Burma in The Crosshairs of Global Capital: The Former Military Junta of Burma As A Rational Response To Neo-Imperialist Manipulation
Burma in The Crosshairs of Global Capital: The Former Military Junta of Burma As A Rational Response To Neo-Imperialist Manipulation
Burma in The Crosshairs of Global Capital: The Former Military Junta of Burma As A Rational Response To Neo-Imperialist Manipulation
Preface
While editor of The Barnes Review, I began researching the truth about the news media's
condemnation of the military government of Burma.1 Usually, when the reports of human rights
abuses are lurid and concern an enemy of the USA with oil, they're usually lies. “Johnson's Law”
applies. This law, named for myself, states that “the more obscure a country, the more easily
authorities can lie about it.” This can also be re-formulated as “the more obscure the country, the
more journalists and politicians feel free to lie about it” since so few can refute their claims.
Even more, one can say “the more obscure a country, the easier it is for rumor to circulate with
little refutation.”
As a professional historian, I claim no expertise on Burma as a nation outside of these
later 20th century issues. Certainly, more specialized study of Burma's history can add much to
this essay. I took on this task due to the fact that no one else would. While no expert on Burma
(while so few are), I am an expert in comparative government and nationalism.
Since I initially wrote most of the article in 2005, this CIA backed Aung San Suu Kyi has
taken over as the chief executive of the country. Military rule has officially come to an end and
the generals have voluntarily handed over power, as Pinochet did decades ago. Claiming that she
will be “above the president,” she, or more accurately, her corporate sponsors and the CIA, have
already set about sending her opponents to prison.
As might be expected, it is only outside establishment sources that one will find any
criticism of the party line. Tony Cartalucci has also been skeptical of endless media tirades
against the military government. In fact, other than myself, he has been the only one publicly
casting doubt in the familiar “color revolution” fraud in Asia and in this case, the Burmese
“Saffron Revolution.” Based in Thailand, he cites a report from the UK-based “Burma
1 The government has renamed the country “Myanmar.” Like Kampuchea before in Cambodia, these renaming
schemes are irritating and unnecessary. They never make the point that the government is trying to project and it
leads to nothing but confusion. Both these “new” names are irritating to me and hence, I continue to use the older
“Burma.” “Kampuchea” never quite took in Cambodia, I'm happy to notice, though this might have something to
do with it being Pol Pot's preferred name for his country.
Campaign” (part of the Soros empire) that states:
The National Endowment for Democracy has been at the forefront of our program
efforts to promote democracy and improved human rights in Burma since 1996.
We are providing $2,500,000 in FY 2003 funding from the Burma earmark in the
Foreign Operations legislation. The NED will use these funds to support Burmese
and ethnic minority democracy-promoting organizations through a sub-grant
program. The projects funded are designed to disseminate information inside
Burma supportive of Burma’s democratic development, to create democratic
infrastructures and institutions, to improve the collection of information on human
rights abuses by the Burmese military and to build capacity to support the
restoration of democracy when the appropriate political openings occur and the
exiles/refugees return.
NGOs are merely forms of elite control. There is no major NGO that is not backed either
by governments or corporate elites. Most often, it is both. More than anything else, “color
revolutions” are about economics. The west is so deeply in debt that financing any imperialist
venture is impossible. Hence, they create a nation's opposition and use that to strip the assets of
the country. As the west fails catastrophically, its elite need to take the equity of the globe to
buttress itself. Those who deny that this is just a newer form of imperialism are either
incompetent or dishonest.
The truth is quite different. Dripping with oil and siting atop trillions in gems and
precious metals, Burma has been a target of global elites for decades. Under a military
government that can only be called Social Nationalist, the country has done fairly well given its
position and ongoing civil war with Islamic and other groups in the country. Economic growth in
Burma has been steady and impressive under the circumstances.
Background:
The Rhetorical Overkill of the World's Elite
It is regularly asserted that the military government in Burma is one of the most
repressive in the world. Accusations fly about the “economic stagnation” of the country, its
falsely purported involvement in the heroin trade, and its endless civil wars between ethnic
separatists and the junta's highly experienced military. However, this article will show that all of
this is largely an orchestrated hate campaign being run by the U.S. Department of State, the CIA,
Israel and George Soros for the benefit of the global elite.
