, and the CV(C)CV- reduplicant is used for time nouns.
Wordform: Ot umitud-ak dah mumpangie

LexEntry: ot umitud-ak da hi mumpaN- i- e
LexGloss: and then NP.O send s.o. 3.PL.S DET NP.DIST NP.O take
ke dadiyen tudok hi kabobboble.

ke dadiye an tudok hi kaCV(C)- boble
DET DEM3 LK letter DET DIST village
FT: And they sent them to take that letter to every city and village.
Wordform: Kabulabulan an umali da.

LexEntry: kaCV(C)CV- bulan an -umali da
LexGloss: DIST month LK NP.S come they
FT: Every month they come.
Grammar Sketch 67
Number
Plurality is marked within the morphology of nouns, the reduplicant CV-, and by a
separate plural lexical item, da, that agrees with the reduplicant form.14
tagu ‘person’ + CV-  tatagu ‘people’
Wordform: Immali am-in da tatagu.

LexEntry: ali -imm- am-in da CV- tagu
LexGloss: come P.S all 3.PL.S PL person
FT: All the people came.
Diminutive
The reduplicant CVC- functions to encode a smaller size of a noun referent. In the case of
a noun having the syllable pattern, CV.CV(C), the morphophological gemination rule applies
to the onset C of the second syllable to allow for the CVC- reduplicant form to apply.
talak ‘vehicle’  tallak  taltallak ‘toy vehicle’
7.1.2 Derivation
7.1.2.1 Denominalization
Denominalization refers to the derivational process of changing nouns into verbs. A study
of the derivational patterns of denominalization reveals that semantic classes of nouns and
the features of their referents are indicative of the types of derivation which may apply. The
features of their referents must be compatible with one of the semantic classes or subclasses
of verbal roots.
Although the derived verbs appear to share some of the same semantic components as
a given class of verbs, there are general differences in the morphology of the two lexical
categories. As mentioned earlier in this grammar, only a very small number of verbs may be
used without affixation, i.e. verbs typically are bound roots. Nouns are unbound roots and do
not require affixation unless modification is needed in a context. Also, derived verbs are more
constrained in the types of affixation they will accept.
Class 1 – Volitionality
Volitionality is the criterial semantic component of the referents of the members of

Class 1 nouns. There are two subclasses:
• Nouns that refer to biological relations, e.g. ama ‘father’, tulang ‘sibling’
When denominalized, these nouns become verbs that predicate a relationship in which
the agent-subject treats someone as though they have that particular biological relationship.
14 The plural lexical unit is often used without the reduplicant morphological marking.
68 Grammar Sketch
Wordform: Tulangom nadan imbabalen Juan.

LexEntry: tulang -on mu nadan imbabale an Juan
LexGloss: sibling NP.O 2.SG.S DEM1 child LK Juan
FT: You are related to Juan’s children (like siblings).
• Nouns that refer to a particular profession or type of work, e.g. abugadu ‘lawyer’,
mittulu ‘teacher’
When denominalized, these nouns become verbs that predicate a relationship in which
the agent-subject practices his profession or does a particular kind of work.
Wordform: Mun-abugadu nan imbabalena hin maongal.

LexEntry: muN- abugadu nan imbabale na hin maongal
LexGloss: NP.S lawyer DET child 3.POSS when STA big
FT: His son will practice law when he grows up.
Class 2 - Causality
Causality is the criterial component of the referents of the members of this class, i.e. the
referents can cause something to happen. The best examples of this class are those nouns that
may be derived to become meteorological verbs, e.g. algo ‘sun’, dibdib ‘wind’, kidul ‘thunder’.
Wordform: Wadan umalgo hi bigat.

LexEntry: wada an -umalgo hi big’at
LexGloss: EXIS LK NP.S sun DET tomorrow
FT: Maybe the sun will shine tomorrow.
Class 3 – Functionality
Functionality is the criterial component of the referents of the members of this class, i.e. these
things are useful in daily life. There are four subclasses based on the meaning of the derived verb.
• Nouns that refer to items of clothing, e.g. apatut ‘shoes’, bulwati ‘generic clothing’; the
resulting verbs mean to don the item of clothing.
Wordform: An inapatut nan apatut ku?

LexEntry: an -inapatut nan apatut ku
LexGloss: INTPRO P.O shoes DET shoes 1.SG.POSS
FT: Did you wear my shoes?
• Nouns that refer to condiments, e.g. ahin ‘salt’, amput ‘garlic’; the resulting verbs mean
to add the condiment to food.
Wordform: Ahinan yu nan ihda

LexEntry: ahin -an yu nan ihda
LexGloss: salt NP.O 2.PL.S DET viand
FT: Put salt in the viand.
• Nouns that refer to domestic animals, e.g. ahu ‘dog’, babuy ‘pig’; the resulting verbs
mean to raise or care for that animal.
Grammar Sketch 69
Wordform: Mun-ahu taku.

LexEntry: muN- ahu taku
LexGloss: NP.S dog 1.PL.IN.S
FT: Let’s raise a dog.
• Nouns that refer to food or other useful items; e.g. allama ‘crabs’, pul-ut ‘cane-grass’;
the resulting verbs mean to collect these items for use.
Wordform: ...ot ipayu dah wangwang an

LexEntry: ot i- payu da hi wangwang an
LexGloss: and then NP.O go directly 3.PL.S DET river LK
e mangallama.
e maN- allama
go NP.T.S crabs
FT: ...and then, go directly to the river to catch crabs.
Class 4 - Instrumentality
Instrumentality is the criterial semantic component of the referents of the members of

this class. The referents of the nouns are those instruments or tools that are used to accomplish
tasks, e.g. duyu ‘plate’, tan-uk ‘dipper’.
Wordform: Nganne iduyum?

LexEntry: nganne i- duyu mu
LexGloss: what NP.O plate 2.SG.S
FT: What have you placed on your plate (lit. what have you plated)?
Class 5 - Containership
Containership is the criterial component of the referents of the members of this class.
Anything that can be filled or hold things within belong to this class, e.g. akbut ‘backpack’,
boten ‘bottle’; the resulting verb means to place items in the container.
Wordform: In-akbut na nan bulwatina.

LexEntry: iN- akbut na nan bulwati na
LexGloss: P.O backpack 3.SG.S DET clothing 3.SG.POSS
FT: He placed his clothes in a backpack.
Class 6 - Relationship
Relationship is the criterial component of the referents of the members of this class.
The referent of a noun expresses a relationship with another referent or a close relationship
between the noun referent and an event, e.g. ahuk ‘smoke’ and apuy ‘fire’; ahawa ‘spouse
and marry’.
70 Grammar Sketch
Wordform: Mun-ahuk nan apuy.

LexEntry: muN- ahuk nan apuy
LexGloss: NP.S smoke DET fire
FT: The fire is smoking.
Class 7 - Construction
A structure is the criterial component of the referents of the members of this noun class.
The members refer to items that are constructed by humans, e.g. alad ‘fence’, abung ‘hut’; the
resulting verb means to construct that item.
Wordform: Umalad kah pukungan di gawgawa.

LexEntry: -umalad ka hi pukung -an di gawgawa
LexGloss: NP.S fence 2.SG.S DET to pen NOM DET duck
FT: Fence a space for a duck pen.
Class 8 - Parts of wholes
To be a part of some whole is the criterial component of the members of this class.
The referent of a noun expresses a part relationship with the referent of another noun. The
denominalization results in a stative verb which is intensified expressing a large number or
amount of the part being described, e.g. dutdut ‘feathers/fur’, happang ‘branch’.
Wordform: Nakaddutdutan nan gawgawwa.

LexEntry: naka- -an dutdut nan gawgawa
LexGloss: MOD fur, feathers DET duck
FT: The duck has thick feathers.
Class 9 - Spatial concepts
There is a broad range of meaning of derived verbs related to movement or location that
can be achieved through the affixation co-occurring with spatial nouns such as da-ul ‘below,
lower elevation’ and tap-o ‘upper place, higher elevation’.
Wordform: Munda-ul nadan u-unga.

LexEntry: muN- da-ul nadan CV- unga
LexGloss: NP.S lower place DEM1 PL child
FT: The children are going down.
7.1.2.2 Renominalization
There are a number of ways in which affixation changes the semantic class of the noun
but not the grammatical class. This doesn’t appear to be a common derivational process;
however, it is a patterned word formation process.
Grammar Sketch 71
Entity to container concept
When the circumfix puN- -an15 is attached to words which refer to entities that are
conceptually associated with placement in containers the noun is renominalized in order to
refer to such a container, e.g. ahin ‘salt’  pun-ahinan ‘salt container’.
Entity to time-of concept (season)
The prefix ahi- attached to words which refer to entities which are conceptually
associated with seasonal times derives a noun which refers to that time, e.g. ani ‘harvest’ 
ahiani ‘harvest season’.
Single entity to group entity
The prefix hiN- attached to words which refer to a single person or thing changes it to a
unified group entity, ama ‘father’  hin-ama ‘father and children’.
7.2 Proper nouns
Both personal names and place names require a determiner. Personal names are marked
by the determiner hi and proper name places are usually marked by the determiner ad.
7.2.1 Personal names
Personal names among the Ifugao are traditional, such as Bugan ‘female name’, Kabbigat
‘male name’; Spanish Teresita, Conchita, Pedro, Pablo; or English Peter, Paul, Edna, Josephine.
Traditional names often have a meaning. Spanish names were usually given at the baptism of
infants. English names have been adopted through contact with Americans or American media.
7.2.2 Place names
The most common proper nouns of places are those classified by the word boble. The
word may refer to a country, city, or town, i.e. any place where people live, e.g. Manila.
There are also some proper nouns that name rivers ‘wangwang’ and lakes ‘lobong’, e.g. Ibalao
wangwang and Ambuhayya lobong.
7.3 Common count nouns
The count noun class is differentiated from the mass noun class by the type of quantifiers
that co-occur with the two classes. Quantifiers that are restricted to co-occurrence with count
nouns are the following:
• cardinal and ordinal numbers

duway algo ‘two days’
kadwan algo ‘second day’
• affixed and reduplicated cardinal numbers

hindudwan botak ‘two bundles each’
o-ohan botak ‘few bundles’
15 This circumfix puN- -an usually functions to nominalize a verb.

72 Grammar Sketch
• the plural form da

da tatagu ‘people’
7.4 Common mass nouns
As mentioned above, the mass noun class is differentiated from the count noun class on
the basis of the co-occurrence of classes of quantifiers. Quantifiers that are restricted to co-
occurrence with mass nouns include the following:
• dimension and size quantifiers

andukkey linubid ‘long rope’
ittay nah pagey ‘a small amount of that rice’
7.5 Personal pronouns
There are four sets of pronouns in Tuwali Ifugao. They all function to substitute for nouns
and NPs in communication. Sets 1, 2, and 3 do not co-occur with determiners. A sub-set of Set
4 co-occurs with the determiner ke when a member of the set marks a direct or indirect object
that is not cross-referenced by the affix on the verb, or marks a subject that has been demoted.
Plural pronouns may be further specified with quantifiers.
Tuwali Ifugao pronouns, like English pronouns, encode person and number but they do
not encode gender. In addition to singular and plural forms, there is a form called dual, i.e. 1st
and 2nd, ‘we two’. There is also a difference between 1st, plural, exclusive ‘we, not you’ and 1st,
plural, inclusive ‘we all’.
Differences between English and Tuwali personal pronoun sets:
• English differentiates a separate pronoun set to signify possession. Possession is just

one function of Set 1 in Tuwali Ifugao.
• Unlike English pronouns, Tuwali Ifugao pronouns are not simply divided into
subjective and objective sets. There is more complexity in their referential function
related to discourse-pragmatic strategies.
• Tuwali Ifugao does not have equivalent forms for the English reflexive, reciprocal,
indefinite, or relative pronoun sets. Morphosyntax signals reflexive and reciprocal
actions. See 4.2.5 Participation and inclusion in actions and activities for reflexive
and reciprocal affix forms. Instead of relative pronouns, relative clauses are simply
marked with the linker an/n. See 9.1 Linkers for linker forms and description of their
functions.
In Table 35 below, there is a row with the label “Reference”. In each of the columns
of that row, the abbreviations Non-CR or CR classify the sets of pronouns as ones that are
cross-referenced by the affix on the verb or non-cross-referenced by the affix on the verb.
The morphosyntactic cross-referencing strategy encodes preferential treatment of one of the
NPs in a clause; this preferential treatment is motivated by either identificational tracking or
prominence ranking at that point in a communicational context.
Grammar Sketch 73
Table 35 Personal Pronouns
Set 1 Set 2 Set 3 Set 4
Gram. Rel. Subj/Poss Subj DO DO/IO Subj
Reference Non-CR CR CR Non-CR CR
1 sg. ku ak ak ke ha-on ha-oy16
2 sg. mu ka daka ke he-a he-a
3 sg. na 0 0 ke hiya hiya
1,2 sg. (dual) ta ta dita ke dita dita
1,2 pl. (excl) mi kami dakami ke dakami dakami
1,2 pl (incl) taku taku ditaku ke ditaku ditaku
2 pl yu kayu dakayu ke dakayu dakayu
3 pl da da dida ke dida dida
7.6 Demonstrative pronouns
The rhetorical function of demonstrative pronouns involves a complex system of reference.

The following are the main functional components of demonstrative pronouns that require
their study in immediate and more remote contexts of a communication.
• Endophoric – textual reference
• Anaphoric – textual back reference
• Cataphoric – textual forward reference
• Exophoric – extra-textual reference
It is possible to postulate just three sets of demonstratives: the han set, the hi set, and the
ke set, but we have instead shown five sets with their formatives combined on the chart below.
These are the full forms used in text.
Table 36 Demonstrative Pronouns
Set 1 Set 2 Set 3 Set 4 Set 5
hantun hantuh hituwe hitu ketuwe
hanan hanah hinae hina kenae
handin handih hidiye hidi kediye
Sets 1 and 2 encode exophoric reference, that is, these demonstratives are used to
refer to extra-textual entities. Sets 3, 4, and 5 encode endophoric reference, that is, these
demonstratives are used in back reference or forward reference to entities within a text.
16 Some speakers prefer the ha-on form when the following word begins with an alveolar consonant.
74 Grammar Sketch
Demonstrative pronouns and grammatical relations. Cross-referencing of subjects and

objects in constructions is criterial in determining the choice of a demonstrative pronoun in
communication. This cross-referencing may be related to any of the three forms of reference,
anaphora, cataphora, or exophora, but in every case of cross-referencing, the referent is either
definite (anaphoric or cataphoric) or specific (exophoric).
Demonstrative pronouns and reference. Although the referential functions of Tuwali

Ifugao demonstrative pronouns are somewhat analogous to the English forms ‘this’, ‘that’,
‘here’, ‘there’, the sets comprise a more complex system of reference as described below.
7.6.1 Set 1
This set functions in the following ways:

• The set encodes exophoric reference. The extra-textual entities may be shared
information or introduced into a communication by identifying descriptive phrases or
relative clauses.
• The set co-occurs with nouns that have either a subject or object grammatical relation
with the verb.
• The set is cross-referenced by the affix on the verb irrespective of whether the noun
head is a subject or object.
• The spatial formatives tu, na, di have reference to physical spatial points – close to 1st
person, close to 2nd person, or away from both respectively.
• The n is a contraction of the linker an. This form encodes the linkage to a head noun
or a relative clause.
• When plural is marked, the da plural marker is inserted between the spatial formative
and the linker contraction, e.g. hanadan, hantudan, or handidan.
7.6.2 Set 2
• As with Set 1, this set encodes exophoric reference.

• These three demonstrative forms usually mark a time or a place but may, in some
instances refer to nouns that are not a time or a place. In either case, the spatial
formative relates to distance in time or place, indicating near or far.
• They may also refer to indirect objects that are not cross-referenced by the affix on the verb.
person, close to 2nd person or away from both respectively.
• The h is a contraction of the determiner hi.
• As with Set 1, the plural form, da, can be inserted between the spatial formative and
the contraction of the determiner, e.g. hantudah.
• Some speakers delete the reference formative, han, and the plural form, da, is inserted
between the formative na and the determiner contraction hi. So instead of hantudah,
these speakers say tudah.
7.6.3 Set 3
• Set 3 demonstratives encode endophoric reference. Hituwe is cataphoric in function,

i.e. it refers to something that immediately follows the form. Hidiye is anaphoric in
function, i.e. it refers to something introduced previously. Hinae is also anaphoric
in function, but generally refers to something that has been introduced that is in the
immediately preceding context. This demonstrative may also cross-reference a second
person possession or second person agent-subject.
Grammar Sketch 75
• The set may encode either a subject or object grammatical relationship with the verb.
person, close to 2nd person, or away from both respectively.
• The formatives may also be used to indicate the distance away of a previous reference.
• The set also encodes reference to speech based on whose speech is being referred
to, e.g. if a 1st person refers to his own speech, he will use the tu spatial formative;
in reference to the speech of a 2nd person, he will use na; and in reference to a third
person’s speech, he will use di.
• The set may occur without a head noun. When the set occurs with a head noun, or
relative clause, the linker an is contracted and the n is attached. If, however, the set
occurs preceding an oblique NP or proper name, the determiner hi is contracted and
the h is attached.
• When the plural form da co-occurs with this set, it replaces the reference formative hi:
datuwe, danae, and dadiye.
• When the set co-occurs with the linker di/y, the forms predicate, substituting for
the existential predicate wada. For example, the form hituwey predicates with the
meaning ‘this is’.
• When the hidiye is compounded with conjunction ta and determiner nan, it (along
with the other elements of the compound) encodes the logical discourse connector,
‘therefore’.
7.6.4 Set 4
• The three members of Set 4 demonstratives refer to times or places.

• The set may occur without a head noun.
• If a head noun does not co-occur, there will be no contraction of a determiner.
Depending on the form that co-occurs, there can be three closing consonants: n, which
is a contraction of linker an; h, which is a contraction of determiner hi; or y, which is
a contraction of linker di.
• When the set co-occurs with the linker di/y, the forms predicate, substituting for the
existential predicate, wada. Unlike Set 3, they can only predicate a place, not a subject
or an object.
• The shortened forms hitu, hina, and hidi may also co-occur with the existential
predicate. In this case, they are contracted to become the forms, wadah tu, wadah na,
wadah di.
7.6.5 Set 5
• Set 5 encodes endophoric reference.

• The set refers to times or places.
• The set refers to objects when the agent-subject has been topicalized by being moved
to the pre-verb position.
• The set refers to objects in dependent clause structures.
• The set often functions as a setting, occurring in the pre-verb position in the clause
with a co-occurring relative clause linked by an that is contracted to n and the n is
attached.
• The plural forms are ke datuwe, ke danae, ke dadiye.
76 Grammar Sketch
7.7 Interrogative pronouns
There are eight interrogative pronouns in Tuwali Ifugao; they are shown in Table 37 with
their closest English equivalents; unlike some of the English interrogative pronouns, none of
the Tuwali Ifugao pronouns may be used as relative pronouns marking relative clauses.
Table 37 Interrogative Pronouns
dahdi who
nganne what, how
kaatna how many, how much
daana where
kakon-ana when
tipe why
an content
kon questioning truth
7.8 Determiners17
Tuwali Ifugao determiners function referentially to introduce, trace, and contrast the
people, things, places, and times being talked about in a communication situation. They
occur preceding nouns, i.e. pre-position, but they are not equivalent in function or meaning
to English prepositions. With the exception of the determiner form ad, the forms appear to
be shortened forms of demonstrative pronouns, and they function in similar ways. See 7.6
Demonstrative pronouns for the forms and the explanation of their usage.
Shortened forms of Set 1 and Set 2 demonstratives
Set 1 Set 2
tun tuh
nan nah
din dih
17 These forms have had a number of different terms applied to them by linguists, e.g. case markers,
noun markers, voice markers, etc.
Grammar Sketch 77
Table 38 Determiners
Cross-referencing ---------- ---------- Fronted NP
Subj DO IO Oblique Top
Def Ind Def Ind Def Ind Ti Pl Def Ind
Person hi hi ke hi
Common Set 1 di Set 1 di Set 2 hi ad ad hanan hay
The function of the on determiner has been described below; it does not fit the categories
on the table.
Abbreviations shown on Table 38 Determiners
Su Subject
DO Direct Object
IO Indirect Object
Top Fronted NP
Def Definite
Ind Indefinite
Ti Time
Pl Place
7.8.1 Definite or specific reference determiner – nan
Nan is the shortened form of the demonstrative pronoun, hanan. The plural form of nan
is nadan, the shortened form of the plural demonstrative pronoun, hanadan.
Features of the noun or NP marked with the nan determiner are the following:
• The determiner with its co-occuring noun head is cross-referenced by the affix on the
verb.
• The noun may have either a subject or object grammatical relation with the verb.
• The grammatical relation is specified by the affix on the verb. The determiner itself
does not have a case relation component.
• The determiner encodes either definite or specific referentiality of its noun head. That
means the referent of the noun head either has been referred to previously in the text
or it has a specific extra-textual reference.
7.8.2 Definite and specific reference determiner - nah
Nah is the shortened form of the demonstrative pronoun, hanah. The plural form of nah
is nadah, the shortened form of the plural demonstrative pronoun, hanadah.
Features of the noun or NP marked by the nah determiner are the following:
• The noun is not cross-referenced by the affix on the verb.
78 Grammar Sketch
• The noun has definite or specific referentiality, i.e. the referent of the noun either has
been referred to previously in the text or it has a specific extra-textual referent.
• The noun may have either a direct object or indirect object grammatical relation with
the verb. Because it is not cross-referenced by the affix on the verb it has no overt
verbal indication of the grammatical relationship. Only the valence of the verbal root
and the position of the marked NP signal whether it is a direct or indirect object.
• The referent of the noun is a site-object.
7.8.3 Definite and specific reference determiner – tun
Functional features of the noun or NP marked by the tun determiner are as follows:
• Marks a noun or NP that has definite or specific reference.
• Marks a noun or NP that has a subject or direct object grammatical relation to the
verb.
• Marks a noun or NP that is cross-referenced by the affix on the verb.
• Marks a noun or NP that is spatially near the speaker.
• Used only in syntactic constructions that express a speech event.
7.8.4 Definite and specific reference determiner - tuh
Functional features of the noun or NP marked by the tuh determiner are as follows:
• Marks a noun or NP that has a direct or indirect object grammatical relation to the
verb.
• Marks a noun or NP that is not cross-referenced by the affix on the verb.
• Marks a noun or NP that is spatially near the speaker.
7.8.5 Definite and specific reference determiner – din
Functional features of the noun or NP marked by the din determiner are as follows:
• Marks a noun or NP that has a subject or direct object grammatical relation to the
verb.
• Marks a noun or NP that is cross-referenced by the affix on the verb.
• Marks a noun or NP that is spatially distant from the speaker.
7.8.6 Definite and specific reference determiner – dih
Functional features of the noun or NP marked by the dih determiner:

• Marks a noun or NP that has a direct or indirect object grammatical relation to the verb.
• Marks a noun or NP that is not cross-referenced by the affix on the verb.
• Marks a noun or NP that is spatially distant from the speaker.
7.8.7 Multiple-functioning hi determiner
The determiner hi has multiple functions. One grammatical function of hi is to mark a

proper personal name. When hi marks a common noun, it generally functions as an indefinite
Grammar Sketch 79
determiner. However, when it marks a noun that is inalienably possessed, it clearly marks
that noun as definite. When hi marks one-of-a-kind nouns, it also clearly marks that noun
as definite.
Features of the proper noun marked by the hi determiner are the following:
• The proper noun may or may not be cross-referenced by the affix on the verb.
• The proper noun may have a subject or object grammatical relation with the verb.
Features of the hi determiner when co-occurring with common noun heads or embedded
relative clauses are the following:
• The determiner and its co-occurring noun head are not cross-referenced by the affix
on the verb.
• The determiner marks the referent of the noun as indefinite and non-specific i.e. the
referent of the noun has not been referred to previously in the text and does not have
a specific extra-textual referent, with the exception of a referent that is one-of-a-kind.
• The determiner and noun may have an indirect object relation to the verb, but the
verb must be a ditransitive verb, i.e. within the lexical valence of the verbal root,
there are two possible undergoers of the action, e.g. conveyed object and site, or
patient and site.
• The noun or NP may also have a non-core relationship, either a semantic time or
place, to the action or activity expressed by the verb.
• The noun, NP, or embedded clause may express a modality concept.
• A clause embedded in a NP expresses a logical or modificational relation to the
main clause.
7.8.8 Indefinite determiner – di
The grammatical function of di is to mark a noun or NP that is cross-referenced by the

affix on the verb; this noun or NP has the semantic role-valence relation which has preferential
ranking because of the significance of the information in the situational context.
Features of the noun marked by the di determiner are the following:
• The determiner and its co-occurring noun head are usually cross-referenced by the
affix on the verb.
• It marks the noun as indefinite, i.e. the referent of the noun has not been referred to
previously in a text.
• The noun, however, may refer to one of a kind, and then has a specific extra-textual
referent because it is usually a shared referent.
• The noun also may have specific extra-textual reference from the speaker’s point
of view, but is not a shared referent with the hearer as described in the previous
statement. In this case, it is an introductory reference.
• The NP co-occurring with an existential or demonstrative predicate is commonly
marked with this determiner.
• The noun, NP, or embedded clause marked by the determiner may have either a
subject or object grammatical relation with the verb; the affix on the verb specifies the
grammatical relation.
7.8.9 Topicalizing indefinite, non-specific determiner – hay
The grammatical function of hay is to mark the topicalized constituent of an equational

clause and less frequently the topicalized constituent of a stative or active clause. An equational
clause has a predicational and a referential constituent. Referentially the topicalized constituent
is indefinite and non-specific and may be a noun, a NP, or a clause. The usual linker between
the constituent and the remainder of the clause is ya.
80 Grammar Sketch
Features of the noun, NP, or clause marked by the hay determiner are the following:
• The noun or NP is indefinite and non-specific.
• The noun or NP may be either the predicational or referential constituent.
• If the noun or NP is the referential consituent it will have the subject grammatical
relation.
• If the noun or NP is the topicalized consitutent of a stative or active clause it may
have either the subject or object grammatical relation with the verb.
• Generally the marked constituent is being introduced into the discourse.
7.8.10 Time and place determiner – ad
The grammatical function of the ad determiner is to mark proper nouns naming places
and common nouns that refer to spatial places. The determiner also marks a limited number
of time nouns.
Features of nouns marked by the ad determiner are as follows:
• The proper nouns refer to places.
• Some common nouns refer to spatial places, e.g. ad tap-o ‘upper place’, ad da-ul ‘lower
place’, ad lagud ‘the east place’, ad kabunyan ‘the sky place’, ad dalom ‘the under place
below earth’s surface’, ad daya ‘the west place’.
• Some common nouns refer to time periods, e.g. ad uwani ‘today’, ad nakugab
‘yesterday’.
7.8.11 Determiner – ke
Features of nouns marked by the ke determiner are as follows:

• The grammatical function of the ke determiner is to mark Set 4 pronouns, proper
names, or kin terms that are not cross-referenced by the affix on the verb, but have
object or indirect object relations to the verb.
• When an agent-subject constituent is topicalized in a transitive clause, ke marks the
person-object.
• The determiner also marks the second personal name in a coordinate personal NP.
• In a causative structure, i.e. with a causative agent, the agent (person doing the
action) is marked as a direct object or an indirect object.
7.8.12 Determiner – on
Features of nouns marked by the on determiner are as follows:

• The nouns are cross-referenced by the affix on the verb.
• The nouns are indefinite in that they are being introduced.
• The identity of the nouns, though indefinite, is contingent on someone or something
that has been previously referred to in the communication situation.
8.0 Introduction to Modificational Categories
Although there are some distinctive inflectional and distributional properties of the
lexical categories classified as modificational, it is their semantic and functional properties that
differentiate them from the lexical categories that are classified as predicational, referential,
and relational.
There are three main modificational categories in Tuwali Ifugao: Adjectives, Adverbs,
and Adjuncts. Adjectives modify nouns, adverbs modify verbs, and adjuncts modify clauses by
encoding a speaker’s perspective of the information contained in a clause.
Grammar Sketch 81
Adjectives have two subcategories: Qualifying and Quantifying. Adjuncts have three
subcategories: Interjection, Attitudinal Modality, and Interpersonal Modality.
8.1 Adjectives
All Tuwali Ifugao adjectives are evaluative in nature. However, there are subclasses that
are determined on the basis of syntactic, inflectional, and derivational criteria. Syntactically,
adjectives function as modifiers in NPs. Most of them can also predicate and, in fact, statistically
they are used to predicate more frequently than they are used to modify nouns in NPs.
When adjectives occur within NPs, they usually occur before the noun head and are
generally linked to the noun by the form an. This is the same linker that connects relative
clauses to their head nouns and complements to the verbs they modify. When noun heads are
definite or specific, determiners mark them and in these instances, the determiners also serve
to link the adjective to the noun and the an linker is not required.
Qualifying adjectives describe the characteristics or properties of referents; they are few
in number and usually encode a value judgment of people, things, or places. Quantifying
adjectives encode dimensions, size, measure, and number.
Table 39 Criterial Components of Adjective Classes
Qualifiers Quantifiers
Dimension Size Number
maphod ‘good’ dukke ‘long’ ongal ‘big’ duwa ‘two’18
gaga-iho ‘bad’ tikke ‘short’ itay ‘small’ am-in ‘all’
himpappange ‘terrible’ bilog ‘wide’ — o-oha ‘few’19
dati ‘old, former’ tag-e ‘high’ — dakol ‘many’
ustu ‘adequate’ — — —
hilbi ‘valuable’ — — —
8.1.1 Measure quantifiers
Measure quantifier constructions are formed with nouns that may serve as measures and
co-occur with quantifiers. When the prefix hiN- co-occurs it encodes one measure but cardinal
numbers may also serve as quantifiers of measure nouns.
18 All cardinal numbers function as quantifiers; ‘two’ is included here only as an example.
19 The adjectival root is the cardinal number oha ‘one’.
82 Grammar Sketch
Table 40 Measure Quantifiers
Tuwali Ifugao English Tuwali Ifugao English
basu cup himbasu one cupful
iduh spoon hin-iduh one spoonful
malukung bowl himmalukung one bowl full
banga pot himbanga one pot full
akup both hands cupped hin-akup one double handful
gamal one hand cupped hinggamal one handful
botok bundle himbotok one bundle
uyun bundle hin-uyun one bundle
pu-ul pile himpu-ul one pile
takdog to stand20 hintakdog one person height
8.1.2 Number quantifiers
There are two main categories of number quantifiers: indefinite and definite. The definite
number category is particularly productive morphologically, inflectionally, and derivationally,
and is mathematically important conceptually.
Table 41 Indefinite Number Quantifiers
dakol many
udum some
kumpulmi any
am-in all
Wordform: Immali am-in da tatagu.

LexEntry: ali -imm- am-in da CV- tagu
LexGloss: come P.S all 3.PL.S PL person
FT: All the people came.
20 This measure quantifier is based on the height of a person who is standing. The quantifier is
commonly used for measuring quarried rocks used for building retaining walls.
Grammar Sketch 83
Cardinal numbers
Table 42 Cardinal Numbers
oha one pitu seven
duwa two walu eight
tulu three hiyam nine
opat four himpulu ten
lima five gatut hundred
onom six libu thousand
Cardinal number inflection and derivation
Table 43 shows the various inflectional and derivational word formation processes
available to express mathematical concepts using cardinal numbers. Here duwa ‘two’ is used
to exemplify the patterns, but such forms occur with all cardinal numbers.
Table 43 Cardinal Number Inflection and Derivation
duwa two
hindudwa two each
maduwwadduwwa two per group
duwwaduwwaon divide into groups of two
duwwaduwwa pair, by twos
kadwa second
mikadwa will be second
pidwana second time
mumpidwa will do twice
pumpidwaon do it twice (imperative)
Number distributive inflection
The prefix hiN- and the CV- reduplicant added to cardinal numbers modify head nouns
by encoding a distributive concept. The resulting NPs co-occur only with Class 3A lexical roots
that have a criterial semantic component ‘to move and position an object at site’ and Class 3B
lexical roots that have a criterial semantic component ‘to move and release an object’.
84 Grammar Sketch
Table 44 Quantification - Division and Distribution
hin-oh-a one each hin-on-om six each
hindudwa two each himpipitu seven each
hintutlu three each hinwawalu eight each
hin-op-at four each hinhihiyam nine each
hinlilma five each himpupulu ten each
8.1.3 Inflectional affixes
Comparative inflection may co-occur with both dimension and size quantifier adjectives.
Table 45 Comparative Inflection
Intensifier Comparative Superlative
CV(C)CV- CV(C)- ka- -an + CV(C)-
Table 46 Comparative and Superlative Inflected Examples
Root English Prefix + CV(C) English Circumfix ka- -an English

+ CV(C)
akhop low na-ak-akhop lower than ka-ak-akhopan lowest
tag-e high natagtag-e higher than katagtag-ayan highest
dukke long andukdukke longer than kadukdukkayan longest
tikke short antiktikke shorter than katiktikkayan shortest
ongal big ong-ongal bigger than ka-ong-ongalan biggest
ittay small it-ittay smaller than ka-iittayan smallest
8.1.4 Derivational morphology
In general, qualifying adjectives may function as adjectival predicates without any

change in form. As shown in Table 43, cardinal numbers have the most productive and
broadest variety of derivations. Other quantifying adjectives have two common derivations:
Adjective  Noun and Adjective  Active Verb.
Derived noun
The prefix ka- derives a noun from the dimension quantifier class of adjectives.
Grammar Sketch 85
Table 47 Derived Nouns
bilog wide kabilog width
dukke long kadukke length
dallom deep kadallom depth
tag-e high katag-e height
akhop low kaakhop low
dakol many kadakol amount/number
Derived active verb
When an active verb is derived from an adjective, the derived verb fits into a verb class,
and may then take the usual inflectional affixes associated with that class.
dukke ‘long’ + -um-  dumukke ‘to become long’

dukke ‘long’ + -on  dukkeyon ‘to lengthen’
8.2 Adverbs
Adverbial modification is encoded grammatically in one of two ways in discourse: as

predicates or as adverbs that modify verbal predicates. The choice of function depends on the
prominence that a speaker wants to give to the information, and the scope of the modification.
See 5.1 Adverbial predicates for a description of adverbial predicates.
There are three classes of adverbs: time adverbs, additive adverbs, and limiting adverbs.
The classification is based largely on the modifying function. Some similar functions are
expressed by adverbial predicates.
8.2.1 Time adverbs
Time adverbs modify a main verb by specifying a time element related to the verb.
The usual position of a time adverb is immediately following the agent-subject of the clause.
However, there are certain function words such as the negatives that occur in a pre-verbal
position; they tend to attract the time adverbs to a pre-verbal position. One adverb, ahi, always
occurs in the pre-verbal position, and also attracts the agent-subject to the pre-verbal position.
Table 48 Time Adverbs
mo now/already
ahi future intention
ni-an before/not yet
86 Grammar Sketch
Wordform: Adim mo painnay-ayyam te

LexEntry: adi mu mo pa- inn- CV(C) ayyam te
LexGloss: NEG 2.SG.S now CAUS MOD CONT play because
mahapul an mun-istudy kah ustu.

mahapul an muN- istudy ka hi ustu
necessity LK NP.S study 2.SG.S DET adequate
FT: You must not now waste your time playing because it’s necessary for you to
study adequately.
Wordform: Adina anhan dongolon di kalin

LexEntry: adi na anhan dongol -on di kali an
LexGloss: not 3.SG.S ADJU listen NP.O DET language LK
nan inayana an kananay ahida mahmok

nan inayan na an kanan na di ahi da ma- homok
DET spouse 3.SG.POSS LK say 3.SG.S LK ASP 3.PL.S PASS pity
di imbabale da.
di imbabale da
DET child 3.POSS
FT: He did not heed the protests of his wife who said that their children would
certainly be pitiful.
8.2.2 Additive adverbs
This class of adverbs modifies a predicate by encoding the concept of a similar or added
predicational concept to one that has been mentioned previously.
Table 49 Additive Adverbial Modifiers
bo also
damdama also, anyway
pay* also
*Pay is borrowed from Ilocano.
Wordform: Uggek bo udot inila nan

LexEntry: ugge ku bo udot inila nan
LexGloss: NEG 1.SG.S also expressing perplexity know DET
kali da.
kali da
language 3.PL.POSS
FT: Also, I didn’t even know their language.
Grammar Sketch 87
8.2.3 Limiting and maximizing adverbs
Limiting adverbs are those that limit, minimalize, or maximize events, processes, or
persons.
Table 50 Limiting and Maximizing Adverbs
abu only
innang nearly/almost
ot ya abu totally/absolutely/entirely
takon including
ustu adequate/sufficient
abu ‘only’
Wordform: Opat ya abuy natdaan ke dadiyen Ippangyol.
LexEntry: opat ya abu di na- -an toda ke dadiye an ippangyol
LexGloss: four LK only LK PASS survive DET DEM3 LK Spanish
FT: Only four of the Spaniards survived.
ot ya abu ‘totally’
Wordform: Mu dakdakol di kaapputan ta
LexEntry: mu CV(C)C2 dakol di ka- -an apput ta
LexGloss: but COMP many LK NOM defeat so that
maahinut otyaabun am-in.

maahinut ot ya abu an am-in
PASS little by little totally LK all
FT: But one loses more times than he wins such that eventually, everything will be
totally lost.
8.3 Adjuncts
All adjuncts are those that express speaker involvement in the evaluation of the information
given in any sentence, as well as its linguistic and extra-linguistic context.
There are three subclasses of adjuncts:
• interjectional modifiers - express emotion
• attitudinal modifiers
• are related to information, perceived reality, and belief
• are related to mood, emotion
• interpersonal modifiers – are related to personal relationships and communication
8.3.1 Interjection adjuncts
These adjuncts occur in the first position of clause word order.
88 Grammar Sketch
Table 51 Interjection Adjuncts
iday surprised dismay, oh dear
ay exclamation of insight
appa expression of concern or pity
anakkayang surprise
akaw emphatic declaration
inay-aw dismay
inang concern, ‘oh my’
anay/aday ‘ouch, ow’
o hesitant pause
hoy call for attention, ‘hey’
Wordform: Kanan da kanuy “Iday, dahdiy

LexEntry: kanan da kanu di iday dahdi di
LexGloss: say 3.PL.S reportedly LK oh dear who LK
nangat hitun hiya, etaku ot te

naN- at hitu an hiya e taku ot te
P.T.S do DEM4 LK 3.SG.O go 1.PL.IN.S ADJU because
ipanuyu da man ke ditaku.”

i- panuyu da man ke ditaku
NP.O blame 3.PL.S certainly DET 1.PL.IN.IO
FT: According to him, they said, “Oh dear, who did this to him? Let’s go because
they might blame it on us.”
Wordform: Mibakilang kanuh Abe nah alak ot

LexEntry: mibakilang kanu hi Abe nah alak ot
LexGloss: PASS lie down reportedly DET Abe DET canal and then
kanana kanuy “Aday, aday, aday, aday.”

kanan na kanu di aday aday aday aday
say 3.SG.S reportedly LK ouch ouch ouch ouch
FT: According to Abe, he lay down in the ditch and he said, “Ow, ow, ow, ow.”
Grammar Sketch 89
8.3.2 Attitudinal adjuncts
8.3.2.1 Related to information, reality, belief
Speakers choose these adjuncts when they wish to express a judgment about the factual
status of the information they are giving.
Table 52 Epistemic Modality Adjuncts
tut-uwa truly
peman interactive, truly, really21
tuwali in fact, in reality
met certainly
kaya contrastive, certainly22
pay definitely, emphatic certainty
kanu reportedly
kal-ina probably
nin maybe, possibly
maid maptok it is uncertain23
ot tentative/almost/maybe
kaspangarigan for example
man certainly
nimpe contingent certainty, speaker involved
nuppe contingent certainty, speaker not involved
udot uncertain perplexity
Wordform: Kon tuwali waday kimmadangyan hi tugal?