Aung San Suu Kyi's victory means that the banks and corporations of the western world
now control the executive branch of government. Media reports now speak of the “rebirth” of
Burma and claim that her recent economic growth can be attributed to this change of leadership.
George Soros' Open Society Institute said this about the junta in 2006:
“Johnson's Law” is very important here since so few speak the majority language. How
can this be verified? There are many political parties in Burma, some supporting the government
and others opposing it. It is not a one party government. The U.S. State Department has this to
say in its “human rights” report on Burma in January of 1998:
Human Rights Watch made a statement on August 20, 2004, to the Development
Committee of the European Union that included this hyperbolic opening paragraph:
The human rights situation in Burma remains appalling. Burma is the textbook
example of a police state. Government informants and spies are omnipresent.
Average Burmese people are afraid to speak to foreigners except in the most
superficial of manners for fear of being hauled in later for questioning or worse.
There is no freedom of speech, assembly or association. State TV and radio are
merely a crude propaganda tool of the regime, merely recounting what the top
generals did on any given day. To read the English language New Light of
Myanmar is to understand what George Orwell feared when he wrote 1984
(HRW, 2004).
Amnesty International (AI), in its 1999 country report for Burma, had this to say about its
human rights situation:
The International Crisis Group has been spearheading the intellectual and journalistic
assault on Burma. In 2001, the ICG states in its very title: “The Military Regime's View of the
World.” One chapter is titled “Paranoia.” They wrote this statement in 1999:
During four decades of military rule, Myanmar’s leaders have grown increasingly
inward-looking and alienated. They are driven by an obsession with national
sovereignty to seek almost total autonomy from international influences. The
hallmark of a foreign policy driven by insecurity has been self-reliance. Since
1962, military leaders have insisted that Myanmar, as much as possible, do things
its own way and rely on its own resources. They perceive their country and its
problems to be not only unique, but also essentially unfathomable to outsiders.
They also exhibit a clear lack of understanding of international affairs and the
motivations, and values of other nations (ICG, 1999: 1).
One might forgive the former military government if they are a bit suspicious of the west
and its motives. Gen. Maung Aye states in response to all this,
Seen from our perspective, security entails non-interference in internal affairs and
freedom from external pressures. Security is synonymous with the basic right to
choose freely one’s own political, economic and social systems and to determine
one’s future at one’s pace and in accordance with cherished values and ideals
(Quoted in the ICG report above, 1-2).
This is explicitly called “paranoia” by the ICG and is echoed by AI and Soros. African
governments were saying almost identical things in the 1960s to the cheers of the left. Suddenly,
colonialism is chic. In their “Recommendations,” the world's elite, speakiing through ICG, say
that they will “Encourage a debate with all political groups on how the country might improve its
economy without exposing itself to the feared side-effects of globalisation” (3). In other words,
try to convince them that globalization has nothing to do with free trade. They are speaking of
manipulating these “ignorant peasants.” Is this too harsh? Another “Recommendation” says that
they must “Improve availability in Burmese and minority languages of texts that might assist in
developing a diverse, tolerant society and a democratic political system and improve
understanding of international systems.” In a condescending attitude from these corporate
liberals, we hear that these military leaders are mentally ill and too ignorant to be taken
seriously:
Paranoid thinking – a simplistic belief system that leads the person to perceive a
world of enemies and to interpret all new information in a way that confirms that
image – is evident in frequent claims [from the state] that Western powers (neo-
colonialists) are trying to destabilise the country and exercise economic and
cultural hegemony.2
Speaking of the military's distrust of the west. They write: “These reactions, coupled with
consistent rhetoric over four decades, suggest a real psychological distortion.” Throughout the
report,there is a sense that the government and population as a whole are too ignorant to
understand the complexities of international politics and they, the world's corporate elite, must
teach them. Strangely, these very arrogant statements have not been denounced as “racist” by the
left. It is very difficult to read this report, so condescending and arrogant – it shows a very
different side of the corporate elite. The left will use racism if the group in question does not
serve it.