LexEntry: kon tuwali wada di kadangyan -imm- hi tugal
LexGloss: INTPRO actually EXIS LK rich P.S DET gamble
FT: Rightly so (actually), was there ever one who became a rich man through
gambling?
21 This adjunct is used when a speaker is commenting on something that has been said previously.
22 This adjunct is used when a speaker is contrasting the information contained in his statement with
something that has been said previously.
23 This adjunct functions as a predicate.
90 Grammar Sketch
Wordform: Kananay “Man bokon mu hi Lammooy man

LexEntry: kanan na di man bokon mu hi Lammooy man
LexGloss: say 3.SG.S LK certainly NEG but DET Lammooy certainly
impangang-ang ku.”
impaN- ang-ang ku
CAUS look 1.SG.S
FT: He said, “It certainly could not be, but I certainly saw him as Lammooy.”
8.3.2.2 Obligatory modality
The obligatory modality adjuncts express a sense of duty or what is considered to be

appropriate behavior in the current circumstance.
Table 53 Obligatory Adjuncts

ni-mo minimally necessary – at least
gulat na ta unmet obligation
nuppe necessity/certainly
Wordform: Hay oha bo ya adi nadaman ena itikod

LexEntry: hay oha bo ya adi nadaman e na i- tikod
LexGloss: DET one also LK not can go 3.SG.S NP.O stop
an mummogmog hi manuk ni-mo.

an muN- mogmog hi manuk ni-mo
LK NP.S raise poultry DET chicken at least
FT: Another reason is that he cannot stop raising chickens (lit. he must raise
chickens at least).
There are two meaning components to the adjunct nuppe: one component implies the
necessity of an action and the other component adds a certainty concept; together the components
express obligatory certainty. In context, one or the other component may be prominent.
Wordform: Opwatom nuppe nan hinamal,

LexEntry: opwat -on mu nuppe nan hinamal
LexGloss: remove from fire NP.O 2.SG.S certainly DET cooked rice
akudom hi ligau ta madibdiban ta

ak’ud -on mu hi ligau ta ma--an dibdib ta
dish up NP.O 2.SG.S DET basket so that STA wind so that
mababao.
ma- CV- bao
STA continuative cool
FT: You must remove the pot from the fire, ladle out the rice into a winnower so
the air will help to cool it.
Grammar Sketch 91
9.0 Introduction to Relational Categories
Tuwali Ifugao has two main relational categories: linkers and conjunctions. Linkers have
two main functions, relating constituents of phrases and relating constituents of clauses.
Conjunctions relate clauses and have two main functions, either subordinating or coordinating.
9.1 Linkers
There are three main linker forms, ya, di, and an. Each has more than one linking function.
• The ya form links a fronted NP constituent to the remaining constituents of a clause.
The form also connects coordinate clauses functioning as the conjunction that can be
glossed as ‘and’.
Wordform: Nan amunin ya mihdih muyung.

LexEntry: nan amunin ya mi- hidi hi muyung
LexGloss: DET wildcat LK PASS DEM4 DET forest
FT: As for the wildcat, it lives there in the forest.
The di form has an allomorph y that links non-verbal predicates (i.e. existential,
demonstrative, adjectival, and adverbial) to the other constituents of a clause. It links
interrogative pronouns to the other constituents of the clauses and also links a preposed
clausal constituent to the predicate and remaining constituents of the clauses. The form also
functions as an indefinite determiner when it marks a NP.
Wordform: Dakol day naminhod an mangihdah amunin.

LexEntry: dakol da di naN- pinhod an maN- ihda hi amunin
LexGloss: many 3.PL.S LK P.T.S like LK NP.T.S viand DET squirrel
FT: Many like to eat wildcat meat.
The an form links the constituents of a NP or the constituents of complex sentences. In

a NP, the form links an adjective to the head noun. In a complex sentence, the form links
a relative clause to the head noun occurring in the main clause; it also links a complement
clause to the predicate.
Wordform: Handih nadilagan nan danum ya

LexEntry: handi hi na- -an dilag nan danum ya
LexGloss: DEM2 DET PASS use light DET water LK
tinibon Malyay dakol an allaman mahmahhuyop

tibo -inan Malya dakol an allama an CV(C)C- ma- huyop
see P.O LK Malya many LK crab LK CONT STA sleep
nah babatu.
nah CV- bat’u
DET PL rock
FT: When the torches lit the water, Malya saw many crabs (that were) sleeping on
the stones.
92 Grammar Sketch
9.2 Conjunctions
Conjunctions are of two types: coordinating and subordinating. In Tuwali Ifugao, coordinating
conjunctions function to relate clauses that encode information that is equally prominent in the
context; neither clause modifies the other. Subordinating conjunctions mark adverbial clauses that
modify main clauses by indicating the semantic relationship that the subordinate information has
to that in the main clause. Both types of conjunctions are cohesive elements in discourse.
Some Tuwali Ifugao conjunctions have more than one meaning, and context is required to
interpret the meaning. Predicates and information conveyed by the NP constituents are needed to
determine the meaning and function of those conjunctions that have multiple meaning and function.
Conjunctions may be compounded with the combined elements being two or more
conjunctions or a combination of conjunctions and adjuncts.
9.2.1 Coordinating conjunctions
As mentioned above, coordinating conjunctions indicate that the information in the

coordinated clauses is of equal significance in the context of use. Neither clause in a coordinate
relationship is subordinate to the other.
Table 54 Coordinating Conjunctions
Relation Tuwali Form English Equivalent
Addition ya and
Sequence - time ot and then
Sequence – reason-result ot and so
Contrast mu but
Alternative weno and o or
Wordform: “Mun-ay-ayam kamih did dola ya

LexEntry: muN- CV(C)- ayam kami hi hidi di dola ya
LexGloss: NP.S CONT play 1.PL.EX.S DET DEM4 DET yard and
timmaddog on bibiyo nah hinangngab mi,”

taddog -imm- on bibiy’o nah hinangngab mi
stand up P.S LK fairy DET front 1.PL.EX.POSS
inhumang ku.
-inhumang ku
P.O answer 1.SG.S
FT: “We were playing in the yard and a fairy stood in front of us,” I answered.
9.2.2 Subordinating conjunctions
The naming of relations and English equivalents cannot be considered prescriptive. Most
of them have multiple meaning. Usually, context disambiguates the relations between the
clauses and the meaning encoded in the form.
Grammar Sketch 93
Table 55 Subordinating Conjunctions
Relation Tuwali Ifugao English
Conditional/Time deket if/when
Conditional/Time hin if/when
Time ten when/if
Time inggana until
Time ni-an not yet/before
Reason te because
Result kinali that’s why
Purpose ta so that
Concession takon even/even though
Wordform: Deket hanadan lalakiy kumayat on kay

LexEntry: deket hanada an lalaki di kayat -um- on kay
LexGloss: when DEM1 LK male LK climb NP.S LK like
nakalakka.
nakaC2- lak’a
MOD easy
FT: When the older boys were the ones who climbed, it seemed so easy.
Wordform: Kananay “Adi, umeyak hi bale

LexEntry: kanan na di adi -um- e ak hi bale
LexGloss: say 3.SG.S LK NEG NP.S go 1.SG.S DET house
ad Nabagtu te ianamut ku tun dotag.”

ad Nabagtu te i- anamut ku tu an dotag
DET Nabagtu because NP.O return home 1.SG.S DEM1 LK meat
FT: He declined, saying “No, I will go home to Nabagtu because I will take this
meat home.”
9.2.3 Compounding conjunctions
Conjunctions are one of the few lexical categories that may compound. When conjunctions
are compounded, speakers of the language generally combine the two as a single word;
however, gapu te and ya ta, as seen in the table below, are written separately. Whether
written as one or two words, the combinations tend to take on a meaning that is not fully
explained by the meaning of the parts, and that is the reason for calling them compounds. The
glosses do not totally reflect those meanings; context is critical for a complete understanding
of their meaning.
94 Grammar Sketch
Table 56 Compounding Conjunctions
Relation Tuwali Ifugao English
Contrastive and Time muden but then
Reason and Cause gapu te reason why, because
Coordinate and Purpose ya ta and, so that
Reason and Time teden* because then
Reason and Condition tehin because if
Coordinate and Time yaden and yet/instead/while
* The information in the clause following the subordinate conjunction teden states a fact that is the
grounds argument for the request or conclusion information expressed in the preceding clause.
Wordform: Indatan dah Pangkah ittay hi dotag ot

LexEntry: idat in- -an da hi Pangkah ittay hi dotag ot
LexGloss: give P.IO they DET Pangkah little DET meat and then
kanana di mun-iyan ad Mamangan muden

kanan na di muN- iyan ad Mamangan muden
say 3.SG.S LK NP.S stay overnight DET Mamangan but then
FT: They gave Pangka some small meat and told him to spend the night at
Mamangan but then...
Wordform: kananay “Adi, umeyak hi bale ad

LexEntry: kanan na di adi -um- e ak hi bale ad
LexGloss: say 3.SG.S LK NEG NP.S go 1.SG.S DET house DET
Nabagtu te ianamut ku tun dotag.

Nabagtu te i- anamut ku tu an dotag
Nabagtu because NP.O return home 1.SG.S this LK meat
FT: he declined, saying “I will take this meat home.” (lit. he said, “No, I will go to
my house in Nabagtu because I will take this meat home.”)
10.0 Introduction to Noun Phrases
Tuwali Ifugao has only one type of phrase: Noun phrases.

Noun phrases are of three types: simple, expanded, and complex.
The lexical categories that are constituents of noun phrases are the following:
• nouns, personal and demonstrative pronouns, and determiners
• adjectives - quantifying and qualifying modifiers
• embedded relative and complement clauses
Grammar Sketch 95
10.1 Constituents and constituent order within NPs
Table 57 Constituent Order of NPs
NP marker Modifier Head Possessive
+ determiner, +/- adjective (if + common or proper +/- possessor

demonstrative*, + adjective, a noun, demonstrative pronoun
or quantifier** linker or determiner or personal pronoun, or noun (if N, must
must follow) embedded relative or be preceded by linker
+/- stative verb complement clause or determiner)
+/- passive verb
*Demonstratives require the an linker.

**A quantifier may co-occur with a demonstrative and will precede it in the NP.
In the sentence below, the object NP consists of a demonstrative, determiner, modifier,

linker, and head noun.
Wordform: Inwalakana hanan lata ot ikawot

LexEntry: iN- -an na walak hanan lata ot i- kawot
LexGloss: P.O 3.SG.S release DEM1 can and then NP.O grasp
na hanah ongal an batu.

na hana hi ongal an bat’u
3.SG.S DEM1 DET big LK rock
FT: She let go of the can and held on to the big stone.
Change of order of constituents
The quantifier or qualifier adjective constituent of a NP may be moved to the pre-verb

position, resulting in the disjunction of the quantifier or qualifier and its head noun. This
change of order gives more emphasis to the quantifier or qualifier.
The sentence below illustrates a NP with coordinate common noun heads. The
determiner, hi, marks the NP, and the conjunction, ya ‘and’ connects the two heads. Note
that in the clause te dakol longonah nuwang ya babuy the quantifier dakol is preposed
before the verb longonah, separating it from the coordinate noun heads nuwang ya babuy.
As stated earlier the movement of this quantifying constituent indicates its importance in
the utterance.
Wordform: ...te kibalinana ya kaddakaddangyana

LexEntry: te balin ki- -an na ya CV(C)CV- kadangyan
LexGloss: because meaning DER-N 3.SG.POSS LK MOD rich
te dakol di longonah
te dakol di longo na hi
because many LK butcher 3.SG.S DET
96 Grammar Sketch
6Han1.1.4
Wordform: nuwang ya babuy.
LexEntry: nuwang ya babuy
LexGloss: water buffalo and pig
FT: ...because its very performance shows that he is very rich indeed since he can
afford to butcher many carabao and pigs.
10.2 NPs with embedded relative clauses
Relative clauses embedded in NPs are marked and linked to the head noun(s) by an. The
content of the relative clause may be identificational or descriptive. If it is identificational, it is
required for interpreting the referent of the head noun. If it is descriptive, the head noun itself
identifies the referent, and the relative clause simply adds information.
Wordform: Wada da Apu Paredes ya Datumanung nah stage ya

LexEntry: wada da apu Paredes ya Datumanung nah stage ya
LexGloss: EXIS 3.PL.S sir Paredes and Datumanung DET stage LK
FT: Sir Paredes and Sir Datumanung were on the stage together
Wordform: ...nada bon dakol an ibbada an

LexEntry: nada bo an dakol an ibba da an
LexGloss: DET also LK many LK companion 3.POSS LK
nalpu da kanuh Malacanang.

na- lapu da kanu hi Malacanang
PASS came from they reportedly DET presidential palace name
FT: ...with their many companions, whom it is said came from Malacanang.
10.3 Categorization of NPs
Because Tuwali Ifugao is a reference-dominated language, the discourse system of

reference controls the internal morphosyntactic structure of clauses and sentences. NPs have
been categorized as being of five types:
• subject NP
• direct object NP
• indirect object NP
• time NP
• place NP
The criteria used for identifying the NP types are:

• Sentence type and NP constituency
• Constituent order
• Predicate class and grammatical relations
• Type of head in the NP – common noun, proper noun, personal pronoun, or
demonstrative pronoun
• Type of co-occurring determiner or demonstrative with common and proper nouns
Grammar Sketch 97
10.3.1 NPs and types of heads
Common and proper noun heads
The determiner hi is multifunctional; it can be used to mark proper names or common

nouns. However, proper names can only be marked with hi, whereas common nouns can be
marked by various determiners depending on their referentiality in context.
Wordform: ...te hidiye nan madle an hi Renatay

LexEntry: te hidiye nan madle an hi Renata di
LexGloss: because DEM3 DET nun LK DET Renata LK
ngadana.
ngadan na
name 3.SG.POSS
FT: …because she is a nun named Renata.
Personal pronoun heads
Subject and direct object NPs with personal pronoun heads do not have co-occurring
determiners. However, indirect object pronoun heads of NPs are always marked by the
determiner ke even when a direct object is understood, but not overtly expressed in the clause.
Object pronoun
Wordform: “Indattan dakamih kendi.”
LexEntry: iN- -an idat dakami hi kendi
LexGloss: NP.IO give 1.PL.EX.O DET candy
FT: “She gave us candy.”
Subject pronoun
Wordform: “Nganne tut-uway inang-ang mu?”
LexEntry: nganne tut-uwa di -inang-ang mu
LexGloss: what truly LK P.O look 2.SG.S
FT: “Now, what did you really see?”
Indirect object pronoun

Wordform: Kanan da kanuy “Iday, dahdiy nangat
LexEntry: kanan da kanu di iday dahdi di naN- at
LexGloss: say 3.PL.S reportedly LK oh dear who LK P.T.S do
hitun hiya, etaku ot te ipanuyu da

hitu an hiya e taku ot te i- panuyu da
DEM4 LK 3.SG.O go 1.PL.IN.S ADJU because NP.O blame 3.PL.S
man ke ditaku.”
man ke ditaku
certainly DET 1.PL.IN.O
FT: According to him, they said “My, who did this to him? Let’s go because they
might blame it on us.”
98 Grammar Sketch
Demonstrative pronoun heads
A demonstrative pronoun can function as a head when a noun is omitted because the
noun referent is understood in context. The demonstrative functions anaphorically, i.e. it
refers back to a noun referent that has been introduced previously.
Wordform: Ot nagibbu moh diye.