The ICG lists these corporations as its main supporters: APCO Worldwide Inc., Atlas
Copco AB, BG Group plc, Chevron, Edelman UK, Equinox Partners, HSBC Holdings plc
MetLife, Shell, Yapı Merkezi Construction and Industry Inc. Among its foundation support can
be found: Adessium Foundation, Carnegie Corporation of New York, Global Dialogue, Henry
Luce Foundation, Humanity United, John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation
Open Society Foundations, Open Society Initiative for West Africa, Ploughshares Fund, Robert
Bosch Stiftung, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Tinker Foundation, Inc. Looking at similar lists from
Amnesty International, there is no question that these groups are simply the “activist” arm of the
corporate elite and cannot be seriously disconnected from it.3
There are literally hundreds of organizations dedicated to spreading such propaganda
about Burma. However, the Burmese government and scholars sympathetic to the military
government have not been silent. Though it received no attention in the media, a major academic
conference was called in Rangoon, the capital of Burma, under the auspices of the Burmese
Foreign Service. It was entitled “Seminar on the Understanding of Myanmar,” and it dealt
specifically with the economic situation as well as the human rights record of the military
government. The seminar was called precisely to debunk many of the myths the western press
and academic establishment had been parroting for years. Many of the facts and statistics come
from this conference, but the paper does not totally reply upon it.
2 This is not the definition of paranoia. The term comes from the Greek “para” that is, “in excess of” and “nous” or
reason. It refers to the state of mind of the author of this very passage: the demand that the world conform to
one's ideological categories. It is the pathological condition where these categories take on a life of their own and
filter all information, leaving only facts that conform to them. The authors of that piece most certainly qualify.
The Burmese army, on the other hand, have done nothing other than to recount the facts.
3 This list can be found almost without alteration among the major NGOs that are involved in “color revolutions”
around the globe. This removes any doubt that the elite of the elite are involved in destroying these societies.
Disagreement at this point comes from dishonesty only.
Aung San Suu Kyi has been leading the Myanmar "pro-democracy" opposition
for over a decade and has garnered support from every globalist cadre, think-tank,
and organization imaginable. In addition to the now fully discredited Nobel Peace
Prize, she was also a finalist in the Chatham House Prize 2011, and not
surprisingly a benefactor of corporate-funded, duplicitous "pro-bono" legal
service Freedom Now. Aung San Suu Kyi herself, was born into an immensely
wealthy and politically well connected family. She studied abroad, worked for the
UN in New York City, and received a Ph.D from the University of London before
returning to Myanmar to lead the “pro-democracy” movement. Whatever her
convictions may really be, the West has fully hijacked her movement as a means
of removing the current military junta and replacing it with one more conducive to
their corporate agenda, which most assuredly has nothing to do with "democracy
for the people.”
The western “color revolution” scheme is really the imposition of a simplistic morality
play onto complex political events. As with all of these schemes, there is a “good guy.” This is
usually a lovable leader (such as Nelson Mandela) that receives nothing but positive media
coverage. Any negative views are squashed or explained away. They are granted a super-human
status. This also includes the movement they head. These movements are always and without
exception organized and granted their ideological platform by western corporate elites. Their
protest signs are often in English and they are comprised almost exclusively of upper middle
class youth.
The “good guys” are always peaceful and the “regime” or “ruling party” always engages
in irrational actions to destroy them. In Ukraine, for example, it was said that “snipers” were
shooting protesters “at random” during the protests of 2014. This, of course, makes no sense
from the government's point of view. The gunmen have been shown to be from the NGOs
themselves. It would make no sense to shoot random protesters since a) it would be totally
ineffective in such a mass-riot situation b) it would be sure to receive the harshest condemnation
in the western press and c) might destroy the government's domestic support.
In Syria, to use another example, the absurd story of the government's use of chemical
weapons in their own capital city while they were winning was particularly silly and has long
been discredited. However, “experts” in academia and journalism continue to recycle this old
yarn as truth.
If there is a “good guy,” there must also be a “bad guy.” In this case, it is a military
government that, in English, had the acronym of SLORC. Straight out of Hollywood, like ISIS, it
is the typically harsh sounding “bad guy name.” The bad guys from Milosevic to Qaddafi, are
incapable of goodness and are irredeemably evil.
One aspect of the “color revolution” nonsense is that once the new regime has been
installed, it usually drops out of the news quickly. This is because the new regime exists to keep
order while western bankers strip the nation of its assets and reduce it to a highly specialized raw
materials exporter. Western-sponsored “revolutions” have, without fail, ended in misery and
destruction: South Africa, Egypt, Yugoslavia, the USSR, Libya and South Africa are just five
examples, and Burma will soon join them. They all ended in the same pit of disintegration.
The “color revolutions” therefore, only concern the stripping of a nation's assets.
“Privatization” is little more than the transfer of ownership from local authorities to global elites,
who them liquidate these forms and take whatever equity has been invested. The state sector has
performed well in Burma. Its purpose is to maintain a populist course that keeps land from being
concentrated in banks or other corporate owners . That is what “democracy” means in the west
and non-western societies, Russia included, see “democracy” as an economic rather than as a
political category.
4 All statistics come from the World Bank's very useful interactive database.
Taylor, 2015: 506)
The Kokang and Wa regions, the main poppy cultivation and production areas,
were under the domination of the Burma Communist Party (BCP) from the late
1960s until 1989. It was only in March and April 1989 that Kokang andWa
national groups split with the BCP and revolted against them. Joining hands with
the government, they eventually succeeded in liberating these areas from the
stranglehold of the BCP.
The most significant events and milestones in the history of drugs are the peace
agreements reached between the government and the major insurgent groups in
early 1990s and the unconditional surrender of Khun Sa and his Mong Tai Army
in January 1996. Up to the present, altogether 27 armed groups have made peace
and are working their differences out under government sponsorship in all-round
regional development projects on an unprecedented scale. They chose to abandon
armed struggle and joined hands with the government in launching development
programs in these far-flung areas to catch up with the mainstream of the country.
So far, this statement has not been contradicted by any major Western writer since it was
released. Unfortunately, Burma is in a relatively similar situation to Colombia or Peru in this
respect, except for the fact that the Burmese army is more disciplined than those in Latin
America. Michael Collins Piper had this to say about Burma in his 1997 article in The Spotlight:
Myanmar’s real war on drugs, not alleged human rights violations, has made it a
target of the globalists. The Asian nation’s assertion of its sovereignty is
threatening the multi-billion drug trade run by its former colonial master. It is no
coincidence that none other than George Soros should lead the assault against
Myanmar. Apart from being the master destabilizer of currencies, Soros also leads
the assault in the United States and elsewhere to legalize drugs. (September 15,
1997, 3).
Burma is no Ethiopia or Cambodia. Its rulers are basically decent men. Ne Win is
personally squeamish about shedding blood. … This kind of regime will continue
as long as one can foresee. One either comes to terms with it and tries to influence
it, or one abdicates (quoted from Talor, 2015: 463)
Other foreign visitors said this about the military in their relationship to ethnic areas:
Battalions in action have the strictest instructions to cooperate with the local
population, to buy their supplies from them, and to protect them from retaliation.
The Burma army does not have a reputation of a marauder within its own country.
Discipline is strict and on the whole behaviour toward the ethnic groups is very
good (ibid).
In fact, in a recent speech before a major conference on Burma in the U.S., Burmese
Ambassador U Linn Myiang claimed that the government had reduced the production of opium
to nearly a quarter of what it was six years ago. This was brought about through both positive
and negative sanctions. In addition, these figures have been officially accepted by both the
United States and the United Nations, according to the ambassador. Furthermore, the US, under
the Carter Administration, sent numerous armored helicopters to Burma to assist in their drug
war (Taylor, 2015: 433).
What the Myanmar-China pipelines will allow is routing of oil and gas from
Africa (Sudan among other sources) and the Middle East (Iran, Saudi Arabia)
independent of dependence on the vulnerable chokepoint of the Malacca Strait.
Myanmar becomes China’s “bridge” linking Bangladesh and countries westward
to the China mainland independent of any possible future moves by Washington
to control the strait (Engdahl, 2007).