LexEntry: ot nagibbu mo hi diye
LexGloss: and then STA finished now DET DEM3
FT: And then, that is already finished.
Time word heads
Many time phrases consist of two constituents 1) a determiner or a demonstrative, and 2)

a time word head. When the time phrase is simply denoting the time of an event, it will occur
in the final position of a clause unless there is also a place phrase. In that case, it will precede
the place phrase. They may occur preceding a main verb when they are encoding a setting for
an episode in a discourse or for emphasis. Some time forms that occur initially in a clause do
not require a determiner.
Wordform: Imme dah hilong ot muntalu

LexEntry: -imm- e da hi hilong ot muN- talu
LexGloss: P.S go 3.PL.S DET night and then REFL hide oneself
da nah e-elena.
da nah e-ele na
3.PL.S DET outside 3.SG.POSS
FT: They went while it was dark/night and hid outside of the camp.
Wordform: Handih pinghanan umeyak hidi ya

LexEntry: handi hi pinghana an -um- e ak hidi ya
LexGloss: DEM2 DET first time LK NP.S go 1.SG.S DEM4 LK
kalyok on matalakak.
kali -on ku on ma- talak ak
say something NP.O 1.SG.S LK PASS lose 1.SG
FT: When I went there for the first time, I thought I would get lost.
10.3.2 Other constituents of NPs
Quantifiers
A NP usually has only one quantifier and it precedes the head noun in the phrase.
However, a quantifier may be moved out of the NP and in some cases, occur as the first
constituent of a clause.
Qualifiers
A NP does not usually have more than one qualifier. Two lexical classes may quality a
noun: adjectives and stative verbs.
Grammar Sketch 99
Referential determiners and demonstratives, and linkers
All NPs with nouns as their heads require a co-occurring determiner or demonstrative
pronoun. Determiners and demonstratives contain features that differentiate head nouns as
subjects or objects, and as having definite or indefinite reference or specific or non-specific
reference.
11.0 Introduction to Simple Sentences
Simple sentence structure in Tuwali Ifugao may be equated with the simple sentence
in traditional grammar. A simple sentence has one independent clause that consists of a
predicate constituent and at least one NP argument constituent.24 The number of NP argument
constituents depends on the lexical category that expresses the predicate, and in the case of
verbal predicates, the number depends on the lexical valence25 of the verb.
11.1 Constituent order
An understanding of Tuwali Ifugao communicational principles and rhetorical strategies

is necessary for explaining the canonical word order of constituents and the various types of
constituent movement. See 13.0 for a description of rhetorical function and strategies.
11.1.1 Canonical word order
In the unmarked word order of constituents in Tuwali Ifugao, the predicate is in

the initial position of a sentence. In the case of non-verbal predicates, the predicate will
be followed by a NP-subject argument. In the case of verbal predicates, the verb will be
followed by a minimum of one NP-subject argument and a maximum of three NP arguments,
VSO(IO), as in the case of ditransitive verbs. Time and place NPs follow core arguments in
basic sentence structure.
V S DO IO
Wordform: Inha-ad da nan basket hi kuwartuk.
LexEntry: iN- ha-ad da nan basket hi kuwartu ku
LexGloss: P.O place 3.PL.S DET basket DET room 1.SG.POSS
FT: They placed the basket in my room.
The above sentence has the basic word order for a sentence with a ditransitive verb: V-S-DO-IO.
The prefix iN- cross-references the definite NP nan basket ‘the basket’ which is the conveyed- direct
object. The NP hi kuwartuk ‘my room’ is an indirect object expressing the site.
24 The exception to this rule is meteorological verbal predicates. Such verbs as raining, thundering, etc.
do not require a NP argument.
25 Verbal roots are partially classified on the basis of the number of valents owned by the root. The
semantic roles expressed in syntactic arguments are selected from the lexical valents available. The
number of NP constituents in a clause with a verbal predicate head is not necessarily isomorphic with
lexical valence. For a discussion of semantic roles, syntactic arguments, and lexical valence, see 2.3.1.2
Affix selection and the cross-referencing system.
100 Grammar Sketch
11.1.2 Change of word order
Moving NPs to pre-predicate position – Topicalizing Referential Strategy
Any NP constituent may be moved pre-predicate, given the pragmatic constraint that
the referent of the NP is being introduced, reintroduced, or contrastively identified in the
discourse communicative situation.
Preposing agent-subjects
Type 1.26 In the sentence structures shown below, the agent-subject has been preposed,
leaving behind a co-referential pronoun following the verb. The preposed NP is linked to the
clause by the ya linker. In this type of construction, the affixes on the verb will be members of
the basic cross-referencing affix class (see 4.2.1).
Wordform: Ditaku ken Ipugaw ya kulugon takun

LexEntry: ditaku ken Ipugaw ya kulug -on taku an
LexGloss: 1.PL.IN.T DET Ifugao LK believe NP.O 1.PL.IN.S LK
wadaday bibiyo weno pinading.

wada da di bibiy’o weno pinading
EXIS 3.PL.S LK fairy or spirit
FT: We Ifugaos, we believe that there are bibiyo spirits or pinading spirits.
Wordform: Hanadan bibiyo ya miha-ad da kanuh

LexEntry: hanada an bibiy’o ya miha-ad da kanu hi
LexGloss: DEM1 LK fairy LK PASS place 3.PL.S reportedly DET
liyang, nah buddalan di ob-ob.

liyang nah bud’al -an di ob-ob
cave DET exit DEV-N DET spring
FT: As for these bibiyo, they stay or live in caves, near the exit of springs.
Type 2. In the sentence structures shown below, the agent-subject has been preposed,
but there is no co-referential pronoun following the verb. The preposed NP is linked to the
clause by the linker di or its allomorph y. In this type of construction, the affixes on the verb
are members of the complex topicalizing affix class (see 4.2.2)
Wordform: Dakol day naminhod an mangihdah

LexEntry: dakol da di naN- pinhod an maN- ihda hi
LexGloss: many 3.PL.S LK P.T.S like LK NP.T.S viand DET
amunin.
amunin
wildcat
FT: Many like to eat wildcat meat.
26 This construction is similar to what has been called left-dislocation in English and some other
languages.
Grammar Sketch 101
Preposing objects
In the sentence below, the instrument-object kawayan is preposed, and linked by di to

its clause.
Wordform: Kawayan di nanilag dan immeh

LexEntry: kawayan di naN- dilag da an -imm- e hi
LexGloss: bamboo variety LK P.T.S light 3.PL.S LK P.S go DET
wangwang.
wangwang
river
FT: Bamboo (torches) are what they used for light when they went to the river.
Preposing times
There are two different constructions for preposing a time NP constituent. One construction
type is linked by di indicating that the scope of the time referent is the clause to which it is
linked. The other construction is linked by ya indicating that the scope of the time referent
includes more than the clause to which it is linked.
In the sentence below, the preposed time NP is linked to its clause by di. The time
referent reintroduces a time previously introduced, though its scope is only the clause to
which it is linked.
Wordform: Hituwen algo di kanan dah ang-ang.

LexEntry: hituwe an algo di kanan da hi ang-ang
LexGloss: DEM3 LK day LK say they DET look
FT: This day is called Ang-ang, which means ‘see’.
In the two sentences below, the preposed time NPs are linked to their clauses by the
linker ya. In both sentences, a new time is being introduced into the text, and is a setting for
a new set of events. In the third sentence example below, the time referent covers previous
statements made regarding the heat in Manila, and the need for taking baths. In each example
the scope of the time referent includes more clauses and sentences than the clause to which
it is linked.
Wordform: Indani ya nadatngan hidiyen nagtud

LexEntry: indani ya na- -an datong hidiye an na- gutud
LexGloss: later LK P.PASS arrived at DEM3 LK P.PASS date set
an algo.
an algo
LK day
FT: Then, the appointed day came.
Wordform: Handih mungkabigat ya imme da

LexEntry: handi hi mungka- big’at ya -imm- e da
LexGloss: DEM2 DET NP.PROC.S dawning LK P.S go 3.PL.S
102 Grammar Sketch
nadah kipustuwan.
nadah ki- -an pustu
DET DEV-N post
FT: When dawn came, they took their posts in strategic places.
Wordform: Umboy biggatna ya munlilingot ka.

LexEntry: umbo di biggatna ya muN- CV(C)- lingot ka
LexGloss: even LK morning LK NP.S ASP perspire you
FT: Even in the morning, you perspire.
Preposing places
In the sentence below, the place demonstrative pronoun hidi has been moved to the pre-
verb position and there is contrast with other places referred to previously. The fronted place
is a constituent of the clause and is cross-referenced by the verb.
Wordform: Piliyom nan pinhod mun e

LexEntry: pili -on mu nan pohod -in- mu an e
LexGloss: choose NP.O 2.SG.S DET want P.O 2.SG.S LK go
ang-angon ya hidiy pangayam.

ang-ang -on ya hidi di e naN- -an mu
look NP.O LK DEM4 LK go P.T 2.SG.S
FT: You select the one you like to see and there is where you go.
In the sentence below, the fronted place Ad Cubao is a setting for a group of statements
about what can be found at that place. The setting has a wider scope than a place that simply
expresses the location of the information in the clause to which it is linked by the form ya.
Wordform: Ad Cubao ke ya dakkodakkol di tendaan.

LexEntry: ad Cubao ke ya CV(C)CV- dakol di tendaan
LexGloss: DET name of city DET LK MOD many LK store
FT: In Cubao, there are many stores.
11.2 Classification of simple sentence types
Following a brief summary introduction, each simple sentence type will be illustrated
in detail.
Verbal and non-verbal sentences. The first classification of simple sentence types
is based on the lexical category of the predicate. A verbal sentence type has a verbal
predicate. A non-verbal sentence type has an adjectival, adverbial, nominal, existential, or
demonstrative predicate.
Active and stative sentences. Verbal sentences are subclassified as active or stative on
the basis of the verb class encoding the predicate, the morphology of verbs, and the constituent
structure of the sentences.
Intransitive, transitive, and ditransitive sentences. Active sentences are subclassified
on the basis of the lexical valence of verbs and the constituent structure of the sentences. An
intransitive sentence has one core argument. A transitive sentence has two core arguments,
and a ditransitive sentence has three core arguments. Core arguments are those that have a
grammatical relationship with the verb.
Grammar Sketch 103
Existential and equational sentences. Non-verbal sentences are subclassified

on the basis of the lexical category expressing the predicate. There are two types of non-
verbal sentences: existential and equational. The existential word wada, or one of a set of
demonstratives, expresses the predicate in an existential sentence. Equational sentences may
also have nominal, adjectival, or adverbial predicates.
Passive. Passive sentences are not considered to be a basic sentence type; they are
morphosyntactically derived. The passivization process is considered to be a syntactic valence
reduction strategy.
11.3 Verbal sentence types
The classification of verbal sentence types is based on 1) verbal root semantics (see 4.1
Verbal root classification) 2) semantic roles encoded in NP grammatical relations (see Table
3 Semantic Roles and Grammatical Relations, and 3) inflectional affixes (see 2.3.1.2 Affix
selection and the cross-referencing system and 4.2 Inflectional affixes).
11.3.1 Intransitive sentences
Active, intransitive sentences. Many traditional ideas about grammar are ill-suited to
the Tuwali Ifugao language. Although this type of verbal sentence is considered to be active
and intransitive, the structure and usage cannot be understood without considering the lexical
semantics of the verbs that express the predicates. The description of this sentence type here
is integrated with brief statements concerning the important components of the verbal root
classes involved, and the semantic roles of subject NPs.
An active, intransitive sentence consists of a predicate and one core argument that is the
grammatical subject. The verbs that express the predicate, in particular their inflectional and
derivational potential, are the criteria used for subclassifying this sentence type. The semantic
role of the subject may be an agent of an action or an activity, or an experiencer of an emotion,
or a physiological function or a process. Also, there is one subclass of this sentence type that
is expressed by a predicate only: the ambient verb expresses meteorological concepts such as
raining, thundering, etc.
Two other constituent NPs that may co-occur with this type of predication are time and
place. Given the fact that events necessarily take place in a temporal and spatial context, spatial
and temporal information is always implied, but explicitly stated infrequently. However, with
certain classes of intransitive verbs, a spatial concept may be encoded in an object NP and be
cross-referenced by an affix on the verb. In such cases, these constructions are considered to
be syntactically derived transitive sentences.
Intransitive sub-type 1 (See 4.1.1 Class 1)

Wordform: Munhaghaggeyak te nikudliyak.
LexEntry: muN- CV(C)- hagge ak te ni- kudli ak
LexGloss: NP.S CONT limp 1.SG.S because PASS slip 1.SG.S
FT: I am limping because I slipped.
Intransitive sub-type 2 (See 4.1.2 Class 2)

Wordform: Dimmatong idad Lagawe ad nakugab.
LexEntry: datong -imm- ida ad Lagawe ad nakugab
LexGloss: arrive P.S 3.PL.S DET Lagawe DET yesterday
FT: They arrived at Lagawe yesterday.
104 Grammar Sketch
11.3.2 Transitive sentences
Active transitive sentences. An active, transitive sentence consists of a predicate

expressed by a verb, an argument that is a grammatical subject and one or more arguments
that are grammatical objects. Two other constituent NPs that may co-occur with this type of
predication are time and place.
Transitive sentences may be subclassified into three types based on the semantic classification
of the action-process expressed by the verb, the number of objects and the type of semantic roles
that the objects express. The inflectional and derivational potential of the verb is also a criterial
factor in the subclassification. No clear understanding of Tuwali Ifugao verbal sentences can be
achieved without an understanding of the lexical semantics of the verbs.
Transitive sub-type 1
There are eight semantic subclasses of verbs that are expressed by the predicates of this
sentence type; all have a criterial core component relating to the movement of an object. This
implies that there will be a grammatical object that will formally instantiate an entity that is
conveyed or moved; an understanding of the core component of movement of an object also
often implies a grammatical indirect object that will formally instantiate a site although the
site may not be expressed explicitly in the syntax (see 4.1.3 Class 3).
Verb Subject - Direct Object - Indirect Object -

agent conveyed site
Ingkamo na nan ahin hi asukal
mixed he the salt the sugar
FT: He mixed the salt with the sugar.
Verb Subject - Direct Object - Indirect Object -

agent conveyed site
Indat nay dakol an pihu ke hiya
gave he much money to him
FT: He gave much money to him.
There are six semantic subclasses of verbs that are expressed by the predicates of this
sentence type; all have a criterial core component ‘contact with an object’. This implies that
there will be a grammatical object that will formally instantiate an entity undergoing one of
these contact actions (see 4.1.4 Class 4).
Verb Subject - Direct Object -

agent patient
Dinuntuk nay uluk
hit he my head
FT: He hit my head.