Therefore, it is clear that the rise of Aung San Suu Kyi has everything to do with
Washington's geopolitical demand that leverage be placed on China. Her control of military
5 The author would like to thank the late Michael Collins Piper for much of this information.
forces rebelling against the Burmese state mean that China has to now listen to a highly
impressionable, western-educated leader financed largely by the National Institute for
Democracy (ibid). What began as a victory for China has now turned into a defeat.
If Burma were any other Third World country, the college girl airheads with their protest
signs would be looking for another target. For anyone to truly know the Burmese situation
concerning drug terror, regional violence, ethnic succession and the legacy of colonial
exploitation, it would seem that the leftist protesters would be demonstrating in favor of the
government, especially if it resided in Africa. What is special about Burma?
To begin to answer this question, one needs to look to the perennial player in the global
intelligence scene, the Israeli Mossad and the politics of an operative named Andrew Evered
Allen of San Francisco and Marin County, California. Allen is significant because he is a board
member, as well as the founder, of an organization called the Burma Foundation. It also happens
that Allen has long-standing involvement in CIA intrigues.
Also within this cast of characters is the National Endowment for Democracy (NED),
which is a federal organization designed to subvert any government which Soros and his likes do
not approve. The NED is closely related to the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, as the
NED’s founder, Carl Gershman, was on the board of the ADL. Therefore, there is an immediate
connection between Andrew Allen, George Soros, the ADL and the federal government of the
United States under the auspices of the NED, which has, in Michael Collins Piper’s words, a
“multilayered” global presence.
Allen’s CIA connection came out in various depositions in a civil court case that took
place in the early 1990s against Liberty Lobby, a populist publishing institution inWashington,
D.C. In Allen’s case, he bragged in recorded court depositions about his role in Burma as well as
in Afghanistan where he ran supplies to the CIA-funded, anti-Soviet guerrillas who were being
directed in the field by Israel’s Mossad. Therefore, the Burma Foundation as well as the NED has
a CIA connection of indisputable repute.
For the record, Allen was also the key operative in the destruction of the Institute for
Historical Review, an organization that was the world leader in the investigation and publishing
of Revisionist (authentic) history until its violent end in 1993. Many of the ethnic insurgencies
were not ethnic at all, but ethnicity was used as a cover for the true interest of the war, namely
the existence of narco-terror squads which became fabulously wealthy.
The CIA, in its authoritative fact book for 1994, made the claim that Burma, at that time,
was the world’s most prolific promoter of the heroin and opium trades. In Burma, that was
controlled by the Shan United Army, the major beneficiary for Burmese heroin. The commander
was the infamous Khun Sa, who fought a bitter civil war with the Burmese government, and
specifically, the anti-drug, nationalist government that took power in 1988. It should be noted
that it was this United Army that used its far-flung drug connections to make the allegations
about “human rights” abuses of the Burmese government.
Michael Collins Piper writes further about the odd intrigues of CIA agent Allen: “In fact,
Allen revealed that his ties to the so-called “Free Burma” movement go the whole way to the top.
Allen admitted that when the Burmese rebel opposition leader (whom Allen described as the
“democratically elected” prime minister) came to the United States, “he stayed with me.”
According to Allen, “He was visiting the United States to go and speak at the UN and on his way
there he had stopped in the bay area.” When asked how the Burmese radical leader just happened
to stop off at Allen’s house, of all the locations in the hotel-rich tourist town of San Francisco,
Allen said, “Somebody called me and said ‘Could he stay with you along with the finance
minister?’ so they did.”
Who was it that called Allen and arranged for the foreign dignitaries to stay at the Allen
home? Allen chirped, “I can’t remember.” When asked why the supposedly forgotten individual
or agency called on Allen for his services, the covert operative responded sarcastically, “They
knew I had a house with an extra room or two.”
When asked if he was surprised that he had such high-level international dignitaries
staying at his home, Allen commented, “No, I was honored,” and then added that the Burmese
finance minister “was later killed.” Therefore, it is undeniable that the Burmese domestic
opposition is a creature of the CIA. They would have no contact with or knowledge of Andrew
Allen if it were any other way.