Grammar Sketch 105
Verb Subject - Direct Object -

agent patient
Dinikhal na nan ongal an kaiw
split he the big log
FT: He split the big log.
There are three semantic subclasses of verbs with the core semantic component of
affecting a site-object by changing its state. This implies that a grammatical object will formally
instantiate a site-entity that undergoes this type of action (see 4.1.5 Class 5).
Verb Subject - Direct Object - site

agent
Hinaniyan da nan dalnon di danum
blocked they the passageway of the water
FT: They obstructed/blocked the passageway of water.
11.3.3 Stative-Process sentences
There are four semantic subclasses of verbs that express non-agentive, descriptive states
or processes. There is just one core argument in this basic sentence type that is grammatically
a subject and semantically an experiencer or patient (see 4.1.6 Class 6).
Stative Verb Subject

naaliwot hi Maria
was dizzy Maria
FT: Maria was dizzy. (state)
Process Verb Subject

umaliwot hi Maria
will become dizzy Maria
FT: Maria will become dizzy. (process)
11.4 Non-verbal sentence types
There are two types of non-verbal sentences: existential and equational. They are classified
on the basis of types of predicates (see 5.0 Non-verbal Predicates), one core argument that is
grammatically the subject and the forms that link the predicate to the subject constituent.27
27 Although we have classified adverbial predicates as non-verbal, the syntax of sentences with
adverbial predicates differs from the existential and equational sentence types. A better analysis might
be to reclassify some of the adverbial predicates as a separate class of verbal predicates, and then the
others might fit well with the equational sentence type.
106 Grammar Sketch
11.4.1 Existential
A Tuwali Ifugao existential sentence may express three types of assertions:

• simple existence
• locational existence
• possession
Functionally, in discourse, the existential sentence may also be used to introduce and
identify participants or props. A demonstrative may be substituted for the existential word
that then functionally expresses identification.
Wordform: Waday tendaan di bulwati, apatut, makan, kaiw ya

LexEntry: wada di tendaan di bulwati apatut makan kaiw ya
LexGloss: EXIS LK store LK clothing shoes food tree/wood and
gumok.
gum’ok
metal
FT: There are stores for clothes, shoes, food, lumber, and hardware.
Wordform: Hidiyey nanomnomon Malya an hidiye ke ot

LexEntry: hidiye di na- -on nomnom Malya an hidiye ke ot
LexGloss: DEM3 LK P.O think Malya LK that one DET would
di ihdana ya hiya.
di ihda na ya hiya
LK viand 3.SG.POSS LK yes, that’s it
FT: Malya kept thinking how much she missed having crabs for viand. (lit. That is
what Malya kept thinking about…)
11.4.2 Equational
The reason for classifying these sentences as equational is that the order of predicates
and subject NPs can be reversed. Normal word order is predicate-subject. This reversal is a
rhetorical strategy with the same discourse function as the rhetorical Topicalizing Referential
Strategy for verbal sentence types. The discourse function is for the purpose of introducing
participants and props, for the reintroduction of them or for emphatic contrast.
Whether the predicates are nominal, adjectival, or adverbial, in general they express
descriptive information. For that reason, they occur with a statistically higher level of
frequency in expository discourse, and tend to be the theme-line.
A simple equational sentence has two main constituents: a predicate and a subject NP.
A nominal predicate functions to state something about the head noun referent occurring
as the subject NP. For example, it may identify the role, function, feature, or classification of the
head noun. An adjectival predicate qualifies or quantifies the subject NP that is grammatically
related to it. Adverbial predicates tend to be evaluative of whatever situation or behavior is
expressed in the subject NP.
The non-predicate constituent may be a demonstrative pronoun, a common noun phrase,
or a proper name.
Grammar Sketch 107
With nominal predicates, the NP subjects are linked to the predicate by ya.
Wordform: Hi Luisa ya inan di duwan
LexEntry: hi Luisa ya ina an di duwa an
LexGloss: DET Luisa LK mother LK DET two LK
hintulang.
hiN- tulang
UNIFIER sibling
FT: Luisa was the mother of two children (lit. siblings).
With adjectival predicates, the subject NPs are linked to the predicate by di.
Wordform: Mabayak di bolat na.
LexEntry: mabayak di bol’at na
LexGloss: white LK skin 3.SG.POSS
FT: Her skin was white.
Generally, the evaluative class of adverbial predicates are linked to the subject NP with
di; however, in the example below, the hi determiner formative of the demonstrative serves
as the link.
Wordform: Kapyanah tuwe.

LexEntry: kapyana hi hituwe
LexGloss: customary DET DEM3
FT: This is customary.
11.5 Sentence types based on rhetorical function
There are three types of sentences in Tuwali Ifugao related to rhetorical function:
declarative, imperative, and interrogative. A fourth type might be postulated: expressive.
Structurally, expressive sentences are the same as non-imperative types except for the addition
of an adjunct that can turn a declarative sentence into an exclamatory or ironic statement
or an insult; an interrogative sentence may be turned into a rhetorical question. Often only
context disambiguates the rhetorical function of sentences.
11.5.1 Declarative
Tuwali Ifugao declarative sentences are those that rhetorically make statements. There
are many examples in the sections preceding this one.
Wordform: E inalan Gaby nan lata mu dakol moy

LexEntry: e -in- ala an Gaby nan lata mu dakol mo di
LexGloss: go P.O get LK Gaby DET can but many now LK
imme nadah allama.

-imm- e nada hi allama
P.S go DET.PL DET crab
FT: Gaby got the can but many of the crabs got away.
108 Grammar Sketch
11.5.2 Imperative
Tuwali Ifugao sentences that function as imperatives are morphosyntactically similar to

the declarative. Unlike English imperative structure, reference to the person being addressed
appears in the subject position. This use of the second person pronoun in the address is one
of the criteria for identifying imperative sentences. The verbs are in non-past tense. It has
been noted that Tuwali Ifugao imperative sentences have a higher statistical frequency in
hortatory/advice and procedural discourses than in any other types.
Wordform Itikod mun muntugal an ap-apuk.

LexEntry: i- tikod mu an muN- tugal an inap-apu ku
LexGloss: NP.O stop 2.SG.S LK NP.S gamble LK grandchild 1.SG.POSS
FT: Stop gambling, Grandson.
11.5.3 Interrogative
The syntactic process for deriving the interrogative sentence structure from the declarative
is done by adding an interrogative word when a yes or no answer is requested. In other types of
questions an interrogative pronoun replaces the constituent reference that is being questioned,
who, what, where, when, how, why (see 7.7 Interrogative pronouns). All interrogative words
occur pre-predicate. Depending on what is being questioned, there are associated changes in
the morphology of the verb, pronoun forms, and determiners. These changes are the same as
for those in the Topicalizing Referential Strategy described in section 2.3.1.2 Affix selection
and the cross-referencing system (see 2.3.1.2 Referential constraint – rhetorical strategies in
discourse). In the second sentence below, the morphology of the verb is the same as that used
in topicalizing a place in a declarative sentence.
Wordform Kanan Juliey “Nganat edakami hinalaman

LexEntry: kanan Julie di nganat e dakami halaman -in-
LexGloss: say Julie LK why go 2.PL.EX.O do something early P.O
an binangun?”
an bangun -in-
LK awaken someone P.O
FT: Julie asked, “Why did you wake us up so early?”
Wordform: “Nganne tut-uway inang-ang mu?”

LexEntry: nganne tut-uwa di -inang-ang mu
LexGloss: what truly LK P.O look 2.SG.S
FT: “Now, what did you really see?”
Wordform: “Daanay nangayaayam?” kanan ina.
LexEntry: daan di naN- -an CV(C) e mu kanan ina
LexGloss: where LK P.T CONT go 2.SG.S say Mother
FT: “Where have you been playing?” Mother asked.
The two interrogative forms, kon and an, for yes-no questions may optionally be deleted;
in that case, intonation alone disambiguates by indicating that a question is being asked.
Grammar Sketch 109
Wordform: An adika maagangan?

LexEntry: an adi ka agang ma- -an
LexGloss: INTPRO not 2.SG.S hungry STA
FT: Don’t you ever feel hungry?
11.5.4 Quotations
There are six types of Tuwali Ifugao quotations:

• Direct quotations
• Indirect quotations
• Quotations within quotations
• Quotations related to calling and naming
• Quotations marked as being reported, i.e. reportedly
Direct quotation
Wordform: “Maki-eyak nah payon apu,” kanan Butale.
LexEntry: maki- e ak nah payo an apu kanan Butale
LexGloss: PART go 1.SG.S DET ricefield LK grandfather say Butale
FT: “I will go with you to grandfather’s ricefield,” said Butale.
Indirect quotation
Wordform: Namam-a te kanan hanadan iibanay
LexEntry: namam-a te kanan hanada an iiba na di
LexGloss: STA worse because say DEM1 LK relative 3.SG.POSS LK
adida mo paki-ayon hi pidwana.

adi da mo paki- -on e hi pidwana
not 3.PL.S now PART go DET next time
FT: What was even worse was her brothers told her that she could not come with
them again.
11.6 Morphosyntactic derivation
There are two patterns of derivation in Tuwali Ifugao: lexical derivation and
morphosyntactic derivation. Morphosyntactic derivation differs from lexical derivation in that
lexical categories do not change with morphosyntactic derivation, e.g. verbs are still verbs,
nouns are still nouns. See 2.3.2 Derivation for a discussion of lexical derivation.
Morphosyntactic derivation instead changes the argument structure of basic sentences.
There are two general changes: 1) augmentation, i.e. adding to the number of arguments
and, 2) reduction of the number of arguments. The associated structural changes involve
verbal affixation, NP ordering, and marking of NPs. The motivation for these changes is
based on Tuwali Ifugao intelligibility and prominence rhetorical strategies. Specifically,
these strategies are used to give greater or less prominence to semantic roles encoded in
subject or object grammatical relations.
11.6.1 Augmentation of syntactic arguments
In the case of the augmentation process, an argument is added to the core argument
constituents of the sentence. The added NP encodes non-core or what we have called peripheral
semantic roles. There are three types of agentive role arguments that may be added to a
110 Grammar Sketch
verbal predication: causative agent, a participatory agent, or a reciprocal agent. There are
two types of semantic roles that may be added as object arguments to a verbal predication: an
instrument semantic role or a beneficiary semantic role.
With causative, participatory, and reciprocal agentive roles there are two agents involved
in an action conceptually. Syntactically there will be two NPs or two pronouns involved in
a sentence with causative and participatory agentive roles; with the reciprocal agentive role,
there will also be two NPs, but if there is pronominalization, only one plural pronoun will be
encoded in the subject argument to refer to both agents.
11.6.1.1 Addition of a causative agent
A causative agent role may be added, encoded in the subject NP, resulting in a derived
causative construction. The causative agent role may be added to either a transitive or
intransitive construction. With verbs of emotion, cognition, or physiology, a causative agent
causes an emotional, cognitive, or physiological response in an experiencer. To evoke these
responses may be intentional or unintentional on the part of a sentient causative agent; only
the context disambiguates intentionality. With a non-sentient agent, the evoking of a response
is neither volitional nor intentional.
Intransitive example. The verbal root e ‘to go’ is inherently intransitive with a single
subject argument, but when a causative subject agent is added as a sentence constituent, the
affixed root form becomes a derived transitive verb. The agent of the verb ‘to go’ becomes the
acted-upon direct object and results in a two-argument construction.
Wordform Impaen Maria hi Juan hi market.

LexEntry: impa- e an Maria hi Juan hi market
LexGloss: P.CAUS.O go LK Maria DET Juan DET market
FT: Maria sent Juan to market.
Transitive example. The verbal root dikhal ‘split wood’ is inherently transitive with two
grammatical relations arguments, subject and direct object. When a causative agent is added
as the subject constituent, the agent performing the action is encoded as an indirect object
constituent resulting in a three-argument construction.
Wordform: Impadikhal Maria nan ongal an kaiw ke Pedro.

LexEntry: impadikhal Maria nan ongal an kaiw ke Pedro
LexGloss: P.CAUS.O split wood Maria DET big LK tree DET Pedro
FT: Maria had Pedro split the big chunk of wood.
Emotion verb example. The verbal root takut ‘to be afraid’ is inherently intransitive
with a single grammatical relation argument. The subject argument encodes an experiencer
semantic role. When a causative agent is added as the subject constituent, the experiencer is
encoded as a direct object resulting in a two-argument construction.
Wordform: Impatakut Anah Maria.

LexEntry: impatakut Ana hi Maria
LexGloss: P.CAUS.O afraid Anna DET Maria
FT: Ana caused Maria to be afraid.
Grammar Sketch 111
11.6.1.2 Addition of participatory agent
Participatory agent example. The verb e ‘to go’ is a one-argument verb. When a
participatory agent is encoded as the subject argument, a two-argument participatory
construction results. The affix set maki-/naki- signals that a participatory agent is an added
constituent. The participatory agent may be added to either an intransitive (the first example
sentence below) or transitive (the second example sentence below) construction.
Wordform: Maki-eyak ke Maria ad Kiangan.

LexEntry: maki- e ak ke Maria ad Kiangan
LexGloss: PART go 1.SG.S DET Maria DET Kiangan
FT: I’m going with Maria to Kiangan.
Wordform: Makidikhal hi Jose itungu da.

LexEntry: makidikhal hi Jose i- tungu da
LexGloss: PART split wood DET Jose NP.O fuel a fire 3.PL.S
FT: Jose is joining others who are splitting firewood.
11.6.1.3 Addition of a reciprocal agent
Adding a reciprocal agent may only be done with transitive verbal roots. Sentences with
reciprocal verbs have subject and object NP arguments combined in a single phrase encoded as
the subject constituent. In the sentence example below, the NP da nan hintulang encodes both
the subject and object grammatical relations.
Wordform: Mun-innapput da nan hintulang,

LexEntry: muN- -innapput da nan hintulang
LexGloss: REC compete PL DET NP.O sibling
FT: The siblings competed with each other.
11.6.1.4 Addition of an object argument
An object NP constituent can be added to a basic intransitive clause. This object NP may
encode one of the three peripheral semantic roles, source, goal, or path, resulting in a derived
transitive construction. Some intransitive verbal roots also allow semantic roles that are core
roles associated with transitive verbal roots. The first sentence example below illustrates a
typical intransitive construction, and the second illustrates an added object argument resulting
in a derived transitive construction.
Wordform: Ume kamid Kiangan.

LexEntry: -um- e kami ad Kiangan
LexGloss: NP.S go 1.PL.EX.S DET Kiangan
FT: We are going to Kiangan.
Wordform: I-e kami nan tudok ad Kiangan

LexEntry: i- e kami nan tudok ad Kiangan
LexGloss: NP.O go 1.PL.EX.S DET letter DET Kiangan
FT: We will take-along the letter to Kiangan (lit. go with).
112 Grammar Sketch
11.6.1.5 Addition of an instrument-object argument
An instrument-object argument may be added to a sentence if the verbal root class allows
for an instrument semantic role. However, an instrument-object argument is not commonly
added to a construction because most verbal roots have a specific instrument that is used in
the action inherently associated with them. For this reason, an instrument is only significant
if it varies from the “norm” in some way and, in that case, it is encoded in the direct object
argument and cross-referenced.
Wordform: Indikhal na nan matadom an wahe.

LexEntry: iN- dikhal na nan matadom an wahe
LexGloss: P.IO split 3.SG.S DET STA sharp LK ax
FT: He split (wood) with the sharp ax.
11.6.1.6 Addition of a beneficiary-object argument
Since the beneficiary semantic role is considered a peripheral semantic role, one would
expect that it would be encoded in the indirect object position in a clause since the direct
object generally encodes a core semantic role. However, when a beneficiary-object argument
is added to a clause, it is promoted to the direct object position and cross-referenced by the
affix on the verb.
Wordform: Indattan dah Pangka hi ittay hi dotag

LexEntry: idat in--an da hi Pangka hi ittay hi dotag
LexGloss: give P.IO they DET Pangka DET little DET meat
ot kanana mun-iyan ad Mamangan.

ot kanan na muN- iyan ad Mamangan
and then say 3.SG.S NP.S stay overnight DET Mamangan
FT: They gave Pangka a small (piece of) meat and told him to spend the night at
Mamangan.
Wordform: Igaudam hi inam te

LexEntry: i- -an gaud mu hi ina mu te
LexGloss: NP.IO spade ground 2.SG.S DET mother 2.SG.POSS because
nain-ina mo.
nain-ina mo
old woman already
FT: Spade for your mother because she is old already.
11.6.2 Reduction of syntactic arguments
In the case of the morphosyntactic reduction process, a syntactic argument is reduced, or

in some cases retained, but given less prominence in the syntax.
Grammar Sketch 113
11.6.2.1 Derived intransitive
An object constituent in a transitive clause can be deleted or the prominence can be

reduced.28 In this case, the aspect of the verbal root is also affected, changed from punctiliar
to durative. The verb dikhal ‘to split wood’ is a two-argument verb but an object constituent
can be deleted resulting in a derived intransitive construction. The first sentence below
illustrates a typical transitive construction, and the second illustrates a derived intransitive
construction.
Transitive clause with object

Wordform: Dinikhal na nan ongal an kaiw.
LexEntry: dikhal -in- na nan ongal an kaiw
LexGloss: split wood P.O 3.SG.S DET big LK tree
FT: He split the big log.
Derived intransitive clause

Wordform: Mundikhal hi Juan hi bigat.
LexEntry: muN- dikhal hi Juan hi big’at
LexGloss: NP.S split wood DET John DET tomorrow
FT: Juan will split (wood) tomorrow.
11.6.2.2 Passive
An agent-subject argument in a transitive clause can be deleted or the prominence can be

reduced, resulting in a passive construction. Compare the following passive sentence with the
transitive sentence above.
Wordform: Nadikhal ke nan kaiw ya mahapul an

LexEntry: nadikhal ke nan kaiw ya mahapul an
LexGloss: PASS split wood when/if DET tree LK necessity LK
ihap-e.
i- hap-e
NP.O dry
FT: When the wood is split, we will have to dry it.
11.6.2.3 Reflexive
Although a reflexive construction is conceptually transitive, i.e. having both subject and
object arguments, there is usually a reduction of one NP argument since with most verbs both
semantic roles can be encoded in the subject argument.
Wordform: Imme dah hilong ot muntalu

LexEntry: -imm- e da hi hilong ot muN- talu
LexGloss: P.S go 3.PL.S DET night and then REFL hide
28 Some linguistic theories treat the resulting construction as an antipassive.

114 Grammar Sketch
da nah e-elena.
da nah e-ele na
3.PL.S DET outside 3.SG.POSS
FT: They went while it was dark and they hid (themselves) outside of the camp.
11.6.2.4 Agent-subject argument deletion in a subordinate clause
An agent-subject argument is reduced in a complement clause. There is no subject

pronoun following the verb mundongdongngol ‘listening’ in the complement clause.
Wordform: Nuntadtaddog kamin mundongdongngol hi

LexEntry: nuN- CV(C) taddog kami an muN- CV(C)- dongol hi
LexGloss: P.S CONT stand up 1.PL.EX.S LK NP.S CONT listen DET
kalkalyon nan mittulu.

CV(C)- kali -on nan mittulu
CONT say NP.O DET teacher
FT: We were standing as (we) were listening to the speech of the teacher.
12.0 Introduction to Complex Sentences
Complex sentences in Tuwali Ifugao result from two different sentence structuring
strategies: clause embedding and clause combining. With the clause embedding strategy, the
sentence structure that results has a clause occurring within a NP position. The embedded clause
constituent has the same type of grammatical relationship with the predicate that a noun or NP
would have in that position and these relationships are marked in the same way as simple NPs,
i.e. by being cross-referenced by an affix on the verb and by the same set of determiners used in
a NP. With the clause combining strategy, the clauses are connected by conjunctions.
12.1 Clause embedding
Both relative and complement clauses in Tuwali Ifugao are considered to be embedded in
positions commonly filled by NPs. They are marked by the linker form an, with the exception
of the speech verb complement clause marked with the linker di or its allomorph y. The relative
and complement clauses are disambiguated on the basis of their modificational functions. The
relative clause modifies a nominal argument, and the complement clause adds information
that completes the meaning of the predicate.
Another construction that is embedded in the position of an NP is the nominalized clause.
This nominalized clause differs from relative and complement clauses in two ways: 1) they are
derived clauses, and 2) their rhetorical function is referential, like nouns or NPs, rather than
modificational.
12.1.1 Relative clauses
A relative clause in Tuwali Ifugao modifies by referring to an expressed or implied

antecedent noun. The relative clause expresses identificational or descriptive information. Its
rhetorical function may be correlated with the modificational function of adjectives.
Grammar Sketch 115
Relative clause with a head noun
The modified noun is the head noun in this type of relative clause. The head noun is in
the main clause; its co-referent in the relative clause is omitted. The head noun is linked to
the relative clause by the linker, an. The subject, direct object, and indirect object may all be
relativized. When the head noun ends in a vowel, the ‘a’ vowel in the linker is deleted and the
‘n’ is attached to the noun.
In the sentence below, the infix -in- on the verbal root tibo cross-references the object NP,
dakol an allama. The head of the relative clause that follows is allama ‘crab’.
Wordform: Handih nadilagan nan danum ya tinibon

LexEntry: handi hi na- -an dilag nan danum ya tibo an -in-
LexGloss: DEM2 DET PASS use light DET water LK see LK P.O
Malyay dakol an allaman mahmahhuyop nah

Malya di dakol an allama an CV(C)C- ma- huyop nah
Malya LK many LK crab LK CONT STA sleep DET
babatu.
CV- bat’u
PL rock
FT: When the torches lit the water, Malya saw many crabs that are sleeping on the
rocks.
Relative clause without a head noun
Another type of relative clause is headless, embedded as an NP constituent of the main

clause and marked with the linker an. However, another possible interpretation of the data
could be that the head noun is the zero morpheme encoding the 3rd person singular pronoun,
‘he’, ‘she’, ‘it’. With this interpretation the free translation of the example given below would
read ‘I heard (it) that you are a habitual gambler.’
Wordform: Dingngol ku an makattugal ka.

LexEntry: dongol -in- ku an makaC1- tugal ka
LexGloss: listen P.O 1.SG.S LK MOD gamble 2.SG.S
FT: I heard that you are a habitual gambler.
12.1.2 Complement clauses
A complement clause in this grammar is defined as one that functions to modify a

predicate in the main clause by adding to the meaning. This complex construction, i.e. a main
clause and complement, may be in subordination to another main clause.
However, to classify complements strictly based on form does not adequately describe
their function in discourse. Most complements marked with an have the rhetorical function of
adverbial modification of the main clause predicate.
It is also necessary to study the meaning of complement clauses since the linker an also
marks relative clauses. One has to look beyond form and structure to determine whether
the clause marked with an modifies a noun as an identifying or descriptive relative clause,
or whether it modifies a verb by adding adverbial-type meaning such as manner, purpose,
reason, etc.
116 Grammar Sketch
Complement clauses have been classified into eight types. This classification is based
on three criteria: 1) the type of main clause predicate, 2) how the meaning encoded
in the complement clause modifies the predicate, and as noted above, 3) the form of the
linker connecting the complement clause to the main clause predication. Classification of
complements based on these criteria is as follows:
• Active verbal predicate complements
• Passive predicate complements
• Adverbial predicate complements
• Stative verb complements
• Speech verb complements
• Attitude and emotion verb complements
• Time complement
Active verbal complements
Frequently the complements of active verbs indicate the purpose or reason for the action
or activity.
Transitive verb complement

Wordform: Tinuttuduwak an kumali kali da.
LexEntry: CV(C) tudu ak -inan kali -um- kali da
LexGloss: CONT teach 1.SG.O P.O LK speak NP.S language 3.PL.POSS
FT: (They) taught me how to speak their language.
Intransitive verb complement

Wordform: ...ya wada day immen e nunsiim hin
LexEntry: ya wada da di -imm- e an e nuN- siim hin
LexGloss: and EXIS 3.PL.S LK P.S go LK go P.S spy on if
nganney ine-en nadan Ippangyol ya nan kuwantel

nganne di ine-en an nadan ippangyol ya nan kuwantel
what LK way LK DET.PL Spanish and DET living quarters
da.
da
3.PL.POSS
FT: …and there were those who went to spy on the Spanish and their quarters.
Passive verbal complements
The complements of passive verbs tend to give the reason for a result in context or state
a condition.
Wordform: Mipatibo an dakol di page da.