Therefore, the darling of the jet set the world over, “democracy activist” Aung San Suu
Kyi, is in prison not because she “threatens” the military establishment with her “democratic”
rhetoric, but because she is part of a CIA-Mossad cabal to destabilize the Burmese government
for the sake of the drug trade. It should be repeated that Soros is a leading advocate for the
legalization of heroin in America,meaning that if the military regime in Burma were to collapse,
the opium and heroin trade would continue apace, with massive profits accruing to whoever
controlled this “opposition,” which in this case is the CIA and Soros.
In 2011, Tony Cartalucci wrote:
Having been a British colony for 124 years and the perpetual target of attempted
recolonization ever since its independence from Britain in 1948, Myanmar, still
called by its imperialist label "Burma" by the Western corporate media has gone
through extreme lengths to remain a sovereign nation-state. The US Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) and British intelligence have been raising, funding, and
arming narco-defacto states throughout Myanmar for decades while US
government organizations including the National Endowment for Democracy
(NED) and its numerous subsidiaries, along with private, corporate-funded
foundations have been funding political opposition to Myanmar's ruling
government both inside the nation and abroad for nearly as long.
He states further:
Far from a critical report of foreign meddling in Myanmar, the report concludes
that the millions of dollars and extensive networks created to overthrow the
government of Myanmar are insufficient and that more help should be lent. While
Suu Kyi is portrayed as a saintly "beacon of freedom" or "Burma's first lady of
freedom" as TIME magazine once called her, she is in fact merely another Wall
Street-London creation, a puppet misleading people into the political bear-traps of
neo-imperialism (op cit).
There is absolutely no reason to believe the Saffron Revolution will end in any way
different from the previous “color revolutions” in the recent past.
Conclusion
In the 1962, the Social nationalist ideology of the Burmese military stated the following
concerning their economic philosophy:
Fraudulent practices, profit motive, easy living, parasitism, shirking and
selfishness must be eradicated. We must so educate the people that to earn one’s
living by. One’s own labour and to see dignity in one’s own work comes into
vogue. We must educate, lead by example and guide the people away from the
base notion that it is beneath one’s dignity to work by the sweat of one’s brow.
Attempts must be made by various correct methods to do away with bogus acts of
charity and social work for vainglorious show, bogus piety and hypocritical
religiosity, etc., as well as to foster and applaud bona fide belief and practice of
personal morals as taught by eithics (sic) and traditions of every religion and
culture. We will resort to education, literature, fine arts, theatre and cinema, etc.,
to bring into vogue the concept that to serve others’ interests is to serve one's own
(BRC, 1962, sections 16-17).
However, such views are difficult to impose on a poor country, a victim of earlier British
imperialism, while surrounds by powers quite interested in destroying any sense of socialism,
nationalism or traditionalism of any kind. Moving to the present era, this is showin in Ramon
Glazov's views on the “popular protests” which eventually led to the ending of military rule:
For years, the IMF has been pushing developing countries to kill fuel subsidies
designed to lower the price of petrol (and hence transportation, and hence most
consumer goods). So when the IMF sent a delegation to Myanmar in 2007, the
Burmese government decided to impress their shock doctrine sahibs by chopping
those pesky free-lunch subsidies. The price per gallon doubled immediately, from
$1.40 to $2.80. This, in a country where most people earn about $2 a day.
Myanmar’s biggest demonstrations since ’88 – the first where government troops
attacked monks – weren’t sparked by Aung San Suu Kyi’s three house arrests
(Glazov, 2011) .
In politics, nothing is ever what it seems. The uninformed are engaging in a bit of
sacrifice-less moral back patting, but the facts of the case tell a different story. The story is that of
a drug-soaked, exploited colony of the Masonic and drug-dealing British empire rising up after
World War II to independence, only to find itself loaded with ethnic strife, drug terror and an
impoverished rural population.
Therefore, the government’s position, at least since 1988, has been to nurture the
domestic economy through local channels to serve local needs, that is, to keep the country from
being a colony of the dynamic powerhouse of China or of Japan. The success of the Burmese
nationalist regime is the reason why the international orchestra of deceit, drugs and death
screeches for its destruction. Its future is now in the hands of Aung San Suu Kyi. This does not
bode well for the country.
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