LexEntry: mipa- tibo an dakol di page da
LexGloss: PASS CAUS see LK many LK rice-grain 3.PL.POSS
FT: It is shown that they have much rice.
Grammar Sketch 117
Adverbial predicate complements
There are two types of adverbial predicate complements. Both are marked with the
an linker. The structure of one type encodes the complement as an object argument of the
adverbial predicate in the main clause. The structure of the other type encodes the complement
as a subject argument of an adverbial predicate.
Wordform: Ot ne ilappu dan am-in an

LexEntry: ot ne i- lappu da an am-in an
LexGloss: and then then NP.O start 3.PL.S LK all LK
nundadaan hi mahapul da.

nuN- dadaan hi mahapul da
P.S prepare DET necessity 3.PL.S
FT: Then, they started to prepare what they would need.
Wordform: Adim mo painnay-ayyam te

LexEntry: adi mu mo pa- inn- CV(C)- ayyam te
LexGloss: don’t you, singular now CAUS MOD ASP play because
mahapul an mun-istudy kah ustu.

mahapul an muN- istudy ka hi ustu
necessity LK NP.S study 2.SG.S DET adequate
FT: You are not going to squander your time because it is necessary that you study
adequately.
Stative verbal complements
The complements of stative verbs are those that further clarify something about the
person or thing that is being described by the stative verb.
Wordform: Man-uket takutan di Ippangyol nadan

LexEntry: man-uke ta takut -an di ippangyol nadan
LexGloss: the reason that so that fear NP.O DET Spanish DET.PL
iKiangan ya natuled dan makigubat.

iKiangan ya natuled da an maki- gub’at
iKiangan LK STA brave 3.PL.S LK PART wage war
FT: The reason the Spaniards were afraid of the people of Kiangan is that they
were brave to fight.
Speech verbal complements
There are two types of speech verbal complements. One type is a direct quotation
complement of the frozen form verb, kanan ‘say’, and is linked to the clause encoding what is
said with the di linker. The second type of complement is when the root, kali ‘speak/say’, is
infixed with the affix set -um-/-imm-. These infixes cross-reference the agent-subject. With this
second type of complement, the predicate kanan with its complement is linked to the main
clause with the kali verb by an.
118 Grammar Sketch
Type 1 complement
Wordform: Ot kananay “Dehtuy golang hitu,
LexEntry: ot kanan na di dehtu di golang hitu
LexGloss: and then say 3.SG.S LK DEMPRED2 LK child DEM4
wada boy mundogo.”

wada bo di muN- dogo
there is again LK NP.DEV.S sick
FT: And he commented “There’s a child sitting here, somebody must be sick
again.”
Type 2 complement
Indani ya waday kimmalin kananay “Itkuk mu!”
Later, someone spoke, he said “Shout!”
Attitude and emotion verbal complements
The complements of attitude and emotion verbs express the information that evokes the
attitude or emotion encoded in the main clause verbs.
Wordform: Maid, tumakut kamin e mangala mu

LexEntry: maid takut -um- kami an e maN- ala mu
LexGloss: nothing afraid NP.S 1.PL.EX.S LK go NP.T.S get but
maka-i-imin nangidat ot alan mi mo.

maka- CV(C)- imi an maN- idat ot ala an mi mo
INT CONT smiling LK P.T.S give and then get LK 1.PL.EX.S now
FT: “Nothing. We were afraid to take the candy but she was smiling as she gave it
so we took it.”
Time complements
Time complements encode actions or activities that are coincidental with whatever action
or activity that is being encoded in the main clause.
Wordform: Mun-iya-iyag dan mangmangnge an

LexEntry: muN- CV(C)CV- iyag da an CV(C)- maN- e an
LexGloss: NP.S ASP cheer 3.PL LK CONT NP.T.S go LK
ito-ol day “He, he, he.”

i- to-ol da di he he he
NP.O incessantly 3.PL.S DET he he he
FT: As they go along, the men keep cheering lustily, “He, he, he.” (lit. They keep
cheering, as they go along.)
12.2 Nominalized clauses
Nominalized clauses are identified through the special morphology of the verbs. Two sets
of affixes nominalize the verbs in these clauses. See 4.3.2 Clausal nominalizing affixes. The
Grammar Sketch 119
rhetorical function of these clauses is referential. The constituency of these clauses may be
structured in three ways: 1) one constituent - the nominalized verb, 2) two constituents - the
nominalized verb and a subject or possessive, 3) three constituents – the nominalized verb, a
subject and an object.
Wordform: Ya hay gapunah adina pangitikodan ya

LexEntry: ya hay gapuna hi adi na pangi- -an tikod ya
LexGloss: and DET reason DET not 3.SG.S NOM stop LK
alanganin di biyag na hi punnomnom na.

alanganin di biyag na hi puN- nomnom na
uncertain LK life 3.SG.POSS DET NOM think/mind 3.SG.S
FT: And the reason he does not stop is he thinks (lit. his thinking is) his life would
be uncertain.
12.3 Clause combining
Clauses that are connected by conjunctions are also considered to be complex sentences.
See 9.2 Conjunctions for the conjunction forms. Tuwali Ifugao may combine two or more
clauses; the usual number of combined clauses observed in natural written text is two or three.
More may be found combined in transcribed oral text.
There are three ways of combining clauses in Tuwali Ifugao:
• Clauses can be combined by relating them with coordinating conjunctions. Clauses
that are combined by coordinating conjunctions encode information that is equally
prominent in context. Each clause is a complete sentence and can occur alone or as
the main clause of a sentence with a subordinate clause.
Wordform: Nuntotobbalan dah diyen aton da

LexEntry: nuN- -an CV(C)C- tobal da hi hidiye an at -on da
LexGloss: P.DIST.S CONT approve 3.PL.S DET DEM3 LK do NP.O 3.PL.S
ot gutudon day algo.

ot gutud -on da di algo
CONJ set time NP.O 3.PL.S DET day
FT: They agreed to do that and then they set a date.
• Clauses can be combined with subordinating conjunctions. Clauses that are marked
with subordinating conjunctions are related to at least one main clause. The
conjunction that marks the subordinate clause signals how the information in the
clause is semantically related to the main clause.
Wordform: Naapput da te makadinnol da

LexEntry: naapput da te makaC2- dinol da
LexGloss: STA defeat 3.PL.S because MOD confident 3.PL.S
te hay inila da ya makattakut di Ipugao.

te hay inila da ya makaC1- takut di Ipugao
because DET know 3.PL.S CONJ MOD afraid DET Ifugao
FT: They were defeated because they were unsuspecting because they thought
the Ifugao were cowards.
120 Grammar Sketch
• Clauses can be combined with both coordinating and subordinating conjunctions to

form complex sentences, i.e., some of the clauses that are combined may themselves
contain subordinate clauses, so that the result is a complex sentence.
Wordform: Maphod te immaliy dakol hi lugan

LexEntry: ma- pohod te -immali di dakol hi lugan
LexGloss: STA good because P.S come LK many DET vehicle
ot ume kami.
ot -um- e kami
and so NP.S go 1.PL.EX.S
FT: Luckily there were many rides so that we could go. (lit. It was good because
many vehicles came and so we went.)
Wordform: Dimmatong dah maal-algo ot

LexEntry: datong -imm- da hi ma- CV(C)- algo ot
LexGloss: arrive P.S 3.PL.S DET STA INT noon and then
ipayu dan e mampap mu tultulluy

i- payu da an e maN- dopap mu CV(C)- tulu di
NP.O go directly 3.PL.S LK go NP.T.S seize but INT few LK
dimpap da.
dopap -in- da
seize P.O 3.PL.S
FT: They arrived at noon and then went directly to (the river). (lit. to catch/seize
crabs), but they only caught a few.
13.0 Tuwali Ifugao Communication
Tuwali Ifugao speakers use their language very effectively in communication. This
Dictionary and Grammar Sketch present an analysis of the usage of the language based
on defining a distinction between rhetorical functions and rhetorical strategies. Rhetorical
functions are related to lexical categories and syntactic structures whereas rhetorical strategies
are related to and encompass the organization of a text and the choices of lexical forms and
constructions to express kinds of information in a text. However, both rhetorical functions and
rhetorical strategies relate to the four communicational principles listed below.29
• Quantity. A speaker/writer will give the amount of information needed for the
interpretation of meaning30 by the hearer/reader.
• Quality. The information given will be of high quality, i.e. believed to be true by the
speaker/writer.
• Relevance. The information will be significant, i.e. usually considered to be relevant
to the hearer/reader but in some cases, particularly relevant to the speaker/writer.
• Appropriate. The information and style of communication will be appropriate for the
communicational situation.
29 These principles match the conversational maxims defined by Grice (1975).

30 Semantic and pragmatic meaning is differentiated in this grammar. Semantic meaning is restricted to
the semantic components of lexical forms. Pragmatic meaning involves the textual context of constructions,
as well as the extralinguistic context of the communication act, and the kinds of information expressed
by constructions in a text of a particular discourse genre.
Grammar Sketch 121
Speakers of Tuwali Ifugao can and do violate these principles, either intentionally or
inadvertently. However, the analysis of natural and translated texts reveals evidence for
rhetorical functions and strategies based on these principles.
13.1 Rhetorical function
Every Tuwali Ifugao sentence has words with predicational, referential, modificational,
or relational rhetorical functions; basic rhetorical functions match the grammatical categories
described and illustrated in earlier sections of this Grammar Sketch.31 Each semantic class of
Tuwali Ifugao words can be classified and assigned a lexical category on the basis of form and
meaning and may also be assigned a rhetorical function on the basis of their constituency, and
so function at a higher level in a construction. In some cases, a word may have a secondary
rhetorical function, but retain significant semantic components that are related to its basic
rhetorical function.
For example, an adjectival predicate has a predicational rhetorical function in a clause,
but it retains semantic components that reflect the features of the referent of a noun and,
therefore, continues to have a modificational function. We have, however, in this Grammar
chosen to assign only one rhetorical function at any particular level of a construction. Therefore,
an adjective would be assigned a modificational function at the phrase level, but would be
assigned a predicational function at the clause or sentence level of a construction. Table 58
shows the basic rhetorical function of lexical categories.
Table 58 Basic Rhetorical Functions of Lexical Categories
Lexical categories Rhetorical functions
Verbs Predicational
Nouns, Pronouns, Demonstratives, Referential

Determiners
Adjectives, Adverbs, Adjuncts Modificational
Conjunctions, Linkers Relational
In Table 59 we show the general semantic classes that are expressed in lexical categories,
and the basic and secondary rhetorical functions of the lexical categories. Table 59 also shows
the rhetorical functions of relative and complement embedded clauses, and subordinate clauses.
These types of syntactic structures have the same rhetorical functions as their corresponding
lexical categories.
31 Some of the ideas for the development of lexical categories and rhetorical function have been
adapted from Croft (1991).
122 Grammar Sketch
Table 59 Semantic Classes, Lexical Categories, Syntactic Structures
Semantic Referential Predicational Modificational Relational

Class
Things Nouns, Pronouns, Nominal

Demonstratives, predications,
Determiners Existential
predications
Events32 Nominalized Verbs Complement

clauses clauses
Complement
clauses
Attributes Adjectival Adjectives,

predications Adverbs,
Adjuncts,
Stative verbs
Relative clauses
Relationals Subordinate Conjunctions,

clauses Linkers
Subordinate
clauses
13.2 Rhetorical strategies
Rhetorical strategies are those needed to create a well-organized, coherent, and relevant
text.33 These strategies are related to discourse genre and the appropriate presentation of
information. Rhetorical strategies incorporate the following tenets:
Certain types of information are associated with particular discourse genre.
Prominence ranking of information promotes an understanding of the relevance of a text.
Organization and cohesion of information at all levels of discourse, phrase, clause,
sentence, and paragraph is needed to create coherence and intelligibility of a text.
32 States and processes are included in the semantic classification of events though they are significantly
different in verb forms and functions. They are predicational in both structure and rhetorical function,
though they semantically function to describe the referents of the nouns in the NP constituent.
33 This is not to claim that Tuwali Ifugao speakers are necessarily familiar with the stated tenets
of rhetorical strategies. It is, however, a claim that effective Tuwali Ifugao speakers intuitively use
rhetorical strategies to create excellent texts. Evidence for this claim is given through the illustrative
sentences excerpted from their natural texts.

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Grammar Sketch

1.0 Introduction to Morphophonology

1.1 Phonological changes resulting from affixation

nuN- + pulig  numpulig ‘rolled down’

-in- + domog  dimmog ‘trampled it’

mun- -amo  mun-amo ‘to bathe’

maN- + gopak  mangpak ‘he will be the one to stamp’

maN- + kapya  mangapya ‘he will be the one to make’

umali + -ak  umaliyak ‘I will come’

dala + -an  nadala-an ‘covered with blood’

bayu + -on  bayuwon ‘to pound the rice’

na- + -ogah  nag-a ‘it was dropped’

maka- + higid  makahhigid ‘loves to sweep’

iN- + gatang  inggattang ‘he sold it’

ma- + pohod  maphod ‘good’

ki- -an + tibo  kitib-an ‘sign’

homok + on  homkon ‘to pity someone’

ki- -an + pohod  kiphodan ‘benefit’

impa- + -ubun  impab-un ‘caused to sit’

Deletion of one vowel

mi- -an + -idat  midattan ‘it will be given’

boka + -on  bok-on ‘to dig in the ground’

bihe + -on  bihayon ‘will divide and share it’

amo + -on  amawon ‘to bathe someone’

1.2 Phonological changes resulting from clitic attachment

1.2.1 Pronoun attachment

ingkeke + mu  ingkekem ‘you swam across it’

guyudon + na  guyudona ‘he will pull it’

1.2.2 Linker attachment

wada di  waday ‘there is’

1.2.3 Determiner attachment

imme + hi  immeh Pedro ‘Peter went’

2.0 Introduction to Morphology

Tuwali Ifugao is a polysynthetic language with the fusion of morphosyntactic features

2.1 Roots and words

2.3 Word formation processes

• Predicational – verbs, adverbs, nouns, adjectives, demonstratives

2.3.1.1 Verb inflection

Aspect (see 4.2.4 Time aspect affixes)

Mode (see 4.2.3 Modal affixes)

2.3.1.2 Affix selection and the cross-referencing system

There is an inherent morphological preference for matching certain components of roots

4 The word “formative” is used to refer to a single part or segment of a morpheme.

Table 3 Semantic Roles and Grammatical Relations

Semantic Role Definition Grammatical Relations

Agent A volitional doer of an activity, action, Subject

Causative Agent* An agent who causes another agent to Subject

Experiencer One who undergoes an emotion or Subject

Participatory A participatory agent is one that Subject

Existent A thing, person, or place about which Subject

Statant A thing, person, or place that is Subject

Ambient Meteorological phenomenon. Subject is not expressed

Conveyed A thing that undergoes movement from Direct Object

Patient A thing that undergoes a structural or Direct Object

Site A place that undergoes a change of state. Direct Object

Instrument* An implement that is used in an action. Indirect Object

Benefactive* One who benefits from another’s Indirect Object

Source* The beginning point of a movement. Direct Object

Grammatical relations constraints

Referential constraint – rhetorical strategies in discourse